Intestate Succession in South Africa: The Westernization of Customary Law Practices within a Modern Constitutional Framework


INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA: THE
"WESTERNIZATION" OF CUSTOMARY LAW PRACTICES
WITHIN A MODERN CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK

I. INTRODUCTION

The Republic of South Africa is in a period of reform, attempting to
carve a unified and democratic nation from the remnants of centuries of
foreign interference and over four decades of apartheid rule that ended in the
early 1990s. Indigenous peoples living in the rural areas of South Africa,
ostracized and ethnically segregated for generations, have come to rely on a
system of customary law in order to regulate the traditional practices and
norms that make up their daily lives. The new Constitution of the Republic of
South Africa was adopted in 1996. Its goal is to unite the country and all of
its diverse peoples into one solid democracy in which equality is guaranteed
to every citizen. However, the Constitution also expressly recognizes the
benefits inherent in cultural diversity and therefore espouses continued
acceptance of the various systems of customary law in place in South Africa.

This Note, using intestate succession procedures in South Africa as an
example, proposes that the recognition given to customary law in the new
Constitution is scarcely more than lip service and that, if reform movements
in other areas of law follow a path similar to the movement for intestate
succession, customary law will soon be no more than an insignificant aspect
in what will effectively become a completely "Westernized" South Africa.

11. SouTH AFRICAN HISTORY

A. Ethnic Division

The Republic of South Africa's colorful history goes back many
centuries.' As the southernmost country on the African continent, the area has
been the goal of successive groups of invaders - from the earliest hominids,
through the Stone and Iron ages, to the Khoisan peoples, and finally to the
Bantu.' European presence began in 1652 with the Dutch occupation of Table
Bay. The British seized the area, now known as Cape Town in 1795, and

1. See generally ROGER B. BECK, THE HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA (2000), for a
comprehensive historical discussion of Southern Africa from 4 million B.C.E. - 1999, including
an extensive timeline of historical events.

2. See South Africa: History, at http://www.comptons.conmencyclopedia/ARTICLES/
0150/01709056..A. html (last visited Sept. 16, 2000); J.D. OMER-COOPER, HISTORY OF
SOUTHERN AFRICA 1-16 (2d ed. 1994) (background information about the Khoisan-peoples and
Bantu-speaking settlements).

3. See generally South Africa Post-Colonial History: Recent History, at http:/Iwww.



IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REV.

colonized it in 1815, using it as a naval base.' Determined to obtain control
of the gold mines in Transvaal, the British defeated the Boer armies in the
1899 Boer War' and in May 1910 Britain formally declared the Union of
South Africa a dominion under her crown.'

In 1948, Jan Smuts,7 a South African World War II leader and member
of the United Party, lost the general election to the Nationalist Party.8 The
Nationalist Party (NP) ran on a platform that stressed ethnic separation,
including the prevention of mixed marriages, the removal of certain blacks
from the common voters' roll, and the segregation of all cities and towns into
four distinct ethnic residential areas, or Group Areas.9 As leader of the NP,
Daniel Malan commenced putting a system of apartheid 0 into practice, which

newafrica.com/history/ southafrica/post_colonial.htm (last visited Sept. 16,2000). Now known
as Cape Town, the Dutch East Indian fleets used Table Bay as a halfway port. See id. See also
T.R.H. DAVENPORT & M.F. KATZEN, A HISTORY oFSOUTH AFRICA TO 1870 187-232 (Monica
Wilson & Leonard Thompson eds., 1982) (discussing the Dutch settlement of Table Bay and
the development of a White Colonial community between 1652-1778); OMER-COo'ER, supra
note 2, at 17-34 (discussing the establishment and early development of the Cape Colony,
including commentary on the introduction of slave labor, Colonial expansion, Khoisan reactions
to the European presence and the early development of racial attitudes at the Cape).

4. See South Africa Post-Colonial History: Recent History, supra note 3.
5. The British referred to the 1899 war as the Boer (or Anglo-Boer) War, while the

Afrikaners referred to it as the Second War of Freedom (the first being the Anglo-Transvaal
War). See BECK, supra note 1, at 92. All South Africans, black and white, were eventually
pulled into the conflict, thus making it a civil war as well as an imperialist war. See id. Many
historians today, therefore, refer to it as the South African War. See id. For an in-depth
analysis of events leading up to the Boer War and the resulting White domination following the
War, see T.R.H. DAVENPORT, SOUTH AFRICA: A MODERN HisTORY 97-169 (1977).

6. See South Africa Post-Colonial History: Recent History, supra note 3.
7. Smuts, a World War I hero, was also an Afrikaner General in the Boer War. See

BECK, supra note 1, at 93. He later served as Deputy Prime Minister of South Africa. See id.
at 103. He had become a "major figure on the world scene" by the end of World War IH. Id.
at 123. Smuts played a substantial role in the post-war formation of the United Nations. See
id. "In one of the supreme ironies of the twentieth century, Smuts was asked to draft the
Preamble to the Untied Nations Charter." Id. Ironically, Smuts, who endorsed White
superiority and racial segregation, drafted a document that called for the nations of the world
"to guarantee fundamental human rights, individual dignity, and nondiscrimination between the
sexes, none of which Smuts guaranteed in South Africa." Id.

8. See South Africa: History, supra note 2.
9. See id.

10. The doctrine of apartheid espoused the separation of every race and nation so that
each would develop to the fullest along its own inherent lines. See South Africa Post-Colonial
History: Recent History, supra note 3. Each racial group maintained its own territorial area
within which to develop its unique cultural personality. See id. "Apartheid was separation by
race and separation by location." LINDSAY MICHIE EADES, THE END OF APARTHEID IN SOUTH
AFRICA 33 (1999). Scholars debate whether apartheid consisted merely of separation by
another name, albeit involving more ruthless tactics. See NIGEL WORDEN, THE MAKING OF
MODERN SOUTH AFRICA 105 (3d ed. 2000). See id. at 74-136 for a detailed analysis of the
segregationist ideas and policies that led to the apartheid regime's formation and the tactics
which defined the heyday of apartheid in South Africa from the 1950s to 1976. See also L.E.
NEAME, THE HISTORY OF APARTHEID (1962) (discussing the general history dating to Dutch
occupation of Table Bay in 1652); GwENDOLEN M. CARTi, THE POLITIcs OF INEQUALTY:

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led to a series of interrelated laws and measures aimed at restructuring South
African society."

South Africa withdrew from the British Commonwealth in 1961 and
became a republic. That same year, the African National Congress (ANC)12

formed a military wing under the leadership of Nelson Mandela.13 The group
opposed the NP's repressive policies and attempted to force the government
to negotiate by attacking white-owned property, while at the same time trying
to avoid causing harm to people. 4 The government detained Mandela in 1962
and sentenced him to life imprisonment in 1964 on charges of sabotage.' 5

Nevertheless, he remained a focal point for opposition to apartheid.' 6

Hendrik Verwoerd, who gained control of South Africa in 1958,'17 is
generally known as apartheid's chief architect and leading ideologue.' s He
took the first steps toward a new version of apartheid that replaced explicit
racism as a rationale for the denial of civil rights to blacks. The new version
rationalized territorial segregation on the grounds that the Native Reserves

SOUTH AFRICA SINCE 1948 75-118 (1958) (discussing apartheid's effects on specific racial
groups and detailing various acts that the government passed between the 1948 election and the
mid-1950s); EADES, supra (discussing the historical background of apartheid, the crisis point
reached in the 1980s due to the economic strains and conflicting nature of its ideology, and the
system's eventual collapse in the 1990s); and WORDEN, supra, at 137-69 (discussing the decline
and fall of apartheid).

11. The Malan government introduced the following laws and measures between 1948-
1959 with the purpose of conforming South African society to the doctrine of apartheid: the
Population Registration Act, which provided for the classification of the entire population on
the basis of race; the Immorality Act, banning sexual relations between whites and blacks, was
extended to include relations between whites and coloreds; inter-racial marriages were
forbidden: the Group Areas Act served to intensify urban segregation by designating particular
residential areas for specific races; race segregation in public places was introduced on a
widespread basis and was given legislative sanction by the Separate Amenities Act, which
stated that separate amenities need not be of equal standard; the Bantu Education Act removed
black education from the care of the ministry of education to that of native affairs; the Extension
of University Education Act removed the right of non-white students to attend certain
previously available universities; and, in order to protect itself against radical opposition, the
government introduced the Suppression of Communism Act, banned the South African
Communist Party, and decreed that persons named as communists could be subjected to a wide
range of restrictions. See South Africa Post-Colonial History: Recent History, supra note 3.

12. The ANC, formed in 1912, saw its members become active protesters of the NP's
policies in the 1950s. Early tactics consisted primarily of mass civil disobedience. See id.

13. See generally ANTHONYSAMPSON, MANDELA (1999), for acomprehensive biography
separated into distinct segments of the leader's life, from his birth in 1918 through 1999. See
also NELSON MANDELA, LONG WALKTO FREEDOM (1994) (autobiography); NELSON MANDELA,
NELSON MANDELA SPEAKS: FORGING A DEMOCRATIC NONRAacIAL SouT AFRICA (Steve Clark
ed., 1993) (various speeches given by Mandela between 1990-1993, the formative years leading
toward constitutional reform).

14. See South Africa Post-Colonial History: Recent History, supra note 3.
15. See id.
16. See id.
17. Hard-linerJ.G. Strydomreplaced Daniel Malan in 1954. See id. Verwoerd succeeded

to control four years later upon Strydom's death. See id.
18. See id.

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IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REV.

constituted the historic homelands of different African nations.'9 The idea was
to lead the homelands to individual self-government while maintaining the
balance of power in the hands of government-appointed chiefs.Y° The
government's interest in reducing the settled population of Africans in white
areas grew during this time and culminated in the launch of a massive
campaign to force Africans into overcrowded homelands.2' Measures were
more drastic than those taken during the early stages of apartheid and thus
required more ruthless repression to enforce them.22

B. Movement Toward Reform

Change loomed on the horizon in 1978 when P.W. Botha succeeded as
prime minister of South Africa.? Under Botha, the government took steps
toward reform,' including approval in 1983 for the creation of a tricameral

19. See id. The 1913 Natives Land Act set up the "Native Reserves." See Z. Pallo
Jordon, The National Question in Post 1994 South Africa, at http//:www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/
discussion/natquestion.html (last visited Feb. 9, 2001). The government set aside 13% of the
nation's land area for Africans and effectively disallowed them from owning land in the
remaining 87% of the country except by special license. Under Verwoerd, the government
passed the Bantu Self-government Act in 1961, supposedly as the first step in granting
independence to the developing "bantu nations." The "Native Reserves" were now redefined
as "Bantu homelands" and any claims by Africans in the rest of the country were illegitimate
and viewed as "intrinsically seditious." This was the beginning of the South African
"Homeland" system. See id.

