610 ETHNOGRAPHIC COMMUNICATIONS OF THE NGABEN RITUAL OF BALI HINDUS IN JAKARTA Volume: 4 Number: 2 Page: 610 - 622 A.A Ketut PATERA1, Mirza RONDA2, Mikhael DUA3 1,2Graduate School of Communication Science Doctoral Program, Sahid University Jakarta, Indonesia 3Atmajaya University, Jakarta, Indonesia Corresponding author: A.A Ketut Patera E-mail: pateraagung9@gmail.com Article History: Received: 2023-01-12 Revised: 2023-02-13 Accepted: 2023-01-17 Abstract: Ngaben Respect for parents is the gateway to the happiness of life in this world and the hereafter. Hindus believe the Ngaben ceremony can simplify and speed up the process of releasing the soul of the sarira (smooth body) from the stula (rough body). Ngaben in DKI Jakarta differ from Bali Hindus. The research seeks to understand each pitra yadnya/Ngaben ritual, particularly for Hindus in North Jakarta. As well as presenting information to the larger community so that every execution of the Ngaben ceremony done in DKI Jakarta remains based on the Vedic scriptures and shows the community that Vedic teachings are very flexible/adapt to local conditions (Village, Kala, Patras). The Ngaben ceremony must be performed abroad according to local conditions and intent messaging. In this approach, the researcher gathers data and information through in-depth interviews and participatory observation from various sources with knowledge and experience in implementing Ngaben in North Jakarta. The main focus is on verbal and non-verbal symbols used in the Ngaben ritual. The theoretical basis used by researchers is ritual communication and socio-cultural theory. The Ngaben ceremony held by the Banjar Hindu community in North Jakarta has a very high social aspect. A large number of stages and series of ceremonies as well as the large number of ceremonial equipment used, makes the social interactions in the ritual take place in a variety of ways. The existence of gotong-royong and cooperation is a necessity that cannot be released. Keywords: Ngaben, Ritual and Socio-Cultural Communication. Cite this as: PATERA, A.A. K., RONDA, M., & DUA, M. (2023). “Ethnographic Communications of the Ngaben Ritual of Bali Hindus in Jakarta.” International Journal of Environmental Sustainability and Social Science, 4 (2), 610 - 622. INTRODUCTION Death is a cycle that all living things must pass. The meaning of death for humans is influenced by religion, beliefs, culture, customs and the environment in which they live. From a religious perspective, death leads to an eternal life that is better or worse than today. Every religion also views death as something sacred, so certain rituals are needed to honor it, passed down from generation to generation (Kiriana, 2017). Indonesia, with many tribes, customs, cultures, religions and beliefs, has various rituals for honoring death. In Tana Toraja, for example, to honor people who have died, the "Rambu Solo" ceremony is carried out; namely, a ceremony carried out to honor and deliver the spirits of the deceased towards the spiritual realm, returning to eternity with their ancestors in puya (Lusi & Yuwanto, 2020). A tribute ceremony for the deceased is also carried out by the Umalulu Community, East Sumbawa, who carry out the Grave Stone Ceremony to convey the spirits to the ancestral realm (Solihin, 2013). The Toba Batak people carry out respect for the deceased spirits through the Saurmatua ritual. While in Bali, the ceremony of honoring the spirits who have died is carried out through the Ngaben ceremony or purification of the spirits, with a funeral ceremony. Hinduism teaches that the human body consists of 2 (two) elements called stula sarira (wadag body), and the sarira soul is what mailto:pateraagung9@gmail.com 611 causes this wadag body to live and be able to move. The subtle element that makes the physical body alive and able to move is also called atma/jiwatma. Atma/jiwatman is the smallest spark of Ida Sang Hyang Widhi, who gives life to every creature. Without the soul, there is no life in this world. Religious activities related to death carried out by indigenous peoples are communication events to fulfill human identity as individuals, as members of social communities, and as one of the elements of the universe. Individuals who carry out ritual communication affirm their commitment to family, ethnic, national, ideological or religious traditions (Manafe, 2011). In Mulyana's view (2005), ritual communication is closely related to expressive communication, usually carried out collectively. Carrying out Ngaben for those left behind is a way to break away from the Tri Rna bonds or the three types of debts/obligations, one of which is the obligation to parents and ancestors, with the hope that they can achieve happiness now and in the future. Hinduism guides every community member always to respect and serve their parents or ancestors, both those still alive and those who have died. While they are still alive, they must be respected by providing the best possible service, while for those who have died, a death ceremony must be held, one of which is through a cremation ceremony called Ngaben. Respect for parents is the gateway to happiness in this world and the hereafter. When he is still alive, he will receive praise and respect from those around him, whereas after his death, Ida Sang Hyang Widhi will bestow immeasurable happiness on