IJPP
ISSN: 2239-267X
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
1
Neighborhood reconstruction, community identity,
and place attachment: mixed experiences from the
mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme,
Barcelona.
Raquel Colacios
As si st an t p r o f e sso r , UIC Barcelona School of Ar chitecture
C/ I m m acu l ad a 2 2 0 8 0 1 7 Bar c elo n a , r co lac io s @u ic .es
Carmen Mendoza-Arroyo
As so ci ate p r o f e s so r , UIC Barcelona School of Architecture
C/ I m m acu l ad a 2 2 0 8 0 1 7 Bar c elo n a, c m en d o za @u i c.es
Isabelle Anguelovski
I C REA Re se ar ch Pr o f es s o r , Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona
Pa sse ig Llu ís Co m p an y s 2 3 0 8 0 1 0 Bar ce lo n a , I sab elle. An g u elo v sk i @u ab .c a t
KEYWORDS: Place attachment, urban reconstruction, community involvement,
neighborhood, social housing.
ABSTRACT
While recent scholarship on place attachment has focused on the social construction of the people-
place relationship, few studies to date have examined the role that (1) processes for neighborhood
reconstruction and designing public space and (2) the configuration of the public space itself play
in generating community identity and place attachment. This paper attempts to contribute to this
debate by analyzing through an innovative mixed-methods approach the extent to which both
neighborhood reconstruction together with the physical characteristics of newly built open space
and the procedural dimension of its design influence the creation of feelings of identity and
attachment in historically marginalized mass housing neighborhoods. Through the analysis of the
level and nature of citizen participation in the reconstruction of Sant Cosme, a mass social
housing estate in the periphery of Barcelona, we argue that when a reconstruction process does
not further build identity beyond the home space and marginalizes civic participation, it eliminates
opportunities to develop the self-esteem needed to create a more empowered and pro-active
community, and it produces social separation and segregation within the neighborhood itself.
Second, when the design process marginalizes civic participation and disregards everyday
experiences, socially constructed places, places of significance, mixed uses and social mixity, and
the community needs and visions regarding memory and shared history, it creates disconnected
public spaces from the residents’ imagery and expected uses.
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
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INTRODUCTION
The polígonos1 built in Spain under the dictatorship of Francisco Franco have historically been
a clear case of territorial stigmatization associated with the country’s industrialization and
residential migration from rural Spain to larger cities. These speculative housing developments
were built in isolation from the city with no services or facilities, and lacked quality
construction and design. Their urban and architectural limitations along with the social profile
of these neighborhoods, mainly low-income migrant families from Galicia or Andalucia, led
to acute socio-spatial segregation. While several urban regeneration and social programs2
developed over the past twenty years have attempted to address existing social conflict and
marginalization, polígonos are still perceived by many as low-income urban ghettos in or
around Spanish cities.
However, despite this socio-spatial isolation, previous research has shown that many low-
income residents from historically segregated neighborhoods rely on their neighborhood for
social networks and self-help (Wacquant, 2008; Anguelovski, 2013). Many have developed a
strong sense of community through the daily interactions and connections they have formed
in their neighborhoods (Anguelovski, 2013; Gilbert, 2011; Mendoza-Arroyo, 2013; Dovey,
2010). Beyond a sense of community, in some cases, existing urban degradations and social
stigma have actually played a role in establishing a positive bond of attachment (August, 2014;
Gotham & Brumley, 2002). Literature on place attachment argues that residents can construct
a meaningful attachment to place by cultivating spatially defined social networks and holding
them as a repository of shared memories and events (August, 2014; Cochrun, 1994; Corcoran,
2002).
While scholarship on place attachment has a long tradition of studying how both everyday
experiences and historical events shape identity and attachment (Hummon, 1992; Irazábal,
2008; Manzo, 2014) the level of community engagement and the role of the design process as
part of neighborhood rebuilding have been given less attention, especially when considering
the people-place relationship. More attention also needs to be given to public space design
characteristics and qualities in lower-income neighborhoods and the ways in which they
(re)shape social processes, including community identity and place attachment. In this context,
it is especially relevant for scholars to focus on neighborhood regeneration within stigmatized
mass public housing developments -- and on public space in particular -- since (1) public space
is generally lacking in quality in Spanish mass housing complexes of the 60’s for low income
1 Polígonos is the Spanish name to define a specific form of urban development built during the 60s and
70s in Spain. Privately owned and developed, the massive low-quality social housing developments
were isolated from urban centers and lacking in basic services.
