“I'll struggle, and I'll fall…I'll have my days, but it's okay”: Indigenous Women Surviving the Sixties Scoop


 
 
 

The International Indigenous Policy Journal 
 

Volume 13 | Issue 1 
 
 

June 2022 
 

“I'll struggle, and I'll fall…I'll have my days, but 
it's okay”: Indigenous Women Surviving the 
Sixties Scoop 

 
 

Janani Kodeeswaran 
University of Toronto, Canada, janani.kodeeswaran@mail.utoronto.ca 
 
Maggie Campaigne 
YWCA, Toronto, Canada, MCampaigne@ywcatoronto.org 
 
Anita C. Benoit 
University of Toronto, Canada, anita.benoit@utoronto.ca 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

 

Recommended Citation 
Kodeeswaran, J., & Campaigne, M., Benoit, A. C. (2022). “I’ll struggle, and I’ll fall . . . I’ll have my days, but it’s okay”: Indigenous 
women surviving the sixties scoop. The International Indigenous Policy Journal, 13(1). https://10.18584/iipj.2022.13.1.13570 

  



 

 

“I'll struggle, and I'll fall…I'll have my days, but it's okay”: Indigenous 
Women Surviving the Sixties Scoop 
 

Abstract 
Sixties scoop survivors possess different levels of cultural knowledge. Our objectives were for Indigenous women 1) 
to increase their cultural knowledge through teachings and engagement with Knowledge Carriers, 2) to have other 
supports and resources they require identified, and 3) to participate in a Full Moon Ceremony. Community-based 
research principles were used to establish the study design and research process. Teaching circles and Full Moon 
Ceremonies were held and experiences in the study collected through focus group discussions. Five themes were 
identified which included the manifestations of the sixties scoop, longing for culture, (re)connecting to culture, the 
impacts of culture, and barriers to practicing culture. Important recommendations emerged regarding the practice 
of culture in ceremony and in programs. 

 
 
Keywords 
Indigenous People, culture, sixties scoop, survivors, ceremonies 
 
 
 
 
Acknowledgments 
We acknowledge and thank the stewards of the land on which our research project was conducted, on the 
traditional territory of the Wendat, the Anishnaabeg, Haudenosaunee, Métis, and the Mississaugas of the New 
Credit First Nation. We want to recognize our ancestors, all those that share their cultural wisdom, and our 
connections to all aspects of the environment such as the water, land, animals, and plants. Our deepest gratitude to 
the Indigenous women who dedicated their time to our project. Their insights, personal stories, and contributions 
have been invaluable in understanding how the Full Moon Ceremony and teachings may contribute to the 
wellbeing journeys of sixties scoop survivors. We would like to thank the Grandmothers, Elders, Cultural Teacher, 
Grandfathers, and Fire Keepers for facilitating the weekly teaching circles and monthly ceremonies. A special 
thanks to Patricia Schuyler who was the former Community Engagement Worker in Indigenous Arts & Cultures at 
the Elm Centre, YWCA Toronto. She conceptualized the project idea in her continued dedication to promoting 
cultural programming. Our sincere appreciation goes to Maggie Campaigne for ensuring the project was carried out 
in a good way by organizing and co-facilitating the teaching circles and Full Moon Ceremony. We also want to 
acknowledge Danielle Nakouz, Manager of the Elm Centre at the YWCA Toronto, for supporting this project and 
for in-kind support. 

 
 
 
 
 

 
 
Creative Commons License 

 

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 
License. 

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“I'll struggle, and I'll fall…I'll have my days, but it's okay”: Indigenous Women Surviving the Sixties 
Scoop 

The Sixties Scoop and Indigeneity 

In Canada, historical and current day colonial policies and practices exercise control over the lives of 
First Nations and Métis peoples and Inuit (collectively referred to as Indigenous Peoples within the 
Canadian constitution 1982) (Cardinal, 2016; Lewis, 2015; McKenzie et al., 2016; Woolford & 
Benvenuto, 2015). The “Sixties Scoop,” which took place from the 1950s to 1980s, is an example of 
policies and practices that displaced and disrupted Indigenous Peoples and their families from 
connecting to culture and community (Cardinal, 2016; McKenzie et al., 2016). At least 20,000 
Indigenous children were forcibly removed from their birth families and communities and placed into 
non-Indigenous foster care or adoptive homes in Canada, the United States, and overseas (Cardinal, 
2016; Johnston, 1983; Sinclair, 2007). As an extension of the political agenda of residential schools, the 
Sixties Scoop promoted cultural genocide and forced assimilation into European culture (Kirmayer et 
al., 2014; Spencer, 2017). Consequently, Sixties Scoop survivors removed from their families, 
communities, and nations do not readily have access to the teachings and ceremonies of their nations 
(Cardinal, 2016). Also, many Sixties Scoop survivors experience adverse determinants of health while 
searching for their cultural narratives (Alston-O’Connor, 2010; Fachinger, 2019).  

Destabilization of indigeneity, including its attempted erasure from the Canadian cultural landscape, has 
led to identity struggles for Sixties Scoop survivors. Although, there are diverse understandings of 
indigeneity, it may be characterized for Indigenous persons as  “intergenerational system[s] of their 
place-based relationships connecting humans and nonhuman beings (e.g., plants and animals), entities 
(e.g., spirits and sacred shrines), and systems,” an ancestral connection to the first inhabitants of a 
geographic location, as colonized peoples, or as peoples with no other homeland then the one they 
occupy (Gregg, 2019, pp. 828-829; Kobayashi & De Leeuw, 2010; Smith, 1999).  

Sixties Scoop survivors were forced to acculturate into a middle-class, white western society while being 
denied exposure to their Indigenous cultural and ancestral roots (Cardinal, 2016; Fournier & Crey, 
1997; Kulusic, 2005; Milner, 2001; Nuttgens, 2013; Sinclair, 2007; Spencer, 2017). Some survivors were 
torn from their culture by their adoptive parents through physical, sexual, or psychological abuse 
(Choate et al., 2019; Milner, 2001; Spencer, 2017). Predominantly white adoptive parents were unable 
to provide Indigenous children with the resources, support, and ethnic identity role modelling to cope 
with discrimination and prejudices experienced outside the home (Bagley et al., 1993; Bensen, 2001; 
Nuttgens, 2013; Sinclair, 2007). Even if survivors adopted the culture of their non-Indigenous families, 
they still grappled with multiple forms of discrimination and identity conflicts occurring from being 
unable to envision what being Indigenous meant (McKenzie et al., 2016; Nuttgens, 2013; Sinclair, 
2007). Some survivors also experienced “Native shame,” which led to internalized racism (Cardinal, 
2016; Nuttgens, 2013).  

Sixties Scoop survivors have expressed how significantly their health and wellbeing has been 
compromised, resulting for some in poor mental health, substance use, or lowered social connectedness 
(Blackstock et al., 2004; Choate et al., 2019; Fournier & Crey, 1997; Johnston, 1983; McKenzie et al., 



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2016; Sinclair, 2007; Spencer, 2017). Low connectedness has been associated with experiences of 
loneliness, anxiety, anger, depression, poor coping behaviours, and low self-esteem (Carriere, 2005; 
Spencer, 2017). Adverse health outcomes and poor coping strategies resulting from low social 
connectedness was found among Indigenous peoples (Lee et al., 2000; McCormick, 2000; Spencer, 
2017). A Sixties Scoop survivor attributed his drug use to being taken away from his family as a child, 
being constantly moved around while in foster care, and not having contact with his parents (Spencer, 
2017). To cope with the negative emotions and trauma associated with their experiences, some Sixties 
Scoop survivors have reported substance use as well as dropping out of school and even attempting 
suicide (Choate et al., 2019; Sinclair, 2007).  