him. It is evident when we witness the efforts made by some Hindus when a relative dies. They are busy and specifically perform the Ngaben ceremony in as much detail as possible, not only for those who can afford it, like the Puri Ubud family in Bali, who are used to carrying out death ceremonies with great fanfare. As was carried out on Friday, March 2, 2018, when a Puri family passed away, they conducted a lively funeral ceremony. There are halls (bade) as high as + 28 meters towering as a place for the bodies of their parents to be ceremonially carried out. The making of the halls certainly requires much money, let alone to carry them to the cemetery, so if it is calculated materially to carry out such a grandiose ceremony, it certainly requires quite a lot of money. However, there was not the slightest hesitation on the part of the family to do it. They were very sincere because they believed that it was one of the best ways to show respect and devotion to their ancestors who had contributed to their lives, and in that way, their debts against their ancestors could be redeemed/paid. This sacred procession which is the obligation of Balinese Hindus to their ancestors, consists of a series of activities, from washing the corpse, praying to the Kajang, burning and offering. The Ngaben procession is generally not held on the day death occurs. The ceremony will be carried out for high castes based on the auspicious day determined by the priest. While waiting to determine the auspicious day, the deceased's body will be kept in the family home. The Ngaben ritual is usually carried out in lower castes after the funds and manpower for the ceremony are available. During the waiting period, the body will be buried first. The length of the Ngaben procession makes the activity unable to be carried out anywhere. The entire series of the Ngaben ceremony, from the initial preparation (nyiramin/bathing) of the body to the end (ngising/burning), is generally carried out sacredly and follows the rules and guidelines of the Sulinggih (people holy). These conditions often bring Hindus in Bali, who are homogeneous, the position of accepting and following every instruction and direction from Ida Pedande. As opposed to Hindus in Jakarta who are diverse and work with other Hindus from other places, including those of ethnic Javanese, Maluku, Sumbawa, and others, who have distinct ways and abilities, The adjustment to the Ngaben ceremony or pitra yadnya procession occurred due to various considerations, including economic conditions and the socio-cultural environment, especially if there is a policy in the area that regulates the handling of corpses, as is the case in DKI Jakarta. Where there was a condition at the end of 2007, in North Jakarta, there was a victim who died due to a traffic accident. After trying to get information and contacting relatives and family who presumably 612 knew the victim, no one knew about it. A close family could be contacted because of the event procession that must be carried out immediately. There must be approval from the family. At that time, the management of the North Jakarta Hindu community had to make a decision that had to be taken immediately, bearing in mind referring to DKI Jakarta Provincial Regulation Number 3 of 2007 concerning funerals that based on the Regional Regulation, the Ngaben procession, like in Bali, is not possible to be carried out in the DKI Jakarta area, because there are regulations that limit the time of storage of corpses. In this regard, the traditional administrators at that time dared to decide to carry out cremation on the same day for the victim by making adjustments related to: place, time and circumstances (village, kala, patra), since then the existing Hindus especially in North Jakarta no longer feel the burden when a family dies in Jakarta, this model makes the Ngaben held in DKI Jakarta different from Hindus in Bali. Describing the differences in the cremation procession carried out by the Balinese Hindu community in Bali and Jakarta shows certain symbolic behaviors. The symbols exchanged in the cremation process are identical to habits or routines (Rothenbuhler, 1998 in Manafe, 2011) or habitual actions (hereditary actions), which are carried out formally but also contain transcendental values (Couldry, 2005). Ritual in the research results of Andung (2010), Rustinsyah (2012), Martiningsih (2012) and Moon (2012) is a traditional means or channel for communication that functions as a messenger or information carrier, educating and transmitting social heritage. The cremation ritual performed by Balinese Hindus in North Jakarta also illustrates the cross-cultural adaptation theory proposed by Young Yun Kim (2011), which was developed based on a general perception system that assumes individuals will adapt to meet the challenges offered by the new environment and tries to balance itself with the existing system. In its implementation, adherents do not consider the caste system that still applies in Bali. The implementation is also made more straightforward, so it does not require significant funds. Ngaben activities are also carried out by cooperation among banjar members in North Jakarta. However, all members of the Hindu adherents do not feel the reduction of the sacred meaning in the implementation of the ritual. Various communication activities