2 One of the most common social programs in Catalunya is the “Pla de Desenvolupament Comunitari”
(Community development plan) which, as described by the Catalan Government, applies a transversal
approach.
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
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populations, as is the case of Barcelona (Bohigas, 1986; Ferrer, 1996; Busquets, 2004;
Hernandez, 2010), and, on the other hand, (2) place attachment can play a positive role in the
construction of a collective identity that challenges stigma and can trigger political or social
activism (Anguelovski, 2013; Wacquant, Slater, & Borges Pereira, 2014).
In this paper, we ask: To what extent do community reconstruction processes within
stigmatized peri-urban mass housing complexes promote both community identity and place
attachment? We find that depending on the level and nature of community participation in the
reconstruction process, the identity and place attachment is enhanced or not. In the next
section, we review existing scholarship at the intersection of territorial stigmatization and
reconstruction, public space, and place attachment. After introducing our research design and
case study – the reconstruction of the mass housing complex of Sant Cosme in the periphery
of Barcelona – we present our findings and discuss their theoretical relevance. In addition to
theoretical contributions, our paper proposes new analysis methods to the field by combining
qualitative research with urban design analysis tools.
TERRITORIAL STIGMATIZATION, PLACE ATTACHMENT, AND PUBLIC
SPACE
Studies on territorial stigmatization traditionally analyze how the configuration of space—
including mass-produced public housing—impacts the daily lives and movements of residents
in denigrated districts (Wacquant, Slater, & Borges Pereira, 2014; Corcoran, 2002). In many
cities across the Global North, certain neighborhoods which have been cut off from urban
centers have become pockets of self-inflicted and self-perpetuating destitution. These districts,
viewed as no-go areas, have acquired informal names that reflect those socio-spatial conditions,
for example, banlieue-guetto in France, Problemquartier in Germany, and Krottenwijk in the
Netherlands (Slater & Anderson, 2012; Wacquant, Slater, & Borges Pereira, 2014). Such a
definition aptly describes that of polígonos in Spain, neighborhoods where incidents of
deviance or violence are still routinely sensationalized (Morán, 2010; Wacquant et al., 2014)
and seen as evidence of social disintegration. They are seen as places of isolation,
disorganization and danger (Slater & Anderson, 2012; Morán, 2010).
Nonetheless, research in urban sociology reveals that, despite living in poor physical conditions
and suffering from social stigma, residents of historically marginalized neighborhoods can
value them as an anchor of networks of friendship and self-help. They are communal places
defined by shared emotions, joint meanings and a common history where residents can
construct a meaningful attachment to place through their use of space and the cultivation of
spatially defined social networks (Corcoran, 2002; Gotham & Brumley, 2002). Studies have
also demonstrated that there is a social component in the attachment to place, the one of being
close to relatives or friends, living close to one’s social network is a force that determines
where to live (Dahl & Sorenson, 2010). Therefore, place attachment and the construction of
an identity play a role in challenging stigma (Anguelovski, 2013; August, 2014; Gotham &
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
4
Brumley, 2002; Wacquant, Slater, & Borges Pereira, 2014) through the development of social
processes that build a common history and a collective memory. These socially constructed
spaces “become a rallying point for building a network of “significant sites” (Mendoza-Arroyo,
2013). Place attachment has also been shown to provide a sense of security and protects
memory against the passage of time and against processes of neighborhood disinvestment and
abandonment (Anuelovski, 2013). Yet, place attachment has received little consideration as a
resource for renovation and revitalization of public housing communities, and has been
underestimated as a potential motor in revitalizing declining suburban neighborhoods (Brown,
Perkins & Brown, 2003; Tester et al., 2011)
On the other hand, studies on place attachment have mostly considered place as a social
environment, measuring the level of attachment by the existence of social relationships in
places, this is the social dimension of place attachment (Hidalgo & Hernández, 2001). This
social relation relates to the emotional relationship that develops between the inhabitants of a
community and their physical environment. It is a social construction, a product of shared
behavioral and socio-cultural processes in space (Lewicka, 2011). Thus, here a concrete space
becomes a place by the meanings, significance and emotions that people accumulate in it over
time, by their multiple experiences in that physical environment and locale (Nogué, 2010;
Valera & Pol, 1994; Vidal & Pol, 2005), and by their level of social interactions in that space.
