Huang, L., Kern, M. L., & Oades, L. G. (2022). Experiences of Chinese international students living in

Australia: Wellbeing from "we" to "me". International Journal of Wellbeing, 12(3), 81-100.

https://doi.org/10.5502/ijw.v12i3.1915

Lanxi Huang

The University of Melbourne

lanxi.huang1@unimelb.edu.au

www.internationaljournalofwellbeing.org

ARTICLE

Experiences of Chinese international students living in

Australia: Wellbeing from "we" to "me"

Lanxi Huang · Margaret L. Kern · Lindsay G. Oades

Abstract: Whilst there is evidence of subjective wellbeing being related to academic success,

good performance within and beyond university, degree attainment, and positive subsequent

physical, mental, economic, and social outcomes in the university student population, less is

known on how different student populations perceive, experience, and cultivate wellbeing.

The current study explored the perspectives and experiences of one such population: Chinese

international students at several universities across Australia. Semi-structured interviews with

30 students indicated that participants mainly experienced wellbeing through experiences of

competence, feeling supported by family and friends, low levels of pressure, and giving to

others. Almost half of the participants believed that people around them had low wellbeing.

Students indicated drawing upon intrapersonal activities as the primary pathway to support

their own wellbeing, whereas they pointed to interpersonal activities to support other’s

wellbeing. The findings show the mismatch between students’ wellbeing experiences and

pathways, shed light on understanding students’ wellbeing in the higher education context,

and identify some of the contextual and cultural factors that contribute to wellbeing

experiences and pathways. Implications for interculturally nuanced approaches to

understanding and supporting wellbeing are considered.

Keywords: subjective wellbeing, intercultural experiences, studying abroad, Chinese

international students, higher education, phenomenographic approach

1. Introduction

In 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights recognized wellbeing as a basic human right

(United Nation, 1948). Yet with the many competing demands and stakeholder interests that

countries worldwide navigate, wellbeing has often been neglected over other rights, equated

with economic prosperity or the treatment of mental illness, and policies have prioritised the

perspectives and priorities of those with power (Diener & Seligman, 2004). Subjective

perspectives of wellbeing of all people, regardless of background, have often been ignored,

fuelling inequities that disproportionality affect minority groups. Indeed, the need for greater

focus on wellbeing remains crucial. Over 70 years later, amongst 17 goals that United Nations

proposed to transform the world for sustainable development, goal 3 specifically affirms that

nations need to be committed to ensuring healthy lives and promoting wellbeing for all people

across all ages (United Nation, 2015).

Importantly, to ensure healthy life and wellbeing, it is critical to understand what wellbeing

means and pathways to reach it for diverse populations. In this study, we specifically focus on

Chinese international students within Australia. Such students represent emerging adults from

a traditionally Eastern culture, living within a Western culture, navigating not only pressure from

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their studies, but also language and cultural differences, separation from family and friends, and

communication and supports that are often misaligned with their values and needs. Although

many higher education institutions have introduced study support services, peer support, and

mentoring programs to assist students in managing academic issues and transition to the higher

education environment (Horgan, McCarthy, & Sweeney, 2013; Rodger & Tremblay, 2003).

However, counselling services and support programs face ongoing difficulties of being accessible

and effective for numerous vulnerable students (McKenzie, Murray, Murray, & Richelieu, 2015;

Robertson, Holleran, & Samuels, 2015). The significant number of mental health and wellbeing

challenges that already existed for international students have further been accentuated through

the COVID-19 pandemic (Dodd et al., 2021), but services remain ineffective. This may arise, in

part, from limited understanding about the specific strategies that might support students well,

from their own perspectives (Huang, Kern, & Oades, 2020).

Given the significant number of around 1,061,511 Chinese international students studying

abroad in 2021, there is both a need and opportunity to explore the complexities and tensions

that one’s cultural background brings to wellbeing constructions and experiences (Education-

fair, 2022). The current study explores students’ wellbeing experiences and strategies they use to

strengthen their own and others’ wellbeing. Rather than assuming what students want from

theoretical models and providing traditional psychological treatment from a Western

perspective, hearing students’ own voice potentially can provide a culturally-sensitive and

contextual-responsive to supporting student wellbeing that better matches students’ needs.

1.1 The experience of wellbeing

Over the past several decades, scholars have proposed various models, frameworks, and

approaches to wellbeing, with the common assumption that wellbeing is more than the lack of

mental illness and poor functioning. It is generally represented as “feeling good and functioning

well” (Huppert & So, 2013, p. 893). Still, wellbeing can be experienced differently across different

populations—shaped, interpreted, and experienced by one’s culture, upbringing, experiences in

life, and perceptions of those experiences (Kern et al., 2020; Scott, Rowe, & Pollock, 2018; Wexler,

2009; Wong, 2011). In this paper, we focus upon intercultural aspects of wellbeing, specifically

focusing on a population living between two complementary yet different cultures.

