International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies (2017) 9(3): 68–99 

DOI: 10.18357/ijcyfs93201818277 

A REPORT ABOUT INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE 

IN SOUTHERN AND WESTERN RWANDA 

Immaculée Mukashema 

Abstract: The present paper reports on intimate partner violence (IPV) in 3 

districts of Southern Province and Western Province in Rwanda. Qualitative data 

were obtained via 3 focus group discussions conducted at the headquarters of each 

district, and 10 individual interviews with key informants, community leaders 

who worked in the districts. The types of IPV discussed were physical, economic, 

sexual, and psychological harassment. Community leaders stated that the women 

in their communities had no hesitation in reporting economic abuse and physical 

violence, but noted that the women needed support from other people to report 

sexual violence, and generally did not report psychological harassment, perhaps 

because they accepted it as the norm. They also noted that men generally did not 

report IPV and that the main victims of IPV in all its forms were children and 

women. The community leaders suggested a number of measures to reduce IPV: 

empowering females so that they are financially independent; educating and 

sensitizing family members about their responsibilities and community leaders 

about laws and human rights; educating all community members about gender 

equality and IPV, including premarital instruction; increasing access to services; 

putting in place a law that protects free unions by giving them legal status after a 

period of cohabitation; setting up a specific institution to deal with IPV; 

improving both support to the victims and follow-up of reported cases, along with 

instituting punitive responses to deter potential new perpetrators. 

Keywords: domestic violence, intimate partner violence, Rwanda 

Acknowledgement: This research was conducted through the facilitation of the 

Rwandan Gender Monitoring Office’s research initiative. 

Immaculée Mukashema PhD is Associate Professor of Psychology in the Department of Social 

Sciences, School of Social, Political, and Administrative Sciences, College of Arts and Social 

Sciences, University of Rwanda. Avenue de l’Université, Butare, B.P. 117 Butare, Rwanda. 

Email: imukashema@yahoo.fr 

mailto:imukashema@yahoo.fr


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69 

 

Intimate partner violence (IPV), also referred to as domestic violence, denotes abusive 

behavior by either partner or both partners in an intimate relationship (Shipway, 2004). It is 

defined by the American Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2015) as: 

a serious, preventable public health problem that affects millions of Americans. 

The term “intimate partner violence” describes physical, sexual, or psychological 

harm by a current or former partner or spouse. This type of violence can occur 

among heterosexual or same-sex couples and does not require sexual intimacy. 

IPV is a pervasive and devastating health and social problem that affects every 

population category in all nations (Bragg, 2003). Some cases end in the death of the victim by 

murder or suicide (Futures Without Violence, 2012; García-Moreno et al., 2013). The gravity of 

IPV’s effects are recognized in the latest version of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of 

Mental Disorders, DSM-5, which recognizes marital conflict with violence as a new relational 

disorder, and thus identifies this behavior as pathological (American Psychiatric Association, 

2013). 

IPV violates the fundamental rights of its victims, and has been identified as a public 

health problem present in all societies (García-Moreno et al., 2013; Krug, Dahlberg, Mercy, Zwi, 

& Lozano, 2002). For example, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2013) reported 

that, in Japan: 

in subsequent surveys in 2005 and 2008, over 10 per cent of married women and 

approximately 3 per cent of married men reported that they experienced either 

“physical assault”, “mental harassment or frightening threats”, or “sexual 

coercion” by their spouse on many occasions. More than one in five married 

women and approximately 15 per cent of married men reported having 

experienced spousal abuse on one or two occasions. (p. 56) 

In France, as reported by Molinié (2016), one woman dies every 3 days under the blows of her 

companion, and one man dies at his spouse’s hand every 17.5 days1. 

Rwanda has committed in the last two decades to dealing with IPV through legislation, 

policies, and strategies aimed at prevention and intervention. Attention is given to the full 

spectrum of IPV, including physical and economic violence, and also to the collateral damage 

inflicted on children: (a) a law “regarding matrimonial regimes, liberalities, and successions” 

(Republic of Rwanda, 1999); (b) a law determining the use and management of land (Republic of 

Rwanda, 2005); (c) a law on prevention and punishment of gender-based violence (Republic of 

Rwanda, 2008); (d) a law relating to the rights and protection of the child (Republic of Rwanda, 

                                                        
1
 Translated from French by the author. 



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2012); (e) a national policy against gender-based violence (Ministry of Gender and Family 

Promotion [MIGEPROF], 2011a); (f) a national policy for family promotion (MIGEPROF, 

2005); and (g) a national strategic plan for 2011–2016 (MIGEPROF, 2011b). Rwanda’s Ministry 

of Gender and Family Promotion deals with issues relating to the promotion of gender equality 

and family welfare, including prevention of IPV. Article 185 of the Constitution of the Republic 

of Rwanda established the Gender Monitoring Office (GMO) as an independent Rwandan public 

institution with responsibility for monitoring and supervising compliance with governmental 

measures that support ensuring gender equality (Republic of Rwanda, 2003). 

However, despite the Rwandan government’s orientation and commitment to the 

prevention of IPV, it remains a challenging issue (MIGEPROF, 2011a). Data generated by a 

survey conducted in 2010 show that more than 50% of female respondents reported that they had 

experienced IPV, while 38% of male respondents reported having committed IPV (Sleght & 

Kimonyo, 2010). As noted by Shipway (2004), conflict between spouses is often cited as a cause 

of IPV. In Rwanda, Mukashema and Sapsford (2013) have shown that IPV-related marital 

conflict rates are rising, as is the number of husbands who kill their wives and the number of 

wives who kill their husbands (MIGEPROF, 2011a). This rise in spousal homicides has been a 

cause of public alarm (Mukashema & Sapsford, 2013). 

Among the existing studies that provide information about the conditions associated with 

IPV in Rwanda, some focus on violence against women, connecting it specifically to HIV 

infection among women (e.g., Kayibanda, Bitera, & Alary, 2012). Among other studies, 

Thomson, Bah, Rubanzana, & Mutesa (2015), in examining the factors associated with physical 

or sexual IPV in Rwanda between 2005 and 2010, noted that in addition to the already occurring 

IPV-focused initiatives in the health and legal sectors, campaigns are needed to shift public 

perceptions towards deterrence; that is, towards ending IPV. These deterrence-focused 

campaigns are especially necessary given Umubyeyi, Persson, Mogren, & Krantz’s (2016) 

finding that even if legislative measures have been instituted to protect women from abuse, many 

Rwandan women do not benefit from those efforts. 

Additional studies investigated IPV specific to pregnant women in Rwanda (e.g., 

Ntaganira et al., 2008) and IPV toward women and its relationship to the mental health of 

victims and perpetrators (Verduin, Engelhard, Rutayisire, Stronks, & Scholte, 2012), while still 

others focused on the perspectives on IPV and marital conflict of psychologists, social workers, 

and medical professionals (e.g., Mukashema & Sapsford, 2013). Despite the ongoing 

investigations of IPV, scholarly reports that provide an overview of IPV in Rwanda are few; 

examples include the annual reports produced by the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics 

(Sinha, 2012, 2013), and studies that examine the impacts of existing legislation and policies 

focused on IPV prevention at the community level (e.g., Picon et al., 2017). With community 

impact in mind, the study described here investigates the awareness of IPV among community 

leaders and examines their perspectives and points of view about what further steps should be 

taken to deal with IPV in Rwanda. 

