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editorial / FARZANEH HAGHIGHI & NIKOLINA BOBIC

Political matters 

This thematic issue of Interstices, Political Matters, approaches architecture be-
yond aesthetic analysis, and more than a mere branch of traditional art history 
or a civilisation’s will to form (Kwinter, 2001). Nor do we consider it as utilitarian 
space to maximise particular behaviours (Bentham, 1843), or in an essentialised 
way whereby inhabitation and place-making are contextually and ontological-
ly given (Heidegger, 1927), or historically predetermined. Instead architecture, 
and more broadly urban space, are understood as political forces in and of them-
selves, meaning that they can enforce sociopolitical changes. The urgency of 
engaging with the political significance of architecture and urban space is be-
cause we can no longer afford to reduce them to neutral backdrops of political 
realities. The ongoing and increasing global crises are explicit evidence of the in-
herent role of architecture and urbanism in the structural racism embedded in 
urban planning, the brutal treatment of asylum seekers, the desire for spaces of 
commerce to accumulate capital for the few rather than civic spaces to enable 
the agency of citizenship, the micropolitics and surveillance of social distancing 
during the pandemic, in addition to global warming, food scarcity, maritime ter-
ritorialisation, and modern forms of slavery. As such, architecture can no longer 
be understood as that which is built on stable ground; economics is not static and 
neither is state power, the urban fabric is stretched across the globe (Lefebvre, 
1970). Likewise, architecture and urbanism cannot be removed from their con-
nections to digital technology, mass media, the military and the law. Politics is 
spatial. Moreover, architecture and urban space can be deployed as tools for rad-
ical and revolutionary changes, since collective awareness, resistance and social 
movements have a spatial dimension (Harvey, 2013). The premise of change is 
undeniably enveloped in the rethinking of what architecture is by questioning its 
role, influence and ethical responsibility, as well as addressing how architecture 
and the urban can help articulate global concerns, and possibly offer alternatives. 

The nexus of politics and architecture is a growing topic of discussion. The re-
cently co-edited Political Theory and Architecture (Bell and Zacka, 2020) tackles 
this nexus by showing that the political role of architecture/urban space should 
be sought in how certain changes can be implemented. They argue that the re-
lation between politics and architecture is often understood as deterministic 
through these three common ways: channelling occupants’ behaviours and 



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informing the meaning of their action (for example the arrangement of parlia-
ment seats); symbolic representation of values (for example, the Pantheon in 
Paris celebrating the French revolution); and fostering a social ethos (such as the 
modernist belief that architecture can cure all socioeconomic ills). Instead they 
invite us to examine how architecture and urban space shape human experi-
ence, how they develop civic consciousness and how they limit or expand social 
or political infrastructures. Understanding the political processes and effects of 
architecture—the how—is also taken up as an anthropological research project 
by Albena Yaneva in Five Ways to Make Architecture Political: An Introduction 
to the Politics of Design Practice (2017). By analysing a series of projects from 
OMA, AZPA to Moshe Safdie, and contexts from Birmingham, Vienna, Osaka 
and Singapore, she unpicks the consequences of design and through this process 
reinvents the sites of political action in a way that are not limited to ideology, 
state, nation, government, policies, and activism (2017: 4). A way out is proposed 
through actor-network-theory (ANT) methodology where architecture is not 
defined, stabilised, or fixed but rather it is a complex set of processes which all 
occur in a dynamic and incomplete relation to each other. Another attempt to 
define architecture beyond a political symbol or a physical by-product of the 
political economy of neoliberalism, is offered by Graham Cairns in Reification 
and Representation: Architecture in the Politico-Media-Complex (2018). He sees 
architecture as a “mediated political hybrid”. That architecture is a complex, 
interdisciplinary and multifaceted field is explored in the co-edited Spatial 
Violence: Studies in Architecture (Herscher and Siddiqi, 2018). Here, the com-
mon denominator of politics—the what—is violence, where the line between war 
and peace is blurred in themes that range from military targeting and incarcera-
tion to urban planning and refugee camps, and in contexts as wide as Sri Lanka, 
Serbia, Congo, Italy, France and the US. 