20. See id. The South African government granted "Independence" to Transkei (1976),
Bophuthatswana (1977), Venda (1979). and Ciskei (1981). each of which utilized a
parliamentary government (all remained dependent on South Africa for financial support). See
South Africa: History, supra note 2. The remaining six homelands were territorial authorities,
having much autonomy but remaining part of the republic. See id. The charade of
"decolonization" (i.e. granting so-called "independence" to some homelands, or Bantustans,
while at the same time continuing to forcibly remove "surplus" Africans to those Bantustans)
fooled no one; indeed, foreign governments refused to recognize the "independent" Bantustans.
See BECK, supra note 1, at 165-66.

21. See South Africa Post-Colonial History: Recent History, supra note 3. Between 1960
and 1970 the government forcibly resettled more than 1.5 million Africans. See id.

22. See id. Powers of the security police were greatly extended at this time. See id. In
1968, the state security services were centralized under the authority of the Bureau of State
Security. Statistics demonstrating an increase in the number of people who died in police
custody supported reports of widespread torture. See id.

23. See WORDEN, supra note 10, at 138.
24. The balance of security-related influence shifted from the police to the armed forces

with the abolishment of the Bureau of State Security. See South Africa Post-Colonial History:
Recent History, supra note 3. The state security council became the primary decision-making
organ, which greatly reduced the roles of the NP and parliament. Racial job restrictions were
abolished and trade union rights further extended. The government repealed laws prohibiting
inter-racial marriages and extra-marital sexual relations, as well as restrictions on multiracial
sports participation. A president's council made upof nominated Coloureds and Indians, along
with white nominees, replaced the senate and proposed the establishment of a tricameral
parliament comprising separate houses for each group (blacks were denied inclusion in the
central parliament, though the need for some political representation for the black population

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legislature under a new constitution.' Although the United Democratic Front
(UDF)26 promoted rejection of the constitutional plan based on its failure to
provide representation for the black majority, elections were held in 1984 for
the Colored House of Representatives and the Indian House of Delegates.'
The electoral college chose Botha as the country's first executive president.2 8

In January 1989, Botha withdrew from his official duties due to illness.29 His
successor, F.W. de Klerk, gave little indication of any radical intentions upon
entering as the new president.' However, in response to increasing
international and internal pressures on the government, 3 President de Klerk
took dramatic steps in February 1990. He released Nelson Mandela; he lifted
bans on 36 different political organizations, including the ANC and UDF; he
announced that the government intended to begin negotiating with black
leaders, with a view toward a new constitution based on universal franchise;
and he stated that the government would establish an independent judiciary to
guarantee equality of every citizen, regardless of race. 32 The end of 1990 saw
the virtual disappearance of the remnants of traditional social segregation.33

In early 1991, de Klerk announced to parliament that all remaining legislation
enshrining apartheid was to be repealed, including the Group Areas Act and

in the towns was recognized). See id. But see EADES, supra note 10, at 48 (noting that,
although Botha's regime introduced reforms and insisted that Africans would be included in
politics at the national level, it soon became apparent that a real change was not forthcoming
for the African population). Education, health, and welfare reforms were minor and, most
importantly, the government continued to resettle African peoples. See id.

25. See South Africa: History, supra note 2. The new constitution, which took effect in
1984, set up an executive system with separate legislatures for Whites, Coloureds, and Indians,
but none for Blacks. See id.

26. Various groups opposed to apartheid, including many with church affiliations and
with multiracial memberships, formed the UDF in 1983 to further their anti-apartheid message.
See South Africa Post-Colonial History: Recent History, supra note 3. The UDF won strong
support from both Coloured voters (only 18% of whom participated in the presidential election)
and Indian voters (even lower participation). See id.

27. See id.
28. See id.
29. See id.
30. See id.
31. See EADES, supra note 10, at 77-99. Many intellectuals in South Africa, as well as

a majority of the NP, were convinced by 1989 that apartheid was an unsustanable option in the
country and that the government should adopt the ANC as a negotiating partner. See South
Africa Post-Colonial History: Recent History, supra note 3. In the U.S. President Bush began
initiating a more active approach towards democratic change in South Africa. Representatives
of the ANC, the NP, various African states, and both the U.S. and the former U.S.S.R. attended
informal meetings in the United Kingdom. In September 1989, the U.S. indicated that if moves
were not made within six months to release Nelson Mandela, President Bush would assent to
an extension of economic sanctions against South Africa. See id.

32. See id.
33. See id. The government repealed the Separate Amenities Act - an important symbol

of apartheid - in October 1990. See id. Polls in 1990 indicated a high degree of pessimism
among South African Whites over the future of the country. See EADES, supra note 10, at 96.

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IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REv.

the Population Registration Act. 4 The so-called "legal revolution" was
complete by the end of June 1991.35 In March 1992, white voters approved a
referendum to end apartheid, setting the stage for party conferences to prepare
for an interim constitution 36 and the frst-ever multiracial general election in
South Africa.37

The ANC won the 1994 election with a convincing defeat of the
National Party.3" The new government of National Unity met on May 10,
1994, with Mandela as president and de Klerk as vice-president.39

III. RESTRUCTURING SOUTH AFRICA

A. A New Constitution

After nearly two years of negotiation, South Africa adopted a new
majority-rule constitution on May 8, 1996.' The new Constitution, as the
"supreme law of the Republic,"' advocates a broad acceptance of
democracy.42 Indeed, visions of democracy and national unification were the

34. See supra note 11 (briefly describing the Acts). In all, over 100 pieces of
discriminatory legislation were repealed. See South Africa: History, supra note 2.

35. See South Africa Post-Colonial History: Recent History, supra note 3. The NP
responded favorably by altering its own constitution, opening membership to all races. The EC
and U.S. abandoned most economic sanctions, and the International Olympic Committee agreed
to readmit South Africa, whom they previously banned because of the country's repressive
policies. See id.

36. Talks between the government and the ANC in 1990 resulted in a Convention for a
Democratic South Africa (CODESA) to be held in late December 1991. See South Africa:
History, supra note 2. A later conference, CODESA 2, resulted in a committee to write the
interim constitution. See id. The new document was to include a "bill of rights, recognition of
minority language, cultural and civil rights, the creation of nine new provinces to replace old
political boundaries, acceptance of 11 official languages, and provision for the reabsorption of
the homelands into South Africa." Id.

37. See id.
38. See id. Following the election, with its basis for popular support dwindling, the

National Party began to lose prominent progressive members and became a mere shadow of its
previously-dominant affiliation. See id.'

39. See id. In recognition of their efforts to bring an end to the apartheid era, Mandela
and de Klerk each received the 1993 Nobel prize for peace. See id.

40. See South Africa Index: Constitutional Background, at http://www.uni-wuerzburg.
de/law/sf_indx.html(last visited Sept. 16, 2000). The Republic of South Africa ratified the
interim Constitution on December 22, 1993, and it went into effect in April 1994. See id.
Although the main features of the interim document were expected to remain in the final
Constitution, the goal was to utilize the interim Constitution for a five-year transitional period
in which a unified national government would attempt to end all ties with the past apartheid
regime. The Republic adopted the new Constitution on May 8, 1996, and it entered into force
in amended version on February 7, 1997. See id.

41. S. AFR. CONST. preamble.
42. For a brief discussion of the Constitution's main provisions, see South Africa

Constitution and Cabinet, at http://www.newafrica.com (last visited Sept. 21, 2000).

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

driving forces behind its formation, as evidenced by its Preamble.43 The
"new" South Africa vows not to base protection for peoples on ethnic or racial
characteristics, but rather to defend "fundamental human rights" and to
ensure that "every citizen is equally protected by law." 5 The country no
longer tolerates a system of segregation, but strives to be "united in ...
diversity."46

Although racial prejudices were the primary catalyst for a movement
toward reform, the new Constitution addresses a much broader spectrum of
discriminatory concerns. The Founding Provisions state that "[tihe Republic
of South Africa is one sovereign democratic state founded on the following
values: ... b) [n]on-racialism and non-sexism."' 7 The inclusive nature of the
Provisions is further demonstrated by section three, regarding citizenship:
"[a]ll citizens are... equally entitled to the rights, privileges and benefits of
citizenship."'8

This broader spectrum of concerns can best be observed in the Bill of
Rights, '9 the "cornerstone of democracy in South Africa." Based on the
long-standing tradition of ethnic oppression in South Africa, the Bill of Rights
is arguably the Constitution's most significant feature, barring discrimination
directly or indirectly against anyone on the basis of "race, gender, sex,
pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour [sic], sexual
orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language...
[or] birth."'"

With a view toward expansive protection of the aforementioned rights,
the framers of the Constitution made the courts readily accessible to those
wishing to redress a situation in which their fundamental rights are

43. Preamble of the new Constitution:
We, the people of South Africa, Recognise [sic] the injustices of our past;
Honour [sic] those who suffered for justice and freedom in our land; Respect
those who have worked to build and develop our country; and Believe that South
Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity. We therefore,
through our freely elected representatives, adopt this Constitution as the supreme
law of the Republic so as to - Heal the divisions of the past and establish a
society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights;
Lay the foundations for a democratic and open society in which government is
based on the will of the people and every citizen is equally protected by law;
Improve the quality of life of all citizens and free the potential of each person;
and Build a united and democratic South Africa able to take its rightful place as
a sovereign state in the family of nations. May God protect our people ....

S. AFa. CONST. preamble.
44. Id.
45. Id.
46. Id.
47. S. APR. CONST. ch. 1, § I.
48. Id. § 3(2)(a).
49. See generally S. AFR. CONST. ch. 2.
50. Id. § 7(l).
51. Id. § 9(3).

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IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REv.

threatened.52 When interpreting the Bill of Rights, a court must "promote the
values that underlie an open and democratic society based on human dignity,
equality and freedom."53

The new Constitution provides for various state institutions whose
primary mission is to support constitutional democracy.54 Examples include
the Human Rights Commission;55 the Commission for the Promotion and
Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities;'
and the Commission for Gender Equality. 7 As a complement to the various
state institutions vested with authority to investigate constitutional concerns,
the new Constitution provides a specific, judicial enforcement mechanism in
the Constitutional Court."1 The eleven-member Court59 is the highest court in
South Africa with regard to all constitutional matters. 60 It deals solely with
constitutional matters and issues connected with decisions on those matters.6

B. Conflicting Ideals

Part of what remained in 1993 from centuries of ethnic separation,
including the regime of apartheid and the homeland system, were the various
rural units of indigenous peoples in South Africa. 2 Indeed, this predominantly
black segment of society constituted a majority of the South African popula-

52. Judicial standing is given to:
(a) (a]nyone acting in their own interest; (b) anyone acting on behalf of another
person who cannot act in their own name; (c) anyone acting as a member of, or
in the interest of, a group or class of persons; (d) anyone acting in the public
interest; and (e) an association acting in the interest of its members.