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/?term=Rubanzana%20WG%5BAuthor%5D&cauthor=true&cauthor_uid=26511348


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Methods 

Participants 

The participants in the study who joined focus group discussions (FGDs) or provided 

individual interviews were local leaders and community-based workers who dealt with IPV, 

gender issues, and child protection and human rights affairs in their daily activities. The 

invitation to participate in the research was presented at the district level by the staff 

representative of the Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion who worked most closely with 

each prospective research participant; this approach helped by communicating official support 

for the study. Each focus group was composed of some of the following members at the district 

level: a representative of the Access to Justice Bureau; a representative of the National Women’s 

Council; a community health worker; a staff member responsible for citizen registration; a land 

officer; a staff member in charge of good governance; people holding gender focal point 

positions; representatives of faith-based organizations and of the “guardian angels” 2 ; a 

representative of Haguruka [Stand Up], a local nongovernmental organization offering legal 

support to vulnerable children and women; and a representative of Pro-Femmes / Twese hamwe 

[Pro-Women Together], which is an umbrella organization working for the advancement of 

women, peace, and development in Rwanda. Data were collected in the Nyamasheke District of 

Western Province, and in the Nyaruguru and Huye Districts of Southern Province. 

Individual interviews with key informants were conducted with representatives of 

stakeholders of the GMO and other public and civil society organizations. Each of the following 

institutions was represented in the interviews: the Access to Justice Bureau, the National Public 

Prosecution Authority, the National Police, the National Women’s Council, the National Human 

Rights Commission, faith-based organizations, community-based organizations, the GMO, and 

the Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion. 

Table 1 Number of Participants in FGDs and in Individual Interviews 

Place/District Males in FGD Females in FGD 

Males in 

interviews 

Females in 

interviews 

District A  7 3 3 0 

District B  2 4 2 1 

District C  3 3 3 2 

Total 12 10 8 3 

 

Total number of participants in 

FGDs: 12 + 10 = 22 

Total number of participants in 

individual interviews: 8 + 3 = 11 

                                                        
2 In 2007 the Imbuto Foundation, chaired by the First Lady of Rwanda, Jeannette Kagame, initiated a network called 
Malayika Murinzi [Guardian Angels] in order to create a protective environment for children who do not have 

appropriate care by promoting adoption and foster care. 



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A total of 22 people including 12 males and 10 females participated in the three FGDs. 

Eleven people including eight males and three females participated in 10 individual interviews. 

In one interview, two people working in the same office for prevention of IPV chose to 

participate together, as they wanted to complement each other in giving their views. 

Districts were represented by letters A (Nyamasheke), B (Nyaruguru), and C (Huye) in 

the data presentation and in the discussion. As Table 1 shows, the gender distribution of the 

participants included more males than females (12 males and 8 females in the FGDs; 8 males and 

3 females for the individual interviews). This reflects the actual gender distribution at the time of 

data collection among those occupying the roles in the areas of interest of the research: local 

leaders and community-based workers who dealt with IPV, gender issues, child protection, and 

human rights affairs in their daily activities, as well as representatives of stakeholders of the 

GMO and other public and civil society organizations. 

Research Approach 

Data collection was conducted in May 2013. A moderator (the present author) and a 

notetaker (a research assistant) together conducted the three FGDs (one at the headquarters of 

each of the three districts) and the 10 individual interviews with key informants. The following 

questions were asked: 

1. What is your understanding of intimate partner violence? 

2. What are the different forms of intimate partner violence perpetrated in your district? 

3. Are all cases of intimate partner violence reported? 

4. What is the gender distribution of the victims? Who are the victims and perpetrators 

(men, women, or both)? 

5. What strategies do you suggest should be put in place in order to combat intimate partner 

violence? 

We developed interview guides relating to the research questions; these were used for both FGDs 

and individual interviews. 

Ethical considerations of participation and confidentiality in research with human beings 

as participants were complied with. Participation was freely consented to and confidentiality was 

respected. Participants were not identifiable as research subjects in their workplaces because they 

participated in the study very much as part of their daily routine. From the outside a meeting with 

us looked like any other meeting, albeit somewhat longer so that we could cover the interview 

questions in our guide. To preserve confidentiality, participants’ names were not mentioned in 

the collected data. FGDs and individual interviews were recorded with the permission of the 

participants. All the discussions were convivially conducted. 



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Analysis Techniques 

The recoded data from the FGDs and individual interviews were transcribed and 

translated from Kinyarwanda into English. Thematic content analysis, a process for 

systematically examining text data using codes to facilitate retrieval of similar information across 

the data, was conducted (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Rubin & Rubin, 1995, 2005). First, the 

analysis considered the data from the FGDs separately from the data from the interviews. 

Throughout the analysis process, the location of the information given by the participants was 

recorded along with each of the identified themes and subthemes related to the research 

questions and objectives (Baribeau, 2009; L’Ecuyer, 1989, 1990; Duchesne & Haegel, 2005). 

Codes were compiled into subcategories, then compared, and combined into broader categories. 

Second, the analysis of the FGDs yielded themes and ideas corresponding to each question; these 

were grouped with similar themes and ideas for the same question from the individual interviews 

for use in the report presentation and discussion. 

Results and Discussion 

The results from the FGDs and the interviews are presented and discussed under the 

following categories: understanding of IPV; forms of IPV; extent of reporting of cases; the 

gender distribution of both victims and perpetrators (men, women, or both); and suggested 

strategies to combat IPV. For each category, data from the FGDs are reported first, followed by 

data from interviews. 

Understanding of IPV 

In both FGDs and interviews, participants spoke about their understanding of IPV. For 

them, IPV was an act of violence conducted by one spouse against the other, an act that inflicted 

harm and deprived the victimized spouse of their human rights. 

For me, intimate partner violence is when either spouse, husband or wife, is 

deprived of his or her rights by the other. (FGD in C, female) 

I think it is any act done by someone to harm his or her partner. (FGD in A, male) 

I understand this as an act of depriving one’s partner of his or her rights, it is 

harming one’s spouse. (FGD in B, male) 

For me, it is violence committed against a partner, a man against his wife and vice 

versa. (interview in A, male) 

For me, it is a violence committed in violating the rights of a person against his 

intimate partner. (interview in C, male) 

It is a violation of the rights of the woman or of the man, but the definition must 

be consulted in accordance with the law. (interview in C, female) 



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The participants’ understanding of IPV fits with the WHO definition, which states that 

IPV “violates the fundamental rights of the victims” (García-Moreno et al., 2013; Krug et al., 

2002). 

Forms of IPV 

Physical violence: Physical harm — beating and in other ways harming the body — of 

one partner by the other was identified by participants as a type of IPV present in Rwanda. 

There are perpetrators who beat their victims, mainly the wives, and harm their 

body. Beating or harming the body is intimate partner violence. (FGD in B, male) 

There are times when the husband beats his wife and hurts her so that she has to 

go to the hospital. (FGD in B, female) 

To all the other types of violence cited discussed so far, I would add another type 

which is to harm the body, such as burning the body of one’s spouse or other 

action to physically harm the body. (FGD in C, female) 

Physical IPV is not specific to Rwanda; previous studies have included physical violence 

as a category of IPV in other countries as well (Ganley & Schechter, 1996; Krug et al., 2002). 

Rwanda National Police released a report indicating that in 2016, out of all reported cases of 

battered intimate partners, 254 were women beaten by their husbands, while 52 were men beaten 

by their wives (IGIHE, 2017). In the two-year period from 2009 to 2010, 818 women were 

battered by their husbands and 188 men were battered by their wives (MIGEPROF, 2011a, 

2011b). From 2012 to 2013, 25 men and 67 women were killed by their spouses3. 

