IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 International Journal of Humanity Studies http://e-journal.usd.ac.id/index.php/IJHS Sanata Dharma University, Yogyakarta, Indonesia 194 REPRESENTATION OF SOCIAL ACTORS IN THE JAKARTA POST AND TEMPO ABOUT MAKASSAR CATHEDRAL CHURCH’S SUICIDE BOMBING CASE AND PEACE JOURNALISM Yosephine Wastu Prajnaputri Sanata Dharma University correspondence: yosephineprajna@gmail.com https://doi.org/10.24071/ijhs.v5i2.3704 received 24 September 2021; accepted 23 March 2022 Abstract Religious radicalism which leads to terrorist attacks has long been a thorn in Indonesia as a culturally rich secular country. In spite of that, present-day radical religious groups are weakened after years of spreading terrors. Their weakening is indicated especially by their shift to internet-based radicalization strategy. It opens up an opportunity for collective counterterrorism and deradicalization attempts regardless of how implicit and shrouded the strategy maybe. One of ways to seize that, is the implementation of Peace Journalism principle which has been proven as successful in building peace and preventing the proliferation of violent radical ideologies. This Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) study aims at discussing the representation of social actors in The Jakarta Post and Tempo online news about Makassar Cathedral church’s suicide bombing case and its correlation to the implementation of Peace Journalism principles. Keywords: CDA, peace journalism, representation of social actors, terrorism Introduction Religious radicalism which leads to current terrorist attacks suchlike the Makassar Cathedral church’s suicide bombing case has been a thorn in Indonesia as a culturally rich secular country. The encounter between Indonesia and religious groups took place even long before the formation of the Republic of Indonesia. Zakiyah (2016) elaborates an example where Islamic societies played an essential role in mobilizing the mass and recruiting human resources in the fight against Dutch and Japanese colonialists (p. 24). Yet every encounter is solely the beginning of a dynamic relationship that has its own ups and downs. The early recorded conflict in the history of Indonesians’ relationship with radical religious groups was provoked by clerics in Minangkabau and resulted in Padri war around the 1800s. Padri was a title used to refer to ulama or religious clerics who had completed their pilgrimages to sacred site and returned to West Sumatra. The conflict was started when Padri community urged for implementing religious law widely albeit the existence of Adat society who held traditional Minangkabau culture tightly and resided side by side with the community in the https://doi.org/10.24071/ijhs.v5i2.3704 IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 195 same region. It then resolved after thirty years and gave birth to concepts of Adat Basandi Syarak Syarak Basandi Kitabullah, Syarak Mamato, and Adat Mamakai as assimilation products between Islamic and traditional Minangkabau principles (Asrinaldi & Yoserizal, 2020, pp. 163-164). Though Padri war had an implicit economic motive related to the struggle for dominance over coffee as the main commodity at that time (Indra, 2017, p. 80), the community’s urges for implementing religious law and dominating the particular area are also shared by present radical religious groups. Autocratic leaderships performed by Sukarno and Suharto suppressed activities of radical religious groups which mostly derived from anti-colonialist guerilla groups. Still, the suppression did not wipe radicalism out. Indonesians have suffered from hundreds of terrorist attacks carried out by radical religious groups especially after the uncertainty of Indonesia’s political transition in 1998 (Vaughn, Chanlett-Avery, Lum, Manyin, & Niksch, 2008, p. 6). New order regime’s downfall that followed by the start of the reformation era opened doors for economic and people’s welfare improvement, freedom of speech, increasing opportunities for human rights struggles, and the potential for conflict and violence. Indra (2017) says that the proliferation of radical religious ideologies which had been done in private began to be more exposed to the public after the downfall. Radical religious groups who supported the Salafi Da’wa even developed paramilitary movements called Laskar Jihad (p. 86). Aside from that, radical religious groups in conflicting areas such as Moluccas also developed militia groups that justified acts of violence to achieve their goal of dominating particular area. Al Qurtuby (2016) notes that during 1999-2000, “existed about 25 Christian militia groups consisting of about 100 to 200 members operating all over the island of Ambon” with “60 percent of these militia fighters consisted of, mainly, youths between 12 and 25 years old—few were women” and they are called Agas (pp. 76- 77). Radical religious groups in Indonesia, as if celebrating the reformation, nourished after the fall of New Order era. In spite of that, present-day radical religious groups are weakened after years of enjoying their triumphs. Their weakening is indicated by changes of characteristics. Temby (2020) states that characteristics of radical religious groups; the structure of organization or hierarchy, attacks’ patterns, memberships, technical ability, and the radicalization