Id. § 38.
Further, "[e]veryone has the right to have any dispute... decided in a fair public hearing

before a court... ." Id. § 34.
53. Id. § 39(l)(a).
54. See generally id. ch. 9.
55. See id. § 184. The objects of the Commission are to: "(a) promote respect for human

rights and a culture of human rights; (b) promote the protection , development and attainment
of human rights; and (c) monitor and assess the observance of human rights in the Republic."
Id. § 184(1).

56. See id. §§ 185-86. Included in the primary objects of the Commission are: "(a) to
promote respect for the rights of cultural, religious and linguistic communities;... and (c) to
recommend the establishment of recognition, in accordance with national legislation, of a
cultural or other council or councils for a community or communities in South Africa." Id. §
185(1).

57. See id. § 187. "The Commission for Gender Equality must promote respect for
gender equality and the protection, development and attainment of gender equality." id. §
187(1).

58. See generally id. ch. 8.
59. "The Constitutional Court consists of a President, a Deputy President and nine other

judges." Id. § 167 (1).
60. See id. § 167 (3).
61. See id. The Constitutional Court has the inherent power to protect and regulate its

own process, and to develop the common law "in the interests of justice." Id. § 173.
62. See BECK, supra note 1. at 188.

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tion.63 These groups continue to engage in traditional and often distinctive
cultural practices, which they regulate through a system of "customary law.""
Although today's South African government espouses unification of the
country's diverse peoples, it also recognizes the cultural benefits inherent in
that diversity.65 The Constitution seeks to protect customary law and its
practice by indigenous peoples.' The Bill of Rights states that "[e]veryone
has the right to use the language and to participate in the cultural life of their
choice. . . , 7 and that "[p]ersons belonging to a cultural... community may
not be denied the right ... to enjoy their culture ... ."" Further, chapter
twelve of the Constitution expressly recognizes traditional leadership and the
system of customary law. 9

Although the Constitution offers protection for the rights of indigenous
groups to practice cultural traditions and maintain a system of customary law,
questions arise as to whether it does so on a merely facial basis. A limitations
clause follows each grant of cultural freedom in the Bill of Rights and restricts
that grant to situations that are consistent with the Bill of Rights as a whole. °

Section thirty-six of the Constitution specifically addresses the general
limitation of rights and provides courts with a set of criteria to apply when
balancing competing rights and interests. 71 Since many customary law

63. The Transkei, Ciskei, Bophuthatswana, and Venda Bantustans together totaled over
seven million citizens at the time. See id.

64. "In South African jurisprudence, there is no single interpretation of the concept
Customary Law. It is however generally understood as the cumulative of all legislative
enactments and judicial pronouncements on African social tradition and custom." Yvonne
Mokgoro, The Customary Law Question in the South African Constitution, 41 ST. LOUIS U. L.J.
1279, 1281 (1997). Customary law is primarily unwritten and based largely on acceptance of
standards of behavior. See 7 GEOFFREY V. DAVIS, SOuTH AFRiCA 195 (Robert G. Neville et al.,
eds., 2 Rev. ed. 1994). For a general discussion of the concept of customary law see Mokgoro,
supra, at 1281-83.

65. See, e.g., S. AFR. CONST. § 6. Subpart (1) lists the eleven official languages of South
Africa, after which subpart (2) states "[r]ecognising [sic] the historically diminished use and
status of the indigenous languages of our people, the state must take practical and positive
measures to elevate the status and advance the use of these languages." Id. § 6(2).

66. There are two systems of law that are enforced in South Africa, Roman-Dutch
common law and customary law.

67. S. AFR. CONST. § 30.
68. Id. § 31(1)(a).
69. See id. ch. 12 § 211. Customary law is also expressly provided for in § 39, which

states in subpart (3) that "[tlhe Bill of Rights does not deny the existence of any other rights or
freedoms that are recognised [sic] or conferred by... customary law .... " Id. § 39.

70. See, e.g., id. §§ 30-3 1. Although the Constitution protects various cultural, religious
and linguistic freedoms, the rights may not be exercised "in a manner inconsistent with any
provision in the Bill of Rights." Id. This "subject to" idea is found in § 39 (recognizing
customary law) and § 211 (recognizing traditional leadership and customary law) as well. See
id. § 39(3), 211(1).

71. See id. § 36. The rights in the Bill of Rights can be limited in very few situations.
Relevant factors include: "(a) the nature of the right; (b) the importance of the purpose of the
limitation; (c) the nature and extent of the limitation; (d) the relation between the limitation and
its purpose; and (e) less restrictive means to achieve the purpose." Id. § 36(1). This clause

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IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REv.

practices result in discrimination,' the question arises whether such practices
can rationally be upheld under a constitution that specifically forbids such
conduct. 73

Intestate succession7' procedures demonstrate the difficulties encoun-
tered by the South African government in attempting to recognize and
maintain a system of customary law under the new Constitution and,
specifically, a Bill of Rights that espouses equality among all South Africans.

IV. INTESTATE SUCCESSION

A. Customary Law - Official Version

Customary laws were shaped by a pre-colonial society in which
patriarchy and an extended family structure were distinctive features."'
Patriarchy implied that senior males exercised all significant rights and
powers.76 "The extended family structure implied an extension of the nuclear
unit through polygynous marriages and through connections with ascending
and descending generations in the male line."77 A secure basis of support and
protection resulted from this expansive network of kin.7"

The key items of property in the subsistence-based pre-colonial economy
were land and livestock.79 The head of the family had overall control of this
property; however, his primary responsibility was providing for dependants.'
Thus, the entire family had an interest in the land and herds and, consequently,
customary law recognized outright ownership in very few items of property."

would presumably come into play in a court's consideration whether to apply customary law
in a case in which such application would be inconsistent with the common law and the general
principles of the Constitution (human dignity, equality, and freedom).

72. An example is the discrimination against women that is prevalent in the customary
law of intestate succession, which is based on the male-dominated system of primogeniture.

73. See generally Mokgoro, supra note 64; Yvonne Mokgoro, The Protection of Cultural
Identity in the Constitution and the Creation ofNational Unity in South Africa: A Contradiction
in Ternms?, 52 SMUL. REV. 1549 (1999) (discussing the apparent contradiction between cultural
identity and national unity under the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa).

74. A person dying without a will is said to have died intestate. THE HON M M CORBETr
ET AL, THE LAW OFSUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA 581 (H R Hahlo ed., Juta & Co, Ltd. 1980).
Intestate succession laws determine distribution of a person's property after death. See
generally id. at 581-90.

75. See South African Law Commission, Project 90, Discussion Paper 93, CustomaryLaw
§ 1.2 (2000) [hereinafter South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93].

76. See iL
77. Id.
78. See id.
79. See id. § 1.3.
80. See id.
81. See id. Recognition of complete ownership existed for only certain intimate items of

property such as "wearing apparel, tools of trade and the livestock that for ritual reasons were
deemed to belong to specific individuals." Id.

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

From this socio-economic structure, certain important principles of
succession developed within customary law. Individuals could not devise
property by will; rather, property had to pass by intestacy.8 2 Nor was property
divided into shares under the system.'3 The inheriting individual effectively
"stepped into the shoes" of the deceased, whose possessions, rights and duties
all transferred to the heir." Further, heirs were determined by their
relationship to the deceased through the male line only.' To summarize,
traditional customary law systems of succession in South Africa were
"intestate, universal and patrilineal."' 6 With regard to the patrilineal nature of
inheritance, the principle of male promigeniture guided customary
succession.8" Finally, the deceased's family privately regulated the system of
customary succession, without any interference from outside authorities in
most cases. 88

Traditional custom law succession, alternatively termed the "official"
version,89 revolved around the marital status of the deceased. 90 Where the
deceased was monogamous, the various systems of customary law in South
Africa were uniform in applying the law." The deceased's oldest son was the
first choice as heir.' If that son had already died, then the oldest son's oldest
son succeeded. 93 Failing any male issue in the oldest son's line, succession
passed to the deceased's second son and his male descendants.94 This process
continued through the line of all the deceased's sons, in order of seniority.9"

If a deceased had no male descendants, his father was heir.96 If the father
was dead, the deceased's oldest brother was heir, and if he was dead, the oldest
brother's oldest son, or, alternatively, the oldest surviving male descendant

82. See id. § 1.4.
83. See id. § 1.5.
84. See Harmonisation of the Common Law and Indigenous Law (Draft Issue Paper on

Succession), § 2 (1998). This process represents a true example of succession, which means
transmission of all the rights, duties, powers and privileges associated with a social status. See
South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, §1.5. Although the terms
"inheritance" and "succession" are often used interchangeably, inheritance really involves the
transmission of property rights only. See id.

85. See South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, § 1.6.
86. Harmonisation of the Common Law and Indigenous Law, supra note 84, § 2.
87. See id. "A deceased's heir is his oldest son, failing whom, the oldest son's oldest

male descendant." Id.
88. See South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, § 1.8. This

procedure is distinguishable from common law practice, under which the appointment of heirs
and distribution of the estate are supervised by state officials. See id.

89. See generally id. § 4.1.
90. See id.
91. See id. §§ 4.1.2-4.1.4.
92. See id. § 4.l.2.
93. See id.
94. See id.
95. See id.
96. See id

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IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REV.

was next in line.97 Failing the deceased's oldest brother and his descendants,
the next senior brother and his descendants were next to inherit.98 Failing any
male issue in the first order of male ascendants, the deceased's grandfather
succeeded, failing whom, the deceased's oldest paternal uncle or the uncle's
oldest male descendant. 99 Failing the paternal uncles, in order of seniority, and
their descendants, the estate passed to the next order of male ascendants.' °°

The process continued until the oldest male relation in a particular line of
ascendants became heir to the estate.'