The numbers above show that battering of intimate partners seems to be decreasing. 

However, it is not known, and will not be easy to determine, whether this is a true decrease in 

battering or is only due to decreased reporting. 

Economic violence: Participants identified several kinds of economic IPV, such as: 

nonagreement between intimate partners on the uses of economic goods, lack of access to family 

income by one of the intimate partners, and the exclusive management or use of shared property 

by one of the intimate partners (usually the man). 

Spouses’ disagreements on the uses of the economic goods they have in common 

often lead to constant harassment of one by the other. (FGD in A, male) 

The two spouses can be both civil servants and earning wages, but the husband 

puts himself in a position of being the head of everything, to the point where the 

woman, even to be able to buy salt or sanitary napkins, has to beg for it from her 

                                                        
3 http://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/article/2014-12-11/183917/ 

http://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/article/2014-12-11/183917/


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husband. The two partners are entitled to their wages, but the woman finds herself 

in a position of dependency. (FGD in B, female) 

Often women work very hard for the economic production, but the outcome of 

their efforts is not managed equitably by both men and women. The woman is not 

entitled to know the financial proceeds from the sale of their common goods. 

Even to have access to the property to be mortgaged can be impossible even 

though that property was acquired by both of them. (FGD in B, female) 

There are partners (mostly women) who do not have access to family income and 

property. Thus, the lack of access to family income and to property is an intimate 

partner violence. (interview in A, male) 

Apart from the cases that we receive here, from information we have seen on 

television, we realize that in the countryside, women are the victims, they have no 

wage labor and the conflicts and violence taking place there are mainly related to 

economic affairs. (interview in C, female) 

The intimate partner violence is mainly based on economic aspects. Men are 

perpetrators against their wives and women are perpetrators against their 

husbands. About 99.9% of the complaints we receive in our daily activities are 

economic, especially land-related. (interview in B, male) 

Previous studies agreed that issues related to economic exclusion, such as economic 

coercion of one partner by the other, are a type of IPV (Ganley & Schechter, 1996; Bragg, 2003; 

García-Moreno et al., 2013). Systematic gender inequality in Africa is often reinforced by 

cultural traditions that place men in the role of head of household in charge of family finances 

and decisions (Bowman, 2003). 

Killing of intimate partner: Participants in this study were aware that some people are 

killed by their intimate partners. Such a death seems to be understood as a catastrophic human 

behavior toward the intimate partner, going beyond the other physical aspects of IPV because it 

makes an end to the victim’s life. 

Physical violence can end in the murder of one of the intimate partners, the man 

killing the woman or the woman killing the husband. (FGD in A, male) 

Death due to killing is an intimate partner violence; there are victims who are 

killed, murdered by their intimate partners, killers are mainly men. (FGD in C, 

male) 

Murder of intimate partners is seen as a new phenomenon in Rwanda. According to a 

report released by the Rwanda National Police (IGIHE, 2017), 45 women and 19 men were 

killed by their spouses in 2016. In 2011, 121 women were murdered by their husbands, and 91 



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men were murdered by their wives (MIGEPROF, 2011a, 2011b). These numbers appear to be 

not especially high given the Rwandan population of 12,085,195, although one might argue that 

even a single such case is too many. The murder of one intimate partner by the other is a serious 

problem not just in Rwanda but around the world (Molinié, 2016; United Nations Office on 

Drugs and Crime, 2013). 

The World Health Organization (WHO) identifies IPV as an epidemic — one that can be 

fatal. Thirty-eight percent of all murdered women were killed by their intimate partners (García-

Moreno et al., 2013). There are as yet no studies showing clearly the reasons for intimate partner 

killings in Rwanda. Rubanzana, Ntaganira, Freeman, and Hedt-Gauthier (2015) conducted a 

study of risk factors for homicide victimization in post-genocide Rwanda. They state that 

homicide victims tend to be relatively young and that the proportion of female victims is one of 

the highest in the world (Rubanzana et al., 2015). These authors argue that even in the context of 

residual effects from a mass genocide, homicide victimization risk factors are not unique to 

Rwanda. Thus, further research on the factors contributing to killings as one type of IPV in 

Rwanda would be of great interest. 

Sexual violence and sexual forcing: Participants described several forms of sexual 

violence, mainly involving men who forced their female partners into unwanted sexual relations. 

The participants regarded this as a form of rape, with consequences such as injury to the sexual 

body areas of the victim. Some spoke of men who felt that their payment of a dowry to the 

wives’ families justified their making use of their wives’ bodies as and when they saw fit, even 

when the women were not physically or psychologically ready. In Rwanda, 22% of women in 

the reproductive age range reported ever experiencing sexual violence (National Institute of 

Statistics of Rwanda, Ministry of Health, and ICF International, 2012, p. xxiv). 

When there is a disagreement on sexual practices between spouses, or forcing, 

generally by men, in unwanted sexual relations, rape, harm on the sexual body 

parts — that is intimate partner violence. (FGD in B, male) 

There are spouses who do not communicate before intercourse, which ends up 

creating conflict between the spouses. The husband can tell his wife that as he 

gave the dowry to have it, he can dispose of his wife’s body as and when he … 

wants. ( FGD in A, male) 

The husband may think that he is the chief or master of sexual relations with his 

wife, that he is the one who has the say over it, and that the woman must show 

submission whenever the husband feels like it. Whether the woman feels like it or 

not, her husband’s wishes become an imperative to be followed and complied 

with. (FGD in B, female) 

In my routine activities, I learn that there are some men who practise unusual and 

harmful sexual relations. This happens after those men have learned different 



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unusual sexual practices from outside, such as in prison, and want to practise what 

has been acquired on their wives. Negatively surprised, the victim comes to me 

telling that she wants to leave her partner because he has changed. (FGD in B, 

female) 

There are participants who spoke of men going beyond the traditions and laws that placed 

them at the “head of the household” to thinking that they were the master in all aspects of life, 

including sexual relations. 

Men go beyond the traditional law that gave to them the right to be called the 

[head of the household] and use it in forcing sexually their wives while these 

wives are not in normal conditions, either they are tired or sick and then they are 

not in a situation to agree to sexual relations. (interview in A, male) 

On this point of heading the household, it is encouraging to note that a new household 

management scheme was recently put in place in Rwanda. It specifies that spouses jointly 

provide management including moral and material support to the household, and also provide for 

its maintenance (Republic of Rwanda, 2016). As the public become familiar with this law, it may 

contribute to a change in the mindset of men with regard to the power relation between them and 

their intimate partners. 

Psychological and spiritual violence: Participants identified different types of 

psychological IPV, including harassment, degrading language, putting the victim in a position of 

suffering, lack of care towards a partner, forcing adherence to a set of spiritual practices, obliging 

a female partner to wait without sleep for the male’s return until late at night, irresponsibility in 

supporting wives in domestic activities, polygamy, and harassing of wives because of the sex of 

the baby she gives birth to. On the other side, however, some participants felt that women who 

indulge in activities such as watching movies rather than taking care of their husbands should be 

considered when discussing IPV. 

Conjugal harassment may consist of degrading language or other action directed 

at the psychological suffering of the victim. There are victims of harassment who 

sleep outside the house, and the next day they go about their activities like 

everything is okay, nothing bad happened to them, they do not report officially, 

but only talk about it among them as ladies. (FGD in B, female) 

There is absence of care toward men by women spending lot of time in the night 

watching series films on television while the husband is waiting for her in the 

bedroom very late in the night. (FGD in C, male) 

There are husbands who harass wives because of giving birth to only one sex. 

