INFORMAL LOGIC XY.2, Spring 1993 Relevance, Conduction and Canada's Rape-Shield Decision) DEREK ALLEN University of Toronto Key Words: Canadian Supreme Court decision; Canada's 1982 rape-shield legislation; informal- logic class; relevance; conductive argument; "ar- gument from 'unchasteness"'; George Bowles's theory of propositional relevance; Trudy Govier's account of a conductive argument. Abstract: I examine a Canadian Supreme Court decision concerning the constitutionality of Canada's 1982 rape-shield legislation, and suggest how ma- terial from the decision might profitably be used in an informal-logic class in connection with the top- ics of relevance and conductive argument. I also consider theoretical matters related to the decision: first I develop two analyses of what I call an argu- ment from 'unchasteness' and connect them to George Bowles's theory of propositional rele- vance; then I present Trudy Govier with a problem in response to which she might revise her account of a conductive argument in a way I describe. The Parliament of Canada recently en- acted legislation to amend sections of the Canadian Criminal Code pertaining to the offence of sexual assault, The legislation came in the wake of a Supreme Court deci- sion that struck down one of the country's two rape-shield laws. In Part I of this paper I examine that decision, in the belief that it promises to be of pedagogical and theoret- ical interest within the informal-logic com- munity. In Part 2 I offer suggestions as to how material from the decision might prof- itably be used in an informal-logic class in connection with the topics of relevance and conductive argument. In Part 3 I turn to theoretical matters related to the deci- sion, having to do with those same topics. 1. The Decision Background: The rape-shield decision was in part a constitutional decision involving the Cana- dian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The Supreme Court was called upon to decide whether two sections of the Canadian Criminal Code, commonly known as the rape-shield laws, infringed certain Charter rights. The first section (s. 276) provided that in a sexual-assault trial evidence con- cerning the sexual activity of the com- plainant with any person other than the accused was not admissible in defence of the accused except under one or more of three narrowly defined conditions. The second section (s. 277) provided that in a sexual-assault trial evidence concerning the sexual reputation of the complainant was not admissible for the purpose of chal- lenging or supporting the complainant's credibility. The rape-shield laws were enacted in 1982. Their main purpose was to deal with a problem in the common law. The prob- lem was that the common law allowed sex- ua�-history evidence and sexual- reputation evidence to be presented in a sexual-as- sault trial even if it was of little relevance and would mislead the jury, and allowed the jury to draw improper inferences from such evidence. For example, if Smith had been accused of raping Jones, and there were evidence that Jones had had consen- sual non-marital sex with Brown, the com- mon law would have permitted a jury to infer from this evidence that Jones was more likely to have consented to have sex with Smith on the occasion in question, and less credible as a witness, than she would have been had she been 'chaste'. The main purpose of the rape-shield laws was to abolish the old common-law rules that al- lowed such inferences to be drawn. There 106 Derek Allen were also three subsidiary purposes. One was to prevent judges and juries from be- ing diverted by irrelevant and prejudicial evidence. A second was to encourage the reporting of sexual assaults. The third was to proteet the privacy of the complainant. The laws had the effect of limiting the defence strategies available to the accused in a sexual-assault triaL Consequently they had the potential to help determine wheth- er the accused was convicted, imprisoned and thus deprived of liberty. But s. 7 of the Charter says that a person has the right not to be deprived of liberty except in accord- ance with the principles of fundamental justice. So the question arose whether the potential deprivation of liberty that fol- lowed from the rape-shield laws occurred in a manner that conformed to the princi- ples of fundamental justice. A further and related question was whether the laws in- fringed the right of an accused person to a fair trial, a right proclaimed in s. Il(d) of the Charter. A negative answer to the first question, however, would not by itself mean that the laws were unconstitutional, nor would an affirmative answer to the sec- ond. For the Charter allows in its first sec- tion that the rights it enumerates are subject to reasonable limits-in particular, "to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society." Thus if the Supreme Court decides that a law violates a Charter right, it must go on to ask wheth- er the law can nevertheless be 'saved' under s. 1 of the Charter. The Court delivered its decision on the constitutional validity of the rape-shield laws in August, 1991. All nine judges agreed that one of the laws-the sexual- reputation law (s. 277)-was constitution- aL But they disagreed about the other-the sexual-history law (s. 276): two of the judges held that the law was constitutional, seven that it was not. Madam Justice Beverley McLachlin wrote the majority opinion. Madame Justice Clair L'Heureux-DuM wrote an opinion partially dissenting. I shall now summarize parts of both opinions. beginning with McLachlin's. McLachlin: To be admissible in a trial, evidence must be relevant. This means that it must have probative value-it must count for or against some claim whose truth is at issue in the trial. But it is generally accepted throughout the common law world that Crown evidence against the accused in a criminal trial, even if it is relevant, may properly be excluded if, were it to be ad- mitted, it would have a prejudicial effect exceeding its probative value-as it might in a jury trial if, for example, it would un- duly arouse in the jury emotions of hostility or sympathy. When, however, prejudicial evidence is for the defence, the prejudicial effect it would have if admitted must sub- stantially outweigh its probative value be- fore a judge can exclude it. This is because a