In contrast, other studies consider that place attachment cannot be understood without taking
into account the physical dimension of a locale (Hidalgo & Hernández, 2001; Manzo, 2014).
Here, the physical dimension can be identified and measured through 1) a qualitative analysis
to obtain citizen information of people’s perceptions of communal places, and places of shared
meanings and social significance, together and 2) the analysis of the built environment, its
conditions, and its ability to promote – or not – the use of space and thus promote place
attachment.
Identifying the conditions and elements within the built environment (Francis, Giles-Corti,
Wood, & Knuiman, 2012) that strengthen place attachment is thus an important scholarly task.
The type and size of housing together with building upkeep and personalization have been
shown to play a role in place attachment (Lewicka, 2010). Open public spaces, such as squares
or plazas, can also foster place attachment by facilitating chance encounters between neighbors
through the social and cultural activities that occur there (Talen, 2000). Third places are a
generic designation for a great variety of public spaces that host the regular, voluntary, informal
and happily anticipated gatherings of individuals beyond the realms of home and work
(Oldenburg, 1989). Oldenburg’s definition emphasizes public access rather than public
ownership or management, referring to spaces where communities develop networks of human
relationships and which can become cultural symbols (Cooper, 2007; Corcoran, 2002).
Since interactions in public space are a key factor for the development of a sense of place,
designing public spaces with a clear social purpose or community involvement in mind will
likely contribute to nurturing a network of stronger human relationships. People will reinforce
their identity as members of a community by experiencing and using public spaces and by
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
5
strengthening their sense of community through regular social interactions (Cooper, 2007).
Here, the memories anchored in a specific space serve as social reinforcement (Anguelovski,
2013). Both the quantity and the quality of social interactions are thus important in forming a
shared emotional connection within a neighborhood (Cochrun, 1994), and must be thus
fostered for place attachment to occur.
While existing urban sociology and planning scholarship provides evidence on the
characteristics of a good urban space, sociologists generally consider the physical dimension
of space as a container of social processes rather than an independent object of study (Lewicka,
2011). Yet the physical environment is also a social product, where the distinction between the
physical and social environment disappears. If the environment becomes not only a stage of
interaction but also, as Stokols describes, an element of interaction (Stokols, 1990; Valera &
Pol, 1994), participatory practices in public space design can serve as a channel for transferring
community identity into the physical environment, thus creating an attachment to place.
Yet, to date, little empirical research has examined the process of neighborhood reconstruction
and public space design in mass housing complexes and assessed the extent to which the
content and process of community reconstruction both through physical upgrading and public
space design are able to promote – or not – community identity and place attachment.
METHODS
For this study, we selected the case of Sant Cosme, a neighborhood of El Prat de Llobregat, a
suburb of Barcelona, for two main reasons: 1) Sant Cosme underwent a total reconstruction
process from 1979 to 2003, including housing reconstruction and public space design, 2) the
neighborhood represents a standard typology of low income housing developments in Spain that
are both socially vulnerable and spatially segregated. In addition, this choice responds to the lack
of research on peri-urban polígonos and the reconstruction many of them underwent, especially
related to public space.