Polygynous marriages necessitated a modification of the succession
process, because by there nature these marriages resulted in the male's
household being divided into separate "houses." "02 Each of a man's marriages
established an independent house, the property of which was kept separate
from his other houses because the heir to that house inherited the estate.'0 3 The
nature of the system of polygyny0 4 thereafter determined the order in which
the house heirs succeeded." If there were no male descendants within a
polygynous household, the order of succession followed the basic principles
of a monogamous marriage.'°

The "official" version of customary law prohibited a woman from
succeeding to the status of a man because she did not have the legal power to
perform typically male roles.0 7 Therefore, a woman neither succeeded to a
role as head of a family nor did she inherit property from her deceased
husband. However, provided that a widow was willing to remain at the
homestead of her deceased husband, she was entitled to support out of the
estate for the rest of her life.108

Marriages under customary law involved two families, not just the
individual spouses.109 At the husband's death, both families attempted to
ensure that the marital and family relationships continued with as little
disruption as possible." 0 In furtherance of this goal, the male heir would retain

97. See id.
98. See id.
99. See id

100. See id.
101. See id.
102. See id. §§ 4.1.5 -4.1.9.
103. See id.
104. The system of polygyny could be "simple" or "complex." For a discussion of each

system, See id. §§ 4.1.6 -4.1.8.
105. See id.
106. See id. § 4.1.9. In the unlikely event that a deceased had no male relatives, in the

"official" version of customary law a traditional leader took over the estate and was obligated
to provide for the deceased's family from estate assets. See id. § 4.1.10. Modem practice
would likely see the property escheat to the state. See id.

107. See id. § 4.1.11 (citing Myazi v. Nofenti, I NAC 74 (1904) and Kumalo v. Estate
Kumalo, 1942 NAC (N&T) 31.

108. See id.
109. See id. §4.10.2.1.
110. See id.

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

and protect the widow with the help of the deceased's family. If the deceased
left no male heir, or the widow was still capable of bearing children, she was
expected to enter a levirate union"' with one of her deceased's husband's
younger brothers. 2 The widow's support from her husband's estate, therefore,
did not come without attached strings.

Finally, the traditional customary law system of intestate succession
considered the deceased's male heir the owner of the estate, thus possessing
him with the right to dispose of the estate as he saw fit."3 His rights and
powers were subject only to the support duties he had toward the surviving
widow and children and tempered by his obligation to consult the widow
before disposing of major assets.'

B. Customary Law - Living Version

The outline of customary law offered above owes more to the nineteenth
century than it does to the present day... "It is now generally acknowledged
that the 'official version' of customary law, although frequently consulted as
the most readily available source, is often inaccurate and misleading."" 6

Socio-economic conditions have slowly but steadily changed in southern
African states," 7 resulting in a modern version of customary law, often termed
the "living" version."'

An independent study, Women and Law in Southern Africa Research
Trust (WLSA),"19 reported changes in the system of customary succession."'
It found that the lower courts of traditional rulers today stand prepared to

111. By entering a levirate union with her deceased husband's brother, for whom she was
expected to perform the normal duties of a wife, the woman retained support obligations from
the husband's family. See id. § 4.10.2.2. Although Colonial governments in South Africa made
no attempts to prohibit the institution of leviate unions, they did require that the widow enter
such a union voluntarily. Nevertheless, her freedom to choose was in practice narrowly
circumscribed due to the probable loss of support if she refused. See id.

112. See id.
113. See id. §4.1.12.
114. See id.
115. See id. § 4.2.1.
116. Id. § 4.2.2.
117. With monogamy as the norm today, the extended family structure constitutes a system

in decay. See id. This has led to a weakening of the support obligations owed to women and
children. Further, women have gained a higher status, resulting in wives often acting as
breadwinners in the family and playing traditionally "male" roles. See id.

118. See generally id. § 4.2.
119. Research into South African customary law practices is sparse. See id. § 4.2.3.

However, an independent group, Women and Law in Southern Africa Research Trust (WLSA),
has conducted an extensive investigation with regard to succession practices in Botswana,
Lesotho, Mozambique, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. South Africa was excluded from
this study; however, based on the numerous shared legal and social institutions among the
southern African states, the WLSA findings are a recommended tool for studying succession
in South Africa. See id.

120. See generally id. §§ 4.2.4 - 4.2.16.

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IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REV.

disregard the strict rules of customary law in order to respond more readily to
perceived social needs as, for example, where strict application would work
an injustice on a widow.'' Second, the WLSA study found that rules of
succession have changed somewhat. 22 The overall goal has become less of a
desire to uphold the patriarchal order and more to respond to the needs of the
deceased's survivors." In this regard, although the oldest son might still take
the largest share of the estate, other of the deceased's children inherit
individual portions as well.'"' Also in this regard, it appears that widows have
stronger estate claims today than they had under the "official" version of
customary law.'2 Such is often the case when the deceased has left young
children to raise.' This "tendency to allow a deceased's children and
surviving spouse to become the main beneficiaries of the estate realistically
accepts basic social needs."'2 7

Notwithstanding the increased attention and deference that have been
given to the position of widows and children in the modem system of custom
law succession, traditional rules have by no means disappeared. 12s In fact,
"[bly persisting alongside new and emergent rules, they give individuals an
opportunity to manipulate the dual system to their own advantage - and the
very flexibility and ambiguity of customary law can work against the welfare
of deserving beneficiaries."'" For instance, one method used by self-
interested heirs is to deny that the woman making a claim against the estate
was actually married to the deceased. 30 Considering that the formation of a
customary marriage is a potentially lengthy and ambiguous process,' denying
the existence of a marriage is not as difficult as it might seem. 32 Further,
where an informal union existed between the woman and the deceased, male
heirs have better claims to the estate. 33 Finally, it is important to note that

121. See id. § 4.2.4. Interestingly, higher courts (those further removed from the indi-
genous peoples), although aware of the two applicable "versions" of customary law, tend to
refer strictly to the "official" version. In effect, application in this way directly contravenes the
original purpose of customary law - "to create an environment conducive to the care and
protection of the deceased's family .. " Id.

122. See id. § 4.2.5.
123. See id.
124. See id. § 4.2.6. However, female children remain excluded when the estate contains

a minimal amount of property. See id.
125. See id. § 4.2.8.
126. See id.
127. Id. § 4.2.8. Succession in Botswana occurs not as a single event, but as a timely

process. See id. § 4.2.10. When a man dies, his estate effectively passes to his widow, who
exercises control until her own death. At that time, the oldest son inherits his portion of the
estate. See id.

128. See id. § 4.2.13.
129. Id. § 4.2.13.
130. See id. § 4.2.14.
131. See infra note 269.
132. See South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, at § 4.2.14.
133. See id. This holds true no matter how long the union existed between ihe woman and

the deceased. See id.

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

widows are rarely in a position to enforce their rights. 1 4 Maintaining family
peace and harmony is important, and women often waive any rights they might
have in order to preserve these attributes - that is, if the deceased's family has
not already simply overlooked the woman's rights, which is not unlikely.'35

C. Common Law

For South Africans who follow Roman-Dutch common law, dying inte-
state leads to application of the Intestate Succession Act.' 36 The Act is similar
to those found in many jurisdictions in the United States.'" Distribution of
intestate property follows a mechanical approach based on a hierarchy of
blood relations. 38 For instance, if the deceased is survived by a spouse, but
no descendants, then the spouse inherits the entire estate. 39 If the deceased is
survived by both a spouse and descendants, they divide the property among
them.14 Provisions are then made for situations in which the deceased is sur-
vived onlyby parents 4' or by siblings," and finally for the possibility that no
one from any of the aforementioned groups survives the deceased. 3 In that
case, "the other blood relation or blood relations of the deceased who are relat-
ed to him nearest in degree shall inherit the intestate estate in equal shares."'"

The Intestate Succession Act therefore provides a straight-forward
approach to property distribution upon death of the intestate. 41 Unlike

134. See id. § 4.2.16.
135. See id.
136. See generally Intestate Succession Act 81 of 1987.
137. See, e.g., IND. CODE ANN. § 29-1-2-1 (West 2000) (distribution of net intestate estates

in Indiana).
138. See generally Act 81, supra note 136, § 1(1). Spouses are given primary importance

in the distribution scheme. See id. § (l)(a); § 10)(c). The remainder of the interested parties
(other than adoptive children) constitute the blood relations of the decedent.

139. See id. § I(1)(a). In the opposite situation, in which the decedent is survived by a
descendant and no spouse, the descendant inherits the entire estate. See id. § I(1)(b).

140. See id. § I(1)(c).
141. See id. § l(1)(d).
142. See id. § 1(l)(e). Siblings include so-called "half-bloods" as well as whole-blood

relations. See id. § 1(2).
143. See id. § l(l)(f).
144. Id. The Act makes no provision for property distribution if the deceased dies leaving

no ascertainable blood relative. See generally Act 81, supra note 136. Presumably, the estate
would escheat to the state in this situation, which occurs in similar systems of intestate estate
distribution. See, e.g., IND, CODE ANN. § 29-1-2-1(d)(8) (West 2000).

145. Scholars and professionals continue to debate the merits of a mechanical system of
succession as opposed to support-based or behavior-based systems, which give succession-right
considerations to those individuals who either offered continuous support to or were dependent
upon support from the deceased during his lifetime. See generally Frances H. Foster, Towards
a Behavior-Based Model of Inheritance?: The Chinese Experiment, 32 U.C. DAvIS L. REv. 77
(1998); Frances H. Foster, Linking Support and Inheritance: A New Model From China, 1999
Wis. L. REv. 1199 (1999). Further, behavior-based schemes imply an ability to keep a "bad"
heir from inheriting. See Paula A. Monopoli, "Deadbeat Dads": Should Support and
Inheritance be Linked?, 49 U. MIAMg L. REv. 257,259-60 (1994) (discussing application in the

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IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REV.

customary law procedures, the Act does not foster discrimination against
women or children. 46 In fact, the deceased's widow and children are the
primary beneficiaries under the Act,147 thereby meeting the needs and
expectations of modem society.

The Intestate Succession Act obviously meets the Bill of Rights' equality
and non-discrimination requirements. Customary law practices, at least with
regard to intestate succession, fall short of those same requirements. Therein
lies the dilemma faced by the South African Government. The Government
claims to celebrate diversity amongst its many indigenous groups, and
seemingly protects their customary practices in the new Constitution.1 48 At the
same time, however, the government scrutinizes those practices to determine
whether or not they are consistent with the "westernized 149 version of the Bill
of Rights. Where customary laws diverge from the Bill of Rights, changes are
sought in order to bring such laws in line with the new Constitution.

V. LAW REFORM

A. South African Law Commission

The South African Law Commission (SALC)'" conducts a majority of
the research connected with the government's attempts at bringing customary
law in line with the Constitution. The Commission is an advisory body whose
aim is the continuous renewal and improvement of the law of South Africa.'
"Professional independence, careful and comprehensive research and open

United States of mechanical systems to deadbeat dads and suggesting that behavior-based
models should be considered).

146. See Act 81, supra note 136.
147. See id.
148. See supra note 69 and accompanying text.
149. Traditional leaders use this term to describe what they consider the undesirable path

that the South African Government is taking with regard to customary law. See Khadija
Magardie, South Africa: Customary Law Shake-up, AFRiCANEwS, Aug. 18,2000. They do not
see a need to run their country with "Western" techniques and policies. See id.