(Re)connecting with Indigeneity 

(Re)connecting with indigeneity as a Sixties Scoop survivor has not been fully explored in the literature 
(Cardinal, 2016; Nuttgens, 2013). Survivors’ journeys of reconnecting with their culture through their 
birth families, communities, and the land are distinct, varied, complex, and often a continuous process 
(Cardinal, 2016; Varley, 2016). (Re)connecting has been described as a reawakening of their spiritual 
selves (Carriere, 2005; Varley, 2016). However, many survivors were hesitant to reconnect due to their 
unfamiliarity with the language, traditions, and customs (Carriere, 2005; Sinclair, 2007). Reconnecting 
was also difficult for those who were unable to identify their birth families and communities, and without 
a clear path were unable to envision how to reconnect and the significance of doing so (Carriere, 2005; 
Nuttgens, 2013). (Re)connecting with indigeneity has been described as protective against adverse 
health outcomes and useful for a holistic sense of wellbeing, which may be beneficial to Sixties Scoop 
survivors (Brown et al., 2016; Carriere, 2005). Information on the process of cultural reconnection and 
its implications for wellbeing is limited.  

Cultural knowledge for achieving wellbeing from the intergenerational trauma of the Sixties Scoop and 
other colonial practices is an important resource (Black et al., 2019; Kirmayer et al., 2003; Kulusic, 2005; 
Menzies, 2008). Cultural activities have included sweat lodges, vision quests, fasting, and engaging with 
various Knowledge Carriers (e.g., Elders, cultural teachers, grandmothers) to restore or reinforce ties to 
the larger dimensions of Indigenous cultures such as history, ceremony, land, family, and community 
(Lavallée & Poole, 2010; Menzies, 2008; Roy, 2014). Cultural knowledge presents an opportunity for 
survivors to reconnect to their indigeneity (Lavallée & Poole, 2010; Sinclair, 2007). Indigenous healing 
practices have been beneficial to health for many Indigenous Peoples compared to solely relying on the 
biomedical model of health (Benoit et al., 2003; Marsh et al., 2015; McCormick, 2000). Indigenous 
healing models recognizes that healing, particularly for intergenerational trauma, occurs at the 
individual, family, and community levels, and allows the individual to work through their memories of 
painful experiences more deeply (Menzies, 2008; Roy, 2014). Carriere (2005) reviewed the significance 
of connectedness to Indigenous cultures as a resource for health and wellbeing, as well as a form of 
affirmation through discussions with Sixties Scoop survivors (Carriere, 2005). Cultural knowledge and 
Indigenous healing approaches nurture and support the reconnection to indigeneity, an integral part of 
the healing process for intergenerational trauma (Kirmayer et al., 2003).  

Previous literature has focused on understanding the perspectives of Sixties Scoop survivors and has yet 
to engage with them on how Indigenous healing models and practices can benefit survivors (Carriere, 



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2005; Milner, 2001; Nuttgens, 2013; Spencer, 2017). While there may be overlapping experiences of the 
Sixties Scoop, different gender experiences and implications on health and wellbeing may arise, due to 
unique experiences of discrimination for Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA+ people 
compared to Indigenous men and boys (Allan & Smylie, 2015; Halseth, 2013). Applying an 
intersectional lens highlights the idea that Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA+ people are 
vulnerable to multiple systems of oppression compared to their male and non-Indigenous counterparts 
(Allan & Smylie, 2015; Crenshaw, 1989, 1991; Maddison & Partridge, 2014; MMIWG, 2019). They are 
significantly more likely to experience multiple systems of violence and poorer health outcomes, such as 
physical and psychological violence and abuse, HIV, and depression resulting in part from racialized 
gender violence (Bingham et al., 2019; Chmielowska & Fuhr, 2017; Garcia-Del Moral, 2018).  

The overall purpose of our qualitative research project was to establish an environment where 
reconnecting to culture was facilitated. Teaching circles were held culminating in a Full Moon 
Ceremony for Indigenous women who are Sixties Scoop survivors. Our objectives were for Indigenous 
women to 1) increase their cultural knowledge through teachings and engagement with Knowledge 
Carriers, 2) have other supports and resources they require identified, and 3) participate in a Full Moon 
Ceremony.  

Methodology 

Community-Based Research Principles 

Project concept. Community-Based Research (CBR) principles were followed in developing and 
facilitating this research project (Israel et al., 1998). The project idea stemmed from the community 
partner’s Indigenous Community Engagement Worker, who noted that many women she supported 
were also Sixties Scoop survivors. She worked in an urban housing facility in Toronto, Ontario, that 
provided housing to Indigenous women and their children and delivered mental health and wellbeing 
programs including cultural programming. The women shared with the Community Engagement 
Worker their differing levels of connection to their communities, families, and their cultures, which 
sometimes led to tension between the women. The Community Engagement Worker suggested that 
creating a space for sharing cultural knowledges through teachings and working with Knowledge 
Carriers could build individual and collective cultural knowledges, leading to cultural bridges between 
the women with shared information. Through several in-person meetings between the academic 
researcher with the Community Engagement Worker, a research proposal was written, submitted, and 
successfully funded. During the time between submitting the proposal and receiving funding, a new 
Community Engagement Worker in Indigenous Health and Wellness was hired while the original 
worker had to go on leave. The new Community Engagement Worker agreed to engage in all aspects of 
the research process from determining the recruitment strategy, designing the study, and facilitating 
research activities with the support of her employer, the community partner. The research team 
consisted of the Principal Investigator (academic researcher), Research Assistant, and the Indigenous 
Community Engagement Worker.  

Study design. Using flyers, participants were recruited from an urban housing facility for Indigenous 
women in Toronto, Ontario. Eligible participants wanting to learn more about the project were directed 



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to either contact the principal investigator or to attend an information session with the research team 
held in the building’s communal kitchen. Once participants were enrolled in the project, a meeting with 
them was held prior to initiating study activities. The purpose of the project was reiterated, a general 
outline of the anticipated study activities was presented, and any questions or concerns participants 
raised were addressed. The women also provided feedback on the study activities by for example 
recommending Knowledge Carriers and by requesting the study design include alone time with the 
Knowledge Carriers without the presence of the research team. Also, to promote a safer, comfortable, 
and mutually understanding space during the teaching circles, the women established a series of 
statements outlining how they would function as a group in the circles. These statements also ensured 
that every participant was honoured, individual voices respected, and encouraged solidarity (Kirmayer 
et al., 2003).  

Prior to initiating study activities, the Indigenous Community Engagement Worker made requests to 
Knowledge Carriers to facilitate teaching circles or Full Moon Ceremonies. Her requests were made 
with tobacco and gift offerings in-person and by phone. She shared the purpose of our project and who 
the project was intended to benefit. She also asked the Knowledge Carriers what she could prepare for 
them once they accepted the request. Some Knowledge Carriers also shared their protocols which aided 
the research team in preparing for their visit. The teachings that were shared were determined by nine 
Knowledge Carriers (e.g., Grandmothers, Elders, Firekeepers, Cultural Teachers, and Grandfathers) 
with the overall purpose of the project in mind. Six Knowledge Carriers were Anishinaabeg, one of the 
Knowledge Carriers identified as Tahltan and Cree, another as Mushkego Cree, and one was Poptí. 

Study facilitation. The project consisted of two 8-week cycles of sessions with each cycle including six 
2-hour teaching circles, one Full Moon Ceremony, and finally a focus group for the participants to 
discuss their experience in the project. One cycle was conducted from June 2019 to July 2019, and the 
other cycle was conducted between September 2019 to October 2019. Women in the first cycle were 
welcome to participate in the second cycle and some did. The sessions were delivered in the communal 
kitchen space.  

A session began by the women sharing a meal prepared by the research team with a participant or 
research team member smudging the food and preparing a spirit plate. A study participant who 
identified as Ojibwe requested that we smudge the food and prepare a spirit plate prior to eating and 
other participants agreed with the idea. Several participants also requested that a smudge bowl be 
prepared and available for women to use upon entering the room if they chose to smudge. The 
Knowledge Carrier arrived during the meal and was introduced to the participants. The women had the 
option to smudge prior to eating, but frequently smudged prior to beginning the teaching circle with the 
Knowledge Carrier. The research team prepared the circle by arranging chairs in a circle and placing a 
medicine bundle next to the Knowledge Carrier along with other items requested by the Knowledge 
Carrier. The Community Engagement Worker opened the teaching circle by once again introducing the 
Knowledge Carrier and inviting them to lead the circle. Each Knowledge Carrier came with their own 
sets of teachings, stories, and approaches to wellbeing. The first hour of the circle consisted of sharing 
teachings which research team members also attended. Before a break, the Community Engagement 
Worker presented each participant with a gift (e.g., copper goblet, abalone shell, feast bundle, medicines, 



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long skirt) to add to their bundles along with the cultural significance of the item. The contents of the 
bundles were intended to support them on their wellbeing journeys as well as participate in ceremony 
for our study and in the wider community. After a short break, the circle continued with the Knowledge 
Carrier and only the study participants for an additional hour. Members of the research team stepped 
out for this portion of the circle so that participants could have personal discussions with the Knowledge 
Carrier. The two sessions focusing on Full Moon Ceremonies were hosted by a Knowledge Carrier, the 
Indigenous Community Engagement Worker, and other members of the research team. A Firekeeper 
was essential to the Full Moon Ceremony and was present to start and close the fire. Firekeepers protect 
the sacred nature of the fire within the ceremony by following specific cultural protocols and teachings 
(M. Campaigne, 2019 personal communication).  