Therefore, with the aim of elaborating the complete history and analysis of the reconstruction
process of Sant Cosme, and placing the emphasis on citizen involvement in the reconstruction,
we used an innovative mixed-method approach, combining (a) traditional qualitative
approaches, (b) participatory and survey tools within an urban design studio, and (c) a
comprehensive urban design analysis of the local housing and public space configuration. We
conducted 20 in-depth interviews in 2016, which included interviews with members of the
municipal government (it is the same party that has governed since 1979), members of
neighborhood organizations, neighborhood leaders and activists, and neighbors of Sant Cosme.
The interviews not only addressed the history of the reconstruction process and community
participation, but also included questions that helped us examine the feelings of identity and
place attachment to the neighborhood as well as emotional ties with the existing public spaces.
With this in mind, the questions asked were focused on the process of reconstruction, the places
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
6
of positive and / or negative significance, places with special significance, and places that are
used the most, and places that are used the least. (See Annex 1 for a summary of the results of
the interviews).
In parallel, with the objective of assessing the degree of use and interactions in the public space,
we conducted observations of 5 different public spaces in diverse sectors of the neighborhood at
various times and days. During these observations, we recorded and mapped how and when
people used the various public spaces of the neighborhood and measured the level of social
interactions in each of them, a factor that has been proven to promote place attachment (Cooper,
2007; Cochrun, 1994).
Additionally, two of the authors of this article were organizers and course instructors for a
University workshop studio in Sant Cosme during the month of December 2016, titled “Socio-
Spatial Workshop. Fostering Place Attachment in Sant Cosme’s Public Spaces”. The workshop
benefited from the collaboration of the local administration of El Prat; the office of the “Pla
d’Acció comunitari”; the local organizations ‘Gats’ and ‘Dones Savies’; ‘The Fundació Esplai’
and individual citizens from Sant Cosme. The objective of the workshop was to analyze the use
and significance of public space in Sant Cosme, and propose new directions for enhancing its
use and spatial quality. For this paper, this studio helped us observe in depth and analyze how,
and to what degree, the physical characteristics of the open space influences its use and
consequently generated social interactions – and ultimately place attachment. During the
workshop, a questionnaire answered by 120 neighbors was elaborated, through which we were
able to contrast the use that the neighbors give to the public space and their perception of the
neighborhood. The questions intended to examine: a) whether residents in Sant Cosme use the
public space of their neighborhood, b) which are the most used spaces, and c) residents’ degree
of satisfaction towards them.
We used process tracing and thematic analysis techniques to analyze our data and examine the
following: 1) the extent to which citizen participation in the decision-making process of
reconstruction influenced the development of community identity among long-term neighbors
and 2) how the resulting built environment configuration promotes (or not) its use and social
interactions and, in turn, place attachment.
In the following section, we delve into the case study background and history of Sant Cosme,
paying particular attention to the different phases of the neighborhood reconstruction.
‘POLIGONOS' IN SPAIN, A CASE OF SPECULATIVE SOCIAL HOUSING
DEVELOPMENT
The construction of poligonos in Spain between the 1940s and 1960s represented a form of
speculative development (Costa & Bonal, 1981). These developments were comprised of small,
poorly built, low-cost homes. In the 1960s, as the private sector led the public housing market
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
7
and the real-estate sector at large, construction became a profitable business (Costa & Bonal,
1981).
The construction practice for the polígonos had specific common characteristics: 1) The land
selected for the construction was far from urban centers; 2) The process to acquire cheap land
occurred through forced expropriations of rural land that was subsequently re-zoned for urban
development; and 3) Developers did not abide by usual processes of quality control, often
forgoing building licenses, municipal permits, or approval from the architects ‘association (Costa
& Bonal, 1981), further contributing to the poor quality of these neighborhoods. Indeed, this lack
of care and consideration was one of the poligonos’ greatest weaknesses (Ferrer, 1996). Housing
was generally reduced to a limited and sectorial view of mass provision in the design or
implementation of such estates (Ferrer, 1996; Sainz Gutierrez, 2011). As a result, the polígonos
built on deregulated vacant land presented inadequate building proportions and had no urban
landmarks (Busquets, 2004). These urban and architectural limitations, along with the social
configuration of these neighborhoods—mainly low-income migrant families—caused a
significant degree of socio-spatial segregation and marginalization that has affected their
inhabitants to date.