150. The Commission was established by the South African Law Commission Act 19 of
1973.

151. See Objects and Constitution of the South African Law Commission, at http://www.
law.wits. ac.za/salc/objects.htnl (last modified Mar. 10, 1997). The objects of the commission
are:

to do research with reference to all branches of the law of the Republic and to
study and to investigate all such branches of the law in order to make recommen-
dations for the development, improvement, modernization or reform thereof,
including-the repeal of obsolete or unnecessary provisions; the removal of
anomalies; the bringing about of uniformity in the law in force in the various
parts of the Republic; and the consolidation or codification of any branch of the
law.

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

procedures. .. "' are characteristic features of the reform process-' Within
the context of "open procedures," the Commission strives to achieve maximum
involvement of the community at large, which it does by following an orderly,
step-by-step procedure when acting in the name of law reform. 54

The process begins with the submission to the Commission of a law
reform proposal. 55 Although proposals typically emanate from the Minister
of Justice, members of the government, parliamentarians and state depart-
ments, proposals may also come from the general public.' 6 The Commission
itself might also initiate law reform proposals.'5

After receiving a proposal submission, the working committee5 8

considers it for inclusion as a project, or investigation in the Commission's
program.'59 Each investigation is given a priority rating so that the most
urgent matters are considered and researched first.16°

The next step, after inclusion of an investigation in the Commission's
program, iA for the Commission to determine whether to establish a project
committee in respect of the investigation.' 6' If the Commission deems a
committee necessary, it chooses research candidates based on their representa-
tion of the population and their knowledge in the particular field under
investigation.6 2

The fourth step, publication of an issue paper, is essential to the reform
process because it serves as the beginning of the community's participation in
that process.' 63 The purpose of publishing an issue paper is "to announce a
particular investigation .... to elucidate the problems that have given rise to
the investigation, to point to possible options available for solving those
problems and to initiate and stimulate debate on identified issues.""' Issue
papers, which precede the publication of any other document in the law reform

152. Functioning andPoliciesofthe [SouthAfrican Law] Commission,athttp:l/www.law.
wits.ac.zatsac/ function.html (Feb. 9, 2001).

153. See id.
154. See generally id.
155. See id. § 1.
156. See id. "[A]ny person or body is at liberty to approach the Commission with a request

to investigate a particular branch or aspect of the law which in his or her opinion is in need of
reform." Id.

157. See id.
158. The working committee serves as the executive committee of the Commission. See

generally id.
159. See id. § 2.
160. See id.
161. See id. § 3. Factors considered when making this determination include the

"complexity or specialised [sic] nature of the subject matter of the investigation and the
availability of external expertise." Id.

162. See id. However, the Commission tries to balance a potential member's knowledge
and experience in the field with the danger that partisan participation in the project committee
itself will result. See id.

163. See id. § 4.
164. Id. The SALC borrowed this process from the Australian Law Commission, who has

had encouraging results from the use of issue papers in the past. See id.

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IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REv.

process, ensure direct involvement of the community at the beginning of an
investigation and help to broaden the consultative base. 5 After approving it
for publication, the Commission distributes the paper among interested
persons, bodies and institutions in hopes of eliciting feedback, usually in
written form, on the issues raised.'"

After considering both the comment received on an issue paper and the
project committee's interim research, the researcher in charge of the investiga-
tion prepares a draft discussion paper."7  Included in the paper are the
following: "[a] definition of the problems requiring solutions; the existing state
of the law in relation to the problems; a comparative legal study; possible
preliminary solutions to rectify the problems identified; [and] a summary of
the preliminary proposals . . . .'" The procedure toward publication" 9

mirrors that for issue papers, and the paper is then distributed to interested
parties for comment on the proposals. 70

After the comments on a discussion paper are received and studied, a
draft report is prepared.' The report contains the Commission's final
recommendations and, where applicable, draft legislation to give effect to the
recommendations."'r It is submitted to the Minister of Justice and typically
published in the Government Gazette in its final form."7

Because of the lengthy, orderly, and democratic process that the SALC
goes through with regard to law reform, the South African Government gives
strong deference to their legislative recommendations. Areas in which the
Commission has had an impact, with a resulting effect on the customary law-
Bill of Rights question, include marriage law and succession law.

B. Marriage law

As discussed in section III above, customary law application of inte-
state succession rules traditionally depended on the marital status of the

165. See id.
166. See id.
167. See id. § 5.
168. Id. If considered appropriate, a proposed draft Bill in which the proposals are

embodied might also warrant inclusion in the draft discussion paper. See id.
169. A notice in the Government Gazette and media statements publicize the discussion

paper. See id. This procedure is used to give all interested parties - including both
governmental and non-governmental organizations, as well as the general public - the chance
to participate in and contribute to the law reform process. "[I]t also ensures that its [the
Commission's] final recommendations are the product of debate, discussion and community
involvement." Id.

170. See id. "It is made clear that the opinions expressed in discussion papers do not
represent the Commission's final views and that such documents are merely a further step in
the consultation process." Id.

171. See id. § 7.
172. See id.
173. See id. § 8.

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

parties. 7 4 However, marital inquiries are not limited solely to whether the
relationship was monogamous or polygynous. An equally important
consideration is the system in which the individuals married.

The Black Administration Act 7 . defined the various types of marriages
into which an African person could enter. He or she could enter into a
marriage in community of property, resulting in co-ownership of the joint
estate in equal and undivided shares. At death, it is irrelevant who brought
what into the marriage - the estate is simply halved and each party is able to
bequeath his or her own half-share as he or she sees fit. Indigenous blacks can
enter into such a system, provided that within one month prior to the marriage
the couple declares to a magistrate that it is their intention and desire that
community of property shall result from the marriage. 7 6

Africans could also marry out of community of property by ante-nuptial
contract according to the law of the land. This system provides that a husband
and wife each have separate estates throughout the marriage.1" At death, each
can bequeath his or her own property as he or she chooses. 17

Finally, if the indigenous couple chooses neither of the above systems
of marriage, they will likely form a union according to traditional customary
law and the relationship will be recognized in accordance with the customs and
norms pertaining to indigenous African law.

The choice by an indigenous African to marry according to customary
law traditionally resulted in dramatic and inconsistent effects on intestate
succession procedures followed at the death of a spouse. The South African
High Court addressed those issues in the Zondi case, in which an illegitimate
child of a deceased widower sought a declaratory order stating that regulations
that resulted in the deceased's brother inheriting the estate were unconsti-
tutional. m

174. See South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, § 4.1.
175. See Black Administration Act 38 of 1927.
176. See Zondi v. President of the RSA and Others, 1999 (11) BCLR 1313 (N).
177. Today, there are two types of marriage with regard to ante-nuptial contracts. The

traditional form, in which the couple takes an ante-nuptial contract without accrual, results in
each party maintaining their own assets and liabilities throughout the marriage, with no
financial adjustments to either's estate when the marriage is dissolved. A more modem
approach is the ante-nuptial contract with accrual system. Again, each party maintains his or
her own estate during the marriage; however, the couple will share equally in the growth of the
estate upon dissolution of the marriage. This approach serves to protect the lesser-earning
spouse, who may have expended more labor and resources while the other spouse purchased
more property in his or her own name. See Peter Eggeling, Ante Nuptial Contract Advisory
Services, in MATRIMONY, April 26,2000.

178. A difference between this system and a marriage in community of property is the way
in which property is divided at death. Under ante-nuptial contract, each individual bequeaths
their own property. Under a marriage in community of property, however, each item of
property must be effectively halved and the individuals can only bequeath their half of the item,
thus creating difficulty when property is bequeathed to third parties. See id.

179. See Zondi v. President of the RSA and Others, 1999 (11) BCLR 1313 (N).

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IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REv.

In Zondi, the estate of the deceased was administered in terms of
Regulation R200, which forms part of the Regulations for the Administration
and Distribution of the Estates of Deceased Blacks. Section 2'80 of the
Regulations sets forth how the intestate property of a "Black" shall be
distributed. The Zondi court determined that the deceased had not been part
of a marriage in community of property or under ante-nuptial contract, 8 ' and
the regulation therefore mandated a distribution "according to Black law and
custom."' Under customary law illegitimate children do not inherit, and the
deceased's brother was deemed heir to the estate." 3 The deceased's illegiti-
mate child sought a declaration invalidating the regulations on grounds of
being inconsistent with the new Constitution.'"

The judge noted at the outset that the deceased, whose wife died almost
three years earlier, had not been married in community of property when the
two were married in 1953. "' The judge discussed this in terms of the Black
Administration Act and the fact that the couple had not declared before a
magistrate their intention to many in community of property.' Next, the
judge discussed the issue of intestate succession and the fact that the
regulations draw a distinction between an out of community property marriage

180. Section 2 of the Regulations provides:
If a Black dies leaving no valid will, so much of his property, including
immovable property, as does not fall within the purview of subsection (1) or
subsection (2) of section 23 of the [Black Administration] Act shall be
distributed in the manner following: ... (c) [ilf the deceased, at the time of his
death was - (i) a partner in a marriage in community of property or under
antenuptial contract; or (ii) a widower, widow or divorcee, as the case may be,
of a marriage in community of property or under ante-nuptial contract and was
not survived by a partner to a customary union entered into subsequent to the
dissolution of such marriage, the property shall devolve as if the deceased had
been a European. (d) When any deceased Black is survived by any partner- (i)
with whom he had contracted a marriage which... had not produced the legal
consequences of a marriage in community of property; or (ii) with whom he had
entered into a customary union; or (iii) who was at the time of his death living
with him as his putative spouse; or by any issue of himself and any such partner,
and the circumstances are such as in the opinion of the Minister to render the
application of Black law and custom to the devolution of the whole, or some part,
of his property inequitable or inappropriate, the Minister may direct that the said
property or the said part thereof, as the case may be, shall devolve as if the said
Black and the said partner had been lawfully married out of community of
property, whether or not such was in fact the case, and as if the said Black had
been a European. (e) If the deceased does not fall into any of the classes
described in paragraphs (a), (b), (c), and (d), the property shall be distributed
according to Black law and custom.

Id.
181. Had he been married in one of these two ways, the Regulations provide that his estate

pass as if he were a "European." Thus, the Intestate Succession Act of 1987 would apply.
182. Id. § 2(e).
183. See Zondi v. President of the RSA and Others, 1999 (11) BCLR 1313 (N).
184. See id.
185. See id.
186. See id.