To address what it means for space to be political beyond it merely being an 
expression of hegemonic orders, Political Matters call for papers drew upon 
specific studies in philosophy, political and cultural/critical theory by Hannah 
Arendt, Chantal Mouffe, Paul Virilio, Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze. Arendt 
(1955) not only suggests that political questions are far too serious to be left to 
politicians, she also considers action as the highest manifestation of vita activa 
(which designates fundamental human activities including labour, work and ac-
tion) which occurs in a public sphere (Arendt, 1958). However, Arendt’s account 
of action in the public realm is limited, because she frames public space through 
ancient Greek texts, where the exercise of action is based on freedom-to-act rath-
er than necessity-to-act. Freedom-to-act may be better framed as keeping control 
at a tolerable level. More so, the elimination of the necessity-to-act was fore-
grounded by exclusion (in Ancient Greece, that would have included the slave, 
woman, foreigner). Indeed, for Chantal Mouffe, Arendt’s envisioning of “public 
space as a space where consensus can be made” is flawed since all forms of con-
sensus do and will exclude certain opinions (2013: 10). Thus, Mouffe proposes the 
notion of agonism and the impossibility of a final reconciliation in thinking the 
political. She suggests that the political is inherent to all human societies and 
can take many forms and relations, but politics is a set of practices that arrange 
people by establishing certain orders (2013: 2). Her theorisation of the difference 
between politics and the political has informed the ways in which we employed 
politics as a set of relations in which architecture is restricted, or used as a means 
of oppression or control, whereas political is approached as more hopeful and 



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constructive by giving architecture agency. This is not to say that oppression and 
agency cannot overlap. A well-placed spatial implication of this is seen in Tina 
Engels-Schwarzpaul’s paper on contested public debates and protests on land 
ownership in Ihumātao, which halted the construction project of a private com-
pany from building houses on indigenous land, since no consensus was made 
between those involved in the debate. 

Another perspective that informed this issue is the re-conceptualisation of the 
notion of power by Michel Foucault (1975, 1976). Simply put, we often understand 
power as being negative and oppressive, “a power to say no; in no condition to 
produce, capable of only posting limits, it is basically anti-energy” (1976: 85). 
Foucault dismantles the habitual link between power and domination, by sug-
gesting that we obey not because power is oppressive, but because power is 
productive. Shifting from oppression towards production, one is encouraged to 
investigate what power relations give rise to. For example, walls are common ar-
chitectural archetypes of segregation, however, Daniel Grinceri’s paper shows 
that the construction of border walls is based on creating a perception of securi-
ty. By deploying Wendy Brown’s thinking (2010), Grinceri indicates that physical 
borders are often erected to perform a theatrical role by giving the perception of 
the government being in control even if the border wall does not perform the giv-
en role, such as the Mexico-US border.

To make sense of contemporary forms of power, Deleuze (1990) extends 
Foucault’s notion of disciplinary society to the society of control. This is the 
subject of Ian Buchanan’s paper. He suggests that we need to understand how 
our desires are captured in specific ways. If we do not identify these ways and 
forces, we will continue to be complicit in the production processes that main-
tain control societies. Here, desire is seen as social and productive, rather than 
the psychoanalytic stance where desire reproduces objet petit-a. Thus, com-
prehending the complex forms of surveillance and governance in the age of 
contemporaneity requires us to shift our attention to examine the new ways 
by which corporates handle money, profit, and humans in control societies 
(Deleuze, 1990). Buchanan shows that today, when architecture is built for soft-
ware and data storage rather than people, when a human is nothing other than 
a code and dividual, when governing associated with the Panopticon is child’s 
play compared to the information held by corporations which we freely give with 
our purchases, likes and movements, when information is the new property and 
data is the new oil, it may be safe to say that IT and the media permeate every 
pixel and second of our lives. As Buchanan observes (2008), and in line with the 
thinking of Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari (1972, 1980), we need to search for 
different types of tools that capture human desires. Indeed, this may require 
a different placing and questioning of ideas, events and spaces than may be           
associated with the normalised identification of architecture and accepted way 
of living. 

For Paul Virilio, speed is pivotal in the engagement with and understanding of 
reality. The substitution of one reality with another has been possible due to 
the historical focus on space rather than time, the impact being that the speed 
of weaponry and displacement of information drive history (1977). The shift 
from the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment and the current period is driv-
en by the constant acceleration of speed, and militarisation of the urban as 
well as our shifting perception of space (Virilio, 1977, 1984, 1989, 1996). Virilio’s 