(FGD in B, male) 



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Can you imagine? I know an unfortunate case of intellectual spouses .… imagine 

that one is a lawyer who knows the laws, his wife is an economist. Do you know 

what they have for disagreement? This is because the woman bears only 

daughters! So, if an intellectual can say this how do you think that will be the 

situation for the people of the countryside, who are not intellectuals? … I asked 

the following question to this man: Do you know that it is the man who gives the 

sex of the child, do not you know that at least through the books? He did not 

answer my question, he kept silent, now they are separated when they had three 

girls together! (FGD in C, male) 

We see intimate partner violence on faith where the husband forces his wife to be 

in his faith orientation. For example, two people may marry but have different 

religions. After marriage, the husband may forcibly require his wife to join him in 

his own belief church. (FGD in B, male) 

There are men who, when they are outside the home during the night, oblige their 

wives to wait for them until they come. The wives are obliged by their husbands 

to wait for them and are not allowed to sleep before the husband comes even if it 

is very late in the night . To me that is a type of intimate partner violence. 

(interview in C, female) 

There are irresponsible spouses, especially men, who do not take care of nor 

support their wives in domestic activities. (interview in A, male) 

Not helping women with the household chores is a form of intimate partner 

violence. (interview in B, male) 

Polygamy is a great problem that ends sometimes in the abandonment of one 

spouse — the previous one — for another. Such a situation happens especially 

when a spouse wants to be with another partner who seems to be richer than the 

previous partner. (interview in A, male) 

Psychological and spiritual violence are unhealthy, and amount to a public health 

problem. The WHO (Krug et al., 2002) includes psychological harm as a category of IPV. 

Extent of Reporting of Cases of IPV 

Reporting in terms of the gender of the victim of IPV: Women are said to report 

incidents of IPV much more often than men do. As one participant stated: 

In terms of gender reporting, women are the main victims who report about 

intimate partner violence and the CNF [National Women’s Council] helps in this. 

Men do not, maybe because of culture — they do not want to let it be known that 



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they are victims of their partners. They do not want to be seen as victims of 

females. (FGD in A, female) 

Reporting in terms of the type of IPV: IPV is not always reported as soon as it 

happens. Often, the victim herself is not able to report her own case; rather, the help of someone 

who can advocate for the victim is required. The psychological suffering of the victim is not 

disclosed unless it has resulted in physical consequences. Unlike psychological violence, 

economic violence is generally reported by the victims, and these are again mainly women. 

Especially when it is a case of sexual intimate partner violence, female victims are 

the ones who report their cases. But note also that, even so, women do it only 

when the situation has already become intolerable. Intimate partner violence cases 

are not automatically reported; they are not reported as soon as they happen. 

(FGD in A, male) 

When it comes to types of intimate partner violence, sexual violence is not 

systematically reported. When it is a sexual intimate partner violence, victims 

start by telling it to a confidante. Then this confidante may advise the victim to 

report to the MAJ4 or to police. The victim can’t take the initiative of reporting his 

or her own case: this needs the help of CNF or of anyone who can help in doing 

advocacy for the victim about the violence faced. (FGD in A, male) 

Intimate partner harassment, which may consist of degrading language or other 

action aimed at the psychological suffering of the victim, is not disclosed, it is not 

put out, it is not reported. This type of intimate partner violence becomes known 

only in the case of extreme physical consequences — of injury or death of the 

victim … there are those who are victims of harassment who do not tell the 

authorities, there are some who are forced to sleep outside the house; the next day 

they go to their activities as if nothing had happened. (FGD in B, female) 

The harassment between intimate partners that may be of the man against his wife 

or wife against her husband is not said — it is not reported. This is different from 

when the cases are related to economic violence. Women who are the main 

victims of economic violence now know that they can be assisted if, for example, 

the husband has unilaterally sold an economic good, the victim goes to the 

authority and denounces the husband’s action and asks for advice on the 

procedure to follow for this violence to be resolved. (FGD in B, male) 

I feel it is hard. I, who live in the countryside, I see that the situation is 

complicated for the woman who lives there in the countryside. The woman who 

                                                        
4 MAJ means (in French) Maison d'Accès à la Justice [House of Access to Justice]; it is a service whereby people 

are freely assisted with legal services. 



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lives in the countryside has a baby on her back, sometimes she is even pregnant, 

she went to the field with her husband if she is lucky enough to be accompanied 

by him for the work. Being back at a house, the husband asks the woman for food 

while they have both just arrived at home, having been working together in the 

field for agricultural activities.… Even if the husband beats her, she must be 

silent, she must not denounce her husband, for fear of not being able to escape. 

She thinks that if her husband sends her away, she will not have a place to go, 

especially since even her own parents, especially her mother, informs her that this 

is how marital life works, that the difficult situation must be kept as it happens. So 

she lives in that situation … the woman who lives in the countryside suffers, 

especially from economic violence. She works a lot for conjugal production, but 

her share of the product of her work is limited. (FGD in B, female) 

Not all cases report themselves, many of the victims keep silent about intimate 

partner violence because the culture tells them that it is normal to live in such a 

situation of being violated by their husbands. Because of the influence of culture, 

many cases are not said, many keep silent because they say: “niko zubakwa [that’s 

how homes work]”! (FGD in C, male) 

Cases of intimate partner violence we are aware of in our hospital services are 

those which ended in physical violence, or in transmissible diseases; they are 

generally sent to us by the police. (interview in A, male) 

Other factors inhibiting the reporting of IPV: Other factors that may keep a victim 

from reporting IPV are the psychosocial environment, intimidation of the victim, and the 

insufficient quality of the client care received from the people who handle reports of IPV, 

especially the lack of normal follow-up on the reported cases. 

Reporting intimate partner violence is a very delicate situation. The 

administration is making efforts against intimate partner violence, but the result is 

not tangible. The victims are intimidated by the perpetrators who tell them that if 

they denounce them, they will kill them. Thus, the victims look at the 

consequences that they incur when denouncing the violence of which they are 

victims and choose to not report. (FGD in C, male) 

The way victims are helped may discourage other victims from telling about their 

case. There are people who receive the victims in bad ways which are not in 

accordance with the situation of the intimate partner violence. (FGD in C, female) 

Reporting intimate partner violence also depends on how those who state their 

cases are accompanied, helped. I think there are problems here. I will give you an 

example. I once accompanied a woman who had been dangerously beaten by her 

intimate partner. When the victim arrived at the police station, a woman who was 



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also at the police station at that time and who knew the victim said, “But why is 

this woman rushing to report the violence she is suffering from when she is not 

married legally with the man?” The police officer, who heard the reaction of that 

woman, took that opportunity to ask the victim, “Madam, are you not married 

legally?”, and the victim replied that she was not. So the policeman said, “Well, 

be beaten to die, you whore!” … Imagine the situation that had just been created, 

and that mother who had just been called a whore rather than being assisted on the 

acts of violence.… Fortunately the commander arrived at that moment and, 

observing the victim, he sympathized, and the situation became more or less 

relaxed.… The way in which the victims are helped is problematic: Rwandans in 

general think that women can be beaten by their partners. (FGD in C, female) 

There are also times when repeated acts of violence take place and the local 

authority who receives repeated complaints from the same victim comes to have 

had enough, and can say to the victim, “But we help you and you do not stop your 

violence.” This seems as if the situation of violence does not finally have 

definitive solutions and it is probably discouraging for the victim. (FGD in C, 

male) 

We lack sometimes a model in the handling of intimate partner violence cases. 