1.2 Culture and wellbeing

A growing number of studies have examined whether and how cultural factors impact on

wellbeing (Calma, Dudgeon, & Bray, 2017; Lazarevic, 2017; Lomas, 2015). More than 40 years

ago, Gallup (1976) conducted a global survey to collect wellbeing data of people’s satisfaction

and needs, sampling two-third of the world population. The findings showed that health,

economic wellbeing, and family life consistently arose as general concerns across cultures and

regions. However, short-term concerns and hopes for the future varied across developing and

developed areas. Subsequent research by Gallup continually shows that these areas impact and

are relevant to cultural conceptions of wellbeing. Veenhoven (1993) comprehensively analysed

happiness in 56 nations and proposed a “liveability” concept, which suggested that if a society

can provide certain universal human conditions, people will experience a high level of subjective

wellbeing. Together, these studies suggested that economic/material factors, such as income,

economic growth, and social equality, may be more consequential to wellbeing than cultural

aspects.

However, over the past several decades, other studies have identified a number of culturally-

relevant aspects that do impact upon experiences of wellbeing, including individualism or

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collectivism and cultural homogeneity (Diener, Diener, & Diener, 2009); self-esteem (Campbell,

1981); independent and interdependent goal pursuit (Oishi & Diener, 2009); self-construal

processes (Suh, Diener, & Updegraff, 2008); satisfaction of daily events (Oishi, Diener, Choi, Kim-

Prieto, & Choi, 2007); emotional experiences (Eid & Diener, 2009); needs and values (Tay &

Diener, 2011); and identity consistency (Suh, 2002). Still, statistical comparisons across cultures

do not necessarily capture experiences of wellbeing by a specific culture (Diener, Oishi, & Lucas,

2003; Kahneman & Krueger, 2006), with ongoing issues in untangling confounding factors

(Spector, Liu, & Sanchez, 2015)

Tov and Diener (2007) highlighted the importance of understanding wellbeing within the

framework of each culture, as “there are also culture-specific patterns that make cultures unique

in their experience of wellbeing” (Tov & Diener, 2007, p. 691). With growing globalization,

migration, and mobility patterns, culture does not simply refer to a monoculturalism-dominated

way of life that people lead, but also to the individual and collective choices that are made

through evolving global cultural exposure (Mathews, 2012). Culturally sensitive studies that

explore subjective experiences for individuals with co-existing cultures are needed to inform

strategies and approaches for adequately supporting wellbeing in a given context. The current

study begins to explore this need by focusing on one specific population.

1.3 Chinese international students in Australia

As the largest portion of the international education market, Chinese international students draw

increasing scholarly attention and have been the target population in various studies, such as

exploring pull and push factors of their study-abroad decision-making (Bodycott, 2009; Chen,

2016), acculturation and experience (Bertram, Poulakis, Elsasser, & Kumar, 2014; Li et al., 2017),

academic performance and challenges (Liu, 2016; Yan & Berliner, 2009), and mental health (Chen,

Liu, Zhao, & Yeung, 2015; Han, Han, Luo, Jacobs, & Jean-Baptiste, 2013). Mental health and

wellbeing have increasingly emerged as a critical topic that requires greater focus, especially with

additional stresses and challenges that have arisen from the global COVID-19 pandemic.

Currently, studies on the wellbeing of Chinese international students have demonstrated the

important role of perceived language competence and social connection (Guo, Li, & Ito, 2014;

Luo, Wu, Fang, & Brunsting, 2019; Pang, 2018; Wang, We, & Chen, 2015). Age, length of stay in

the host country, and English proficiency also are closely associated with the acculturation

process and wellbeing (Li, Wang, & Xiao, 2019; Li, Liu, Wei, & Lan, 2013). Depression has been

identified as the most frequently reported mental illness in this population, but struggling

students are less likely to seek professional help than domestic students (Miller, Yang, Hui, Choi,

& Lim, 2011; Wei et al., 2007). Specifically within the Australian context, Martin (2020) identified

limited access to reliable local information, exploitation of rental accommodations, racial

discrimination and social exclusion, restricted intercultural mixing opportunity, limited

employment opportunities and exploitation at the workplace, difficulties in understanding

Australian police process, and the challenges in navigating Australian health systems, especially

in accessing mental health support as significant barriers that prevent students from seeking and

receiving professional support.

While these studies paint a concerning picture, few studies have focused on positive aspects

of mental health, including students’ experiences of wellbeing and aspects that effectively

support wellbeing. Using a prototype analysis design, Huang, Kern, and Oades (2022) explored

Chinese international students’ conceptualisations of wellbeing, finding that wellbeing concepts

were prototypically structured, with relationships, security, positivity/ optimism, physical health,

and self-strength identified as key components to their wellbeing conceptualisations. In a mixed

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methods study exploring how Chinese international students understand wellbeing, Huang et

al. (2020) identified mental and physical health, security, relationship support, and prosperity as

key themes. Extending these findings, the current study analyses qualitative data collected

through semi-structured interviews to understand the wellbeing experience of Chinese

international students living in Australia, to further investigate the strategies students use to

support wellbeing for themselves and explore how students perceive and support wellbeing in

others.

