Indiana Law Review Evidentiary Issues in Federal Prosecutions OF Violence Against Women Tom Lininger* In the last decade, the federal government has played an increasing role in the prosecution of violence against women. ^ Beginning with the passage of the Violence Against Women Act ("VAWA") in 1994,^ Congress has established several new federal offenses involving violence against women.^ The number of charges filed under these statutes has steadily increased.'* The United States * Assistant Professor, University ofOregon School ofLaw. B.A., 1 988, Yale University; J.D., 1991, Harvard Law School. As a federal prosecutor, the author obtained the first conviction in the nation under a 1996 provision of the Violence Against Women Act, 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(9). Bonnie Campbell, the Director ofthe U.S. Department ofJustice's Violence Against Women Office during the Clinton Administration, has given the author a commendation as "a national leader in the prosecution ofdomestic violence." The author thanks the following students who helped with the rese2u-ch for this article: James Avery, Ray Comwell, Shawn Dickey, Ivan Gardzelewski, Brian Haaland, Michael Harris, Ricardo Juarez, Michael McClaren, Andy Moore, and Derek Reiman. The author is also grateful for data compilations obtained from Margaret Groban of the Office on Violence Against Women at the U.S. Department of Justice. 1 . A number of scholars have discussed the "federalization" of domestic violence law and other areas of the law that were historically the exclusive domain of the states. See, e.g., William G. Bassler, The Federalization ofDomestic Violence: An Exercise in Cooperative Federalism or a Misallocation ofFederalJudicial Resources?, 48 RUTGERS L. Rev. 1 1 39, 1 1 42 (concluding that, "by federalizing an area of law that state courts are more capable of adjudicating. Congress has seriously misallocated federal judicial resources"); Michelle W. Easterling, For Better or Worse: The Federalization ofDomestic Violence, 98 W. Va. L. Rev. 933, 950-53 (1996) (advocating the elimination of criminal offenses under VAWA); David M. Fine, The Violence Against Women Act of1994: The Proper Federal Role In Policing Domestic Violence, 84 CORNELL L. REV. 252, 301 ( 1 998) (applauding VAWA as "an appropriate congressional response to a national problem"); William P. Marshall, Conservatives and the Seven Sins ofJudicial Activism, 73 U. COLO. L. REV. 1 2 1 7, 1 227 (2002) (noting that in Congress, "Democrats seek to federalize domestic violence law"); Pamela A. Paiotopoulos, Violence Against Women Act: Federal Relieffor State Prosecutors, 30 Prosecutor 20, 30 (May/June 1996) (suggesting that the passage of VAWA is a salutary development because states have limited resources to investigate and prosecute domestic violence offenses). 2. Pub. L. No. 103-322 (codified as amended in various sections of 8, 16, 18, 20, 28, and 42 U.S.C). VAWA included a civil remedy that was struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court in United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598 (2000). The majority opinion noted in a footnote that the criminal provisions of VAWA relating to interstate domestic violence were not unconstitutional because they implicated the Commerce Power. Id. at 613 n.5. 3. These include criminal provisions pertaining to interstate domestic violence ( 1 8 U.S.C. § 2261), interstate violation of protective orders (18 U.S.C. § 2262), interstate stalking (18 U.S.C. § 2261 A), possession of a firearm by a person against whom a restraining order is pending (18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(8)), and possession of a firearm by a person convicted of a misdemeanor crime of domestic violence (18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(9)). All ofthese statutes took effect in 1995, except for 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(9), which took effect in 1996. 4. According to statistics maintained by the Executive Office of United States Attorneys 688 INDIANA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 36:687 Department of Justice has also intensified its commitment to prosecuting violence against women in Indian country, where the United States has jurisdiction over certain major crimes such as rape and sexual assault.^ In 1995, (EOUSA), the number of cases filed under 18 U.S.C. §§ 922(g)(8), 922(g)(9), 2261, 2261 A, and 2262 have climbed in almost every year since the enactment of VAWA in 1994. In 1995, three cases were filed under these provisions. In 1996, eighteen cases were filed. In 1997, fifty-two cases were filed. In 1998, fifty-eight cases were filed. In 1999, 152 cases were filed. In 2000, 234 cases were filed. In 2001, 208 cases were filed. In 2002 (based on extrapolation of statistics compiled through June 2002), 276 cases were filed. The average annual increase in case filings was 1 34% during this period. It appears that most of the VAWA prosecutions have involved firearms charges under 18 U.S.C. §§ 922(g)(8), 922(g)(9). For example, under 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(8) (the gun ban while a restraining order is pending) federal prosecutors filed three cases in 1 996, thirteen in 1997, twelve in 1998, thirty-six in 1999, fifty-five in 2000, and sixty-eight in 2001, the last year for which complete data are available. Under 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(9) (the gun ban for convicted domestic abusers) federal prosecutors filed one case in 1996, ten in 1997, sixteen in 1998, sixty- eight in 1999, 159 in 2000, and 125 in 2001. The foregoing figures were provided to this author in a series of reports faxed from EOUSA in July 2002 and January 2003 (on file with the author). The statistics in these reports were derived from data submitted regularly to EUOSA by the ninety- four United States Attorneys' Offices. The reports included all cases in which the above-listed statutes were charged, even if these statutes were not the lead charges. It is important to note that prior to 1999, the United States Attorneys' case management system did not include complete statutory citations, so the figures in the reports may underestimate the number ofcases brought prior to 1999. 5. This jurisdiction arises under the Major Crimes Act, 18 U.S.C. § 11 53. Tracy A. Henke, Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General at the Office of Justice Programs in the U.S. Department ofJustice, testified before the Senate Indian Affairs Committee on March 5, 2002, that the U.S. Department of Justice will strive to ensure "no domestic violence and sexual assault victims fall through the cracks" on Indian reservations. Her written testimony is available on the internet at http://www.usdoj.gov/otj/statementtracy/03-05-2002.htm. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, rape and sexual assauh are more prevalent among American Indians than among the rest of the U.S. population. Between the years 1992 and 1996, seven out of 1000 American Indians were victims ofrape or sexual assault, compared with two out of 1000 whites, three out of 1 000 blacks, and one out of 1000 Asians. Lawrence A. Greenfield & Steven K. Smith, American Indians and Crime, Bureau ofJustice Statistics Report Number NCJ- 1 73386, February 1 999, at 3, available at http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/. Data in this report show that in 1997, federal prosecutors brought 1 126 cases against American Indians, and 47.5 % of these prosecutions were for crimes ofviolence; by contrast, only 6.7% of all federal prosecutions in that same year involved crimes of violence. Id. at 30. Overall, the number of federal prosecutions involving rape and sexual assault seems to be increasing. In 1994, the United States prosecuted 221 defendants on charges of rape, and ninety-three defendants on other sex offense charges. In 1995, the number of rape cases was 258, and the number ofcases involving other sex offenses was 137. In 1 996, these numbers were 275 and 388. In 1997, these numbers were 291 and 382. In 1998, these numbers were 307 and 472. The data were categorized differently after 1998, so it is difficult to evaluate whether this trend continued. The foregoing figures are set forth in the Bureau ofJustice Statistics' Compendium of Federal Justice Statistics for the years 1994 through 1998 (NCJ- 163063, NCJ- 2003] PROSECUTIONS OF VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 689 the Justice Department created a special office—^the Violence Against Women Office—which is charged with coordinating the prosecution ofVAWA offenses, among other duties.^ As the number of federal prosecutions of violence against women has increased, so too has interest in revising the Federal Rules of Evidence (FRE) to facilitate such prosecutions. In 1995, for example, Congress passed a new evidentiary rule, FRE 413, to liberalize the admission of prior crimes evidence in federal prosecutions for sexual assault.^ Some in Congress have sought to relax the ban on propensity evidence in other prosecutions of violence against women.^ Other recent proposals would amend the Federal Rules of Evidence to 164259, NCJ-172849, NCM76328, and NCJ-180258, respectively). All of these reports are available on the Internet at http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/ (last visited Jan. 30, 2003). While the figures for federal rape and sexual assault cases do not indicate which portion ofthe defendants were Native Americans, it is reasonable to assume that American Indians compose a large subset of the defendants in these cases, because federal jurisdiction over such offenses only arises in federal enclaves such as Indian reservations and military bases, and prosecutions of military personnel are not handled by the U.S. Department of Justice. See United States v. LeMay, 260 F.3d 1018, 1030 (9th Cir. 2001) (defendant, a Native American prosecuted for child molestation, claimed that the liberal standard for admitting prior crimes evidence under Federal Rule of Evidence 414 violated the Equal Protection Clause because most defendants who are prosecuted federally for such offenses are Native Americans; the court noted the disproportionate effect but rejected the Equal Protection claim). 6. During the Clinton Administration, this office was called the Violence Against Women Office. After George W. Bush became president in 2000, the name of the office was changed to the Office on Violence Against Women. In addition to assisting prosecutors who are handling VAWA cases, the office performs other functions such as administering over $1 billion in grant funds. More information about the office is available at its web site at http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ vawo/ (last visited Jan. 30, 2003). 7. Rules 413 through 415, admitting prior bad acts to show propensity in cases involving sexual assault or child molestation, are unique in that these rules were not drafted by the Advisory Committee and promulgated through the Rules Enabling Act, as were most of the other Federal Rules ofEvidence. These rules were simply created by Congress. The Judicial Conference actually opposed these rules, objecting to the prejudicial effect of the evidence that the rules would admit, as well as numerous drafting errors in the rules. 1 59 F.R.D. 51,52(1 995). For a further discussion ofthe "politicization" ofthe Federal Rules ofEvidence, see Daniel J. Capra, Recipefor Confusion: Congress and the Federal Rules ofEvidence, 55 U. MIAMI L. Rev. 691 (2001) (discussing Rule 704(b), the "Hinckley Rule"). Another useful resource is the transcript from a symposium held during the annual meeting ofthe Association ofAmerican Law Schools' Evidence Section, entitled. The Politics of[Evidence] Rulemaking, 53 HASTINGS L.J. 733 (2002) (focusing on Rules 413-15 and Rule 704(b)); see also Eileen A. Scallen, Analyzing "The Politics of[Evidence] Rulemaking, " 53 Hastings L.J. 843 (2002) (commenting on symposium). 8. For example, Senator John Kyi proposed a bill in 1995 that would have suspended Rule 404(b) in certain cases involving domestic violence. A copy ofthe bill, S. 1483, is available on the internet at http://nsi.org/Library/Legis/billl483.txt (last visited Jan. 30, 2003). In 1997, Senator Orrin Hatch offered a similar proposal and incorporated into the Omnibus Crime Control Bill, S. 1 690 INDIANA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 36:687 admit out-of-court statements by victims of domestic violence.^ States have innovated a number of special evidentiary rules for cases involving domestic violence, '° and the suitability ofthese rules for federal court is an open question. This short essay will consider whether the federal criminal justice system would benefit from adopting some of the new evidentiary rules that states have created for cases involving violence against women. In particular, this essay will address three questions. First, should the federal courts permit impeachment of a testifying defendant with his prior misdemeanor crimes involving domestic violence? Second, should the federal courts freely admit evidence of prior similar conduct to show propensity in a prosecution for a VAWA offense? 3, § 713, <3v