strategies, had changed. Current groups’ structural orders are more flexible and their attacks are more sporadic. In addition to that, female and young members took more roles. Members are armed with lower technical capabilities as well as limited access to weapons. Their radical ideologies, compared to prior groups, are propagated on the internet and social media because their modes of communication shifted to internet-based for avoiding detection and arrest (pp. 4-15). Here the internet-based radicalization strategy opens up an opportunity for ideological struggle or resistance in the form of deradicalization attempts through the spread of non-radical ideologies on the internet. Sumarwoto, Mahmutarrom, & Ifrani (2020) evaluates two ways in combating terrorism: 1) prevention, 2) eradication. Both are applied by the Indonesian government yet they suggest that the latter is proven to be less effective since the number of terrorist attacks in Indonesia keep growing albeit eradication attempts that include even death threats. In line with Sumarwoto, Mahmutarrom, & Ifrani, Damayanti (2012) encourages a IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 196 collective prevention attempt in combating terrorism among diverse parties, “the Indonesian government should activate all resources which ultimately requires the involvement and coordination of security apparatus, intelligent agency, military, ministries, local authorities as well as the public” (p. 37). The press media is one of central parties to be integrated in the attempt as it embraces varied parties through accessible and structured dissemination of information. Elshimi (2018) highlights that the press as publicly-consumed media plays crucial role in disseminating discourses related to terrorism. He concerns about media, both online and printed press media, for the way it portrays terrorism alongside potential implications of the portrayal. Elshimi (2018) and Misztal, Danforth, Hurley, & Michek (2018) then stress that all media are platforms to be integrated properly in the collective counterterrorism attempts which prevent further proliferation of radical ideologies and violence. Kustana (2017) even asserts that “the Indonesian media gives indirect education to Indonesian people regarding methods to combat terrorism” (p. 89). A middle ground for it, as suggest by Edvinsson (2018), Budak (2018), Wibowo (2018), Ongenga (2019), and many others, is the implementation of Peace Journalism proposed by Galtung and Fischer (2013) and developed by Hussain and Lynch (2018). Peace jourmalism is a journalism principle that focuses on conflict resolution and peace to prevent violence and further proliferation of conflicts’ roots, including radical ideologies, through the press media. Corresponding to the suggestion about peace journalism and the counterterrorism agenda, this study is aimed at correlating the representation of social actors to the concept of peace journalism towards proffering a simple illustration of peace journalism’s implementation. Discussion in this study will be based on Critical Discourse Analysis or CDA (Fairclough, 1995) principle, Representation of Social Actors (Leeuwen, 2008), and Peace Journalism (Galtung & Fischer, 2013, Hussain & Lynch, 2018, and Jacob, 2016) theories. Two online news that each was published by the The Jakarta Post and Tempo about Makassar Cathedral church suicide bombing case will be objects of this study. Method This study is a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) that aims at bringing: 1) the representation of social actors in The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s online news about Makassar Cathedral church’s suicide bombing case and 2) whether the representation of social actors reflect the peace journalism for discussion. Fairclough (1995) formulates that CDA is a multidisciplinary approach which sought for revealing the hidden agenda in discourses. He states that CDA is categorized in two forms: “linguistic and intertextual analysis” (p. 185). This study will perform linguistic and intertextual analysis based on two concepts as follows. Linguistic analysis of this study is based on the concept of social actors’ representation by Van Leeuwen to reveal the implicit narration within discourses. The intertextual analysis of this study will be formulated by the help of Peace Journalism concept proposed by Johan Galtung and developed by Jake Lynch. The representation of social actors will help the researcher in observing whether Peace Journalism is reflected in the news. Two online news about Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case, one from each The Jakarta Post (entitled: “Newlywed suicide bombers identified IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 197 in Makassar church attack”) and Tempo (entitled: “Suicide Bombing in Makassar; Densus 88 Nab 13 Suspected Terrorists in 3 Regions”) is selected as the object of this study. The Jakarta Post and Tempo are selected over other online media in Indonesia as they are popular media that provide English-language news. Tempo is a media that has planted its roots in Indonesia for more than 40 years while the The Jakarta Post is Indonesia’s current leading English-language media that, “generally permitted greater leeway when commenting on sensitive political issues than its Indonesian counterparts” (Eklof, 2003, p. 14). Both media’s