involve ritual adjustment (Lee, 2017). The cross-cultural adaptation model put forward by Kim, as quoted by Lee (2017), is based on two basic factors: the individual's desire to adapt and the environmental conditions in which the individual is located. Research on Ngaben ceremonies and rituals in Bali has been researched and seen from many sides, such as that conducted by Kiriana (2017), who discusses Ngaben based on Lontar Siwa Tata Purana, or research conducted by Kebayantini et al. (2013), which discusses the commodification of Ngaben in Denpasar or Sudarsana's research (2017) which discusses the meaning of Ngaben in the perspective of religious education. All research on Ngaben that has been carried out is limited to the implementation of Ngaben in Bali, where adherents of Hinduism are the dominant group. However, research on Ngaben by adherents of Balinese Hinduism outside their traditional environment has not been widely conducted. Much research on ritual communication has also been carried out, such as Manafe (2011), who examined ritual communication in the Atoni Pah Meto Farming culture in East Nusa Tenggara, found that ritual communication carried out by farmers in NTT is a form of communication without information that describes the side "performance" or attractions as a form of acceptance of prevailing customary values. Research conducted by Maifianti, Sarwiprasodjo and Susanto (2012) examined the ritual communication of Kamuri Blang as a form of togetherness in farming communities in West Aceh. Rifa'i (2017) researched, with an ethnographic design, the communication of the Tingkeban Neloni and Mitoni rituals carried out by ethnic Javanese in Sumbersuko Village, Pasuruan. Ritual communication in this study is described as a form of prayer and hope for children who participate in rituals and portraits of the togetherness of local indigenous peoples in supporting the child's development process. 613 Based on the phenomena described, this study intends to dig deeper into how verbal and non- verbal language is managed as a process of cultural adaptation to the Ngaben procession based on the experiences of the perpetrators. The current phenomenon in the North Jakarta Banjar Community understands that the Ngaben ceremony is a ritual that must be carried out even in overseas areas. However, on the other hand, it must adapt to local conditions. Presence of Hindus in North Jakarta. The research will use a constructivist paradigm with a qualitative methodology and a communication ethnographic research design. This approach allows researchers to gather data and information through in-depth interviews and participatory observation from various sources with knowledge and experience in implementing Ngaben in North Jakarta. The main focus is on verbal and non-verbal symbols used in the Ngaben ritual. This study also aims to reveal the values of each pitra yadnya/Ngaben ceremony, especially for Hindus in North Jakarta. Besides that, it is also in order to be able to provide information to the broader community so that every implementation of the Ngaben ceremony held in DKI Jakarta remains based on the Vedic scriptures so that, at the same time, it can provide an outreach to the community that the implementation of the Veda teachings is very flexible/adjustable to local conditions. Village, Kala, Patra). From the results of this study, it is hoped that it can contribute to developing theories and concepts about cultural communication in the death procession of a culture. This research can also be developed as a basis for further development of the social adaptation of a cultural group to a new environment, as well as complementing the development of the social construction theory of local culture-based reality. This research is also expected to be an initial reference in conducting more profound research on cultural communication and the development of religious meanings in today's modern life. Practically this research is expected to broaden the horizons, knowledge and experience of Hindus in interpreting the Ngaben ceremony in multicultural communities, especially in Banjar, North Jakarta. Internally, this pluralism condition will reinforce the interpretation of the sacredness of a religious event. This research is also expected to increase the strong and inherent kinship values in life overseas without being limited by strict customary rules such as the Banjar in Bali. However, positive traditional values and beliefs and their meaning are maintained. The theoretical basis researchers use that ritual communication is a function of communication used to fulfill human identity as an individual, as a member of a social community, and as one of the elements of the universe. The term ritual communication was first coined by James W. Carey (1992). He mentioned that,”In the ritual definition, communication is linked to terms such as “sharing,” “participation,” “association,” “fellowship,” and “the possession of a common faith.” This view shows that from a ritual perspective, communication is related to sharing, participation, association, friendship, and ownership of the same faith beliefs. Carey added that in the view of ritual, communication is not directly directed to disseminate messages in space but to maintain a community at a time. Communication that is built is also not an act to provide information