2. Method

2.1 Phenomenographic approach

The aim of this study is to explore the wellbeing experience and pathways of Chinese

international students from an intercultural perspective. Although many studies have tried to

highlight mental health problems and challenges faced by international students, there are

limited descriptive studies to hear students’ voices, particularly from a non-pathologising

viewpoint. Therefore, the current study chooses to understand students’ live d experiences and

their world, which is qualitative in nature. Phenomenology is an interpretive approach to

understanding phenomena, which concerns the meanings that individuals attribute to

phenomena and their interactions with them (Luttrell, 2010). And the principle of this approach

highlights the subjective perceptions of individuals’ realities and their experiences (Marton, 1981).

We chose this theoretical framework as the phenomenon under investigation here is Chinese

international students’ subjective wellbeing experiences/ pathways in the intercultural and

interlanguage spaces. Also, in phenomenographic research, individuals’ direct experiences with

and understandings of various aspects of their world are highly valued via observing,

interviewing, protocol writing, and examining journals and logs (Cohen, Manion & Morrison,

2007; Marton, 1981; Van Manen, 1997). Consequently, phenomenography has been selected to

explore the wellbeing experiences and pathways of Chinese international students in the

Australian context, and the most appropriate data collection instrument is the semi-structured

interview.

2.2 Procedure

The current study extends Huang et al. (2020) and Huang et al. (2022), with a specific focus on

qualitative data collected from a sub-set of participants (Chinese international students in several

universities across Australia). Interviews conducted by the first author between September 2019

and February 2020, and all procedures were approved by the [blinded for review] ethics review

board. After completing an online survey (see Huang et al., 2020 for details), students were

invited to participate in an in-depth semi-structured interview, with details on the study, a

consent form, and a brief questionnaire asking a series of demographic questions (gender, age,

education level, current education status, English proficiency levels, and length of stay within

Australia). Upon receiving digital consent and demographic information form, confirmed

participants were scheduled to be interviewed online by using WeChat. Participants could

choose English, Mandarin, or a mix of English and Mandarin during the interview and each

interview lasted 40 to 60 mins.

Semi-structured interviews aimed to explore how Chinese international students and the

people around them experience wellbeing, and identify what action or strategy they took to

support the wellbeing of self and others (i.e., “What experience of wellbeing do you have?”,

“How do you think about others’ wellbeing experience?”, “If you want to promote your

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wellbeing, what will you do?”, “If you want to promote others’ wellbeing, what will you do?”).

At the end of the interviews, participants were asked about their reflections of the interview and

their willingness of receiving the general results of the study and were provided with additional

mental health and wellbeing support information.

2.3 Participants

To be included in the study, participants had to: (1) be a Chinese international student; (2) be

studying at a tertiary education institution in Melbourne, Victoria, Australia; (3) be at least 18-

years old; and (4) had stayed in Melbourne between three months and four years (to ensure that

participants had sufficient experiences in both Chinese and Australian cultures).

Of 123 participants who completed the online survey, 45 indicated interest in being involved

in the interview, and 30 gave consent and participated in the semi-structured interviews. Table 1

summarizes demographic information. One-third of participants were female, and the majority

were between 21 and 29 years of age. More than 60% of students had an undergraduate degree

and currently studying for a Master’s degree. Approximately 70% of students had good or

excellent English proficiency levels. About four in five participants had lived in Melbourne for

more than one year.

Table 1. Participants’ demographic characteristics details.

Characteristics Category N (%)

Gender
Male 10 (33.3%)

Female 20 (66.7%)

Age

18-20 2 (6.7%)

21-29 26 (86.7%)

30-39 2 (6.7%)

Education level

High school graduate, diploma/the equivalent 4 (13.3%)

Undergraduate degree 22 (73.3%)

Graduate degree 4 (13.3%)

Education Status

Foundation course/university credit 0 (0%)

Bachelor’s degree 3 (10.0%)

Graduate certificate or diploma 0 (0%)

Master’s degree 19 (63.3%)

Doctorate degree 8 (26.7%)

English level

Comprehensive

Excellent 8 (26.7%)

Good 15 (50.0%)

Competent 5 (16.7%)

Modest 2 (6.7%)

Reading

Excellent 7 (23.3%)

Good 15 (50.0%)

Competent 7 (23.3%)

Modest 1 (3.3%)

Writing

Excellent 6 (20.0%)

Good 9 (30.0%)

Competent 9 (30.0%)

Modest 6 (20.0%)

Length of stay

3 months – 12 months 4 (13.3%)

13 months – 24 months 15 (50.0%)

25 months – 36 months 8 (26.7%)

37 months – 48 months 3 (10.0%)

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2.4 Data analyses

Audio recordings of the interviews were transcribed verbatim, repetitions and ramblings were

removed, and identifiable information was removed. As most interviews were conducted in

Mandarin (n=29), content analyses were conducted in Chinese to avoid meaning distortion, and

then translated into English for reporting. The translation process was assisted by a professional

translator with certification of the National Accreditation Authority for Translators and

Interpreters (NAATI), and the cited quotations reported there had been confirmed by the

translator. Double translation (re-translate the English text into Chinese and compare it with the

original Chinese version) was used in this process to maximize the authenticity of the translation.