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thinking differs  from Mouffe’s, for whom the current society, including the very 
association with democracy, is correlational to the exchange processes of neolib-
eralism. For Virilio, land, things, information, perception—and democracy and 
citizenship, although not directly stated—are connected to, and driven by, mili-
tarisation. For him, time rather than space is the driving factor. Our perception is 
indeed framed by, and dependent upon, the military-information-media-enter-
tainment complex—MIME (Der Derian, 2009), since the conflation of the media 
and technology can help disguise possible acts of crime, and also because such 
iterations of violence are operationalised in the name of “security and peace”, 
“civil values” and “humanitarianism”. That our cities have become the new bat-
tleground of borders, wars, surveillance, and terrorism is explored in Cities Under 
Siege: The New Military Urbanism (Graham, 2011), a topic of discussion in Daniel 
Grinceri’s paper. The significance of 9/11 is that it was the first internecine war 
and the first war of globalisation (Virilio and Lotringer, 2002). The dismantled 
and reconstructed media frame of 9/11 was relentlessly replayed in order to per-
form the politics of MIME. For Political Matters, engaging with the contemporary 
world is enmeshed in the complexities of politics engulfed in corporate capital-
ism, normalised archaeologies of knowledge, repression of urban struggles, and 
militarisation of information. It yields the investigation of the regimes for which 
architecture is a necessary tool, whether this be for civil ordering, or the way in 
which control is enabled through mining personal data, manipulation of data, 
producing ignorance through media entertainment, and affecting memory and 
perception. In our age of mass media, not only the distinction between fake/real 
news and true/false information is ever-more blurred, but more importantly, the 
revelation of truth does not change anything (such as the scandals of Donald 
Trump); the political is hijacked.

However, it is not that the media image has replaced the real image of truth. For 
Baudrillard, reality is obliterated; copy precedes and determines the real (1981, 
1991). The interplay between war, media, truth, and architectural representation 
is investigated by Endriana Audisho in “Liveness, mediation and the simulat-
ed: Effects of the digital screen on architectural representation post 1990.” The 
underlying theme of this paper pertinent to politics in that digital technolo-
gy has not only had a significant impact on pedagogy and the design processes 
in architecture, but also on the globally instantaneous circulation of images of 
featured buildings. Audisho specifically engages with the digital turn by ex-
amining three case studies: the tension between the simulated and the real in  
CNN’s 1991 coverage of the Gulf War as the first live reporting of a conflict in the 
world; experimental Paperless Studio and Media City at GSAPP (Graduate School 
of Architecture, Planning and Preservation), Columbia University’ in 1994 us-
ing computers in studios; and finally, the United Architects’ 2002 World Trade 
Centre (WTC) design competition proposal. Audisho links these three moments 
together by suggesting that architects were following how the Gulf War was me-
diated, and that these techniques were deployed in their teaching and practice. 
The adoption of the digital screen for purposes of experimentation by Greg Lynn, 
Bernard Tschumi and Hani Rashid happened when the architectural discipline 
was experiencing a crisis of representation. By drawing upon the WTC design 
competition entry of United Architects, Audisho suggests that the screen was re-
duced to a fetishised image dissociated from sociopolitical reality of architecture. 
Consequently, what we are now left with are simulated images solely concerned 
with aesthetics and market economies. 



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With the increasing death of refugees trying to reach the fortress of Europe, or 
asylum seekers imprisoned in Australia’s offshore detention centres, or detained 
children at United States Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), it seems 
to be more important than ever to theorise the critical nexus between politics 
and space. Daniel Grinceri’s “Tracing the border: Excursus on the wall” specifi-
cally engages with wall borders from a theoretical point of view. By drawing upon 
the works of Wendy Brown, Zygmunt Bauman, Giorgio Agamben and Saskia 
Sassen among others, Grinceri argues that the proliferation of walls worldwide 
highlights the declining authority of nation-states, which in itself is a conse-
quence of ever-increasing economic control of multi-national corporations 
under capitalism. Border walls, he suggests, do not create a more secure and saf-
er environment. They are instead a means of controlling who can benefit from 
the free deregulated market and territorial mobility, and who should not. This 
paper also extends the discussion of physical walled borders into contemporary 
digital surveillance and opens up a debate around the current state of pandemic 
and the state’s role in managing the health of the population which requires 
some levels of state-sanctioned surveillance and control. However, Grinceri 
shows that even during a pandemic and lock-down in Melbourne, Australia, po-
licing the population does not solely operate for health protection, but is 
implicated in the segregation and stigmatisation of immigrants. Despite the pan-
demic evading the conventional understanding of territorial borders, new ones 
are being created by using the pandemic to stigmatise and separate those who 
are contagious and ill (migrants and impoverished) from violating the safe zones 
of the wealthy and privileged. Undeniably, the pandemic is used to mark wealth, 
race, and the Other.