Study Population 

Eligible study participants self-identified as First Nations, Métis, or Inuk Sixties Scoop survivors. As 
previously mentioned, participants lived in an urban housing facility for Indigenous women and their 
children in Toronto, Ontario. The housing facility is serviced largely by non-Indigenous staff for health 
and social support as well as housing concerns.  

Data Collection and Analysis 

Data was collected from the participants through focus groups at the end of each cycle. One-on-one 
interviews were conducted for women unable to attend the focus group. The duration of each focus 
group was between 1 ½ hour to 2 hours and the interviews lasted between 30-minutes to 1-hour. The 
discussions were audio-recorded and facilitated by the Research Assistant. Participants reflected on their 
experiences. They described what they learned during the teaching circles, their plans to maintain the 
teachings, and how the teachings prepared them for ceremony. They also discussed how they felt after 
attending the teaching circles and ceremony, the impact of culture on their wellbeing, and the 
importance of cultural exposure as Sixties Scoop survivors. Other questions focused on areas of 
improvement in the study. 

Focus group discussions were analyzed using inductive thematic analysis, which consists of coding the 
transcript line by line to formulate descriptive themes (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Two authors separately 
coded the transcripts and compared their codes. Codes were grouped under themes in a table of findings 
and relevant quotes were derived from the transcripts. Similar codes were compared and grouped under 
the same theme if applicable. Relevant quotes were also discussed with participants who read the 
manuscript to provide feedback. Reliability was established by both the Research Assistant and Principal 
Investigator finalizing and re-evaluating themes with confirmation from the study participants and the 
Community Engagement Worker during in-person meetings.   

Our study was reviewed by the Women’s College Hospital Research Ethics Board and the University of 
Toronto Research Ethics Board in Toronto, Ontario. Study participants provided verbal and written 
informed consent prior to beginning any research activities.    



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Findings 

Characteristics of Study Participants 

A total of 8 Indigenous women participated in our project with half attending all sessions from both the 
first and second cycle. All the women self-identified as being Sixties Scoop survivors. No additional 
personal identifying information was collected from the study participants.  

Qualitative Results 

Five main themes emerged from the data. The women shared their thoughts on the impacts of the 
Sixties Scoop, their longing for culture as Sixties Scoop survivors, (re)connecting to culture, and the 
positive impacts of culture. In addition, several recommendations emerged from discussions on 
restrictions to practicing culture.  

Culture meant engaging in ceremonies, working with Elders or Healers; smudging; having tobacco, sage, 
and other medicines; speaking the language; having specific food and certain items or clothing present. 

Impacts of the Sixties Scoop  

The women described several symptoms of the Sixties Scoop. Poor health, specifically mental health, 
was the most frequent concern raised. Other conversations were on their heightened awareness of the 
intergenerational impacts and traumas of the Sixties Scoop such as the millennial scoop, a present threat 
in their lives either from their personal experiences or that of family members’ involvement in the 
Canadian child welfare system. The millennial scoop is the current overrepresentation of Indigenous 
children in the Canadian child welfare system beginning in the 1980s.  

Various traumas and hardships extended beyond the women’s childhoods and played a role in their lives. 
A few women discussed substance use, including alcohol, as a way of coping with challenges in their lives 
and their mental health concerns such as anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder. Also, 
hardships associated with being Indigenous in a society that marginalizes them, were some of the 
reasons for their ongoing mental health issues.  

I feel that it’s really, really hard to be an Indian . . . alone, you know, trying to accept everything, 
uh traumas that you have gone through or, you know, community has gone through . . . um . . .  
you just gotta keep strong . . . right? –Respect [participant pseudonym] 

The women shared that managing their mental health concerns, including trauma and substance use, is 
an iterative and ongoing process in which there had to be room for setbacks since the process of walking 
in a good way was not linear. These setbacks were also framed as essential learning opportunities. The 
women also described that working towards their wellbeing included focusing on the medicines, living in 
the present, openly expressing their emotions, acknowledging, and shifting negative thoughts and 
attitudes, and not judging themselves for past events. One woman described her feelings on experiencing 
setbacks, and that hiding from society was not an option neither was wanting to relive past actions to get 
things ‘right’. Pushing forward and focusing on the medicines were critical for her. 



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I can’t shelter myself from society even though I wish I could. I wouldn’t have enough uh sowing 
material or *laughter* everything like I would wanna just . . . to do the whole part over and over 
again right. But I can’t do that here, so I just focus on this: try to do the good walk and I’ll 
struggle, and I’ll fall . . . and I’ll have my days but it’s okay, you know, but I can’t keep it . . . but I 
can keep picking up the medicines, picking it up, picking it up. If I don’t touch them [medicines] 
that’s okay, cause I can’t judge myself anymore. I’ve judged myself for so many years now and it’s 
like, I can’t do that anymore. –Wisdom [participant pseudonym] 

Although the women had various experiences of the Sixties Scoop and mental health concerns, the 
impacts of the millennial scoop weighed on them quite heavily. Some women described that regardless 
of the changes and progress made in their lives, they continuously had to revisit their Sixties Scoop 
experiences because of the millennial scoop. This included conversations around being involved in the 
Canadian child welfare system and resulting childhood trauma, as well as the thousands of other 
Indigenous children that have, and continue to be, negatively impacted by the Canadian child welfare 
system.  

Despite having been forcibly discouraged from learning more about their indigeneity and culture 
through their upbringings, all the women believed that this project was an opportunity to immerse 
themselves in culture and learn more.  

Longing for Culture 

The desire to learn more about and engage in culture was unanimous among the women. They also 
discussed learning from the ceremonies and teachings in a way that was different from mainstream 
approaches.  

Anishinaabe and Cree teachings were shared with the women along with personal stories of the Sixties 
Scoop. Anishinaabeg Knowledge Carriers shared teachings on the four medicines, strawberry teachings 
and other plant teachings including their use in ceremonies, the female life cycle and rites of passage 
teachings and discussed related ceremonies, and full moon teachings including all phases of the moon. A 
Cree Knowledge Carrier discussed the role of the Firekeeper, provided water teachings, and discussed 
the roles and responsibilities of Cree men and boys. A Poptí Cultural Teacher discussed spirituality and 
the Haudenosaunee creation story that she had learned from her mother who was from that nation. Also, 
several Grandmothers and a Grandfather discussed how they came to know and became a source of 
knowledge and support to their communities. Many of the Knowledge Carriers weaved their teachings 
into their respective life journeys along with valuable lessons, such as communication and ways to 
express emotions. These examples permitted the women to envision how the teachings could also be 
part of their life journeys.  

The desire to learn more about culture and the newfound knowledge through the project motivated 
some of the women to attend other ceremonies taking place in the community. The women were so 
eager to learn more about their cultures that there was almost a sense of urgency expressed.  