but to represent or bring back shared beliefs. The author tries to provide a study through a socio-cultural theory approach to the Ngaben ceremony practiced by multicultural communities in the Banjar area of North Jakarta. The Cross-Cultural Adaptation Theory was developed by Young Yun Kim (1976) to explain that humans always try to adjust to the environment in which they are. This theory was developed using a standard perceptual system (Kim, 1991, 2015; Kim & Ruben, 1998, Lee, 2017). According to general perceptual systems theory, individuals adapt to face challenges from the environment and try to create a balance with the existing system through various communication styles. The framework for thinking about the implementation of Ngaben is still synonymous with research on the nuances of Ngaben in Bali, which homogeneous Hindus dominate. It is undoubtedly different from the research that researchers will conduct in that it will reveal the heterogeneous implementation of Ngaben in Jakarta. The Hindus are not only from the same tribe but also from 614 various tribes, including Javanese and Chinese (Hindus of Chinese descent). Therefore, the following is the flow of thought in the research described in the following diagram. Source: Author, 2023 Figure 1. Thinking Framework METHODS Researchers use ethnography of communication as a research method. This study uses description as a type of research because it gets the right picture of the phenomenon to be studied. The relationship between the researcher (ethnographer) and the speech community needs to be maintained – in the sense of a close emotional relationship – and not too biased in interpreting behavior because researchers have the same culture. In this research, data sources in the field involve the Banjar people of North Jakarta with all their religious activities, especially those related to speech procedures, speech communities, situations, events and speech acts in the Ngaben ritual. This data is classified into two, namely primary data and secondary data. Primary data collection is done by observation and interviews. Meanwhile, secondary data was obtained using library research (Gulo, 2002). The techniques or methods used in this research are observation, interviews, library research TRADITION DECENCY TATTWA EVENT NGABEN CEREMONY Ritual Communication Sociocultural Tradition Globalization Ngaben Ceremony in DKI Jakarta Society cross-cultural adaptation The form of the Ngaben ritual is an adaptation in Banjar, North Jakarta Construction of the Ngaben ceremony in Banjar, North Jakarta The impact and sense of the people in carrying out the adaptation cremation The form of the Ngaben ritual is an adaptation in Banjar, North Jakarta Adaptation Condition 615 and research instruments. The informants in this study were community elders and religious leaders who knew their communication patterns. This study used vital informants by conducting in-depth interviews with informants who met the criteria, and traditional leaders, government, academics and representatives from Hindu organizations, including: Pinandita Wayan Winda Winawan address: Jln Angin Sejuk, North Jakarta. Study results will be presented in a descriptive-analytic presentation. The analysis used to analyze public perceptions of communication patterns in increasing the practice of Hindu religious teachings and the efforts made by Hindu religious leaders in anticipating these negative impacts. RESULT AND DISCUSSION Meanwhile, the process of the cremation ceremony that took place in Banjar, North Jakarta, based on the results of the author's observations at the research location, can be explained as follows: After receiving information regarding the grief that a Hindu community member had died, the head of the Banjar immediately gave instructions to the management under him (Temp-pek) to form a committee. As soon as the committee is formed, they usually go straight to the place where they are experiencing grief, to have a meeting and hold a meeting with their family to discuss what steps should be taken and ask Sulinggih for directions and instructions to get the form of the ceremony to be carried out. Based on the meeting results, an agreement was obtained that the Ngaben ritual ceremony must carry out the Sawa (person who died). In this case, 3 stages will be carried out during the Ngaben ceremony, including the initial, main, and final stages. In the initial process of preparing for the cremation while waiting for the results of the committee's discussion with the bereaved family, the people of the temp-pek residents concerned then prepare everything related to the ceremony of bathing the corpse or sawa. After finishing, Sawa was washed, then put into the coffin that had been prepared earlier. Led by a Stakeholder, family and people perform the pitra puja prayer so that the journey of sanghyang atma is calm and peaceful. Approaching the departure ceremony for the funeral/cremation site in Cilincing, the head of the Banjar gave a speech that gave direction and motivation to the family and relatives left behind to sincerely let go of their attachment to the deceased because all of that is a process of human life that must be passed. Finally, the head of the Banjar instructed the people accompanying the sawa journey to the Cilincing Crematorium to gather and prepare for the body's