That segregation imposed by borders should be also examined against the 
right to territory and ownership is addressed by Tina Engels-Schwarzpaul in 
“Peripheral territories: Imagining common worlds differently”. She argues that 
questions of territory are undeniably tied to formulating identity as fixed, cen-
tral and concrete. More so, her thinking is aligned with our focus on thinking of 
the periphery not as that which is oppressed or backward, but rather opportunis-
tically situated as a frontier that can offer alternatives. For Engels-Schwarzpaul, 
we can no longer afford to perpetuate assumptions of Western superiority in 
terms of centre/periphery, individualism perpetuated by neoliberalism, nor na-
tional identities bounded to territories by sovereign borders. As such she calls for 
the concepts that can allow us to engage with a multi-centred world. The spa-
tial conflicts caused by inadequate and dangerous colonial concepts of identity 
are examined through two scenes in her paper, CARA di Mineo, a refugee camp 
in Italy keeping refugees out of Europe, and occupation of Ihumātao, a Māori 
ancestral landscape Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland. Disputes over land-owner-
ship led to the closure of the camp and brought a halt to the construction of a 
housing project by a private company on ancestral land. Two different concep-
tualisations of relation-to-land in western imagination and the Māori world are 
compared with each other; the former presumes unambiguous/unequal relation-
ships through inflexible boundaries, whereas the latter is reciprocal and holders 
of the power over land are to care for the well-being of everything there. Simply 
put, one is based on exclusivity and the other on association. By drawing main-
ly on the works of Hannah Arendt and Edward Said,  the paper addresses these 
differing positions of territorial conceptualisation and examines the protest in 
Ihumātao by suggesting that a common world based on plural perspectives is not 



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only possible, but an urgent necessity. 

Incorporating plural perspectives requires a different methodology that can go 
beyond the business-as-usual politics. Methods that offer real alternatives can 
be found in the independent spatial practice of Forensic Architecture (FA). Led 
by Eyal Weizman, FA is a research-architecture practice based at Goldsmiths, 
University of London. Comprised of architects, journalists, film makers  and 
software/game developers, FA cross-cuts architecture, art, journalism, law 
and science in an investigative way to provide evidence for new types of pub-
lic truths. FA unpicks the ways in which state or government-initiated violence 
has attained a new level of acceptability and legality. The research uses the trace 
(ranging from witness accounts and image-based footage to bullet holes) to re-
construct the event in reverse. Their work advocates for progressive egalitarian 
causes including transparent access to information, whilst also reflecting Alain 
Badiou’s position that the ethics of human rights and humanitarian interven-
tions conceals an ideology of imperialism and invariably control (1993). In this 
issue of Interstices, Anthony Brand interviews  software developer Lachlan 
Kermode of FA. We learn about their design methodology and the dynamic of the 
practice itself. For example, the investigation into the Saydnaya prison in Syria 
by reconstructing places of tortures through sound and sensory experiences of 
the interviewed detainees.

Addressing the political in relation to architecture and urban space is incomplete 
without noting the right of the public to the city, both in design processes and 
in decision making. The necessity and complexity of social participation is ad-
dressed by Christina Deluchi in “The politics of social architecture in Medellín: 
A reading of the Parque Biblioteca España”. She examines the construction of 
a library to highlight two important aspects pertinent to Political Matters. The 
first shows how buildings are used as tools to represent certain ideologies, and 
the second highlights how the emergence of buildings is intertwined with com-
plex socioeconomic forces and politics. This paper offers an engaging history 
of the transformation of Medellín in Colombia, from a city known for violence, 
corruption and drugs, to what has been globally presented as a successful case 
of urban renaissance. Deluchi lays out how socio-geographic planning schemes, 
decentralised politics, participatory mechanisms, educational reform, economic 
partnerships and public works projects created the structural changes necessary 
for the emergence of social urbanism. More importantly, she further demon-
strates that the language of social inclusion for the construction of this library 
was entangled in contradictions. Ultimately the library was deployed as a symbol 
for the city’s renewal project, yet not only were the protocols for increased local 
participation and civic trust undermined, but the source of economic support 
and motives behind this project remain questionable. Construing a new global 
image for Medellín, and invariably Colombia, was an attempt to disguise eco-
nomic and softer versions of corruption, despite it being hailed as an example of 
a renewed sense of identity and belonging in the local community. That its image 
of success was short-lived is also evidenced by the fact that the building which 
officially opened in 2007 was closed indefinitely in 2017  for repair. 