popularities are indisputable thus they have more than enough chance to participate in the counterterrorism attempt. Five steps are taken in carrying out this study: 1) data collection of social actors comprised in every sentence of the news, 2) categorization of social actors into five groups specifically perpetrators, victims, authorities, affiliations of the prior three groups, and others, 3) identification of social actors’ representation strategies, 4) intertextual analysis of social actors’ representation strategies in relation to Peace Journalism, 5) conclusions’ drawing. Findings and Discussion Findings and discussion of this study will be delivered in two sections. Firstly, the researcher will present findings on the analysis of social actors’ representation strategies, detailed modes, and role allocation according to Leeuwen’s framework. Findings on three social actors’ groups (perpetrators, victims, and authorities), out of all five groups, will be presented individually as they took leading roles in both media’s news. Secondly, the researcher will present findings on the analysis of the implementation of Peace Journalism in The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s online news about Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case. The analysis will be based only on the representation of perpetrators, victims, and authorities as leading social actors of the phenomena. Perpetrators: Members of The Society, Members of A Terrorist Group Perpetrators of Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case are represented by The Jakarta Post and Tempo rather differently. This difference is reflected in two main points: perpetrators’ relations to other actors and perpetrators’ names or titles. The Jakarta Post introduced perpetrators by presenting perpetrators’ relations with their acquaintances (family, neighbors or Makassar residents) besides their relations to radical religious group whereas Tempo introduced perpetrators through their affiliation to radical religious groups only (JAD). Their different preferences are realized in role allocations and representation strategies of social actors. Perpetrators are largely represented as passive actors who are being testified about his involvement both in the society and the bombing by diverse parties (Makassar resident, perpetrators’ family, the police, and JAD) in The Jakarta Post. Rather different, Tempo represents perpetrators as passive actors whose involvement in the bombing is the only matter being testified by only one actor: authorities. It denotes that The Jakarta Post emphasize perpetrators’ relations with varied actors. Contrarywise, Tempo put perpetrators as passive actors whose relations are limited to radical religious group and being under the power of authorities. In addition to role allocation, the Jakarta Post and Tempo adopted disparate detailed of representation’s modes in terms of quantity and their ways of adopting IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 198 them. perpetrators are represented through many detailed modes of inclusion; classification, functionalization, relational identification, individualization, collectivization, as well as impersonalization strategies the Jakarta Post. For instance, in (JP/P1/L13/2), perpetrators are addressed as the street food seller which involves suffix -er in seller and indicates their function or their occupation. Perpetrators are also represented as newlyweds in (JP/P1/L1/1) which implies that perpetrators belong to certain classification of marriage status/phase. Besides, perpetrators are represented through classification strategy as a male suspect and a passive actor where another actor (Makassar resident) testified that perpetrators “lived in a rented house” (JP/P1/L13/2). Various strategies of representation reflect that The Jakarta Post offers diverse sides of perpetrators’ life: their identities as newlyweds, bombers, street food seller, as well as their relations to other actors: Makassar resident and family. On the other hand, Tempo represents perpetrators through three inclusion strategies only; association, relational-identification, and collectivization, with an emphasis on their relations with JAD. The first mode implies that perpetrators are represented as parts of a group, the second mode implies that perpetrators are represented as having kinship or work relations to each other or other actors, the third mode implies that perpetrators are represented as a collective or a whole group. For instance, in (TP/P1/L4/2) perpetrators are represented as members of the same group in Villa Mutiara thus they are represented both through association and relational identification along with other ‘members of the same group’. Tempo, in contrast to The Jakarta Post, represent perpetrators as mere perpetrators: members of a radical religious group which involved in acts of terrorism. Besides detailed representation modes, different preferences of perpetrators’ representation between The Jakarta Post and Tempo are apparent in the way both media addressed perpetrators. Titles of both media have actually reflected their different ways of representing perpetrators. The Jakarta Post refers to perpetrators as newlyweds while Tempo addressed perpetrators as terrorists: Newlywed suicide bombers identified in Makassar church attack (The Jakarta Post) and Suicide Bombing in