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And um but it’s not enough I want more, I just want a lot more, I just . . . its wet my appetite and 
it’s just, it’s it is just so dang healing . . . um it, but I need more. –Bravery [participant 
pseudonym] 

I went to full moon ceremonies before I really understood a lot, and, and so the more, the more I 
came here, the more I understood. The more knowledge I got you know from all the teachings: 
the water teachings, the berries, the medicines, the firekeeper um . . .  especially the water 
teachings. –Bravery [participant pseudonym] 

Learning more about culture was critical for the women, but they also expressed that the Indigenous 
men in their communities likewise had cultural responsibilities and teachings that could be beneficial in 
assisting them to address the pain from intergenerational trauma. Some women wanted to learn more 
about the role of the Fire Keepers, a role which they often associated with men. In general, teachings for 
men were important to learn given they could play a role in passing down this knowledge as well. 
Although, gender spectrums have long existed among Indigenous Peoples (Robinson, 2020; Tharp, 
2016), the women in our study only discussed the role and responsibilities of women and men. This is 
unsurprising given we did not focus on this in our study or have questions about gender. In addition, our 
study participants all identified as women and were focused on teachings specific to their own gender. 
One Grandfather and a Fire Keeper provided teachings that were related to their roles and 
responsibilities as men and boys, and this may be why the women shared some of their thoughts on 
teachings specific to men or boys. 

I like the way she um… the way she explained the, the life cycle of people . . . and uh like the way 
she talked about the moon and our connectedness to it and our water, like I wanna learn two 
more water songs. –Truth [participant pseudonym] 

We wanna stay Indigenous, I wanna stay Indigenous. I wanna stay Ojibwe, I want my 
grandchildren to stay Ojibwe and have our teachings. Cause that other way doesn’t work.”  
–Wisdom [participant pseudonym] 

Men, our men have to be reached out too and I know they have different ceremonies but like I 
don’t know much about what they do. I know they have . . . there are some firekeepers or have 
someone teach our young men who are out here in pain, you know. –Wisdom [participant 
pseudonym] 

According to the women, the ways in which they were learning were unique and a significant aspect of 
the process. Unlike mainstream approaches to learning and understanding, the women describe the 
process of learning through the circles as “taking things in,” “shifting perceptions,” as well as having 
experiences feeling akin to “skin to skin” contact.  

I’m just kinda taking things in, in like . . . kinda like osmosis. It’s not intellectual it’s just uh, it’s a 
different way of learning and knowing, I guess. Its leading me into you know different kind of 
um . . . whereas before like . . . where do I start now. I have a kind of like a, oh! a pathway.               
–Bravery [participant pseudonym] 



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For the women, the teachings brought about a new sense of awareness and understanding of not only 
the world around them, but also themselves. They expressed taking away different life lessons that they 
connected back to their lives. They also expressed learning a lot about themselves spiritually and 
mentally and were able to better understand their path and readiness for ceremony. Teachings through 
the circles, ceremonies and storytelling in our project were expressed by the women as being useful in 
their journeys in walking for a good life.  

 (Re)connecting to Cultures 

Attending the teaching circles and Full Moon Ceremonies provided an opportunity for the women to 
fulfill their desires to (re)connect to culture. Through the process of (re)connection, the women began 
to remember aspects of their culture, and were even more adamant about cultural renewal, and passing 
down cultural knowledge to others including their children and grandchildren.  

More specifically, some women described being better equipped to connect to culture outside of the 
project and the study site because they had established relationships with the visiting Knowledge 
Carriers. Community connection was not restricted to their blood relatives, but also to the community 
of Indigenous women living at the housing facility. Despite leading different lives, the women shared 
similar traumas that brought them closer together. 

We can relate and interact about it, we don’t hold onto this we just go *phew* it’s gone, that’s 
how I feel when I’m here . . . for me I see myself going back and forth to different parts of my life 
and I feel more . . . I guess loved by this community. I feel part of the community and when I go 
to different parts of trauma like with, Love [participant pseudonym] went through hers I could 
see what happened to her and I just wanted to get up and grab her and hold her . . .  –Bravery 
[participant pseudonym] 

They were also encouraged to connect to their specific clans and communities to further explore their 
indigeneity. One woman shared her thoughts on connecting to her community, which she was inspired 
to do during the project: 

“Lot to learn about my own particular culture, you know um Mohawk, and uh so I’m gonna 
travel there to that reserve to that land and try to. So, I would say that, that inspiration has come 
from these 8 weeks and so its just lighting the fire and I’m so grateful.” –Bravery [participant 
pseudonym] 

Renewing and remembering their connection to culture looked different for every woman. While some 
women were able to more immediately identify with aspects of culture, others were not able to do so. 
Sometimes, this created hesitancy with engaging in certain aspects of the ceremony, Indigenous 
languages, and teachings. Below are two quotes, one from a participant feeling strongly about her 
cultural skills, and another describing hesitancy due to an inability to communicate in her ancestral 
language. 



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There’s some teachings that come along from different people, from Knowledge Carriers and 
Wisdom Keep-, Keepers that it’s . . . renewing I guess my Ojibway language to the whole process, 
and like in the medicine for the women to it’s, like I’m sharing that knowledge with my relatives 
like to use it . . .  and some of it has come back to me from, from my mother’s use and my uh, 
relatives back home, and about the sacred fire when you  use it . . .  that’s still um reaffirming how 
my dad taught me with that, when we do uh ceremony and honouring their, I guess their feasts 
of when they passed on. –Wisdom [participant pseudonym] 

I liked it when, when the Elders came, I, I sat there although I don’t keep eye contact with 
anybody, it’s just me and my upbringing, but um, I hear . . . and I like when, people start out with 
their name and their Anishnaabe name and where they’re from. I wish I could say that, so I say 
nothing at all... cause if I say it, I might say it wrong . . . but I guess there’s no right or wrong? 
Truth [participant pseudonym] 

The teachings and stories shared by the Knowledge Carriers and the participants themselves were 
valuable to the women. Each woman gained different messages from the teachings that they could apply 
to their lives and that allowed them to connect or deepen their cultural connections.  

Impact of Cultures 

Engagement with the Knowledge Carriers and learning from the teachings had a tremendous impact on 
the women. There were multiple uses for medicines and teachings which included coping with their 
health concerns, decision-making, and general guidance.  

The study participants discussed their use of each of the four medicines for dealing with difficult 
circumstances and giving them strength. The women learned that it was necessary to stop judging 
themselves, and that using the medicines even if they were not ‘in a good way’ was acceptable. One 
participant described how she incorporated cedar in her life:  

Cedar helped me quite a bit ‘cause I know that with the different teachings, for myself, that I’ve 
been given, and through different groups that there’s just so many ways that you can use the 
cedar for uh, from smudging a home, for sacred fires, along with your tobacco, but also, for, for 
protection from energies. –Wisdom [participant pseudonym] 

Another participant described how medicines aided her in decision-making. 

I forgot to mention the medicines how much I learned about the medicines like learning about 
the sweet grass for clear mind and good decisions, so I’ve been using that when I needed to make 
decisions. Just lighting the sweet grass, it really helps it does help . . . –Bravery [participant 
pseudonym] 

The women felt that they could let go of their emotions, cry, and openly express their sadness or 
frustration in the presence of others in the circles. Two women described how the medicines and 
teachings were used to ‘release’ their trauma and deal with mental health concerns. 



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I gotta release that trauma . . . myself, ‘cause I can’t keep it in my . . . I gotta give it away and let 
the creator take care of it, using the medicines. –Respect [participant pseudonym] 

PTSD is really a hard one. I remember that because at any moment you can be anywhere. You 
can be right back to wherever and you can really try to think you know, trying to grab onto those 
medicines and you know what, I get really angry with them at times, I still get angry with them. 
But I think, as long as I have them present, they’re there and acknowledging them that they’re 
there, its okay, I’m doing okay. –Wisdom [participant pseudonym] 

Recovery and staying strong was not only important for themselves, but also for their children, 
grandchildren, and other people in their lives. One participant touched upon the seventh generations 
principle as she discusses her reasons for maintaining her wellbeing. 

Have to think, okay I need to be clean and sober so long. I have to think about the next seven 
generations ahead of me. That could be anybody, my relatives, niece, nephews, cousins whoever 
right? I have to think about them and how our young people are gonna need that help. –Wisdom 
[participant pseudonym] 

One participant also highlighted the importance of staying strong with the help of the medicines for the 
children impacted by the millennial scoop today. 