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

and marriages entered into by ante-nuptial contract or in community of
property.' In the latter situations, the Intestate Succession Act of 1987
governs the distribution.188 The Act, in turn, provides that "illegitimacy shall
not affect the capacity of one blood relation to inherit the intestate estate of
another blood relation."' 8' 9 Therefore, the deceased's child would have
inherited the estate. In this situation, where the marriage was out of commu-
nity of property, illegitimacy did matter and, in fact, kept the deceased's child
from inheriting.

The judge's concern stemmed from the fact that the deceased was not
simply married according to customary law practices. He and his spouse
intentionally contracted a marriage out of community of property, which the
judge viewed as pointing away from customary law.' 90 The decisive question
became whether the regulations, which differentiated between various types
of marriages, were constitutional under the new Bill of Rights.",

Ultimately, the judge held that the regulation in question offended the
equality provisions of the Constitution. 92 He pointed to the "gross discrimina-
tion" that is present when illegitimate children inherit from deceased African
persons who married by ante-nuptial contract or in community of property,
whereas those same children do not inherit if a marriage was contracted out of
community of property." The Court ordered that the deceased's property pass
according to the Intestate Succession Act of 1987.'"

Although case law concerning the conflict between customary marriage
systems with their effect on intestate succession and the equality provisions of
the new Constitution is somewhat limited at the current time, one need only
look to the SALC to find the roots of legislative proposals and statutory
changes that affect the rights of indigenous Africans under customary law.

The Commission's research into South African marriage practices
culminated in Parliament's 1998 passage of the Recognition of Customary

187. See id.
188. See id.
189. Intestate Succession Act 81, supra note 136, § 1(2).
190. See Zondi v. President of the RSA and Others, 1999 (11) BCLR 1313 (N).
191. See id.
192. See id.
193. See id.
194. See id. Judge Levinsohn held:

[t]o the extent that. .. the Regulations for the Administration and Distribution
of the Estates of Deceased Blacks. . .distinguishes for the purpose of intestate
succession between the estates of Black persons who... had been... a partner
in a marriage which... was not a marriage in community of property on the one
hand, and the estates of Black persons who... had.. .been a partner in a
marriage under ante-nuptial contract or a marriage in community of property on
the other hand it is inconsistent with the Constitution of the Republic of South
Africa and is accordingly invalid.

Id. But see Mthembu v. Letsela and Another, 1998 (2) SA 675 (1), in which Judge Mpati
questioned the correctness of Judge Levinsohn's decision.

2001]



IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REv.

Marriages Act ("the Act").'" The primary aim of the Act is to extend full
legal recognition to marriages entered into in accordance with indigenous or
traditional rites." 6 This recognition, in turn, serves the goal of improving the
position of women and children within customary marriages by introducing
measures that bring customary law in line with the Constitution."9

Prior to commencement of the Act, South African law failed to recognize
any marriage other than a "Western Christian marriage.", The Act defines
the term "customary marriage" as "a marriage concluded in accordance with
customary law."' "Customary law," in turn, means "the customs and usages
traditionally observed among the indigenous African peoples of South Africa
and which form part of the culture of those peoples."' ° Section 2 of the Act
provides for the recognition of all customary law marriages, including
polygamous marriages. The recognition is retroactive 2"' in nature, thus
effectively including every valid customary law union within its coverage. 2

One of the primary objectives of the SALC in proposing new legislation
and of Parliament in passing the Act was to set up a registration system in
South Africa for marriages and divorces." 3 Traditionally, indigenous peoples
have not considered registration of their marriages to be a high priority.'
This has led to an inability of the national government to keep track of
important statistical information that is necessary if it is to provide any type of
support programs to its rural citizens.2 0

5  Section 4 of the Act therefore
provides for a registration system for customary marriages.'

195. See Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998, REPUBLIc OF SOUTH
AFRICA GovERNMFJEr GAzErrE, Dec. 2, 1998, at 2 [hereinafter Act 120 of 1998].

196. See generally id.
197. See id. §§ 6-7. The statute's text summarizes Parliament's goals in passing the Act:

[tio make provision for the recognition of customary marriages; to specify the
requirements for a valid customary marriage; to regulate the registration of
customary marriages; to provide for the equal status and capacity of spouses in
customary marriages; to regulate the proprietary consequences of customary
marriages and the capacity of spouses of such marriages; to regulate the
dissolution of customary marriages; ....

Id. preamble.
198. Professor T. Nhlapo, The Customary Marriages Act: Background and Rationale, in

Towards Improving the Registration of Marriages and Divorces in South Africa, Part One, at
http://www.statssa.gov.za/Publications/Marrigaes%20and%20dovorce%20proceedings/full
%20text.htm (last visited Nov. 7. 2000). The SALC's efforts in its latest research was based
on its 1985 report entitled Marriages and Customary Unions of Black Persons, for which an
investigation was conducted under the Harmonisation [sic] of Indigenous Law and Common
Law project. See id

199. Act 120 of 1998, supra note 195, § l(iii).
200. Id. § 1(ii).
201. See id. §§ 2(1), 2(3).
202. See id. § 3 for the validity requirements of customary marriages.
203. See Nhlapo, supra note 198.
204. See id.
205. See id.
206. See Act 120 of 1998, supra note 195, § 4. However, the Act does little to truly

mandate compliance with the registration requirements. Although the Act states that indigenous

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

Section 6 of the Act offers wives of customary unions equal status with
their husbands.' At first view it would seem that, notwithstanding the grant
of "full status and capacity,"2 8 discriminatory customary practices will
nevertheless be upheld. The equality granted is "subject to the matrimonial
property system governing the marriage."2' In other words, if a customary
marriage is out of community of property Section 6 really does little to
improve the situation of wives; indeed, a wife's right to equal treatment would
not take priority over the customary norm of disallowing her to inherit
property. However, Section 7 takes care of this issue by stating that customary
marriages entered into after commencement of the Act will be in community
of property and of profit and loss "unless such consequences are specifically
excluded by the spouses in an ante nuptial contract which regulates the
matrimonial property of their marriage."2 ' The equality provisions of Section
6 are thus given much greater effect because, although a wife's equality is
subject to the matrimonial property system governing the marriage, that
governing system will now in most cases be a system in community of
property.

2"1

The Department of Justice, in administering the Act, touted the worthy
attempts of the Act to give expression to two constitutional principles, namely
"the right to systems of family law based on any tradition or religion and the
right to cultural pluralism., 2 2 It seems, however, that the Act provides little
more than lip service to the right to cultural pluralism, at least with regard to
property issues. Although the Act allows indigenous peoples to marry under
whatever system of law they choose, it effectively deprives them of important
cultural practices in the event that they choose customary law. The marriage
might be "customary" in name, but in many respects it will be regulated by the
common law.

C. Succession Law

Along with changes related to marriage systems, South Africa will also
begin to see direct effects on the practices of indigenous peoples through
various modifications in the laws of succession and related areas affecting
succession.

couples have certain time frames within which they "must" register their customary marriages,
the final clause in section 4 effectively releases them from that duty, stating: "[flailure to
register a customary marriage does not affect the validity of that marriage." Id. § 4(9).

207. See id. § 6.
208. Id.
209. Id.
210. Id. § 7(2).
211. See id. This effective invalidation of customary mariage property systems is not

retroactive - "[t]he proprietary consequences of a customary marriage entered into before the
commencement of this Act continue to be governed by customary law." Id. § 7(l).

212. Department ofJustice: Legislation Index, athttp:/Iwww.doj.gov.zaIlegislation/index-
acts.html (last visited Nov. 7, 2000).

20011



IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REv.

The SALC published a draft issue paper on succession in May 1998.213
In September of that year the Amendment of Customary Law of Succession
Bill 214 was introduced to Parliament with the purpose "[tJo extend the South
African law of testate and intestate succession to all persons ... ,,2"5 The Bill
proffered amendments to the Intestate Succession Act of 1987 and the repeal
of Section 23 of the Black Administration Act of 1927 to "ensure protection
of the interests of spouses and children of polygamous marriages." 2"6 The
Council of Traditional Leaders2"7 objected to the Bill, accused the SALC of
lack of consultation in the process, and warned against attempts at "Westerniz-
ing" the customary law of succession.215 The Bill was quashed in its
infancy.

219

At the same time Parliament was addressing the first draft bill dealing
with succession, South African courts were also considering customary
succession issues in the Mthembu case.220 The controversy revolved around
the legitimacy of a customary union between the plaintiff and the intestate
deceased, and whether the plaintiff and the child of her and the deceased
should inherit from the estate rather than the deceased's father.22

Tebalo Watson Letsela (the deceased) died in August 1993. At his death
he was the holder of a ninety-nine year leasehold title in some property on
which he lived with the plaintiff and her two daughters, one of whom, Tembi
Mthembu, was his child. The deceased had no other issue, but was survived
by his father (the defendant), mother, and three sisters. His parents shared a
house on the property with the plaintiff and her daughters. At Letsela's death,
the property passed to his father by virtue of the customary law rule of

213. See South African Law Commission, Project 90, Issue Paper 12, Harmonisation [sic]
of the Common Law and Indigenous Law: Draft Issue Paper on Succession in Customary Law
(1998).

214. See Amendment of Customary Law of Succession Bill 109 of 1998, at http://www.
gov.za/bills/1998 /b109-98.pdf (last visited Nov. 2, 2000).

215. Id. preamble.
216. Id. § 6.
217. The Council was established by the Council of Traditional Leaders Act 10 of 1997

with the objectives: "(a) to promote the role of traditional leadership within a democratic
constitutional dispensation; (b) to enhance unity and understanding among traditional
communities; and (c) to enhance co-operation between the Council and the various Houses [of
traditional leaders] with a view to addressing matters of common interest." Id. § 7(1). Section
7(2) sets forth the Council's advisory role - the Council may advise the national government,
investigate and make recommendations relating to any of the following: "(i) [mlatters relating
to traditional leadership; (ii) the role of traditional leaders; (iii) customary law; and (iv) the
customs and communities observing a system of customary law." Id. § 7(2). The Council's
name was changed to the National House of Traditional Leaders in 1998. See Council of
Traditional Leaders Amendment Act 85 of 1998.

218. See Magardie, supra note 149.
219. See id.
220. See Mthembu v. Letsela and Another, 1998 (2) SA 675 (T).
221. See Mthembu v. Letsela and Another, 2000 (3) SA 867 (SCA).

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

succession. 2 The plaintiff sought an order declaring that the customary rule
of primogeniture and Regulation 2 of the Regulations for the Administration
and Distribution of the Estates of Deceased Blacks were invalid based on their
inconsistencies with the Constitution.