Makassar; Densus 88 Nab 13 Suspected Terrorists in 3 Regions (Tempo). In addition to that, The Jakarta Post referred to perpetrators with much more variety compared to Tempo. Newlyweds, the couple, the street food seller, the pair, the male suspects, and the suicide bombers are examples of the way The Jakarta Post addressed them. Tempo, instead, addressed them as: two suicide bombers, members of the group, L and YSF (perpetrators’ names). The Jakarta Post represents perpetrators as members of the society as well as perpetrators of Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case whereas Tempo represents perpetrators as members of radical religious group (JAD) that has been the mastermind behind various acts of terrorism in Indonesia. Victims: There Is No Single Victim Victims are represented equivalently by the two media as a collective of social actors who feel the damaging impact of perpetrators’ actions. This representation reflects that victims of Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case comprise of plenty of people. Broadly speaking, The Jakarta Post and Tempo accentuate violence, as well as suicide bombing in particular, do not result in a single victim but many victims. Such highlight on the number of victims is IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 199 identified from the inclusion strategies, detailed representation’s modes while the role allocation of victims highlights victims’ position as the recipient of actions. Furthermore, the number of victims is also apparent in the way both media addressed victims as social actors in the Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case although The Jakarta Post addressed victims more varied than Tempo. Victims, for instance, are referred to as worshippers, victims, congregants, the church, people, security forces, and the Catholic Cathedral Church by The Jakarta Post whereas Tempo referred to them as churchgoers, the Cathedral Church, they, and the security personnel. Nonetheless, strategies of victims’ representation in both media are rather similar. Inclusion strategies of representation is used solely to represent victims as social actors: there are no exclusion strategies. Such preference implies that both The Jakarta Post and Tempo intend to present the effect of the bombing case to complement their reports on the cause or background, chronological order, or involving actors of the bombing. Collectivization strategy of inclusion representation is the most-identified representation modes of victims in The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s online news about Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case. The strategy, as previously mentioned, implies that social actors belong to a group or a collective. It also implies that the number of the social actors is plural. Both media applies the strategy in almost all representation of social actors although it is used in conjunction with other strategies such as functionalization and classification strategies. For instance, in (JP/P1/L2/2), victims are represented by The Jakarta Post as worshippers which is identified as both collectivization for its plural form and functionalization for its -er suffix that indicates its function. Tempo also represents victims through collectivization and classification strategies in the word churchgoers in (TP/P1/L17/3). The word choice connotes the use of collectivization strategy in its plural form and classification in the way that its -er suffix does not indicate the function or the occupation of victims as churchgoers but the classification of victims as those who go to church. In addition to the inclusion representation and collectivization strategy, victims are represented as passive actors who received actions such as being reported by authorities, being wounded by perpetrators, and others. The passive role allocation emphasizes victims’ position as actors who received actions from other actors and feel the damaging impact of perpetrators’ actions. For instance, in (JP/P1/L2/2), victims are represented by The Jakarta Post as 20 people whose role is passive actors that were wounded by the bombing incident. Tempo, likewise, represents victims as churchgoers in (TP/P1/L17/3) who were injured as the result of the explosion. Victims are represented as a collective who feel the damaging impact of the bombing in the Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case in The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s online news. Authorities: Performing A Function and A One-Man Show Authority is a group of social actors in The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s online news about Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case whose role is handling terrorist attacks. As the name implies, this group of social actors has the authority to carry out investigations, record data, collect evidence, and arrest perpetrators of the bombing. Both media represents authorities based on their capacity equivalently. However, the researcher identifies that both media’s manners IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 200 in representing authorities in contrast to other social actors are pretty distinctive. Tempo, for instance, represented authorities with the highest frequency compared to other social actors while The Jakarta Post represented all social actors adequately. Authorities