Concerning the Sixties Scoop it’s still happening no matter what they . . . no matter how it comes 
out it’s still Sixties Scoop no matter what we do. The children they are taking away. I’m still 
scared for my sister’s family, taking their children, so scared that . . . that we’re so judged that it’s 
gonna happen no matter what. And this is where I need to stay grounded and being an aunty, 
mother, sister, but especially being a grandmother that this is still gonna affect future generations 
but as long as I keep sober and keep clean, use these medicines, it’ll be okay. Love [participant 
pseudonym] 

Project Strengths 

In addition to the overall benefits of culture, the women described that the project created a positive 
space for engaging with culture meaningfully. Overall, the women described participating in the teaching 
circles and Full Moon Ceremony to be a “joyful,” and “uplifting” experience that allowed them to fully 
immerse themselves in their sessions. Participating in this study was an important step in their walks of a 
good life and furthering their connections to the Knowledge Carriers in the study, who are leaders in the 
community. With these connections, the women felt more comfortable solidifying their relationships 
with the Knowledge Carriers, approaching them for teachings, and attending their ceremonies. 

. . . every group [attendance at teaching circles] . . . I felt uplifted. I felt full. I felt joy. I really, I 
really had a lightness in being and even when there was commotion or um you know, turbulent 
waters, it all settled finally um . . . I, again it’s really hard to put into words it’s uh . . . it’s, it’s very 
filling and it feels good. It’s grounding. It’s direction it’s guidance it’s . . . and things make sense. 
Uh, they begin to make sense, to make more and more sense. –Bravery [participant pseudonym] 



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A critical aspect of our project was that it provided the women with a sense of safety in the teaching 
circles and Full Moon Ceremony. This allowed the women to better immerse themselves in the sessions, 
express their thoughts, and prepare to explore ways of understanding their various circumstances and 
approaches to self-care. There was comfort being in the session knowing that everyone in the circles 
valued confidentiality, a judgement-free zone, and holistic space. Allowing for time alone with the 
Knowledge Carriers without the research team was also a strength of our study, as it provided them with 
the opportunity to openly connect with the Knowledge Carriers and other women in the circles—
specifically Indigenous women. The latter contributed to creating a safer space for the women to discuss 
experiences unique to Indigenous women. Listening to the stories of other participants allowed them to 
feel connected to one another and created a sense of unity for Sixties Scoop survivors.  

Coming together as Sixties Scoop survivors, Sixties Scoop and beyond because it’s still going on 
now, coming together with those experiences, and knowing you know that’s what brought us 
together, even though we didn’t talk a lot about it. I don’t know, there’s something strong about 
that too, there’s some strength in that, there’s resilience, and strength and I’m getting 
goosebumps over that just that everybody’s here. Bravery [participant pseudonym] 

The women would often compare the effectiveness of mainstream programming to Indigenous cultural 
practices. Unlike most programs that they had previously attended, the teaching circles and Full Moon 
Ceremonies were described as holistic and “complete,” with one participant expressing that she would 
“rather have a circle with drums and singing than an antidepressant.” Some of the women discussed that 
mainstream mental health services, such as counselling or therapy, were not able to support them in 
dealing with their trauma and other stressors in their lives in a comprehensive manner. 

Barriers and Facilitators to Practicing Cultural Activities 

Study participants described several factors that were involved in shaping how they engaged in 
Indigenous cultural practices which included the space in which teachings and ceremonies were 
delivered, how it was delivered and who was delivering it. We also noted that some participants 
described self-imposed restrictions to engaging with medicines which was related to their own wellbeing. 

The medicines are there like I do have my uh, vault of my medicines out… and I used to put 
them away, I used to um, put everything away. I’m not special, I didn’t see everything, but I 
found out that I need to have my items out, right? But it’s not you know bad to have them out, 
when I’m not in a good way… right? And I want that part of me to disappear because I 
disappear, so man, uh that’s what I’ve learned anyways… I just can’t touch the feather. Respect 
[participant pseudonym] 

The women also discussed institutional restrictions related to access to and use of the medicines.  

I have to ask to get the medicine. This…, these medicines should be, to my, to my way of 
thinking… an open cupboard here, with these sitting in there, with the, with their bowls, sitting 
there so if someone came down and didn’t have any upstairs, that we should have actual access 



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to this, and availability no matter what they were having or what part of the evening . . .                  
–Wisdom [participant pseudonym] 

It is important to note that during the project, the organization increased access to the medicines by 
placing them in cupboards in the communal kitchen space. 

The space in which cultural practices took place was very important to the women. One participant 
stated that the organization’s housing facility space was not always right for practicing their cultural 
activities because of the negative connotation of being within an institution. Some of the women also 
discussed how ceremonies and circles would often be re-formatted and modelled to resemble the format 
of westernized programming. The inclusion of westernized concepts with Indigenous cultural practices 
often diluted and took away the focus from Indigenous cultural practices. Although the reformatting of 
cultural practices into programming was often done to allow for the participation of non-Indigenous 
people, this could take away from Indigenous women’s experiences in (re)connecting to knowledge 
shared by Knowledge Carriers.  

. . . there’s just certain things that just, it’s not the women, or you know my neighbours or 
anything like that it’s just, it’s very triggering um, being part of the Sixties Scoop to live in an 
institution so to speak, where um, much is done to us rather than with us, and so it triggers me, 
and um, and it’s too big for me to take on it’s not my place to do that, um, and so my decision is 
to um carry on as a tenant because that’s how I see myself? Um so yeah personally, I, I um things 
like ceremony and um to me, they just feel really, they feel sacred and I, and I would like, I would 
need to do that outside of here? –Bravery [participant pseudonym] 

Several women stated it was important to have a better divide between cultural content in programs, 
including for education versus culture as a meaningful and sacred practice within spiritual spaces. A 
‘better divide’ involved clearly communicating the intentions of the gatherings and physically setting up 
the space for programs or ceremonies. According to the women, programs had a more rigid structure 
particularly as it concerned the learning goals with expectations that these goals should have the same 
level of importance to the participants. In some cases, programs also involved observation or even 
surveillance where a staff member would take notes on individual’s actions or words which could then be 
inserted in their client charts. For our study, many programs occurred in the kitchen, a communal and 
large space which is a colonial space in contrast to longhouses and lodges which are inherently 
ceremonial. Therefore, we had to intentionally set up the space for ceremonial purposes. Smudging, 
setting up the chairs in a circle with openings in the east and west directions, having a table set up next to 
the Knowledge Carrier with the medicines, strawberries, a glass of water, candles, and laying out some 
cloth for example. The set up also required verifying with the Knowledge Carrier if they had any 
protocols to share with the women prior to working with them. Although there was structure during the 
ceremony, the participants could take what they needed from the teachings which in part is why note-
taking was not permitted from anyone in the group. 

In addition to how culture was included within programming, the selection of individuals included was 
important to the women. The ‘audience’ for any program shapes the message so that the content of the 
program is accessible, and in this case to non-Indigenous women. Some participants discussed how it 



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was once illegal for their ancestors to practice and now cultural practices are developed to be accessible 
to non-Indigenous people. She stated:  

I’m all for inclusion but somehow it waters down, it makes it different. The dynamics, the 
dynamics are different. These are teachings and ways that we have lost, that have been 
systematically ripped from us. It was illegal for us to even do and practice, and I just think it, if 
you know so going forward, I don’t know what the balance is because, you know it’s good if 
everybody learns of course. –Bravery [participant pseudonym] 

Of course, you want everybody to learn, but in what setting should that teaching take place as 
opposed to what we’re doing here. Can it be mixed, should it be mixed? And how do we achieve 
the balance. I think those are important questions because I think for me it would be very 
different if there were non-Indigenous people in this group well then then it wouldn’t be a Sixties 
Scoop group. –Bravery [participant pseudonym] 

Inclusion was important to the participants. The women also discussed that when including culture into 
spaces whether it is for programming, education or to increase cultural connectedness, it was also 
important to consider the diversity within Indigenous groups and their respective cultural practices to 
avoid being pan-Indigenous while recognizing that some Indigenous people hold multiple identities. 

The study participants suggested that different worldviews contributed to conflict or misunderstandings 
with non-Indigenous people or service providers and that it was important to consider how non-
Indigenous worldviews were indeed shaping how Indigenous cultures were part of programming and 
how it was delivered. 