The case reached the Supreme Court of Appeal of South Africa in May
2000.223 The plaintiff-appellant argued that the customary rule of succession,
specifically the principle of primogeniture, was grossly discriminatory toward
all Black women and that it contravened the equality provisions in Section 8
of the interim Constitution 22 because it discriminated on the grounds of sex
and gender. The Court refused to decide the case based on gender, although
it did refer to discussion from the first Mthembu ruling' in which the judge
stated that the deceased's customary male heir would have an obligation to
support the appellant and the deceased's daughter, thereby keeping the
procedure in line with the Constitution's equality principles.226

The Supreme Court instead addressed the legitimacy of the daughter. 27

Although the deceased paid the first installment of lobola,"8 the appellant and
the deceased never entered into a customary union; therefore, the appellant's
child was an illegitimate child of the deceased. 2 9 The Court upheld the
applicability of Regulation 2 and held that the deceased's property was
appropriately distributed according to Black law and custom.230 Because the
daughter was illegitimate, and not because she was female, 231 the deceased's
father was the proper heir to the estate.

222. See id. The magistrate ordered the property to devolve according to Black law and
custom in accordance with the Black Administration Act 38 of 1927. The magistrate was also
a defendant in the case. See id.

223. See Mthembu v. Letsela and Another, 2000 (3) SA 867 (SCA).
224. The equality provisions are found in Section 9 of the new Constitution of the Republic

of South Africa, Act 108 of 1996.
225. Mthembu v. Letsela and Another, 1997 (2) SA 936 (T).
226. See Mthembu v. Letsela and Another, 2000 (3) SA 867 (SCA). (citing Judge Le

Roux's opinion from the 1997 judgment).
227. See id.
228. "Lobola" refers to the property in cash or in kind which a prospective husband or the

head of his family undertakes to give to the head of the perspective wife's family in
consideration of a customary marriage. It is often referred to as "bridewealth," and
demonstrates the importance of family in the customary union of two individuals. Critics of the
practice, however, have cited it as the primary example of male domination and exploitation in
pre-Colonial South African socities. See Shawn Riva Donaldson, "Our Women Keep Our Skies
from Falling": Women's Networks and Survival Imperatives in Tshunyan, South Africa, in
AFRICAN FEMINISM: THE POLrICS OF SURVIVAL IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 257, 262
(Gwendolyn Mikell ed., 1997).

229. See Mthembu v. Letsela and Another, 2000 (3) SA 867 (SCA). The Court also
discussed the customary law of succession and explained that the legitimacy of the appellant's
daughter would really be irrelevant - "whether or not Tembi is the deceased's legitimate child,
being female, she does not qualify as heir to the deceased's estate. Women generally do not
inherit in customary law." Id.

230. See id.
231. The Court commented that the holding would have been the same had the illegitimate

child been male. See id.

2001]



IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REV.

In upholding the customary law practice of denying a widow and her
daughter the right to inherit from a late husband, Mthembu highlighted the
conflict between the Constitution and indigenous cultures. 23

The Mthembu ruling was interesting considering its timing. The decision
came on the heels of Parliament's passage in February 2000 of the Promotion
of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act. 2 3 The Act reaffirms
the goals of the Constitution; its purpose, in essence, is to promote equality
and prohibit and eliminate unfair discrimination. 2 ' The preamble of the Act
indicates its applicability to customary law practices that conflict with the
Constitution's equality provisions.25 Further, the Act refers to "discrimina-
tion" as "any act or omission, including a.. . practice... which directly or
indirectly... withholds benefits, opportunities or advantages from any person
on one or more of the prohibited grounds."' ' " "Prohibited grounds" include
"race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour
[sic], sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture,
language and birth."' 7

The Act states that, in its application, the following should be recognized
and taken into account: "(a) [t]he existence of systematic discrimination and
inequalities, particularly in respect of... gender... as a result of past and
present unfair discrimination, brought about by colonialism, the apartheid
system and patriarchy; and (b) the need to take measure at all levels to
eliminate such discrimination and inequalities."' 38 The Act is binding on the
State and all individuals?29 It should prevail in the event that conflicts arise

232. See South African Law Commission. Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, §§ 1.4.2
- 1.4.6.

233. See Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000,
REPUBUCOFSOUTHAFRCACGOVERNMENTGAZETTE, Feb. 9,2000. It appears from the Court's
decision that it was unwilling to step out of the Constitutional scope of review at the time of
Mthembu, at least with regard to questions of conflict between customary law and the
Constitution. The new Act was not mentioned or considered by the Court in its decision.

234. See id. The complete scope of the Act is "to prevent and prohibit unfair
discrimination and harassment; to promote equality and eliminate unfair discrimination; to
prevent and prohibit hate speech; and to provide for matters connected therewith." Id.

235. See id. preamble. The Act seeks the "eradication of social and economic inequalities,
especially those that are systematic in nature, which were generated in [South Africa's] history
by colonialism, apartheid, and patriarchy .... (emphasis added). Id. It notes that "systematic
inequalities and unfair discrimination remain deeply embedded in social structures, practices
and attitudes" and that "[t]he basis for progressively redressing these conditions lies in the
Constitution which, amongst others, upholds the values of human dignity, equality, freedom and
social justice in a united, non-racial and non-sexist society where all may flourish." (emphasis
added). Id.

236. Id. ch. 1 § I(viii).
237. Id. ch. 1 § l(xxii). Prohibited grounds also include "any other ground where

discrimination based on that other ground: (i) causes or perpetuates systematic disadvantage;
(ii) undermines human dignity; or (iii) adversely affects the equal enjoyment of a person's rights
and freedoms in a serious manner .... " Id.

238. Id. ch. I § 4(2).
239. See id. ch. I § 5.

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

between its provisions and those of any other law, "other than the Constitution
or an Act of Parliament expressly amending [the] Act."

Section 8 of the Act deals with the prohibition of unfair discrimination
on the basis of gender."' It states:

[nJo person may unfairly discriminate against any person on
the ground of gender, including -- . . . (c) the system of
preventing women from inheriting family property; (d) any
practice, including traditional, customary or religious prac-
tice, which impairs the dignity of women and undermines
equality between women and men. .. ; [and] (e) any policy
or conduct that unfairly limits access of women to land rights,
finance, and other resources .... 242

In order to determine the fairness or unfairness of a given practice or
policy, equality courts2' 3 will consider the grounds on which the alleged
discrimination took place.' If the discrimination took place on a ground
listed in the definition of "prohibited grounds" it is unfair "unless the
respondent proves that the discrimination is fair."2' 5 In determining whether
the respondent has proved that the discrimination is fair the court considers
various factors, including the impact of the discrimination on the complainant,
the nature and extent of the discrimination, whether there is a legitimate
purpose for the discrimination and whether the discrimination is narrowly
tailored to achieve its purpose.2"

The question arises whether the Mthembu decision was correct in light
of the Equality Act's passage. Although the Court expressed that it was
deciding the case based on illegitimacy and not on gender, the discrimination

240. Id.
241. See generally id. ch. 2 § 8.
242. Id.
243. See generally id. ch. 4.
244. See id. § 21.
245. id. ch. 3 § 13(2)(a).
246. See id. ch. 4 § 14. The complete list of factors that equality courts consider are:

(w]hether the discrimination impairs or is likely to impair human dignity; (b) the
impact or likely impact of the discrimination on the complainant; (c) the position
of the complainant in society and whether he or she suffers from patterns of
disadvantage or belongs to a group that suffers from such patterns of
disadvantage; (d) the nature and extent of the discrimination; (e) whether the
discrimination is systematic in nature; (f) whether the discrimination has a
legitimate purpose; (g) whether and to what extent the discrimination achieves
its purpose; (h) whether there are less restrictive and less disadvantageous means
to achieve the purpose; (i) whether and to what extent the respondent has taken
such steps as being reasonable in the circumstances to - (i) address the
disadvantage which arises from or is related to one or more of the prohibited
grounds; or (ii) accommodate diversity.

2001]



IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REV.

at issue was nonetheless prohibited by the Act on grounds of birth.247 Doubt
arises as to whether the next Mtembu-type case will come out in favor of
protecting customary law.

Within a few months after the Mthembu decision the SALC published
its discussion paper on succession in customary law. 48 The paper is a
continuation of the project that ended with the withdrawal from Parliament of
the 1998 succession law amendment proposals, and it includes a new Draft
Bill for the Amendment of the Customary Law of Succession ("Draft Bill")?' 9

The Discussion Paper makes the following important proposals: to
reform the order of succession so as to provide a material basis of support for
the deceased's surviving spouse and children; to amend the Intestate
Succession Act to cover the estates of deceased persons who were subject to
customary law; to ensure the inheritance of surviving spouses and children; to
remove the disqualification of out-of-wedlock children from inheriting; and,
to secure the right of the surviving spouse to the matrimonial home and its
contents, especially with regard to small estates.7'0

As with the 1998 Draft Bill, the main objectives of the current Draft Bill
are to apply the Intestate Succession Act 81 of 1987 to all South Africans
dying intestate,"' to repeal section 23 of the Black Administration Act22 that
regulates succession in respect of black persons, and to enact new provisions
which will be consistent with the Constitution.

"The Intestate Succession Act provides a convenient solution for most
of the problems in customary law." 2 3 It complies with the Bill of Rights and
secures the material welfare of surviving spouses and children. The Draft Bill
proposes the repeal of Section 1(4)(b) of the Intestate Succession Act, which
excludes from coverage estates subject to customary law.254  Thereafter,
Section 1(1), which sets forth the different inheritance scenarios, will
determine the order of succession in all cases of total or partial intestacy. 55 In
other words, failing a testamentary disposition of property by the deceased, all
estates will devolve according to the Intestate Succession Act.256

247. See id. ch. I § I(xxii).
248. See South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75.
249. See id. annexure.
250. See South African Law Commission, Summary of Discussion Paper 93 on Customary

Law, at http://www. law.wits.ac.za/salc/discussn/paper93sum.html (last visited Oct. 4,2000).
251. See Draft Bill for the Amendment of the Customary Law of Succession § 2(1) (2000).
252. See id. § 5(b).
253. South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, § 4.6.1.
254. See id. § 2(2)(cc). Section 1(4)(b) of the Intestate Succession Act states that, for

purposes of determining who shall inherit the intestate estate of a deceased individual,
"'intestate estate' includes any part of any estate... in respect of which section 23 of the Black
Administration Act, 1927 (Act 38 of 1927), does not apply." Act 81, supra note 136, § 1(4)(b).

255. See Act 81, supra note 136, § 1(1).
256. Retroactive application to customary marriages is found in section 2(2) of the Draft

Bill: "[the Intestate Succession Act... applies with the changes required by the context to the
intestate estate of a person who before the coming into operation of this Act entered a valid

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INTESTATE SUCCESSION IN SOUTH AFRICA

Making the Intestate Succession Act generally applicable will cure other
inconsistencies between indigenous practices and the Bill of Rights. Section
1(2) will address the illegitimacy dispute that was prevalent in Mthembu. 1 7

"By providing that illegitimacy does not affect the capacity of one blood
relation to inherit the intestate estate of another blood relation, this section will
bring customary law into line with the constitutional principle of non-
discrimination on the ground of birth."58

Section 1(4)(e)(i) of the Intestate Succession Act states that an adopted
child shall be deemed a descendant of his adoptive parents. 59 This section will
supersede any customary law to the contrary and will provide uniform
consequences for the adoption of both males and females.'