departure. Before the sawa or corpse leaves the residence/funeral home, it is first rotated three times (purwa daksina) clockwise as a sign of letting go of material/worldly things. Then sawa departed using an ambulance accompanied by all the people and local residents to the Cilincing Crematorium. It is one of the uniqueness of carrying out the Ngaben ceremony in Jakarta, sawa departs for the cremation/cremation site using a convoy of vehicles. The Core of Ngaben Implementation As soon as the Crematorium - Cilincing as the cremation/ cremation site arrives, the body is prepared as soon as possible while the committee chairman coordinates with interested parties, including the stakeholders and Ida priest who will lead the Ngaben ceremony. In the pictures/photos below, you can see the process of the marathon ceremony taking place as follows: (1) The body is prepared for cremation after traveling approximately one and a half hours from the place of departure; (2) Next, the casket is opened to be filled with several kwangen at specific points on the body, and some of the deceased's belongings while alive are placed on both sides of the body. (3) The body is covered with a white cloth that has been tattooed called Kajang, which will later become the vehicle of the atman on the way to the realm of happiness; (4) Before the cremation, the body is paraded/played three times (pradaksina) and then the procession of the deceased's children enters under the body which is paraded three times; (5) The body is cremated, and the people who take part in this process while waiting to finish praying as an introduction to the atman to an atmosphere of silence, serenity 616 and peace; (6) After the body is finished being cremated, it is continued with the process of grinding, pinandita sprinkling tirtha effluent; (7) The remains of the ashes in the form of parts such as bones and others are collected in a place, and separated and the head, middle and legs are separated, then shaped or designed to resemble a human form, placed on a white cloth, and around the ashes of the body earlier given kwangen. Some of the remains of the ashes of the head, middle and legs are ground using sugar cane, carried out by the child or wife of the deceased; (8) The ashes of the body that have been finely ground are then put into a coconut that has been castrated and placed under the puspa phallus, ready to be processed or celebrated by Ida pedanda. The families carry out the process around the solar studio as a witness deity. Ngaben Ceremony Closing Blocking process. The ceremony is a grand segehan with a small lantern and a string of tridatu threads stuck between the dapdap tree trunks. Coins are hung on the thread. Its implementation, after the offerings are sifted to Kala, Bhuta and Dengen (the three terrible guardians of the house as a sign of the deceased asking goodbye from their environment). The deceased's presenter brought withers and offerings filled with one or two kepeng coins, obtained by burning the threads that bound them. Then they walked around the offerings while cheering and finally threw the withers, shouting louder. It means to acknowledge the departure of the deceased, do not be sad, let alone shed tears, because that is the rope that causes the journey of the deceased to be hindered. After the mepegat ceremony is finished, it is continued by throwing the body's ashes into the sea and asking the pinandita for a cleansing tirtha. From the description above, this death procession implements religious ritual activities with a sacred function and a connection between one procession and another. In terms of the implementation of the cremation in Jakarta, it is different from the implementation of the cremation held in Bali in that the implementation of the cremation has been considered not in accordance with the mindset of Jakartans who have high mobility, but in practice. It does not reduce the essence of the cremation. So that apart from being a ceremony to deliver the atman who died to the niskala realm, this cremation is also used to foster a sense of social solidarity with fellow Hindus. Implementing the ritual as an expression of Hindus is full of symbolic forms that contain a high meaning as a form of the worshiper's appreciation of the one he worships. Another dimension of ritual implementation in Hindu religious practice is ritual communication. Referring to Mulyana, ritual communication is communication in symbolic form carried out by a community in ceremonial practices carried out in a collective form. Ritual communication can be in ceremonies given to humans throughout their lives, such as birth, marriage, and death. Other rites such as prayer, flag ceremony, the celebration of religious holy days, graduation, and others. Those who participate in this form of ritual communication reaffirm their commitment to the traditions of their family, tribe, nation, state, ideology or religion. Ritual communication in Hindu religious practices is often forgotten in ceremonies, namely the means used in carrying out religious ceremonies. Ritual communication in this regard is interpersonal and interpersonal. The process of interpersonal communication in the process of making a ceremony occurs when the process of making the means of the ceremony is done communally. Communication is done both verbally and nonverbally between