Qualitative content analysis coding was used to explore texts within their context of

communication (Mayring, 2015). Specifically, phenomenographic seven coding steps were

followed, which include (1) familiarisation, (2) condensation, (3) comparison, (4) grouping, (5)

articulating, (6) labelling, and (7) contrasting (Dahlgren & Fallsberg, 1991). The first author read

through the interviews multiple times to become familiar with the content in detail and select the

statements that deliver the message of a certain phenomenon. Then, comparing, grouping, and

categorising common responses results in a set of broad patterns. Similar responses were

combined into main themes and sub-themes. Corresponding themes and sub-themes were then

labelled and summarised with representative quotes that we present here to show the similarities

and differences. The second and third authors supervised the coding process, affirming the

categorisations and resolving uncertainties, and confirming the alignment of themes, sub-themes,

and representative quotes.

3. Results

3.1 Personal experiences of wellbeing

We first examined students’ experiences of wellbeing. 39 sub-themes were identified via analysis

(with size and colour indicating frequency that the sub-theme was mentioned), which clustered

into 11 main themes (see Appendix 1). The themes, sub-themes, provides representative quotes,

and indicates the number and percentage of mentioned were further summarized (see Appendix

2).

Experiences of wellbeing were commonly reflected in feelings of competence, including

having a sense of achievement, a sense of control, and feeling that they were valued. For instance,

one participant experienced wellbeing “when what I like matches what society needs… and achieve

self-value”. Having intimate relationship support from family and friends, giving love and

support to others, and receiving broader social support from society were commonly mentioned.

For instance, students mentioned that “not only receive love, you can have wellbeing if you also give

love”, “I also participate in some voluntary work and this is also a part of my wellbeing”, and “celebrate

LGBT Day at the company and show inclusiveness”. Students also mentioned mental-oriented

experiences, noting that “there is no pressure during the whole process, and there is no schedule, too”

and “compared to not good life status I feel satisfied with my life when I in good status”. Three

participants struggled to describe wellbeing, instead pointing to negative aspects such as

academic challenge and depression, mental dysfunction, illness, and sickness. For instance, one

student identified that he “had a terrible feeling and hard to express, feel like I can’t do anything and

anything good”.

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3.2 Activities supporting wellbeing

We next examined activities that participants engage in to promote their own wellbeing. Two

broad categories were apparent, intrapersonal activities and interpersonal activities, which

further could be classified into seven major themes and 32 subthemes (see Appendix 3 - 4).

Across participants, 69.23% of activities were intrapersonal activities done alone, with

remaining activities involving connecting with others. Intrapersonal activities included growth

and development and physical activities, such as achieving goals, having financial independence,

planning, and doing exercise. For instance, one student expressed that “after I find a suitable way,

I will work harder and quicker to achieve the goals, such as graduate from PhD”. Over a third of

participants pointed to physical activity, noting for instance, “I will go to the gym and exercise to

release my emotion”. A quarter of participants mentioned psychological-oriented and self-refresh

activities to maintain wellbeing, including changing attitudes and perspective, task management,

exceeding expectation, self-discipline, self-talk, taking a sense of control from a cognitive

perspective, telling self to cheer up, eating, and having “me” time.

Interpersonally, participants pointed to the value of social support along with willingness to

give help, noting that “I will try my best to help others, my friends and family, in my life”. Participants

also highlighted social connection by participating in more social activities, such as “make more

friends with local people, participate in some social activities”, and “I will connect more with people around

me or reach out to make friends”. Only one participant mentioned seeking professional help from

counselling services, believing it is helpful to “let me systematically understand myself”. Notably,

seeking intimate relationship support from family connection was only mentioned once, despite

support and connection from family noted as one of the top wellbeing experiences.

3.3 Reflections on others’ wellbeing

Beyond exploring participants own experiences of wellbeing, we asked about their perceptions

of others. Three main themes were identified (negative, positive, and neutral/ personal), which

could further be broken into 17 sub-themes (see Appendix 5).

About half of responses perceived negative experiences such as having mental/physical

illness and difficulties, complaining, and having issues around family, finances, and study.

Notably, more than two-thirds of participants mentioned that the people (both Chinese and local)

around them experience mental illness and difficulties, expressing that “they are stressed” or “they

have anxiety and depression”. Around thirty percent of students pointed to positive aspects,

including being generally positive and good, having a work-life balance, being carefree, and

seemingly satisfied with life. For instance, students mentioned that the people “most of them live

in a positive way”. Eight students suggested that wellbeing experiences are very personal and

varied. For instance, one said that “I do not think I can comment on others’ wellbeing experience,

because it’s quite personal”. Two students also compared wellbeing experiences between local and

Chinese international students, suggesting that “compared to the local, I think a lot of Chinese

international students do not experience high wellbeing”.