The two worldviews will…will not come together. I think this [project] was a lot better than 
the . . . like we do have another circle that’s done by um . . .  a therapist psychologist once a 
month . . . I do not use the word for myself . . . she to me is on the borderline of having too much 
western views, that’s why it’s tough to go into that circle but here [project] it’s so open and 
understanding ‘cause we sit with the medicines. –Wisdom [participant pseudonym] 

. . . I guess having regular sessions, regular teachings like actual teaching and healing circles and 
not something that dissolves into some kind of semi-social work healing circle . . . and it just 
becomes this kind of you know, beige kind of thing, but it’s called a healing circle or a teaching 
circle and what, so I saw the difference [between culture in the project and cultural in 
programming]. –Bravery [participant pseudonym] 

In addition to the differing worldviews between the participants and the non-Indigenous staff, lived 
experiences were extremely important to the women. The women participating in the study believed 
that those working within non-Indigenous institutions and systems (e.g., legal, medical, and education 
systems, housing support, and social services) were not aware of the impact that acts of colonization, 
such as the Sixties Scoop and residential schools, has had on Indigenous Peoples. Lack of awareness has 
resulted in miscommunication among service providers and the women. This has resulted in fueling 
traumatic experiences for the women, feeling unsafe in practicing culture, difficulties in openly 



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expressing themselves, and creating further disconnect from not only the Indigenous community, but 
others around them. Common lived experiences, as was discussed in earlier quotes, connects people. 
Being survivors of the Sixties Scoop allowed the women to better connect with one another.  

. . . very hard to get the staff to understand where we are coming from. Um . . . it can’t be put in a 
book or be um . . . If you didn’t go to residential school then you have very little knowledge 
about it unless your parents went there, but you ask the generation I’m in and anybody over 50 
or 45 and up well what do you think about the 60s scoop. –Truth [participant pseudonym] 

The women also discussed that staff attending cultural activities also had to follow the Knowledge 
Carrier protocols and maintain their boundaries. Everyone in the circle is equal and listens to the 
Knowledge Carrier. Despite not sharing the same lived experiences, making a connection between 
service provider and client was important. 

I think staff need to take as much of a risk as anybody else in those circles. They need to be 
sharing shit about themselves. Just like we have to or we do, we choose to, but to have a staff 
member sit in there and sit with the protection of being of this status of being staff, I’m not safe 
there. I wouldn’t do that I wouldn’t expect to see that in any community out there like at a uhm, 
uhm [other organization]. I don’t see that you know there’s uh there’s a, there’s a Knowledge 
Keeper or you know and they [other organization] conduct it but it’s not therapy, like it’s not, I 
don’t know how to say the diff- there’s something . . . yeah there’s something sacred about it.       
–Bravery [participant pseudonym] 

No one’s gonna do a social work trip on me [in this project] or uh you know and analyze like 
there’s always this veil of uh you’re this client, you’re this according to their books, according to 
their mandate according to the work that they’re doing. It’s very difficult to have a human one on 
one, it’s very hard to make that connection. I feel that what I say is gonna be thrown back at me 
but in this . . . circle [project], I feel safe. That I can say what I have to say, and I’m not gonna be 
judged. –Truth [participant pseudonym] 

Some women described difficulties accessing cultural activities in the community at large. The women 
suggested that the challenges of balancing the Indigenous (i.e., community) and non-Indigenous 
(housing facility) worldviews had impacted their ways of absorbing culture. Worldviews which consist of 
a set of attitudes, values, stories, and expectations of the world around us does shape how people 
function (Gray, 2011; Hart, 2010); the women became aware of the differing worldviews when 
describing ‘clashes’ or different views on how issues were addressed (e.g., accessibility and availability of 
medicines, mental health care).  

In addition, some participants felt that there were not always enough details when accessing cultural 
activities. During our project, several Knowledge Carriers were explicit to those attending the teaching 
circles about not taking notes. They stated that the participants will absorb the knowledge they are ready 
to absorb and each of the participants might get something different from the teachings. It was 
important to be fully engaged in the sessions which was not possible while taking notes. The participants 



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heard that they had to consistently attend cultural activities and learn from the teachings. All the answers 
were not going to be obtained through one session. 

Discussion 

Summary of Findings 

We examined how facilitating cultural connection through the wisdom of Knowledge Carriers impacted 
Indigenous women who are Sixties Scoop survivors within a space usually dedicated to programming. 
Five major themes were identified which we will expand upon in our discussion. The women described 
the wider implications of the Sixties Scoop on their lives and that of their communities. Two other 
important themes that arose were their longing for culture and the significance of (re)connecting to 
culture which included sharing and passing down knowledge. The impact and use of culture for their 
health and for providing guidance was a theme as was the project strengths discussed throughout. 
Finally, barriers and facilitators to practicing culture were discussed by the women.  

Implications of the Sixties Scoop on the Women’s Lives and Their Communities 

In line with previous work, our study participants reported poor mental health outcomes that were 
attributed to their experiences as Sixties Scoop survivors (Fachinger, 2019; Kenny, 2018; Nuttgens, 
2013; Spencer, 2017). Some women spoke of the enduring pain of having their childhood torn away 
from them. However, instead of speaking more about this, they diverted the conversation to focus on 
what concerned them the most, the millennial scoop. The deep cuts of the Sixties Scoop would remain 
open for as long as Indigenous children continued to be removed from their families and communities. 
This concern speaks to the legacies of historical policies and practices and its permeation into present-
day society (de Leeuw et al., 2009; McKenzie et al., 2016). McKenzie et al (2016) explored the 
continuities of past colonial discourses, such as the Sixties Scoop and the residential schools, and their 
roles in contemporary discourses on pathologizing Indigenous Peoples. The connection between such 
policies and practices has contributed to the state’s over-involvement in Indigenous families’ lives, as 
well as on the number of Indigenous children in the Canadian child welfare system (McKenzie et al., 
2016). De Leeuw, Greenwood and Cameron (2009) have argued that the contextualization of 
Indigenous Peoples through historical policies and practices continues to inform current policies 
supporting the Canadian child welfare system. The current over-representation of Indigenous children 
in the Canadian child welfare system, referred to as the “Millennial Scoop,” exemplifies the continued 
legitimizing of “government destruction of Indigenous families” (Halseth & Greenwood, 2019; Kenny, 
2018, p. 305). As of 2010, approximately 27,000 Indigenous children were in foster care in Canada, a 
number that is continuing to grow and may one day surpass the number of children taken into 
residential schools and the Sixties Scoop (Vowel, 2016). The millennial scoop is an extension of the 
Sixties Scoop which further exacerbate the collective and intergenerational traumas of Indigenous 
Peoples (Kenny, 2018).  

The varying levels of traumas and hardships expressed by the women were also discussed as extending 
beyond the self and that intergenerational trauma is also experienced at the community level whether it 
be in rural and remote communities or in the urban setting where the women in our study live (Bombay 



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et al., 2014; Hoffart & Jones, 2018; Roy, 2014). One participant stated how being Indigenous was 
difficult and coming to terms with the traumas that both herself and her community faced required her 
to ‘keep strong’. Being Indigenous was hard because she felt alone. As previously discussed, loneliness is 
associated with low connectedness (Carriere, 2005; Spencer, 2017) which some of the women clearly 
articulated at the onset of our study. The women never referenced their traumas without also 
acknowledging the traumas and hardships of the community. The connections between the impacts of 
colonization to contemporary hardships that Indigenous people face is not a novel finding (Dodgson & 
Struthers, 2005). Referred to as the historical traumas of lived marginalization, Struthers explains that 
their participants discussed the impact of historical events on the “current welfare of their families and 
tribes” (Dodgson & Struthers, 2005, p. 341). The interrelated effects of the women’s traumatic 
experiences highlighted the importance of considering the “larger context in which these traumatic 
events rest” that look beyond the individual effects of trauma (Aguiar & Halseth, 2015; Bombay et al., 
2014, p. 321; Menzies, 2008). Acknowledging the historical and contemporary traumas of Indigenous 
Peoples, particularly for those directly involved in the Sixties Scoop or residential schools, can provide a 
comprehensive understanding of the complex interplay of traumas (Aguiar & Halseth, 2015; 
Hadjipavlou et al., 2018). If it is important to recognize the Sixties Scoop as historical trauma with 
intergenerational and ongoing effects, it is also important to recognize the millennial scoop as 
contemporary trauma with lasting effects (Bombay et al., 2014; Cunneen & Libesman, 2000; Frideres, 
2008; Kreig, 2009).  