are represented 17 times out of 42 times of all social actors’ groups representations in Tempo’s news about Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case. This implies that the representation of authorities as a group of social actors in Tempo covers around 40% of the total representation of all social actors’ groups in the news. When being set side by side, the quantitative ratio of authorities’ representations between The Jakarta Post and Tempo is 9:17. Such a clear difference of quantity is in line with how both media address authorities: Tempo has more diversified names in representing authorities than The Jakarta Post. The National Police, the South Sulawesi Police Headquarter, the National Police’s anti-terror squad Densus 88, Densus 88, and Sigit are names used by Tempo in representing authorities. In contrast, The Jakarta Post only represents authorities by four names: police, authorities, Indonesia’s Counter- Terror Squad, and National Police Chief Gen. Listyo Sigit Prabowo. The two media’s manners when representing authorities in contrast to other actors based on the number of representations and the diversified names are distinctive: Tempo represents authorities strongly while The Jakarta Post represents authorities fairly than other social actors. In addition to the number of representations and the diversified names, The Jakarta Post and Tempo have different preferences for the inclusion strategies of authorities’ representation modes. Tempo preferred to represent authorities primarily through individualization and utterance autonomization. These two representation strategies are akin because individualization implies that an actor is represented as an individual. At the same time, utterance of autonomization indicates that an individual actor is represented based on his or her statements. Authorities represented by Tempo as “Sigit” (the National Police Chief) in (TP/P1/L4/3). The representation takes active role where Sigit underwent verbal process of transitivity “said”. Such combination of the active role allocation and verbal process of transitivity indicates that an actor is represented through utterance autonomization strategy. Hence authorities are represented in (TP/P1/L4/3) through two strategies simultaneously: individualization and utterance autonomization. Simultaneous adoption of the two representation strategies, reflected in “Sigit” and his verbal processes, is often identified in Tempo’s news about the Makassar Cathedral Church's suicide bombing case. “Sigit” as one of Tempo’s names for authorities’ representations is combined with “said”, “explained”, “remarked”, and “appealed” in 10 of 17 representations of authorities. This denotes that Tempo represents authorities as a social actor by narrowing their identities to one individual: Sigit. Relatively different, The Jakarta Post preferred to represent authorities predominantly through functionalization strategy. The strategy narrows social actors’ identity to their functions or occupations. For instance, The Jakarta Post represents authorities as “the police” in (JP/P1/L9/1), (JP/P1/L1/3), (JP/P1/L3/3), (JP/P1/L15/1). It also represents them as “authorities” in (JP/LP1/L7/1) and (JP/P1/L1/1). Such preference is reflected in how The Jakarta Post addressed authorities in their news as well: names used to address authorities are related to authorities’ functions or occupations. Police, authorities, Indonesia’s Counter- IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 201 Terror Squad, and National Police Chief Gen. Listyo Sigit Prabowo indicate that the social actors work or function as authorities in the case of Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing. Nevertheless, The Jakarta Post also represents authorities through other strategies of social actors’ representation such as collectivization, individualization, and classification. Collectivization and functionalization strategies are always simultaneously adopted in representing authorities as “authorities” in The Jakarta Post’s news. It is because “authorities” indicates both function of the actor and the its plural number. The use of two strategies highlights that authorities are represented as a collective or a group of people who work as authorities and function in accordance to their occupation. Representations of Social Actors and the Peace Journalism Peace Journalism principle, as stated by Galtung, Jacob, and Hussain & Lynch, strives for conflict resolution through “good journalism”. It rejects disregards of wrongdoings or conflict reduction and aims at one goal: accurately presenting reality. To do so, there are some points of Peace Journalism to be pondered as guidelines for journalists in constructing news and for researchers in analyzing the application of Peace Journalism in discourses. Two points of Peace Journalism will be discussed in relation to representations of perpetrators, victims, and authorities in The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s online news about Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case. Both points are ‘people-oriented’ and ‘voices from all parties’ as suggested by Hussain & Lynch (2018) and Jacob (2016). Discussion on aforementioned points will be delivered in accordance to the representations of perpetrators, victims, authorities. Perpetrators are represented very differently by the two