Sometimes, you report the case of violence at the administrative sector level, but 

sometimes the person you’re addressing yourself to does the same thing: he lives 

in the intimate partner violence situation. What help can that person bring? I do 

have a proposal: The counselors should be numerous because everyone is sick … 

the reactions we see today shown on children, on men, on women … They missed 

psychosociological assistance, they missed having someone to listen to them, and 

their situations degenerated. Permanent counseling is needed. (FGD in C, female) 

Adequate support and follow up of reported cases and support to victims is an 

issue. That is what I observe and it grieves me much. Follow-up of cases: reported 

cases have no appropriate follow-up system. I do not know if this is because there 

are no consequences against the authority that does not take appropriate action on 

the case that is reported. I do not know whether this is due to the fact that he is not 

a model, or that he does not care about this case, or the fact that it may be due to 

the lack of knowledge about intimate partner violence. There are reported cases 

that are not treated, but are classified by the one who should follow it up.… There 

is no follow-up system that I know of. I am now in my third term as women's 

representative … but I do not know any follow-up system. For example, one 

[official] can receive a case: he promises that this problem will be followed up 

and that stops there, nothing else is done after there. At one point after, we hear 

that a victim has just been killed, or a girl has just thrown her baby in the toilet; 

there are many reactions when cases of intimate partner violence are not followed 



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up. The woman we visited at the hospital who had been burnt by her husband by 

pouring a pot of potatoes on her face, she was burned on her face, on her breasts, 

but I tell you the truth, it has not had any continuation. (FGD in C, female) 

I learned that he asked for forgiveness and that he received it. (FGD in C, female) 

I too learned that he was forgiven to the police and that is all. This kind of person 

— a professional who interceded for forgiveness when he was the one who would 

have punished the crime — should be answering this, he should be accountable to 

this. (FGD in C, female) 

Several factors influence whether an IPV incident will be reported. The gender of the 

victim plays a role. Most of the victims who report IPV are female; men tend not to report, 

perhaps due to the influence of the culture: men may deny being victims to avoid being known as 

the victims of females. This is consistent with the findings of Umubyeyi, Mogren, Ntaganira, and 

Krantz (2014), who, with regard to men’s lower reporting, stated that men’s denial of incidents 

could be explained by the gender role pattern. 

Sexual and economic violence are the types of IPV most likely to be reported. Sexual 

abuse by a partner is more often reported by female than by male victims, but the reporting is not 

automatic, nor does it usually take place immediately. Instead, the female victims tend to keep 

silent until the situation has become more and more catastrophic and reaches a breaking point. 

They take rarely the initiative on their own to report, but need support from other people, 

especially from organizations dedicated to women’s development such as CNF (Conseil 

National des Femmes [National Council of Women]) and from any person in a position to 

advocate for the victim. Indeed, consistent with the present findings, it has been reported that 

only 42% of women who have ever experienced physical or sexual violence sought help from 

either formal or informal sources; the majority of women preferred informal sources of help, 

such as family, in-laws, friends, or neighbors (Umubyeyi et al., 2016). However, while the 

present study found that in order for female victims of IPV to report they need the assistance and 

support of others, Thomson et al. (2015), in a study on correlates of IPV against women during a 

time of rapid social transition in Rwanda, analyzed the 2005 and 2010 Rwanda Demographic and 

Health Surveys and found that Rwanda has one of the highest self-reported rates of IPV against 

women worldwide, and that multiple forms of current or past violence are reported by the same 

women. This suggests a need for further studies on the conditions leading to cases of IPV being 

reported. 

The victims of economic violence are usually female; there is less reluctance to report 

this type of IPV. Intimate partner harassment, on the other hand, is not generally reported to 

authorities. This type of IPV is usually recognized only when it leads to extreme physical 

consequences — the injury or death of the victim. Cultural influences play an important part in 

the underreporting of cases, especially in the countryside, where women are less educated. 



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Female victims are exhorted to live with the IPV they suffer from because, as the saying goes, 

“niko zubakwa [that is how homes work]”. For male victims, it is not culturally easy to accept 

and reveal that one is the victim of a female intimate partner. 

Other factors also play a role in discouraging the reporting of IPV. These relate to the 

psychosocial environment, and intimidation of the victims by the perpetrators. If the perpetrators 

tell the victims that if they denounce them, they will be killed, the victims will probably choose 

not to report. This is consistent with the statement that women feared revealing abuse to anyone, 

either within or outside the family, as this would bring shame to the family and worsen their 

overall life situation (Umubyeyi et al., 2016). Umubyeyi and colleagues recommended that a 

study be carried out on gaps in legislation aimed at supporting abused women; they also 

suggested the need for a study on gaps in the involvement of health care professionals in 

supporting abused women (2016). Untrained or insufficiently trained staff, or staff whose moral 

values negatively impact their relationships with the victims, will lead to unsatisfactory client 

care and will handicap the reporting of IPV cases. It is of great importance that professionals 

who deal with IPV cases should receive the right training to develop the needed skills. Previous 

authors have made similar recommendations. For example, in the medical aspect of IPV, 

Umubyeyi et al. (2016) recommended that health care professionals should be better prepared 

through further education, and guidelines on how to handle such cases. 

With regard to reported cases of IPV, Thomson et al. (2015) conducted an analysis of the 

2005 and 2010 demographic and health surveys. They concluded that there had been a doubling 

in self-reported violence between 2005 and 2010, and that it coincided with major political and 

social gains in Rwanda. However, they also recommended that additional research be conducted 

to tease out to what extent-increased self-reports of IPV are due to increased IPV incidence 

rather than greater empowerment by women to report violence. They also stated that research is 

needed to evaluate the effectiveness of IPV interventions such as police station gender desks and 

district hospital Isange [Feel Welcome] One Stop Centers5 in reducing the incidence of IPV 

(Thomson et al., 2015). Participants suggested that good follow-up of reported cases is necessary 

in order to avoid extreme consequences, such as death. There is a need to expand the number of 

locations where justice services can be accessed, so that in each two or three administrative 

sectors there are justice services to support victims in the local area. There is a need for 

psychologists at police offices and for a multidisciplinary team to deal with IPV. As Bragg 

(2003) suggested, this could be beneficial in such areas as crisis counseling and interventions, 

support groups, medical and mental health referrals, legal advocacy, vocational counseling, and 

children’s services. 

                                                        
5
 The Isange One Stop Center is a multisectoral and interdisciplinary program aimed at providing psychosocial, 

medical, police, and legal services to adult and child survivors of gender-based violence and child abuse in Rwanda. 

The first one was created in July 2009 at Kacyiru Police Hospital in Kigali. Currently, there are 16 Isange centers at 

established district hospitals (http://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/article/2016-01-06/195864/). 

http://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/article/2016-01-06/195864/


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 The Status and Gender Distribution of Victims and Perpetrators of IPV 

Participants felt that children were incontestably victims of IPV. When asked to rank the 

main victims of IPV by importance, they put children first, women second, and men third. This is 

apparent from the FGD and interview data, but also from the energy that was put into talking 

about the issue of victims of IPV. Participants unanimously reported that the victims of IPV 

include both female and male partners, and that the children of violent intimate partners are 

collateral victims. When discussing “who are the victims” of IPV, both nonverbal behaviors and 

the tone of the conversation clearly showed the insistence of the participants that children and 

women are the main victims of IPV, with men in third place. 