3.4 Activities to support others’ wellbeing

Finally, participants reflected upon the activities they engage in to support the wellbeing of

people around them. We identified seven major themes and 13 sub-themes (see Appendix 6).

Of activities noted, most (90%) were other-oriented in nature. Over half of participants

indicated chatting or talking with others, such as “I will chat with them, that’s what I mostly do, ask

their difficulties and figure out what I can do”. Students pointed to the importance of being a good

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listener, for instance noting, “I think for family, most importantly are companion and listen, let them

feel your love”. Multiple activities were action-oriented, such as social activity, accompanying

others, and physical exercise with others. Eight students pointed to offering opportunities of

doing social activities together to show their kindness and care, such as “I will ask her out for dinner

or play together”, “I will organize travel together”, and “go shopping, watch a movie”. Students also

pointed to providing support based on what is needed, noting that “I won’t do something

purposefully. But, if necessary, I will support them in a way they need”. In terms of self-oriented

activities, the responses focused on improving one’s own wellbeing with the purpose of

positively influencing others, only sharing good news and not bad energy, and achieving self-

financial independence as a more indirect forms of support.

4. Discussion

Wellbeing is a human right, identified as a critical goal for sustainable development (United

Nation, 2015). Aligned with the philosophical perspective that wellbeing necessarily involves

values-laden aspects (Alexandrova, 2017; Kern et al., 2020; Tiberus, 2018), how wellbeing is

understood and cultivated is impacted by one’s culture, background, context, experiences, and

perceptions (Kern et al., 2020). With growing globalisation, mobility, and migration, further

complexities arise for those at the intersection of cultures (Mathews, 2012), especially when there

are clashes in values and perspectives across those cultures (Kern et al., 2020).

To understand and support wellbeing for all people, regardless of background, studies that

are sensitive not only to macro cultures (e.g., Western versus Eastern countries), but also micro-

cultures (e.g., people from one culture living within another) are needed (Tov & Diener, 2007).

The current study focused on one such micro-culture – Chinese international students living and

studying within Australia. In-depth semi-structured interviews with 30 students explored their

experiences of wellbeing, activities they draw on to support their wellbeing, their perceptions of

the wellbeing of those around them, and how they support others. The mixture of the host living

English context and students’ original Chinese cultural background provides an opportunity to

investigate the complexities of wellbeing experienced by a cross-cultural population.

4.1 Experiences of wellbeing

In considering how they experienced wellbeing, participants pointed to both intrapersonal-

related (i.e., competence, mental-oriented, autonomy, learning and growth, fulfilment &

contentment, and physical-oriented) and interpersonal-related experiences (i.e., relationship

support, giving, community support, and nature and environment). Most mentioned experiences

were relatively positive in nature, although a few participants pointed to negative experiences

regarding academic challenges, depression, mental dysfunction, and mental illness. This was

further evident in the reflection of people’s wellbeing status around this group of students that

believed about half of them had negative experiences. Notably, participants were more likely to

point to positive experiences for themselves, but negative experiences for those around them.

The understanding of wellbeing reflecting both positive and negative aspects could be

influenced by how Chinese international students conceptualise wellbeing as a concept, which

could be influenced by conflations of how the words “mental health”, “mental illness”, and

“wellbeing” are often conflated in literature and resources provided to students. For instance, at

the University of Melbourne, the website on “health and wellbeing” first points to resources for

mental health challenges, with wellbeing resources pointing primarily to strategies for managing

stress (https://students.unimelb.edu.au/student-support/health-and-wellbeing). Alternatively,

the intersections of the positive and negative could arise from their Chinese background,

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especially as most participants chose to complete the interview in Chinese, not English.

According to Huang et al. (2020), Chinese international students viewed this concept as

fundamental and neutral, noting it “could include both positive side and negative side” (p. 10).

Chinese Taoism encourages the acceptance of both fortune and misfortune in life, and believes

the ups and downs come in turn, so that achieving a state of mind with calm and peace, referred

to as “no happiness and no worries”, is viewed as true wellbeing, (Yang & Zhou, 2017). Further,

Buddhism interprets suffering as an essential pathway to set people free from desire and enter

nirvana, similar to enter heaven and paradise (Hong & Si-Ping, 2012). Thus, negative experiences

are appreciated or at least seen as indispensable to human life. Hence, it may not be surprising

to see Chinese wellbeing experiences have a mixture of positive and negative sides.

When considering their own experiences of wellbeing, feelings of competence was the most

frequently mentioned. Students expressed that having a sense of achievement, such as

“accomplish a task which I thought was impossible to me before”, “achieve a goal I set”, and “completing

a project”, can make students “feel good” and “achieve wellbeing”. Other competencies like the sense

of control, meet expectations, and be valued were also key indicators in the wellbeing experiences.