media. The Jakarta Post represents perpetrators as members of the society while Tempo represents perpetrators as members of a terrorist group through detailed modes of inclusion representation strategy. Perpetrators, in The Jakarta Post, are represented as members of the society who sell street food and build relatively decent affiliation with residents through collectivization and classification strategies. Tempo represents perpetrators based on their affiliations with radical religious groups such as JAD and Villa Mutiara’s study group through association mode of inclusion strategy. When being related to the two points of PJ, The Jakarta Post’s representations of perpetrators bespeak Peace Journalism more than Tempo. The Jakarta Post strives to show the human sides of perpetrators more than Tempo by presenting perpetrators as others (street food seller, newlyweds, parts of a family, Makassar residents) than mere perpetrators. Such representation indicates ‘people- oriented’ and ‘voices from all parties’ principles because it places perpetrators as humans and gives voices for perpetrators’ affiliations (Makassar residents and perpetrators’ family) to give testimony about perpetrators’ involvement in the society. Tempo, however, strives to show perpetrators’ affiliations with radical religious group to report the actual progress of the bombing case’s investigation. Nevertheless, it does not indicate ‘people-oriented’ point clearly since perpetrators are represented more as villains than humans who have diverse sides of life or roles in the society. The representation limits perpetrators’ identities as mere perpetrators. Though such limitation may contribute to conflict resolution given that it informs readers about the actual investigation process to build readers’ awareness, it leaves no gaps for perpetrators’ human side. It also does not leave room for IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 202 perpetrators to speak up because all representations of perpetrators are based on authorities’ statements. On the other hand, victims are represented according to Peace Journalism as both media highlight their human sides. Representations of victims of the bombing case are equable in the two media. Both The Jakarta Post and Tempo represent victims based on their quantity. Such representation implies that violence, especially the suicide bombing case, results in plenty of victims. It will evoke readers’ sympathy and prevent further violence in the long run as well. The ‘people- oriented’ point of Peace Journalism suggested by Hussain & Lynch (2018) and Jacob (2016) is identifiable in victims’ representations. As one of the social actors in Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case, victims are represented as humans through detailed modes of inclusion strategy such as collectivization and classification strategies. Nevertheless, victims are positioned as passive actors in both media. They are represented primarily as passive actors who feel the damaging impact of the bombing. Unlike other two leading actors, there is no room for victims to represent themselves because their sufferings and experiences are already represented through other actors’ or the reporter’s statements. It might seem customary given victims, as the name suggest, are social actors who receive a relatively terrible end from actions of other actors or from incidents. Still, the point of ‘voices from all parties can be applied in this case since victims of the bombing are in a situation that allows them to play active role. The two points of Peace Journalism are not entirely recognizable in both The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s victims’ representations. Authorities as one of leading social actors in The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s online news about Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case are represented in accordance with the two points of Peace Journalism. Representation strategies of authorities in the two media suggest that authorities’ human sides are represented through their functions. At the same time, their active role allocations imply that authorities are given rooms to act and speak. Authorities’ representations in both media, in contrast to other actors, clearly illustrate two points of Peace Journalism: ‘people-oriented’ and ‘voices from all parties.’ Yet Tempo’s manner in representing authorities may not fully address the aims of Peace Journalism principles. Authorities are represented as dominant active actors in Tempo given their number of representations is the largest amongst all social actors. Besides, authorities’ dominance is evident in their relation with perpetrators as perpetrators are represented primarily through authorities' statements. Such dominance is less coherent with Peace Journalism principles that uphold voices for all parties equally. Hence authorities’ representation in Tempo needs to be investigated further given that it may impact readers’ impression on the conflict although it clearly illustrates ‘people-oriented’ and ‘voice from all parties’ points. Instead of focusing on conflict resolution through impartial coverage and "good journalism", Tempo perpetuates authorities' dominance. Conclusion Terrorist attacks as manifestations of religious radicalism have been long- term threats in Indonesia. Radical religious groups suchlike JAD keep