Children are the main victims of intimate partner violence. In terms of gender of 

the victims of intimate partner violence, both men and women are victims. (FGD 

in A, male) 

When I look at it, I realize that children are the first victims. A child who lives in 

a marital home where there is a IVP, he gets hurt psychologically, fails to be 

properly educated by his parents. Then he will not be able to properly follow his 

lessons at school. He grows up in an environment of conflict.… When he sees that 

his parents are still fighting, he may think that when the day comes when he will 

have his own marital home, the situation will be the same, which puts him in a 

situation of [psychological discomfort]. (FGD in C, female) 

To me, victims of intimate partner violence are women and children. Even if the 

female was the perpetrator of the intimate partner violence, her nature as a female 

means that she also became the victim of the situation she created herself. (FGD 

in A, female) 

To me, whether the intimate partner violence is perpetrated by men or by women, 

the victims are children and women; if I try to make a kind of proportion, I can 

say that 90% of victims are women and children and 1% or 2 % are men victims 

of intimate partner violence. (FGD in B, male) 

The victims of intimate partner violence are firstly children, women secondly, and 

men thirdly. But this depends on the perpetrator of the intimate partner violence. 

(FGD in A, male) 

Here in our district, if I compare it with other districts I’ve worked in, I realize 

that it all depends on the district.… I have tangible cases where both sides are 

undergoing intimate partner violence. Intimate partner violence is not committed 

against women only, men also come and tell us that they are the victims of 

intimate partner violence by their wives. Women give a mistaken interpretation of 

gender equality: she now knows that she is the equal of man. As the man 



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approaches her, she calls the police saying her husband has just beat her and the 

rumors are circulating as well.… Today, there are men who have made the 

decision to leave the domestic home leaving their wives behind them.… The 

reference I can give you is that of about four requests for divorce, one can be a 

man. (FGD in B, female) 

Women are the main victims. Yes, there are some cases of men who are victims, 

but the majority of victims of intimate partner violence are women, and most of 

the perpetrators are men. (interview in A, male) 

Most of the victims we receive in our services are female; only about 1% are 

male. (interview in B, female) 

Most of the time, the victims of intimate partner violence are women. The reason 

for this is that, generally speaking, in the Rwandan mentality, the husband is the 

head of all.… But with regard to the new law of the family on the two spouses as 

chiefs.… He may want to use conjugal economic assets as he wishes, 

unbeknownst to the woman. So if the woman presents resistance to her husband, 

she ends up being violated by him. It is in this way that the violence begins. 

(interview in B, male) 

But there are also women who want to seize and use only matrimonial goods, 

under the pretext that the law protects them. (interview in A, male) 

Women and girls are the main victims of IPV, and children are the main victims 

of the consequences of intimate partner violence. We regularly face these types of 

violence. Even when we do interventions with people who are facing intimate 

partner violence, we want to help mainly their children. (interview in C, female) 

Children and women are said to be the main victims of IPV. Men are said to be the usual 

perpetrators even if they also are sometimes victims. This finding about the gender of the victims 

and perpetrators of IPV is consistent with Umubyeyi and colleagues’ (2014) study conducted in 

rural and urban areas of Rwanda’s Southern Province. The authors found that both men and 

women were exposed to IPV, although men to a considerably lesser extent than women. IPV 

exposure, in the form of repeated acts of physical, sexual, and psychological violence, was 

commonly faced by women, while men reported only single incidents of violence. 

In sub-Saharan Africa, women are more exposed to IPV than men (Were et al., 2011). 

Men report less exposure to physical and sexual violence while psychological violence exposure 

is more evenly distributed, irrespective of the time span under investigation — for example, the 

past year, or a lifetime (see, e.g., Nybergh, Taft, & Krantz, 2012). Some researchers have 

suggested that female victims are also often perpetrators of violence and that the victim and 

perpetrator roles can be played by both men and women (see, e.g., Bélanger, Mathieu, & 



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Brisebois, 2013). While it is true that IPV is perpetrated by both women and men, the majority of 

cases worldwide are perpetrated by males against their female partners (García-Moreno et al., 

2013). 

Proposed Strategies against IPV: Effective Preventive Measures 

Participants suggested a number of measures as effective preventive and responsive 

actions for IPV. These include fighting against poverty, educating and sensitizing family 

members about their responsibilities and community leaders about laws and human rights, 

involving the churches in the fight against IPV by promoting mutual respect, training and 

educating people about gender equality and IPV, increasing the access to social services, 

reducing the distance to access help in cases of IPV, and improving telephone and other 

communications facilities. They also proposed putting in place a law discouraging and protecting 

free unions, the creation of a specific institution in charge of IPV, premarital education, adequate 

follow-up of reported cases and supporting of victims, and the punitive response. 

Fighting against poverty 

A woman who does not make economic inputs to the home, even if she is in 

charge of rural field work and other domestic activities, is not given value in the 

home. (FGD in C, female) 

Women do not yet have the same economic resources as men.… They have begun 

to make economic contributions to their homes, but they have not yet reached the 

same level as men. (FGD in C, female) 

We see many people living in poverty. So when the wife asks her husband for 

something while the husband does not have the financial means to satisfy his 

wife’s request, both spouses begin to denigrate each other. I think fighting poverty 

would be a solution to the intimate partner violence related to the impossibility of 

meeting the economic needs. (interview in C, male) 

In their study, Umubyeyi et al. (2014) also suggested that income generating activities 

and access to financial credit would contribute to women’s empowerment. 

Educating and sensitizing families members about their responsibilities and community 

leaders about laws and human rights 

Educating men and women so that everyone knows about their conjugal duties, … 

the man has the responsibility to produce for and protect the home.… The 

solution is to try to educate.… Our contribution as a church is to educate. At least 

my son understands who the woman is, and who the man is. This is to avoid that, 

as we have seen that children are the first victims of intimate partner violence, 



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that if they see their father beating their mothers, these children do not think that 

this is how it should be. (FGD in C, male) 

It is important that the laws are explained to the people who are the beneficiaries. 

The laws are potentially good, they come to regulate marital and family problems, 

but people do not have the same interpretations regarding the laws. Men and 

women, and even children, must have the same understanding and interpretations 

of the law governing the family. The laws are not explained in ordinary language, 

laws are not sufficiently disseminated.… You see that there are even intellectuals 

who act badly, more than those who are not educated.… When the laws are not 

explained to the population, this creates difficulties.… It is said that a law has 

gone out in the Gazette, … but how many read the Gazette? Laws are good, but 

lack of knowledge about them by beneficiaries is a problem. (FGD in C, female) 

I agree with the same point, it is urgent to educate and explain the laws on the 

family.… To speak on radio and television is not enough.… Even among those 

who listen to the radio or watch television, … many are interested in other shows 

like football. (FGD in C, male) 

To educate people on different contents of laws for human protection, at the 

village level. (FGD in A, male) 

There is a need for sensitization of local government … and the population on 

human rights. (FGD in B, male) 

It is important to educate people about their rights. Someone may be confronted 

with intimate partner violence and believe that their torturer has the right to do so. 

It is important to know their rights and to know how to seek help in the case of 

intimate partner violence in order to claim rights when they are baffled. (interview 

in B, male) 

We must continue to raise awareness so that people know the rights of others. 

This is because, for example, there are men who believe that all rights belong to 

them, forgetting that women have rights also. (interview in C, male) 

It is necessary to educate the population on the right way to live. They should also 

be made aware of the types of intimate partner violence. A woman can publicly 

denigrate her husband and the husband does not know that this is a form of 

intimate partner violence. This affects the harmony of their life. (interview in A, 

male) 

Since they have not learned this at school, it is necessary that local authorities 

should be educated about intimate partner violence. In turn, these local authorities 



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have to educate, to sensitize the population about intimate partner violence. 