The emphasis on individual competence to achieve wellbeing aligns with Confucianism. In

ancient Chinese, wellbeing could be expressed by the word “Le”, which means the feeling of joy

and happiness. Confucius believed that there are two levels to achieve “Le” in life: (1) to satisfy

the basic living needs in life, and (2) to support your family, share your wealth and contribute to

your community. In the first level, individuals should be safe and comfortable, to achieve “Fu”,

including health, material wealth, moral character, no worries, and a peaceful life. The first level

expects the Chinese to enhance their competencies to take care of themselves and achieve

mundane success (the personal value). After passing the first level, people are capable and

encouraged to support family and community, at the second level of “rational happiness” (the

social value) (Yang & Zhou, 2017). As it is said in Chinese folklore: if you are poor, you should

focus on self-cultivation and self-perfection; if you are wealthy, you should care about others and

contribute to your community. The self-cultivation and self-perfection mentioned above could

be understood as the process to gain self-competence. Although Chinese culture was viewed as

collective, the Confucian pathway to achieve wellbeing starts from the individual.

Participants also frequently mentioned the importance of relationship support, with both

receiving and giving support contributing to experiences of wellbeing. The idea of giving back

aligns with the core concept of virtue, in the Confucianism second level of rational happiness (Lu,

2001). It is expected that people with virtue should share the mundane joy (e.g., material wealth,

moral character, free from worries) with others and be concerned with the world’s welfare. Like

a poem in the Song dynasty explained, a person is considered to have virtue when they are “the

first to worry about the word and be the last to enjoy the pleasure”, and even in the lack of

material wealth or external difficulties, wellbeing is achievable as long as people have virtue

(Huo, Chen, & Guo, 2013). Creating a harmonious environment and practising benevolence in

the community is considered the ideal status of wellbeing. The Confucians’ wellbeing develops

from material to spiritual and individual to collective, influencing how Chinese understand and

experience wellbeing.

4.2 Pathways for wellbeing

Students identified a variety of activities that they engage in to support their own wellbeing.

Activities associated with growth and development, physical and psychological oriented, are the

most preferred ones. For instance, students highlighted the importance of physical exercise,

changing attitude and perspective, achieving goals, and having financial independence, and

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believed planning their future and working hard are crucial regarding achieving wellbeing. The

students’ strategies focus on themselves in line with Confucians’ concept of self-cultivation and

self-perfection (Hong & Si-Ping, 2012). As noted above, the seeking of collective rational

happiness starts from individual efforts to pass the first level of wellbeing, such as health,

material wealth, and peace. For students, doing physical exercise, achieving study goals, and

having financial independence are considered as the key indicators of taking good care of

themselves at this life stage.

Another interesting finding is the mismatch between wellbeing experiences and wellbeing

pathways. For example, physical exercise was the top endorsed activity with more than one-third

of participants. However, only one student mentioned having exercise as a way to experience

wellbeing in the previous question. Another contrasting example is relationship support. Only

one student noted proactively seeking family support and connection to enhance wellbeing, even

as experiencing relationship support is one of the top contributors to wellbeing. The gap between

the experience and strategies can be interpreted by the theories of the “Liking” approach and the

“Needing” approach based on hedonic and eudemonic accounts. According to Jayawickreme,

Forgeard, and Seligman (2012), “Liking” approaches relate to what people like and feel,

accounting on self-report positive emotion (Kahneman, Krueger, Schkade, Schwarz, & Stone,

2004) and life satisfaction (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985). The “Needing” approach,

on the other hand, focuses on what people need to live the best possible life and wellbeing. The

findings in the current study align with the “Linking” and “Needing” approaches that what

Chinese international students experienced referred to what they like (positive relationship) and

the pathways that students chose referred to what they need to achieve wellbeing (growth and

development), reflecting Confucians’ concept of self-cultivation and self-perfection (Hong & Si-

Ping, 2012). In addition, physiological needs and security needs (Maslow’s hierarchy of needs)

(Maslow, 1971), meaning in life (Meaning) (Stillman et al., 2009), self-acceptance and autonomy

(Ryff’s psychological wellbeing approach) (Ryff & Keyes, 1995), competence and relatedness

(Deci and Ryan’s self-determination theory) (Ryan & Deci, 2000), and engagement (Seligman’s

wellbeing theory) (Seligman, 2004) are examples of what people believe they need to achieve

wellbeing in Western literature and also revealed in the current study, which shows that some

wellbeing components may be universals despite cultural diversity.

4.3 Perceptions of others’ wellbeing

For perceptions of others’ wellbeing experiences, multiple participants believed that wellbeing is

personal, such that they should not comment on other’s wellbeing. This might reflect cultural

beliefs that emotional expression is impolite and inappropriate. Chinese children are often told

to keep calm and have peace. Extreme emotional arousal is often viewed as inappropriate in

Chinese culture. From Taoism’s point of view, extreme pleasure could also mean no pleasure and

even lead to extreme suffering, so that intense hedonic emotions are discouraged, and people

intend to adopt a restrained expression of emotion, keep calm and have peace, and be humble

(Lu, 2001).