Longing for and (Re)connecting to Indigenous cultures 

The longing for culture was undeniable for all the women and something noteworthy was the innate 
aspects some women possessed for absorbing cultural knowledge. They appeared to be reconnecting to 
something they had within themselves. Our project was able to facilitate survivors’ (re)connection to 
Indigenous cultures whose experiences were part of a broader agenda of cultural genocide by the 
Canadian government (Cardinal, 2016; Sinclair, 2007). Some women in our study initially expressed 
feeling hesitant around engaging in ceremony and not knowing how or where to start their journeys in 
connecting to culture. Nevertheless, their willingness and interest in learning more about culture reflects 
the broader interests expressed by the Indigenous community in previous work (Hadjipavlou et al., 
2018; Morcom, 2017). As Ann M. R. states, quoted in the final report of The National Inquiry into 
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (2019): “Our people, our community want to 
heal, they want to learn their culture. They want to go on the land. That’s where they want to be. That’s 
where they want to heal… culture has to be lived.” (Ann, 2019, p. 146). Meeting Knowledge Carriers 
was a critical step for some of the women in our study to enhance their connection to their cultures and 
to further their journeys in (re)connection. Hadjipavlou et al. (2018) showed that patients accessing 
services including Elders for their mental health and wellbeing viewed their interactions with the Elders 
as not only important in providing a “sense of belonging,” but also an opportunity to bridge them to 
other communities and relationships (Hadjipavlou et al., 2018, p. E611). In fact, in our study, women 
described how they were made to feel more comfortable accessing cultural events such as ceremonies in 
the community at large by being introduced to Knowledge Carriers in our study. The connection to 
various Grandmothers, Grandfathers, Elder, and a Cultural Teacher were invaluable to the women. 
Opportunities to connect must be understood as being a long-term goal as opposed to short-term and 



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temporary given that the process of (re)connection is a lifelong journey which was shared by the women 
(Black et al., 2019; Cardinal, 2016; Carriere, 2005; Carriere & Richardson, 2009).  

Lavallée and Poole (2010) have argued that work around cultural identity is crucial for healing, as 
colonization and identity disruption are at the root of adverse health outcomes among Indigenous 
people. From an attachment theory perspective, Carriere and Richardson (2009) discuss the importance 
of culture, identity preservation, and spiritual transformation for the wellbeing of Indigenous children, 
families, and its importance in assisting survivors in dealing with social challenges such as racism. One 
study participant’s reclamation of herself and the community wanting to stay Indigenous can be an act of 
resistance to the dominant colonial structures that worked towards assimilating Indigenous Peoples. 
Gregg (2019) has discussed how indigeneity can be a political tool to work against advancing the 
“particular interests of a range of different self-identifying groups” (p. 836). The reclamation of 
indigeneity is not simply an important aspect of individual identity, but rather a collective call for 
reclaiming what has been stolen from Indigenous Peoples – identity, culture, language, community, and 
land- and protecting and revitalizing what has been stolen (Gregg, 2019). Given Canada’s history of 
delegitimizing the practice of Indigenous cultures and ceremonies through the Indian Act, and thus 
disrupting the “transmission of intergenerational knowledge” necessary for developing a positive cultural 
identity, establishing spaces and opportunities for (re)connection must be taken up as a responsibility at 
all levels of government (Frideres, 2008; Goulet & McLeod, 2002, p. 355).  

The Importance of Cultural Practices for Health and Healing 

The women’s experiences with the Full Moon Ceremony and teaching circles highlighted the 
significance of Indigenous cultures, teachings, and healing approaches for working through trauma and 
other mental health issues. Our findings are in line with previous research that found that cultural 
knowledge and Indigenous healing approaches were beneficial for Indigenous Peoples in promoting 
wellbeing (Ghislaine et al., 2013; Hadjipavlou et al., 2018; Maar et al., 2009). As in other studies, our 
participants described the sessions as being holistic, complete, and leaving them with feeling hopeful 
about the future (Hadjipavlou et al., 2018; Hunter et al., 2006; Struthers et al., 2004). Previous work 
focusing on Indigenous healing, Indigenous knowledge systems, as well as spirituality have also 
demonstrated their importance for Indigenous people to work through intergenerational trauma, 
addiction, and other mental health concerns (Hunter et al., 2006; Maar & Shawande, 2013; Robbins & 
Dewar, 2011). In our study, the Knowledge Carriers modeled how the teachings guided them in their 
lives. This was important for some women who needed more assistance in understanding how the 
teachings could translate to their lives. The various teachings were able to assist the women in working 
through personal struggles and challenging situations. Furthering our understanding and a wider 
acceptance of how Indigenous teachings and storytelling can be used to address mental health situations 
simultaneously enabling women to connect to their cultures and walk in a good way. Some of the 
participants also discussed that mainstream health services (e.g., psychologists, therapists) were not 
always as effective in addressing their mental health concerns and how this project seemed to be more 
beneficial in navigating their mental health concerns and discussing their trauma in a supportive space. 
Previous work has also suggested that western therapeutic projects and behavioural change frameworks 
are inconsistent and incongruent with many Indigenous cultures and can serve as a form of colonization 



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(Barker et al., 2017; Hodge et al., 2009; Mundel & Chapman, 2010). Mainstream services can be limited 
in understanding and addressing the realities of Indigenous Peoples, the role of colonization in 
impacting the health and wellbeing of Indigenous Peoples, and collectivism as an underpinning in 
Indigenous cultures (Chino & Debruyn, 2006; Rosile et al., 2016). For example, some studies that have 
explored the inclusion of Indigenous healing and culture practices with mainstream mental health 
services and showed a benefit to their combined use, as opposed to mainstream approaches alone when 
addressing mental health for Indigenous Peoples (Eagle, 1998; Marsh et al., 2015; Marsh et al., 2016). 
While using both western and Indigenous views in addressing mental health and healing has been shown 
to be effective in previous work and for health service providers when working with Indigenous 
communities, our participants signaled the importance in the exclusive focus on ceremony and culture as 
being sufficient for some to work through trauma and strengthen their identity (Marsh et al., 2015; 
Marsh et al., 2016). Given a history of actively suppressing Indigenous cultures through colonial 
structures and practices in Canada, establishing a setting that had an exclusive focus on Indigenous 
teachings and ceremonies is important to consider (Maar et al., 2009; Robbins & Dewar, 2011). As 
discussed in the Truth and Reconciliation Act (2015), “the preservation, revitalization, and 
strengthening of Aboriginal languages and cultures are best managed by Aboriginal people and 
communities” (Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015, p. 2). This signals the 
importance of Indigenous-led and Indigenous-exclusive spaces, and the responsibilities of non-
Indigenous peoples and organizations to recognize, respect, and support such spaces. 

Facilitators and Barriers to Engaging in Cultural Practices 

There is an overall lack of culturally relevant and safe services for Indigenous Peoples which has been 
discussed in previous literature (Boksa et al., 2015; Wexler & Gone, 2012). This works against 
addressing the needs of Indigenous women, but also reinforces the divide between Indigenous Peoples 
and services that further marginalizes the community (Boksa et al., 2015; Wilson, 2008). Different 
worldviews may also reinforce the divide. Despite having several descriptions, Indigenous worldviews 
have commonalities specifically as it relates to the environment. Importantly, distinct nations do have 
relationships with distinct aspects of the environment (Hart, 2010; McKenzie et al., 2016; Simpson, 
2000). Simpson (2000) specifically has described seven principles that encompasses Indigenous 
worldviews. She states the following: ‘First, knowledge is holistic, cyclic, and dependent upon 
relationships and connections to living and non-living beings and entities. Second, there are many truths, 
and these truths are dependent upon individual experiences. Third, everything is alive. Fourth, all things 
are equal. Fifth, the land is sacred. Sixth, the relationship between people and the spiritual world is 
important. Seventh, human beings are least important in the world.’ The spiritual world is for many 
Indigenous peoples a critical feature of holding Indigenous worldviews which is often experienced 
through cultural practices such as in ceremony and teachings. Spirituality is part of everyday life and 
everything has spirit. Spirit has been referenced in many situations. For example, during purification 
ceremonies participant in a circle will open with a smudge and call upon the spiritual Grandmothers and 
Grandfathers (Lavallée & Poole, 2010). The medicine wheel teachings for many Indigenous peoples 
reflects the balance between four interconnected ‘realms’: spirit, mind, body, and emotion (Lavallée & 
Poole, 2010). Many Indigenous cultures involve thanking the spirit of animals and its relationships to it 
and the land during a hunt (Cunsolo et al., 2020; Prosper et al., 2011). 