(interview in A, male) 

Educational awareness on gender equality and human rights issues would contribute to 

women’s empowerment (Umubyeyi et al., 2014). 

Involving the churches in the fight against IPV by promoting mutual respect 

Churches should help people to change and family members to be patient with 

each other. (FGD in C, male) 

In addition to the existing administrative institutions and the specific body dealing 

specifically with intimate partner violence, churches would help to educate the 

faithful on the fact that no one among intimate partners is an angel. (interview in 

C, female) 

Training and educating people about gender equality and IPV 

The gender concept needs to be well understood: men think that gender [equality] 

is only to the advantage of women and causes women not to respect those men. 

Men say that gender gives power to women. (FGD in B, male) 

Increasing access to social services, reducing the distance to access help in cases of IPV, and 

upgrading telelphone and other communications facilities 

To increase MAJ so that each two or three administrative sectors should have a 

MAJ service near the population. (FGD in A, male) 

People travel long distances to reach police stations and MAJ services. For 

example, you see we are now at 10 a.m., but it is possible that someone who is 

coming here may be still on his way to here. It would be good to make available 

at least more than one bureau of MAJ, at least one MAJ bureau for two 

administrative sectors. However, it is necessary to sensitize the population about 

the opportunity they have … to use the calling way [a free telephone call] to 

police stations in order to report cases and get assistance. (interview in A, male) 

Proposing a law both discouraging and protecting free unions 

There should be a law discouraging and protecting free relational unions. For 

people who live without being legally married, there is a form of instability that 

takes place in them and which influences their lives. This instability makes 

neither partner feel responsible for their household. Why cannot we decide by law 

that if a couple who are not legally married has spent a certain amount of time 



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together, the household will be legally recognized as a home. We need to protect 

these families.… This is a problem we often hear about … here. Every year we 

officially legalize illegal relationships, there is nothing preventing these types of 

disorderly relationships. Thus, if a man has decided to live with a girl, thinking 

that this is only a way for him to acquire the satisfaction of his sexual enjoyments, 

he has to feel engaged in responsibilities, that it will not be easy to get rid of her 

should he wish it. And for the girl, she will have to understand that if she engages 

in this type of relationship, it involves responsibilities, and that if she has spent a 

certain time with that man, he will be her legal husband. (FGD in C, female) 

I was in an administrative sector of our district. I had discussions with people in 

charge of the civil registry, community police, and so on. I asked them the 

following question: A young man and a girl decide to live together as husband 

and wife, how will you behave in this situation as a responsible action? … I 

addressed this question to about four people randomly chosen in the assembly and 

their answers were the same: we will try to hunt this strange girl … so understand 

that that girl becomes a victim of violence.… I added another question: and if she 

ever became pregnant in the time she was with that man, what will become of the 

child she carries.… All answered that he will be a street child … and you see, 

those are leaders … there were pastors, executive secretaries of the administrative 

cells, development officers at the level of the administrative unit … and we have 

conducted such discussions in all the administrative sectors … by bringing 

together all these categories of people.… It is a problem, they said … but who can 

be sure that this pregnancy is not due to someone other than this young man? 

(FGD in C, female) 

Proposing a specific institution to address IPV 

It would be helpful to set up a specific institution in charge of intimate partner 

violence so that it may be managed well, because it seems that in some existing 

institutions, intimate partner violence is given less importance … and this may be 

because there are more important problems for those institutions to handle. 

(interview in C, female) 

What I can propose is that there will be a specific body in charge of awareness 

and prevention of intimate partner violence. There should also be a specific law to 

punish intimate partner violence, for the population to become seriously aware of 

the problem of intimate partner violence. There should be a specific focus on 

intimate partner violence as there is, for example, a specific body for cases about 

trade. (interview in B, male) 



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Undoubtedly, one can say that the problems [of intimate partner violence] do not 

resolve.… It is not easy to know exactly where is the blocking … many of them 

remain in suspense. At least, you never see someone saying that his intimate 

partner violence problems have found solutions at 100%.… We think it would 

require a specific body dedicated to intimate partner violence and marital 

problems. I think that if intimate partner violence has not been solved as it is 

wished and wanted, maybe it is because the normal channels [of justice], which 

have to cope with varied problems of varied weights, can be overwhelmed if there 

are [many domestic violence cases] in addition to robbery and other serious 

crimes. When this happens, those other serious crimes receive much more 

attention; household crimes receive little importance if [the authorities] are 

involved in these other cases of crimes of particular gravity. This is the reason 

why we say that it could be fruitful if there was a specific body for solving 

conjugal problems. Existing institutions deal with many other crucial, important 

issues. When intimate partner violence cases arrive at police stations, in existing 

courts, and there are serious cases other than intimate partner violence, they [IPV 

cases] receive little attention beyond what is considered important in their [the 

courts] particular context. Just as there was a particular body that came to solve 

specific cases, the Gacaca [community justice court] came to solve specific 

problems of genocide and it was effective according to what was expected from 

them. A task force to deal with these domestic problems at the sector or district 

level, this would depend on the institutionalization, discussions focused on these 

problems; I think this may have good results, better than we see today. (interview 

in C, female) 

Premarital education 

What I can add on the topics of community education, is that there should be 

specific themes for those who are getting ready to get married … so that they 

understand the concept [of] gender … so that everybody marries knowing what 

awaits him in married life and what he will have to do in order to avoid annoying 

the other, his spouse. (FGD in C, female) 

Premarital education should be conducted early and many times. There is a need 

for family counselors and for setting up a good methodology to improve 

education on family dynamics — living together. (interview in C, male) 

Adequate follow up of reported cases and supporting of victims 

It would be helpful to follow up reported cases to avoid extreme consequences, 

such as death. (interview in B, male) 



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There is a need for a psychologist at police stations, and there is a need for a 

multidisciplinary team that can make what is called a One Stop Center. (interview 

in C, female) 

Punitive response 

It would be important to consider intimate partner violence as a criminal act to be 

punished before the population in a public place. (FGD in B, male) 

What I can add is that all intimate partner violence should be considered as 

criminal cases. We support the forgiveness that can be given by a victim of 

intimate partner violence, but there are no lessons that this can give to others.… 

See for example that man overturning a boiling pot of sweet potatoes on his wife 

and sometime later, he said to his wife, “Pardon me, my wife, you know that we 

have children together” … and the victim forgives.… In these conditions, another 

man will do the same thing because he will tell himself that women are like that, 

they are violated and they forgive. The perpetrator must be punished and the 

victim must be protected. (FGD in C, male) 

I, too, would like to argue that intimate partner violence should be considered as 

criminal. The prosecution must recognize the value of forgiveness, but he should 

also recognize that forgiveness is not enough in cases of intimate partner violence, 

and that punishment is necessary. Intimate partner violence must be seen as 

criminal and punished as such. (FGD in C, male) 

Discussion of the Proposed Strategies 

One available preventive measure is that of addressing the problem of poverty. Although 

Rwanda has embarked on a policy of empowering women, they have not yet reached the same 

status as men. Thus some are still dependent on men financially. When women are obliged to 

beg money from their male partners, this may lead to underestimating the value of women as 

human beings. The value of women is sometimes estimated in terms of the income they can 

bring into the household. 