It is also interesting that some participants compared Chinese international students’

wellbeing to the locals’ wellbeing, mentioning that local people enjoy better work-life balance

and have more quality time with family and friends. From a cultural perspective, the Chinese are

encouraged to work hard from a young age, with little emphasis on having rest and enjoying

hedonic pleasures. The expectation of working overtime in current Chinese culture, such as the

“996” (work from 9am to 9pm for six days a week) working schedule, makes the work-life balance

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concept foreign (Wang, 2020). Also, because they are far away from home and their original social

network, having quality time with family and friends is not easily achievable.

4.4 Implications

This study illustrates the lived experience of wellbeing, how wellbeing is perceived, and how

those perceptions and experiences translate into behaviours to support wellbeing. Compared to

current literature on university students’ wellbeing status, this study focuses on the positive

aspects to provide insights on students’ wellbeing from a cultural perspective . The findings

contribute to the academic literature on the experiences relating to wellbeing that may be

culturally specific, leading to the internal complexities of how cultures influence wellbeing in a

multi-layered way. According to Hofstede’s six national cultural dimensions (Hofstede, 2011),

Chinese culture has been viewed on the collectivist side in the individualism versus collectivism

dimension, in which people are expected to have a strong, cohesive tie with groups from birth

onwards. The findings on wellbeing experiences align with Chinese mainstream cultures in

Hofstede’s model that positive relationship support was one of the greatest sources for wellbeing

experience. However, the primary pathways that Chinese students chose to support their

wellbeing indicate that some subcultures are more individualistic. The intrapersonal and

interpersonal activities students engage in to support their wellbeing provide insights on how

culture diversity may have varying degrees of impact on the needs of wellbeing, and help

identify more universal wellbeing components that persist across multiple cultures.

Also, contrary to Western cultures that assume that personal happiness with the absence of

negative affect is one of the most values in life (Eid & Diener, 2009; Held, 2002; Morris, 2012),

cross-cultural studies provide evidence that wellbeing has tended to be overlooked and that this

assumption does not apply to non-western cultures, with some cultures are even averse to

happiness (Joshanloo & Weijers, 2014; Suh, 2000; Uchida, Norasakkunkit, & Kitayama, 2004).

Researchers also have called for studies that examine wellbeing across different circumstances

and spheres of life, which can show considerable diversity (Alexandrova, 2013). In the current

study, the findings suggested that the quest for happiness is not a supreme value among students

with Chinese cultural backgrounds. Positive mentally-oriented experiences only ranked third as

the key experience themes, and negative experiences with mental dysfunction and mental

illness/sickness were also viewed as a part of wellbeing. Those perceptions of wellbeing further

reflect on the students’ behaviours that improving capability through growth and development

is key to strengthen wellbeing. The findings illustrate the importance of human culture and

emphasise that life circumstances including culture should be given consideration in future

studies on wellbeing.

4.5 Limitations and future directions

Our study is one of the few studies that specifically investigates the positive aspects of Chinse

international students’ wellbeing experiences, the related perceptions, and pathways for

supporting wellbeing from an intercultural perspective. The study also has several limitations.

In the interview, no straightforward questions were asked to let participants identify what and

how their cultural background/s and living context/s influenced their wellbeing experiences.

Future studies could be more explicit on exploring cultural/contextual factors in shaping and

interpreting wellbeing experience. In addition, the reflection of other’s wellbeing experiences

could be more specific to detail the cultural/demographic background of the people that students

reflected on, which could provide more information on the similarit ies and differences between

Chinese international students and the local people.

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This study focuses on Chinese international students within Australia, the findings might not

generalize to other international students with different cultural backgrounds or other countries’

contexts. Replication and extension would be beneficial, exploring other populations and

contexts to achieve a comprehensive understanding of international students’ wellbeing in

various contexts, and further offer guidelines for higher education institutions to support

international students’ wellbeing.

4.6 Conclusion

Wellbeing has become a growing concern for both individuals and communities, with its

importance further accentuated through the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic. The current

study focused on a population of people living at the intersections of two cultures, providing

unique perspectives and insights for supporting the many people living at the intersections of

cultures. The in-depth interviews reveal the mismatch between Chinese international students’

wellbeing experiences (more appreciate ‘we’) and wellbeing pathways (focusing on ‘me’) in the

Australian context. Findings contribute both to enhancing culturally sensitive and contextually

responsive insights about wellbeing, as well as revealing potential practical pathways for better

supporting students within higher education institutions. In all, this study sheds light on how

intercultural complexities shape wellbeing experiences and calls for further culturally specific

consideration in wellbeing science.