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In our study, some women may simultaneously hold different sets of competing values arising from 
being Sixties Scoop survivors which causes them to shift between non-Indigenous and Indigenous values 
or even worldviews depending on context to fit in or to placate others (Gray, 2011; Hong et al., 2000) 
that could result in fatigue for the women and some communication challenges with the staff 
(McCluney et al., 2019). Nevertheless, conversations that the women had around resources they needed 
to encourage their walk of a good life indicated the importance of centering Indigenous worldviews in 
health literacy and promotion programming, social gatherings, and community building activities (e.g., 
diabetes and food preparation, parenting and childcare, healing through the arts, mental health support). 
It also requires that professionals ranging from frontline to policy work to understand the historical and 
contemporary systems of oppression against Indigenous Peoples, requiring them to actively interrogate 
mainstream practices and ways of ‘knowing’ that can perpetuate and reinforce systemic inequities 
(Hunting & Browne, 2012). Multiple approaches can be taken to centre Indigenous worldviews in 
health service and support practices and programming at various levels particularly with people 
recognized as allies by Indigenous Peoples. Provided that individuals and communities take ownership 
and control over their own health, it is reasonable to conclude that Indigenous communities identify 
what is needed in their walk of a good life and non-Indigenous peoples, communities, and institutions 
respond to and support that space (Kickbusch, 2002; Mundel & Chapman, 2010).  

In addition, service providers must be transparent about their roles and responsibilities when culture is 
being used in specific settings given that this may impact whether clients are stepping into a space of 
ceremony or a program. During our project on several occasions, the Knowledge Carriers expressed that 
note taking was not permitted because the teachings the women retain will reflect what they are able to 
retain or what they need to retain. Oral traditions were important. Also, in a circle everyone becomes 
equal, and thus service providers part-taking in ceremony must join as participants as opposed to 
workers. Workers taking notes may appear to be conducting surveillance and are going directly against 
the request of Knowledge Carriers at least in the case of the nine Knowledge Carriers in our study. 
Culture in ceremony and in programming are important but lead to different levels of engagement and 
respond to different needs of the user. 

Relationship building is critical for working with Indigenous Peoples, including for service providers. 
Locating oneself and forming connections has been included in several health service processes 
including in mental health care interventions for Maori People in New Zealand whereby service 
providers connection to people and places to establish trust and relationships are critical (Kopua, 2019; 
Mathieson et al., 2012). Introducing oneself through family name or origins as opposed to professional 
and academic credentials can foster a stronger relationship and alleviate power dynamics at play. 
Further, connectedness, an essential value for many Indigenous Peoples, can be observed among several 
mental health interventions and programs for Maori, American Indians in the US, First Nations youth, 
as well as in a conceptual nursing framework in Native American culture in the US (Bennett et al., 2014; 
Kopua, 2019; Lowe, 2002; Mathieson et al., 2012; Sabbioni et al., 2018; Snowshoe et al., 2017). It is also 
important to highlight that we ask people seeking care to let their guard down and become vulnerable in 
such instances and therefore a reciprocal act of trust is needed by service providers. In fact, sharing 
stories has been described as gifting treasures (Kopua, 2019). Similarly, among guiding principles 
shaping culturally informed health practices in Australia with Aboriginal youth, was the importance of 



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centering family and kinship in health services because of their role in contributing to wellbeing and 
being a source of strength (Sabbioni et al., 2018).  

At the organizational level, there is a responsibility to create spaces and opportunities for service 
providers and other staff to learn about historical and current colonial acts such as the Sixties Scoop and 
the millennial scoop to achieve a growing understanding of its ongoing impact on their clients and 
Indigenous communities at large. Moreover, anti-oppression, anti-racism, and cultural safety workshops 
and trainings for example should be part of onboarding and even having spaces for residential school and 
Sixties Scoop survivors to share their experiences may contribute to the ongoing learning and reflection 
process required by those working with Indigenous Peoples. Furthermore, there is a requirement for 
organizational and institutional leaders to understand and explore how their policies and programming 
reinforce colonization and how they can dismantle colonial structures and center the voices and 
perspectives of Indigenous Peoples to alleviate systemic forms of oppression, particularly for Indigenous 
women (Kubik et al., 2009).  

Other important questions for organizational and institutional leadership are: Who are we making 
Indigenous cultures accessible to and is it to the detriment of Indigenous clients? How can Indigenous 
cultures be made accessible to non-Indigenous clients and meet the expectations of Indigenous clients? 
Historically and in many current spaces, there are limitations on the extent to which Indigenous people 
can practice their cultural activities for healing and teaching for example. Today in many non-
Indigenous spaces or spaces under non-Indigenous leadership, the importance of making culture 
accessible to non-Indigenous people supersedes the needs of Indigenous people. Having a space for 
healing that is exclusive to Indigenous Peoples and the community is critical. Non-Indigenous peoples 
need to recognize, respect, and support the creation of these spaces. Another way non-Indigenous 
peoples may support Indigenous Peoples is to ensure there are opportunities for Indigenous Peoples to 
develop their own solutions as opposed to imposing or providing those solutions (King et al., 2009). 
This can include Indigenous leadership from service users on projects and programs. Moreover, it is 
important for culture within program or services to recognize the diversity of their Indigenous clients. 
This diversity should be reflected in the leadership as well as in the delivery of services. Although it may 
be beneficial to establish a relationship with a Knowledge Carrier this may be more useful to the 
organization itself in contrast to the clients. The clients would benefit from Knowledge Carriers with 
diverse skills representing different First Nations, Métis, and Inuit nations who possess different 
worldviews some of which may align with the client’s worldviews. In our project, each Knowledge 
Carrier brought with them stories of where they come from and their nations and frequently work with 
women from different nations in urban settings. It is important to note that our study in an urban setting 
included women from several nations. As Sixties Scoop survivors, they access more diasporic 
communities learning from different nations which contributes to their own identity. Part of the 
reclamation journey may not immediately or always involve their specific nations because they may not 
know from which community they are from, have access to Indigenous communities, or even nation-
specific Knowledge Carriers (M. Campaigne, 2019 personal communication).  

 



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Study Limitations 

Finally, there are limitations in our study. Although eight women participated throughout the two cycles, 
four women consistently attended all the weekly circles and Full Moon Ceremony. The women’s 
attendance throughout the sessions can possibly speak to their perceived preparedness to part-take in 
ceremony and be in a space where discussions around the Sixties Scoop are present. Since every woman 
had different levels of preparedness with engaging in ceremony, the perspectives of those who were 
more prepared to engage in (re)connection to Indigenous cultures could have been more represented in 
the data. While the focus groups were an opportunity to facilitate deeper discussion on certain topics 
and ideas, the dynamics of the group as well as preparedness to engage in discussions could have allowed 
for certain participants to elaborate more on their ideas compared to others.  

Conclusion 

Our study has provided insight into the experiences of urban Indigenous women in reconnecting to 
culture. It is important to note that our work took place in an institutional setting where cultural 
programming is available. Throughout our study, the women shared several differences between culture 
as ceremony and culture as programming which we believe are critical to further describe as actionable 
items for future consideration focusing on the roles and responsibilities of service providers and 
recognizing differences in the spaces for services and programs versus ceremony. These considerations 
are necessary to meet the needs of Indigenous clients, to avoid further colonization of Indigenous 
cultural practices or even dampening the impacts of culture on individual and community health and 
connectedness which shapes cultural identity. 

 



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