Each intimate partner needs to be educated about his or her responsibilities in the 

relationship. It is important that children have good role models so that they will behave properly 

when they have their own households. The role of family education in preventing IPV is crucial. 

The laws, especially the laws regulating the family, need to be explained to those who 

will benefit from them. Although a law may have the potential to do good, unless people at all 

levels of instruction and all degrees of social status know and understand the law, that potential 

will not be realized. Local leaders in particular, and the population in general, need to become 



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knowledgeable about IPV, human rights, and what steps to take when human rights are violated 

by IPV. 

The concept of gender needs to be well explained, because there are men and women 

who misunderstand it. The misunderstanding of the gender concept can lead to inappropriate 

behaviors in a relationship between intimate partners. Rwandan psycho-socio-medical 

professionals have emphasized the importance of making the concept of gender well understood 

in order to prevent conflict and violence linked to misunderstanding of gender by men and by 

women (Mukashema & Sapsford, 2013). The need for education and sensitization as a measure 

to prevent family conflict leading to violence was also noted (Mukashema & Sapsford, 2013). 

Religious institutions can help to prevent IPV by promoting attitudinal change and 

mutual patience among family members. Advocacy efforts such as public awareness campaigns, 

collaborating with community services providers, and efforts to secure safety for victims and 

their children (Bragg, 2003) can help raise awareness about IPV. To succeed, strategies to reduce 

partner violence need the combined commitment of all actors, such as government and civil 

society (Abramsky et al., 2011). 

The helping services in cases of IPV, such as MAJ and police stations, should be as 

nearby and accessible to the population as possible. Rwanda has set up a communications 

strategy that allows IPV victims to report offenders with a free telephone call. Putting in place a 

law discouraging and protecting free relational unions, by giving them legal recognition after a 

period of cohabitation, would be good for the prevention of IPV against women and would 

especially benefit the children of those unions. Formal marriage needs to be emphasized as a 

protective factor against IPV (Abramsky et al., 2011). 

The participants suggested that a specific institution in charge of IPV should be created. 

They felt that IPV is not given enough importance, perhaps because institutions that are handling 

IPV also handle other serious issues to which they give more weight. An institution focusing 

only on issues of IPV and domestic violence could reduce this problem. These important 

suggestions come at a time when there is an effort to address IPV already underway in Rwanda, 

with a number of laws formulated to this end. For example, in 2008, a law regarding the 

prevention and punishment of gender-based violence was put in place. In 2009, a One Stop 

Center project offering free, integrated medical, psychosocial, and legal services to victims of 

IPV and child abuse was created. Almost all police stations now staff a gender desk with trained, 

usually female, personnel in order to help victims of IPV and other forms of domestic violence. 

The need for such measures indicates that IPV in Rwanda is an alarming issue. Indeed, it impacts 

negatively on the family, the smallest social unit and the foundation of a normal and harmonious 

nation. 

Participants emphasized the importance of sufficient time for premarital education for 

people wishing to get married. Premarital education was also suggested in a previous study as a 



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93 

method of preventing marital conflict in Rwanda (Mukashema & Sapsford, 2013). For the 

purpose of premarital education, there is a need for family counselors who would set up a 

methodology for education about family dynamics (living together) in Rwanda. This premarital 

and family education should protect the children from IPV. Abramsky et al. (2011) suggested 

that early experiences of abuse for children are a strong risk factor for IPV in adulthood. 

Protecting and supporting victims and their children is a necessary responsive action to IPV 

(Schechter, 2000). 

All reported cases of IPV should be followed up to avoid extreme consequences, 

including death. A multidisciplinary team, consisting of staff well trained in handling IPV, 

should be in charge of the cases to ensure good and comprehensive client care and adequate 

support to victims. While the Rwandan health and legal sectors have multiple initiatives to 

support victims, additional campaigns may be needed to shift public perception and reduce 

perpetration of IPV (Thomson et al., 2015). 

Even in recognizing the value of forgiveness in relationships, punishing IPV is needed as 

an example to other potential perpetrators. Participants believed that public punishment would 

discourage domestic violence. Suggested responsive actions to IPV from previous studies 

included improving the legal and criminal justice response (e.g., Schechter, 2000), accountability 

for perpetrators of IPV through societal and criminal sanctions, and systematic changes to 

combat IPV and to promote victims’ rights (Bragg, 2003). Women who survive IPV feel more 

empowered to report by the protection provided by the laws, and, as a result, an increase in the 

number of arrests for non-lethal spousal violence has occurred (United Nations Office on Drugs 

and Crime, 2013). 

Conclusion 

IPV was understood by the participants in this study as an act characterized by the 

deprivation of spouses’ rights and involving violence, physical or otherwise, by one spouse 

against the other. One noted, however, that the definition given by law must also be kept in 

mind. Physical IPV may consist of beating and harming the body of the victim, which can end in 

the death of the victim. The identified features of economic IPV are non-agreement between 

intimate partners on the uses of their economic goods; lack of access to family income by the 

victim, who is generally female; and the selfishness of the perpetrator in the management and the 

use of their common property. Sexual IPV consists mainly of unwanted sexual relations 

perpetrated by men. Some men think that the payment of a dowry to the wife’s family confers on 

them the right to control their female intimate partners and even abuse them. Some also cling to 

the traditional male role as head of the family, with the right to dictate practices in the area of 

sexual relations. Psychological IPV includes harassment, degrading language, failing to take care 

of one’s partner, imposing spiritual adherence, and the persecution of wives according to the sex 



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94 

of their babies, as well as irresponsibility in supporting the victims (generally the wives) in 

domestic activities. 

Participants noted that the victims who report IPV are most often women. However, 

sexual violence frequently goes unreported. Victims may initially keep silent, then make a report 

when the situation has become unbearable. Female victims of sexual violence generally need 

support from other people before they report. Economic violence is the form of IPV most readily 

reported by its victims, who are generally female. Harassment, on the other hand, is not generally 

reported to authorities, even though it may lead to a degenerating situation with extreme physical 

consequences including injury to or the death of the victim. To some extent, failure to report 

cases of IPV is influenced by culture, especially in the countryside, where women are less 

educated. They may be told by elders, especially their family members, that being violated is not 

unusual for a wife, and that it is simply how homes work (niko zubakwa). Men generally do not 

report IPV. This is probably linked to traditional cultural influences that lead men to deny being 

the victim of a female intimate partner. The Rwandan government is making efforts against IPV, 

especially in raising awareness among victims of the benefit of reporting IPV, but the results are 

not yet tangible. Some factors that explain the underreporting of IPV include intimidation, the 

psychosocial environment, and the nature of client care. If the perpetrators tell the victims that if 

they denounce them, they will be killed, the victims will probably choose not to report the 

violence. Some issues relating to the quality of the client care obtained by victims from the 

people dealing with IPV, as well as the way reported cases are followed up, are said to be factors 

that discourage IPV reporting. The first victims of IPV are the children, the collateral victims, 

followed by the women and then the men. 

Participants proposed a number of measures aimed at preventing IPV: fighting against 

poverty, educating and sensitizing family members about their responsibilities and community 

leaders about laws and human rights, involving the churches in the fight against IPV by fostering 

mutual respect between family members, training and educating people about gender equality 

and IPV, increasing the access of people to the helping services and reducing the amount of 

travel required, implementing a law both discouraging and protecting free unions, creating a 

specific institution dedicated to IPV issues, engaging in premarital education, ensuring adequate 

follow-up of reported cases, and better supporting victims. 

The criminal penalties for IPV should be strengthened and fully enforced in order to set 

an example that will inhibit other potential perpetrators. 



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