With Barcelona’s growing status as an industrial hub during much of the twentieth century, the
population of the region of El Baix Llobregat—where El Prat del Llobregat is located—
multiplied by 18 between 1830 and 1970 (Burbano, 2013). Located in El Prat itself, the
neighborhood of Sant Cosme lies on the southwestern border of the city of Barcelona with a
population of 7.070 inhabitants, which is equivalent to more than 17% of the total population of
El Prat. Sant Cosme holds statistics of a vulnerable neighborhood related to its residents, such
as a high unemployment rate of 19,75% with respect to the 14,2 of Spain, and a very high youth
unemployment rate of 18,59% with respect to the 12,31 of Spain (Moran, 2010). These social
characteristics, as we will see, are a result of a long history of social marginalization.
Sant cosme, the creation and reconstruction of a marginalized neighborhood
When the initial construction of Sant Cosme began in 1964, it was mainly built to relocate
families from the shantytown of Montjuic in Barcelona, who had migrated to Barcelona and
were working families originally coming from regions of Southern Spain (from now on group
1). Eight years later, new dwellings were added in the neighborhood of Sant Cosme, most of
them were squatted by Roma families (from now on group 2). Sant Cosme was built with low
quality materials and houses whose conditions deteriorated quickly (Gracia & Clarés, 1987). In
addition, the lack of connection of the neighborhood with the center of the El Prat, the lack of
services and facilities together with the lower-income composition of the neighborhood created
an image of a social ghetto that has been associated to Sant Cosme since its creation.
Furthermore, the two construction phases, together with the different socio-cultural composition
of the neighborhood (residents coming from working-class families versus Roma families),
created two different groups within Sant Cosme, and later marked the reconstruction process. In
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
8
1970, the poor state of the houses led group 1 neighbors, to start a mobilization to demand
housing and neighborhood improvements which lasted eight years from 1970 until 1978, when
the reconstruction of the neighborhood was approved by the government.
During the following 14 years, the reconstruction of group 1 houses was completed. The
legalization of the Sant Cosme Neighborhood Association in 1972, which served as channel for
residents’ demands, was a key resource in the mobilization as its members acted as the voice of
the residents. Those associations played a fundamental role in the democratization of Spain as
their organizing went often beyond demanding improvements in neighborhood living conditions
(Vilà, 2016; Anguelovski, 2014; Bonet i Marti, J. 2012). As the neighborhood reconstruction
unfolded, group 1 residents articulated specific housing demands and became active participants
in decision-making processes linked to the reconstruction of their houses.
In contrast with the organization of group 1 residents, active until the 1990s, group 2 residents
in Sant Cosme remained disconnected from the reconstruction process and did not mobilize to
advocate for the improvement of their part of the neighborhood. As a result, in 1993 the public
administration decided to take control and lead this other reconstruction process. In Spain, many
local administrations took a more active role in neighborhood transformation after the return of
democracy in 1978 and often articulated urban interventions around “PERIS” urban plans
(Special Plans for Internal Reform) and the “institutionalization of the participation” (Bonet i
Martí, 2012), which approved regulations to manage participation at a municipal level. Those
regulations implied a top-down participation model for the period during which group 2 homes
were rebuilt.
This very different reconstruction strategy triggered, on the one hand, a strong feeling of identity
among group 1 residents but increased, on the other hand, the already existing duality between
group 1 and 2, which in turn helps to explain their different feelings of belonging and sense of
ownership over the reconstruction. In the next section, we examine in greater depth the role
played by the reconstruction process and the resulting design on community identity and place
attachment. We use quotes selectively to illustrate our findings
RESULTS
Community identity and place attachment in mass housing reconstruction processes
Our analysis reveals a clear link between the nature and level of citizen participation and the
creation of positive feelings of attachment towards the neighborhood. The type of community
participation in the housing reconstruction and physical upgrades in Sant Cosme created strong
feeling of community identity and pride among a large group of residents. In contrast, the latter
reconstruction of the more marginalized sector and the design of the neighborhood public spaces,
in which community participation was weak or inexistent, didn’t create positive feelings among
neighbors. In addition, the new spatial configuration with poor aesthetic and programmatic assets
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
9
failed to encourage the use of public space and to generate mixed social interaction, common
memory, social meaning, and in turn place attachment.