free and democratic society attaches great importance to the principle that an innocent person must not be convicted. McLachlin makes these points by way of background (66 Canadian Criminal Cases (3d) 389g-391 t). She then asks the following question: "can it be said a priori ... that any and all evidence excluded by s. 276 will necessarily be of such trifling weight in relation to the prejudicial effeet of the evidence that it may fairly be ex- cluded?" (392h-393a) Her answer is no, and she cites supporting examples. The most striking is an American case (State v. Jaio, Oregon Court of Appeal 1976) in which a father discovered that his son and daughter were baving sexual relations. He stopped the relationship and subsequently his daughter accused him of the act. At his trial the father sought to present his discov- ery as evidence supporting his defence that the accusation was "a concoction motivat- ed by animus" (393g). Under s. 276, McLachlin claims, the evidence would have been excluded-"[n]otwithstanding its clear relevance" (393g) and (as she presumably believes but does not say) notwithstanding that its probative value would have substantially outweighed such prejudicial effect as it might have had. From this and other examples McLachlin concludes that s. 276 "overshoots the mark" (3951) and creates a real risk that an innocent person will be convicted. For this reason, she further concludes, the legislation infringes the Charter right to a fair trial. But can it nevertheless be saved under s. 1 of the Charter? McLachlin argues that it cannot, partly because it "strikes the wrong balance between the rights of com- plainants and the rights of the accused" (4031). L'Heureux-Dube: L'Heureux-Dube begins her (partial) dissent by arguing that sexual assault is un- like any other crime. It goes largely unre- ported and has the lowest prosecution and conviction rates of all violent crimes. One reason why prosecution rates are low is that "very few cases that come to the atten- tion of the police are classified as founded" (338d). Those that are so classified are cases that the police believe likely to result in convictions. And in deciding what cases are likely to result in convictions, the police rely on beliefs about what a model rapist is like and what a model rape victim is like-beliefs that reveal the influence within the judicial system of stereotypes about women and myths about rape. For example: there is the view that rapists are unknown to their victims; that rapists are mentally ill; that a raped woman will be visibly upset after the event; that women fantasize rape; that women are malicious; and the apparently self-contradictory view that a woman cannot be raped against her will. Views such as these are used by po- lice, consciously or unconsciously, to filter out reported cases of sexual assault that are deemed unworthy of further attention. Relevance. Conduction & Rape-Shield 107 This is not a matter of conjecture on L'Heureux-Dube's part: she cites academic studies that support the point. Studies also show that rape myths and stereotypes about women influence the thinking of judges and juries, which is one reason why conviction rates are low. For example, there was the infamous judge in Cambridge, On- tario who averred in a 1982 case that "[w]omen who say no do not always mean no" (34Ih). And an American study (with which Canadian data agree) found that '''[j]urors are reluctant to convict the de- fendant when any testimony about prior sexual history is introduced in support of the consent defense'" (343d; italics removed). But, according to L'Heureux-Dube, the very idea that such evidence is relevant in a sexual-assault case is based on myth and stereotype. This being so, the evidence ex- cluded by s. 276 is "simply irrelevant" (364c). Suppose, however, that it is false that no relevant evidence is excluded by the provision. Then there is a further point to be made, namely that the excluded evi- dence has an "extremely prejudicial effect on the trial of the legal issues" (364e), so that its exclusion is perfectly proper. L'Heureux-Dube summarizes her rea- soning in remarks that may be reconstruct- ed as the following conductive argument: Admittedly. s. 276 may prevent the accused in a sexual-assault trial from leading all rel- evant evidence. But the sexual-history evi- dence excluded by s. 276 "is either irrelevant or so prejudicial that its minimal probative value is overwhelmed by its dis- torting effect" (372c). Thus, s. 276, in ex- cluding the sexual-history evidence that it does exclude, does not violate the princi- ples of fundamental justice (where these include the principle that an accused per- son has the right to a fair trial). An Assessment: The issue that centrally divides the two judges is whether the prejudicial effect of the evidence excluded by s. 276 always outweighs its probative value. I believe that McLachlin succeeds in showing that it lO8 Derek Allen does not. What she does, in effect, is pro- duce a convincing counter-example to the premise of L'Heureux-Dub6's summary argument-the claim that the sexual-history evidence excluded by s. 276 is "either ir- relevant or so prejudicial that its minimal probative value is overwhelmed by its dis- torting effect." I have in mind her example of the father charged with sexual assault by his daughter (State v. lalo). McLachlin is surely right that the evidence that s. 276 would have excluded in that case, namely that the daughter had had a sexual relation- ship with her brother, was, in the circum- stances of the case, of "clear relevance" to the issue of whether her father sexually as- saulted her; and surely its probative value would have substantially outweighed such prejudicial effect as it might have had. But consider this objection. Someone presented with the facts of the lalo case who believes the evidence relevant will do so because he or she believes that the father's explanation of why his daughter charged him with sexual assault is plausible if, as the father claims, the charge is false. His explanation is that his daughter reacted with animosity to his stopping her sexual relationship with her brother, and that it was out of animosity that she laid the charge. But the belief that this explanation is plausible if the charge is false presupposes a (false) sexist stereotype-a stereotype a!