Conflict of interest statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial

relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Authors

Lanxi Huang

Centre for Wellbeing Science, The University of Melbourne

lanxi.huang1@unimelb.edu.au

Margaret L. Kern

Centre for Wellbeing Science, The University of Melbourne

Lindsay G. Oades

Centre for Wellbeing Science, The University of Melbourne

Publishing Timeline

Received 6 September 2021

Revised version received 3 July 2022

Accepted 30 September 2022

Published 1 October 2022

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Social Sciences, 5(11), 181-188. https://doi.org/10.4236/jss.2017.511013

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Huang, Kern, & Oades

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Appendices

Appendix 1. Sub-themes indicating participants’ experiences of wellbeing, with size and colour

reflecting the percentage that the sub-theme was mentioned (i.e., larger and darker were more

frequently mentioned).

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Appendix 2. Chinese international students’ experiences of wellbeing, with themes, sub-

themes, representative quotes, and number and percentages that themes and sub-themes

occurred.

Main

Themes
Sub-Themes Representative Quotes n %

Competence

22.50%

sense of

achievement

“After completed a landmark project, I will have a sense

of achievement.”
9 11.25%

sense of control “Have a sense of control to do the things I liked.” 3 3.75%

meet expectation
“There is no surprise in life, and I feel satisfied…

everything goes as expected”
2 2.50%

be valued
“What I like matches what society needs… and achieve

self-valued.”
1 1.25%

self-recognition “It gives me a sense of self-recognition.” 1 1.25%

self-regulation “I feel like I am good at self-regulation of my emotion.” 1 1.25%

solve problems
“As a person with high wellbeing, he will first calm down

when having problems and solve them.”
1 1.25%

Relationship

support

21.25%

family company &

support

“For example, I feel wellbeing when I chat with my family

pleasantly.”
7 8.75%

friendship support “When I stay with friends, I feel like I get cohort support.” 7 8.75%

pet “My wellbeing increased a lot after I have cat.” 2 2.50%

harmony “Have harmony in family and life.” 1 1.25%

Mental-

oriented

13.75%

no pressure
“There is no pressure during the whole process, and there

is no schedule, too.”
4 5.00%

comparison

between good and

bad status

“Compared to not good life status I feel satisfied with my

life when I in good status.”
2 2.50%

positive attitude “In terms of study, I have a good, positive attitude.” 2 2.50%

appreciation
“I appreciate small, beautiful things in life that others not

noticed”
1 1.25%

good mood
“Sometimes, if I have a good mood, I will have the feeling

of wellbeing.”
1 1.25%

passion and

energetic

“I am energetic to work harder, very passionate about

working every day.”
1 1.25%

Giving

10.00%

giving love &

support

“Not only receive love, you can have wellbeing if you also

give love.”
5 6.25%

voluntary work
“I also participate in some voluntary work, and this is also

a part of my wellbeing.”
2 2.50%

giving positive

feedback

“Put a note of positive feedback to my colleagues can

foster wellbeing.”
1 1.25%

Community

support

8.75%

good social welfare

and insurance

system

“University provides some free course to teach how to

study, have some discounts to travel.”
4 5.00%

diversity and

inclusion

“Celebrate LGBT Day at the company and show

inclusiveness.”
2 2.50%

campus service

support

“Disability people have been taken good care of by social

welfare and insurance system.”
1 1.25%

Autonomy

6.25%

freedom and

hobbies

“If I want to go out for dinner, I can choose any restaurant

I want to eat”, “hope my parents can leave me alone.”
4 5.00%

time to relax “I have a lot of time to play, feel very happy.” 1 1.25%

Learning

and growth

5.00%

challenge myself
“If I can fully understand a paper, I will feel good and

wellbeing.”
1 1.25%

keep learning “I can feel a strong feeling of wellbeing when I study.” 1 1.25%

new start
“At the beginning of a task, I feel most energetic and

positive.”
1 1.25%

self-actualization
“A sense of self-actualization and need goals to become a

valuable person.”
1 1.25%

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Main

Themes
Sub-Themes Representative Quotes n %

Nature and

environment

3.75%

campus life

“I have the sense of wellbeing when I walked in campus,

see different old buildings with the sense of history, the

sunlight in the lawn, the blooms threes and confident

students chat happily.”

1 1.25%

good weather
“Maybe the weather is good today, and I will have the

feeling of wellbeing.”
1 1.25%

spacious living area “Live in a big house is feeling very good.” 1 1.25%

Negative

experience

3.75%

academic challenge

and depression

“I feel depressed when I feel very hard to achieve goals, or

I have a different opinion about my research with

supervisors.”

1 1.25%

mental dysfunction
“Had a terrible feeling and hard to express, feel like I can’t

do anything and anything good.”
1 1.25%

mental illness and

sickness

“When I see the doctor, I feel wellbeing is very important,

and it’s the functional basis for daily life.”
1 1.25%

Fulfillment

and

contentment

2.50%

contentment “Have a sense of contentment and satisfy my life.” 1 1.25%

fulfillment
” I feel fulfilment in my life and keep learning little by

little.”
1 1.25%

physical-

oriented

2.50%

exercise “For example, exercise.” 1 1.25%

physical

comfortable

“The sofa in Baillieu library feels comfortable, and I can

have a sense of wellbeing.”
1 1.25%

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