people. Verbal communication is actualized directly using speech tools between the actors making the ceremonial facilities. The occurrence of this verbal communication interaction was very intense because the atmosphere encouraged us to be as soon as possible in order to complete the knick-knacks needed to complete the offerings assigned by the project coordinator, as stated by Mrs. Sareg in preparing the offerings (offerings) Srati Banten under the coordinator Pitra laksana will divide the tasks among its members according to their respective capacities and expertise. The Srati Banten coordinator will assist during the construction of the offering by consistently providing direction, guidance and guidance at any time needed by its 617 members. Every time there are questions accompanied by asking for an explanation from the project coordinator about the form of the offering (offerings) made are appropriate or lacking. The occurrence of interpersonal communication that took place during the process of making the ceremony, namely when the making of the ceremonial means communicated internally. According to Hinduism's teachings, this interpersonal communication has a very significant meaning in the spiritual ascent process. Interpersonal communication in making ceremonial means is in the form of symbols closely related to implementing yoga teachings. This type of communication is identified as saṅcarayoga, namely yoga practices realized through communication. The ritual communication of religious leaders and Banjar leaders is essential in protecting their followers who are adherents of the Hindu religion. So that Hindus do not feel left out from other adherents and there are no longer people who accuse Hinduism of being a problematic, expensive religion, et cetera, even though the cause is because there are still matters related to the custom which are mixed up with religion. The Role of Community Ritual Communication in Ngaben uses ethnographic research on communicating the Ngaben ritual for Balinese Hindus in Jakarta. There are also forms of communication that are established as group communication. In this case, group communication occurs within the North Jakarta Banjar community due to interpersonal conversation or communication between the Banjar Chairperson and the Pedanda or Sulinggih regarding the form of the event to be carried out, starting from the preparation, the series of events, the form of offerings and other equipment for support the cremation event. The head of the Banjar, who acts as the communicator, will then convey the results of the discussions that have been held with the pedanda to be forwarded to the people/ members of the Banjar as the communicator. The point is that the people who will carry out the event procession should comply with the instructions given by the pedanda/sulinggih. The activities of making offerings/offerings for the completeness of the Ngaben ceremony are carried out in the spirit of cooperation (metetulungan). Prepare facilities and infrastructure in welcoming the implementation of the Ngaben ritual ceremony. Men also communicate in the group, making rebuttals in cooperation activities. Interactions that occur are carried out verbally and nonverbally. The cultural adaptation symbols used in the cremation procession for Hindus in Banjar, North Jakarta, are: The symbol of time which used to be something that seemed not to be allowed to carry out the cremation ceremony must be followed and carried out according to the instructions of the Pedanda/sulinggih. In Jakarta, it has become different because of the conditions: place, time and circumstances (village. Kala, patra) and regional regulations. DKI has the authority to determine where it is not permissible to leave the body for more than a day so that Hindus in Jakarta can understand and accept this condition well because Hindus in North Jakarta are classified as a minority compared to others. Hindus in North Jakarta Banjar are culturally multicultural, meaning they come from Hindus from various regions in Indonesia, and even from foreign countries, for example: India, Bangladesh and other countries, each of which has a cultural and customary background. There are differences in carrying out the Ngaben ceremony, in this case, determining the day of the Ngaben ceremony. Symbol of Cost In its implementation in DKI Jakarta, the implementation can always be done concisely and inexpensively, unlike the implementation in Bali, which is very expensive. It is in line with the thoughts of Pedanda Panji Sogata, who said that the cremation, held in Jakarta, is very simple and can be done in 1 day, unlike the one in Bali, which can be done in 1 month. The symbol of cost, synonymous with festivities and high costs, makes Hindus in Jakarta evaluate and adjust to Desa, Kala and Patra. The existence of Hindus in Jakarta consisting of various regions and castes has different cultures and customs, but with a sense of togetherness and wanting 618 to maintain Hindu religious values in overseas areas, especially Hindus who are in Banjar, North Jakarta, the results of observations from research is the growth of a sense of togetherness and leaving a sense of egocentricity to reach an agreement in order to preserve the Hindu cultural values that have been attached to each Hindu. So that when carrying out the Ngaben ceremony, the