growing especially after the downfall of the New Order notwithstanding eradication attempts performed by Indonesian government. Despite that, present-day radical religious IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 203 groups have weakened and their radicalization strategy shifted to be internet-based. The shift opens up opportunity for ideological struggle and deradicalization attempts as internet is open to the public. One of ways to seize the opportunity is through engaging the media in such attempts. Peace Journalism as a principle of journalism that is proven to be effective in preventing conflict, including proliferation of violent radical ideologies, can be applied as a deradicalization strategy through the media. Constant application of the principle may prevent proliferation of violent radical ideologies given that society will focus more on the conflict resolution rather than the violence and violent radical ideologies. In this regard, representations of conflicting parties are crucial in Peace Journalism since they shape readers’ perspectives in understanding the conflict. This section will present conclusions that include the representation of parties or social actors in The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s online news about Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing and the application of two points of Peace Journalism based on the representations. Perpetrators, victims, and authorities are three leading parties or social actors in The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s online news about Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case. They are represented through various representation strategies and different role allocations by the two media. Perpetrators are represented in relatively distinct manners by both media: The Jakarta Post represents perpetrators as members of the society while Tempo represents perpetrators as members of a terrorist group. Victims, on the other hand, are represented similarly in both media. They are represented based on their large quantity. Such representation indicates that victims of violence, particularly the suicide bombing, are never singular. Authorities are represented in distinct ways by the two media. The social actors are represented by the two media differently. The Jakarta Post’s authorities are represented as parties who have a function or job of handling acts of terror. Tempo represented the authorities as an institution whose identity was represented by only one person. In addition to representations of social actors, Peace Journalism principles are identifiable in The Jakarta Post and Tempo’s online news about Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case. ‘People-oriented’ as a point of Peace Journalism principle is visible in both media’s representations of perpetrators, victims, and authorities given that the two media strives to represent them as humans. Nonetheless, actors’ identities are narrowed to certain labels such as ‘terrorist’ or ‘perpetrators’ in Tempo. The second point, ‘voices from all parties’, is also visible in representations of perpetrators and authorities. Perpetrators’ voices are represented through their affiliations such as their neighbors (Makassar residents) and their family in The Jakarta Post. Authorities in Tempo, by contrast, are given the largest space to speak their voices. Nevertheless, the researcher finds that Tempo’s manner in representing authorities may not fully address the aims of Peace Journalism principles as it perpetuates authorities’ dominance instead of presenting impartial coverage. In conclusion, The Jakarta Post and Tempo present distinctive representations of perpetrators and authorities. At the same time, the two media present akin representation of victims. Both media’s application of ‘people- oriented’ and ‘voices from all parties’ points of Peace Journalism is identifiable to a certain degree based on their representations of perpetrators, victims, and IJHS, e-ISSN 2597-4718, p-ISSN 2597-470X, Vol. 5, No. 1, March 2022, pp. 194-205 204 authorities. This study, however, offers only a simple example of the analysis on the representation of Makassar Cathedral Church’s suicide bombing case’s social actors in The Jakarta Post and Tempo along with their relation to Peace Journalism. This study is yet capable of providing a comprehensive assessment of how Indonesian media represents perpetrators, victims, and authorities as social actors in the suicide bombing at the Makassar Cathedral Church. At the same time, this study is not sufficiently expert to evaluate the application of Peace Journalism principles in Indonesian media. Thus, the researcher expects that this study can encourage other researchers to further investigate the representation of social actors in media’s coverage of terrorism in Indonesia and the application of Peace Journalism on the topic. References Al Qurtuby, S. (2016). Religious violence and conciliation in Indonesia: Christians and Muslims in the Moluccas. New York: Routledge. Andi, S. (2021, March 29). Newlywed suicide bombers identified in Makassar church attack. The Jakarta Post. Retrieved from The Jakarta Post: https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2021/03/29/newlywed-suicide- bombers-identified-in-makassar-church-attack-.html Andita, R. 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