The SALC proposes the maintenance of certain provisions of Section
1(1) of the Intestate Succession Act and the general applicability thereof.
Section l(1)(d) would thus mandate that the intestate estate pass to the parents
of a deceased who is survived by neither a spouse nor descendants.2 6' If only
one parent survives the deceased, the estate would be split between the
surviving parent and the deceased's siblings. 2 Section 1 (1)(e) would address
the situation in which the deceased is survived only by brothers and sisters.
In this case, one half of the estate would be distributed to those siblings that
are related to the deceased through the mother and one half would be
distributed to those that are related through the father.' This provision
guarantees greater equality for half-bloods who, while possibly receiving less
of an estate share,2 " will not be ignored from the inheritance process. Finally,
in the event that the deceased is not survived by a spouse, descendant, parent,
or descendant of a parent, subsection (f) would effectively pass the estate to
the "blood relations of the deceased who are related to him nearest in
degree....

customary marriage which subsisted at the time of that person's death." Draft Bill for the
Amendment of the Customary Law of Succession § 2(2).

257. See Mthembu v. Letsela and Another, 2000 (3) SA 867 (SCA).
258. South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, § 4.6.4.
259. See Act 81, supra note 136, § 1(4)(e)(i).
260. Indigenous groups following customary law have occasionally used adoption in order

to perpetuate a bloodline. See South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra
note 75, § 4.6.5. An heirless head of a family would place a kinsman's male offspring in his
house so that there would be a suitable heir for the estate. Although females might be taken into
a house as well, succession rights would not result. General application of the Intestate
Succession Act would prescribe equal treatment for adopted males and females, allowing both
to succeed to a deceased parent's estate. See id.

261. See Act 81, supra note 136, § I(1)(d)(i).
262. See id. § l(l)(d)(ii). Under this provision, the parent is entitled to one-half of the

estate and the deceased's siblings are entitled to the other half, shared equally. See id.
263. See id. § l(1)(e)(i).
264. Half-blood siblings would receive less of a share if the deceased is survived by both

full-blood and half-blood siblings. See id. § l(l)(e)(i)(cc).
265. Id. § l(1)(f).

2001]



IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REV.

While the SALC recommends general application of most provisions of
the Intestate Succession Act, it nonetheless realizes that certain amendments
to the Act are required in order to meet the needs of those who are currently
subject to customary law.' The first amendment proposal concerns the
definition of a surviving spouse.267 Currently, in order to inherit under the Act
spousal claimants must establish a valid marriage." This requirement would
effectively exclude many customary marriage partners whose marital status
often remains ambiguous for an extended period of time.269 The SALC
recommends redefining the term "surviving spouse" to include partners of
informal unions.27

The second amendment proposal concerns polygynous marriages, which
are now recognized as valid by the Recognition of Customary Marriages
Act.27' The SALC's Draft Bill treats all wives equally, stating that if a
deceased is survived "by more than one spouse, but not by a descendant, such
spouses shall inherit the intestate estate in equal shares."'2r

Finally, the third amendment proposal would require guaranteeing
surviving partners certain assets in the estate.2' The Recognition of Custom-
ary Marriages Act makes customary marriages in community of property. 4

Under the Intestate Succession Act a surviving spouse of a marriage in
community of property automatically takes half of the marital estate.
However, small estates might then be split into fractions, leaving insufficient
support for a spouse.275 Research by the WLSA indicates that "small estates
should be kept intact to ensure an efficient transmission of assets to the most
deserving beneficiaries., 276 Children will inherit, but they must wait until the

266. See South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75 § 4.9.1.1.
267. See id. § 4.9.1.2.
268. See id.
269. See id. Customary marriages are not determined by a single event, but rather by a

series of events such as the payment of lobola and various family gatherings. In this respect,
it might be difficult to say precisely when a couple was actually "married." Therefore, an
extension of the Act to cover only "valid" customary marriages would not go far enough, See
id.

270. See id. § 4.9.1.4. The Recognition of Customary Marriages Act has improved the
situation somewhat by providing that even unregistered marriages are deemed valid and also
by its retroactive application to customary marriages. See Recognition of Customary Marriages
Act 120 of 1998 § 4(2); § 4(9). Notwithstanding these improvements, however, the "probability
exists that many partners may not qualify as 'spouses' under the Intestate Succession Act."
South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, § 4.9.1.4.

271. See Act 120 of 1998, supra note 195, §§ 2(3)-(4).
272. Draft Bill for the Amendment of the Customary Law of Succession § 3(a)(ii). The

Intestate Succession Act currently addresses only single-spouse marriages. See Act 81, supra
note 136, § 1(1).

273. See South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, § 4.9.3.1.
274. See Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998 § 7.
275. See South African Law Commission, Discussion Paper 93, supra note 75, § 4.9.3.2

- 4.9.3.3.
276. Id. § 4.9.3.3.

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surviving spouse dies.' The result is "a smoother transition of wealth from
one generation to the next.""T The SALC therefore recommends that small
estates be exempted from division amongst beneficiaries, and that the
surviving spouse be guaranteed rights to the deceased's house and household
goods in their entirety. 79

The SALC, in preparing the Draft Bill, also addressed an issue that was
paramount in the Mthembu case. In the 1997 judgment (Mthembu 1), the judge
found that the customary rule of male primogeniture was indeed discrimina-
tory, but that it was not unfairly discriminatory because of the concomitant
obligations of the heir towards the widow and the rest of the deceased's
dependents.2° Thus, he held that the system was not unconstitu-tional.28' The
Supreme Court of Appeal later declined an invitation by applicant's counsel
that it should "develop" the customary law rule to bring it in line with the
equality provisions 'of the Constitution.ua The Court held that "[a]ny
development of the rule would be better left to the legislature after a process
of full investigation and consultation, such as is currently being undertaken by
the Law Commission."283

In response to the Mthembu court's "suggestion" the SALC developed
the law by substituting equality requirements in place of the heir's support
duties. The Draft Bill, by amending the Intestate Succession Act so as to
create a system of complete equality and by making the Act generally
applicable, negates the necessity of an heir's duty to support the deceased's
dependants. The Draft Bill therefore states that "[a]ny customary laws
obliging an heir to maintain the dependants of a deceased person or to settle
debts by the deceased are repealed."

Recent developments in South African succession law paralleled the
changes that have taken place with regard to marriage law. When considering
the proposed treatment of illegitimate and adopted children, as well as half-
blood siblings, the equal status granted to all wives within a polygynous
marriage, the negation of support duties owed by an heir, and, most impor-
tantly, the general applicability of the new system to all South African
marriages, it appears that mere lip service is being spent on the interest in

277. See id.
278. Id.
279. See id. § 4.9.3.4. This procedure is actually more in line with the living version of

customary law in most areas, where the surviving spouse is left in control of the house and its
contents, regardless of what statutory divisions require. See id. § 4.9.3.3. Section 2(3) of the
SALC's Amendment Act states that "a spouse inherits the deceased's house and personal
belongings."

280. See Mthembu v. Letsela and Another, 2000 (3) SA 867 (SCA) (citing Mthembu 1).
281. See id.
282. See id. (citing Mthembu II).
283. Id.
284. Draft Bill for the Amendment of the Customary Law of Succession, Amendment to

the Intestate succession Act 81 of 1987 § 3(c).

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IND. INT'L & COMP. L. REV.

maintaining and respecting a system of customary law within the African legal
heritage. In reality, if Parliament approves the SALC's proposals, few
customary law remnants will remain with regard to intestate succession
procedures in South Africa.

VI. CONCLUSION

The new Constitution of the Republic of South Africa makes it clear that
legislation must continue to respect the African legal heritage and the cultural
practices of indigenous peoples. However, an express caveat exists which
mandates that those practices take a subordinate position to the principles of
equality and non-discrimination set forth in the Constitution. This contradic-
tion between the desire to protect cultural identity and the need to be faithful
to a modem, democratic Bill of Rights was recently tested in the area of
intestate succession. The result seems to be a victory for the Constitution and
a virtual refusal to accept customary law procedures as valid. The Promotion
of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act, the Recognition of
Customary Marriages Act, and the Draft Bill for the Amendment of the
Customary Law of Succession have all served to create a situation in which
indigenous peoples will now be regulated by a "Westernized" system of
intestate succession.

The Honorable Yvonne Mokgoro, Justice of the Constitutional Court of
South Africa, delivered a paper at the Saint Louis University School of Law
in 1997. She concluded the discussion with her optimistic view that, "if
customary law can survive the harmonization process, then all skepticism
about its continued existence in a human rights legal order should become
unnecessary.""5 The following year, Mokgoro again considered the South
African conflict between cultural identity and national unity in a paper she
delivered at the Southern Methodist University School of Law.26  Her
conclusion this time conceded that "the Bill of Rights exerts a superceding
effect on cultural norms, practises [sic], and institutions, severing those
features of a culture that are in conflict with the Constitution from the body of
the culture and engrafting in their place the values which the Constitution
upholds." 27 She then suggested that cultural values that coincide with the
Constitution's basic premises will act as a "reinforcement of the required
national consensus," and that, "[iln view of this, the argument that cultural
rights are an empty shell - a token offered in the cut and thrust of constitu-
tional negotiations to obtain political consensus from interest groups - may be
weakened."" 8 Two and a half more years have now passed and it seems that

285. Mokgoro, supra note 64. at 1289.
286. See Mokgoro, The Protection of Cultural Identity in the Constitution and the Creation

of National Unity in South Africa: A Contradiction in Terms?, supra note 73.
287. Id. at 1560.
288. Id. at 1560-61.

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the arguments can no longer be weakened. Intestate Succession is one
example of proof that cultural rights are indeed an empty shell. Regardless of
the light under which South Africans view the reforms, for better or for worse,
it is apparent that indigenous cultures are once again being told to discard what
they know and to accept what others wish to thrust upon them. This they have
done since 1652.

Andrew P. Kult°

* J.D. Candidate, 2001, Indiana University School of Law - Indianapolis; B.S., 1995,
Indiana University - Bloomington. I thank my wife, Kylie, not only for her patience throughout
the drafting of this Note, but for her continual support and encouragement of my every
endeavor. I also thank the editorial staff of the Indiana International & Comparative Law
Review for their efforts in helping me complete this Note.

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