process of implementation and completeness of materials, markets and facilities. All ceremonies are simplified in form but do not reduce the main meaning of the cremation ceremony. Thus the costs are not high, as stated in the interview with Mr. Wayan Harteja, who stated that the cremation ceremony cost when my parents spent around Rp. 15,000,000, - a minimal fee when compared to the Ngaben ceremony in Bali, which can spend hundreds of millions even if the Puri or royal family who carry out the Ngaben ceremony can spend billions of rupiah. North Jakarta Banjar Hindus, who also manage the Graha Yadnya Cilincing crematorium, are very helpful and actively provide information and explanations for cremation costs in North Jakarta Banjar. Departing from a sense of togetherness living overseas and a sense of mutual need for one another so that a sense of kinship is more inherent among Hindus so that a sincere sense of sincerity and belief in a cremation ceremony that is carried out will get a proper place in accordance with its karmawasana throughout life. Balinese Hindus carry out the power symbol of the cremation ceremony from the preparation to the completion of the cremation ceremony, involves the local banjar residents and, of course, also the grieving family, referring to the awig-awig (traditional regulations) in Bali, which requires all Banjar residents whom Residents experiencing grief are required to be physically present during the Ngaben ceremony procession if they do not attend the local Banjar administrators will give them sanctions. If there is grief, the results of researchers' observations from the Banjar Hindu community in North Jakarta will be forwarded to all Hindus about the Ngaben ceremony procession that will be carried out, but give flexibility and not exist so that residents are not a burden. The process of cultural communication carried out by the management and people of the North Jakarta banjar in this cremation is by means of an interpersonal communication approach which is formed in such a way due to conditions and the existence of three-dimensional provisions (Village, Kala, Patra), namely by paying attention to: place, time and circumstances, adjustments were made in carrying out the Ngaben ceremony at Banjar North Jakarta, but without reducing the principles contained in the Ngaben ceremony. Cultural patterns, especially the Ngaben culture carried out in Bali, which have been formed from generation to generation, will become standardization for all people in Bali as if they have become standard standards and must be carried out by every citizen who has grief and ironically it is sacred so that no some dare to provide inputs to adapt to the conditions of the people who are grieving. The cost of carrying out a Ngaben ceremony held by Banjar in Bali tends to be large because it tends to take and refer to previous Ngaben ceremonies whose ceremonial level was quite large. Unlike the case with the Banjar Hindus of North Jakarta, who already understand the conditions and experience adaptation and are formed with an environmental culture overseas, it will be easier for them to adjust to the environmental conditions they live in. Discussion. The study of the Ethnography of the Communication of the Ngaben Ritual of the Balinese Hindus in Jakarta is fascinating. It is because this study provides very positive inspiration, especially for Hindus outside the island of Bali. With the reality experienced directly in a new place and the existence of verbal and non-verbal communication, it can be understood that a cremation ceremony can be carried out according to conditions and abilities. From each individual and does not violate the rules of custom or religion. To dissect this problem in this research study, the researcher uses the theory of "Cross-Cultural Adaptation" (Cross-Cultural Adaptation Theory), which was developed by Young Yun Kim (1976) 619 that humans are essentially always trying to make adjustments to their environment wherever they are in order to develop. Likewise, what happened during the Ngaben ceremony in Banjar, North Jakarta, every individual with an understanding of the existing situation and conditions will adapt to face challenges from the environment and to try to create a balance with the existing system through various communication styles. The Ngaben ceremony held by the Banjar Hindu community in North Jakarta has a very high social aspect. A large number of stages and series of ceremonies as well as the large number of ceremonial equipment used, makes the social interactions in the ritual take place in a variety of ways. The existence of gotong-royong and cooperation is a necessity that cannot be released. Collaboration between the many social groups, and society, must collaborate to facilitate execution. The bond between community members and the parent organization, in this case, Parisadha Hindu Dharma Indonesia (PHDI), is substantial because cooperation is strong, and the following solidarity is stringent. In this case, the researcher can observe that an individual has an open and unrestricted system to develop with the sociocultural environment. Flexibility, or the ability to learn and change through communication with the environment, is one of the essential characteristics of the individual mind and the basis for people's adaptability to environmental