That buildings can no longer be seen as autonomous objects, or that they are 
not only shaped by economic or ecological forces, is the main trajectory of 
investigation for Gerard Reinmuth and Andrew Benjamin in “Autonomy-within-
Rationality.” They argue that the political in architectural discourse has been 



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wrongly sought within the object itself or in the context in which the object was 
conceived. Instead, architecture should be sought in the relations that produce 
the object. The notions of object and relation are discussed by drawing upon 
Pier Vittorio Aureli’s idea of autonomy and Nishat Awan, Tatiana Schneider and 
Jeremy Till’s work on agency. Embedding the theoretical framework is done 
through the evolution of Coop Himmelblau’s projects since 1960s, Zaha Hadid’s 
and Patrick Schumacher’s projects, and Alejandro Zaera-Polo’s consideration of 
the politics of the building envelope in architectural practice. In the aftermath 
of the global financial crisis, Reinmuth and Benjamin argue that the profession 
and practice started to rethink their relations with each other, that is, to identi-
fy the parameters of architecture in a deregulated neoliberal economy in which 
the autonomy of architecture is reduced to the minimum layer of a façade or 
eye-catching forms for a consumer society. Their response to this crisis is to 
acknowledge autonomy-within-relationality, through which architectural auton-
omy cannot be understood without the wider ever-changing relations in which it 
is embedded . 

That architecture should be ethical and deliver what it promises is addressed by 
Sandra Kaji-O’Grady in a review of Critical Care: Architecture and Urbanism for 
a Broken Planet (eds. Fitz and Krasny, 2019). Whilst Kaji-O’Grady acknowledg-
es the showcasing of 21 successful projects as examples of care in resisting the 
exploitation of global labour and resources in this book, she indicates that none 
of the examined projects can live up to their promise when analysed in detail, 
because the forces of capitalism are extremely pervasive in architecture and 
urbanism. She likewise asserts, that questions of care need to be understood be-
yond programme and tectonics. One of the projects examined in greater detail is 
the Psychiatric Center Caritas in Melle, Belgium. The argument is that the project 
holds to the value of care due to its preservation of an existing building, howev-
er, Kaji-O’Grady suggests that care needs to extend to questions of who funded 
the project, and how the project came about. That the centre was funded by PC 
Caritas, the so-called “care” arm of the Catholic Church, brings into question 
the historical role that the church has played in global conflicts and questions of 
colonisation. 

From a slightly different perspective, Stephen Walker’s review of the encyclopae-
dic Routledge Companion to Critical Approaches to Contemporary Architecture 
(eds. Chattopadhyay and White, 2019), argues that contemporary global ap-
proaches in architecture need a greater level of criticality and careful 
consideration of the world in which we live and how we intend to shape it, rather 
than simply providing a collection of examples from various locations around 
the globe. 

A more connected global thread is present in Sarah Breen Lovett’s review of a 
documentary Human Shelter (Bertram, 2018), in which shelter is understood and 
dwelled in around different contexts, from the NASA camp on the edge of a vol-
cano in Hawaii, to the tree house in Uganda, the refugee camp in Iraq and how a 
MOMA curator lives in New York City. Whilst the film traverses many different 
climatic, social and political contexts, it looks at everyday rituals shared by           
all humans. 

That sense of commonality finds presence in Cameron Logan’s review of the pub-
lic Green Square Library and Plaza, Sydney (designed by Hollenstein Stewart in 
association with Steward Architects), which celebrates the civic nature of this 



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building at a time of continuing privatisation. For Logan, this library offers mo-
ments for solitary thought and scholarship amidst books, as well as opportunities 
for collective play and learning due to its adaptable programme.

This thematic issue of Interstices originates from the international conference 
Political Matters: Spatial Thinking of the Alternative that was held in 18-19 July 
2019 at the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of Auckland, 
in collaboration with Auckland University of Technology and the University of 
Plymouth, UK. Conference participants were selected from fifty double-blind 
peer-reviewed submitted abstracts, with participants from many different parts 
of the world (Australia, Canada, China, Iran, South Africa, United Kingdom and 
the United States). The invited keynote lecture by Professor Ian Buchanan from 
the Wollongong University, Australia, introduced the conference by question-
ing how our contemporary society of control operates, whilst Professor Felicity 
Scott from GSAPP, Columbia University, US, presented the relationship between 
alternative and counter practices of 1960s-70s architecture in the US. The con-
ference yielded rich and plentiful discussion among many scholars, practitioners 
and students, which also informed the international call for this issue. Scholarly 
papers submitted for consideration came from Australia, Aotearoa New Zealand, 
Belgium, Canada, Germany, Spain, Iran, UK, and the US. This issue also includes 
peer-reviewed, postgraduate, creative design projects by Frank Liu (with Susan 
Hedges) and Xavier Ellah (with Carl Douglas). Their selection occurred in paral-
lel with the main issue.



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