conditions. Along with the developments and changes in the new place, it gives awareness to the Banjar Hindus of North Jakarta that they must adapt to adaptation. It is reflected in an interaction. Each activity strives to regain internal balance in unfavorable environmental conditions. This Ngaben concept answers the question of the significance of a big yajna. Balinese Hinduism is too ritualistic and costs a lot of money, involves many people and takes much energy. Because basically, Ngaben is: returning the elements of Earth, Apah, Teja, and Bayu Akasa, which are in the bodies of the dead. The phenomenon is growing. Society is developing/modern, and many Hindus work as professionals, especially in cities, and the time available is minimal to perform Krama rituals which makes ceremonies no longer exist because they do not have time to study, so Hinduism is also required to follow the will its people: Hinduism must be practical, efficient, effective and fast and accommodate people's beliefs, and bring Hindus to fulfill their obligations to carry out their sradha. Reforming the yajna ceremony (Ngaben) based on religious literature without being uprooted from the roots of belief (five sradha) is justified in Hinduism. This type of cremation looks small indeed, but it is classified as attaining contemptuous. Even though it is small, preparing for this type of Ngaben ceremony requires sincerity, patience and dedication. Apart from that, the one who will do the yajna must be correct according to Ida Pedanda's instructions because it involves casting spells. Even though it is physically simple, even very simple, its virtue is no different from the uttama level, as long as it is carried out with complete sincerity and devotion and the yajna cultivator has an adequate level of kedhyatmikan. When physically, the means of a small ceremony, puja, yoga and kedhyatkmikan (non-physical elements) are required in order to be able to alleviate the poverty of the spirit (Atma) that is being celebrated. Whatever it is, yajna, in this case, Mitra-yajna, is another form of Pitra Yadnya ceremony which is reformed to always be in harmony with the development of society. Therefore the "novelty" of this research is "Reform of the Ngaben Ritual" for the legalization of the Ngaben Ritual within the framework of Pancasradha's vitalization. CONCLUSION The Parisada/Majelis Desa Pakraman took the initiative to innovate in implementing religious rituals, especially Pitra Yadnya (Ngaben), as long as they do not deviate from their substance by facilitating the procurement of crematorium facilities in one package with the ceremonies. So that 620 the people's longing for effective and efficient ritual activities can be realized and Hindus remain stable with their invulnerability amid the swift currents of modernization. If the implementation of religious rituals, especially Pitra Yadnya (Ngaben), is associated with the tendency of modern society to prioritize efficiency and effectiveness, the crematorium system crematorium with the ceremony is a viable alternative to be a breakthrough for Hindus living overseas. From an economic point of view, this system is important because Pitra Yadnya is generally impromptu. Most people do not prepare for the costs, especially if, before death, they are preceded by hospitalization, which costs much money. When compared to the mass Ngaben (Ngerit), which is also cost-effective, the crematorium system crematorium has advantages, including: It can be carried out immediately after death if mass cremation must wait for the schedule because it is collective (can be annual); More practical because all needs are handled by the organizer (a type of event organizer/EO) so that the family is not too preoccupied with various needs; The implementation time is shorter, so it does not disrupt much economic activity/consumes work time; Not many people/krama is involved, so it does not interfere with the community's micro-economic activities; Psychologically it gives more satisfaction because the cremation of the body is in accordance with the cremation concept, while mass cremation generally burns sekah while the body is still buried; More economical because the time is shorter and the mass involved is not too much; Customary conflicts can be suppressed because the activity tension is not too high. Ngaben has the basis of Tatwa: and it is carried out in accordance with the village law of the ways, circumstances, conditions and circumstances, not dogmatic', respecting local agreements. Having an agreement becomes a symbol of local culture. The tattwa is the operational guide for Yadnya Ngaben: it does not have to be fixed on a certain area but based on potential, ability, and whatever circumstances are entirely accepted, which is the Hinduism teaching the village of Kala Patra. Any ceremony still has sincerity (atmanastuti). There is no word must and coercion. In order for the implementation of Yadnya to go according to the literature, it is necessary to be accompanied by a pinandita and be accompanied. Those who have work still adjust to environmental conditions and what has been agreed upon. Implementing Yadnya, besides the human relationship with God, can also improve relationships with others and be in harmony with the community environment (Tri Hita Karana). 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