Identity and duality: the outcomes of two opposed reconstruction and design processes
The design of the group 1 blocks of dwellings took place through a self-organized participative
process, with neighbors organizing themselves in groups and through assemblies in which they
decided the internal design of their home. Residents even built a pilot house to make it easier for
the families to decide on final design. During that process, residents also selected a team of
architects who based their final housing design on the proposals of the neighbors.
Here, the chronology of the neighborhood reconstruction in Sant Cosme can be directly related
to decision making processes. Civic participation increased in Barcelona and beyond until 1978,
before losing strength with the arrival of the democracy. However, as the right to political
association was legalized, politic parties abandoned citizen’s movements as they considered
there was a legal framework where citizens were represented (Bonet i Martí, 2012), leading to a
participation losing its strength and becoming more consultative. Figure 1 below displays the
relationship between stages of reconstruction and civic participation in Sant Cosme.
Figure 1 - Chronology of the reconstruction of Sant Cosme
Source: Authors
The shared history of struggle and the solidarity forged during the process of reconstruction of
group 1’s dwellings created a strong sense of community identity and pride among long-term
community members. Residents consider many of their neighbors as extended family, as the
following selected quotes from residents exemplify:
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
10
“I am from Sant Cosme, I feel proud of it, proud of what we accomplished thanks to our solidarity
and collaboration.”
“It was a time of a great solidarity and support, we were like a big family, I still know the majority
of the people living in the neighborhood.”
“I am very identified with the neighborhood because it has prospered”
This feeling of identity and the fact that neighbors are considered as extended family is one of
the factors that contribute to create an attachment to the neighborhood, as argued by Mesch and
Manor (1998) the higher number of close friends living nearby, the higher the attachment to the
neighborhood.
As residents coalesced around a common housing project, their socio-spatial proximity and
common planning work also contributed to building community identity.
This sense of pride and shared emotions towards their neighborhood is particularly tangible in
the community group Dones Savies, or “Wise Women,” a group of 15 elderly women from the
community’s earliest years and who still meet regularly today to discuss neighborhood concerns.
There are also smaller manifestations of this sense of identity, for instance, in 2016, many
residents complained that the new, and sole, metro station of Sant Cosme, connecting the city of
Barcelona to the airport, was named “Parc Nou” (New Park in Catalan) rather than “Sant
Cosme.” Neighbors felt stigmatized and ignored, as Juan, a neighbor expressed:
“(…) Parc Nou Metro station? Why didn’t they call it Sant Cosme? They had a chance to reduce
stigma. People still perceive Sant Cosme as a problematic place and actions like these don’t help
to improve its image.”
Symbolic top-down decisions from public authorities reinvigorate a sense of identity and can
trigger new mobilization building on existing relationships between neighbors.
Yet, despite the fact that the reconstruction process of Sant Cosme built a strong community
identity that has lasted to this day, it was focused on housing improvements, and most
specifically, improvements of the most engaged group of residents, group 1. Once the housing
reconstruction was achieved, individual needs and visions prevailed over further community
interests and other broader political engagements, limiting the possibility of long-term and
comprehensive neighborhood redevelopment. The process ended up with residents withdrawing
into themselves and their houses soon after their houses were rebuilt, rather than opening them
up to organize proactively around future neighborhood demands. As Alejandro, a member of the
neighborhood association recalls:
“When everyone had their new house, the struggle was over and all of us got what we had been
fighting for.”
The housing reconstruction was perceived as a long-time mission accomplished for residents on
an individual level. Emilia a neighbor and member of the group Dones Savies also recalls:
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
11
“Each of us had a problem to solve and that was to fix our living conditions. We each fought
for our own home.”
This limited vision of the participatory process left no collective interest to be mobilized
around public space, with residents seeing no reason for continuing their community
organization and mobilization beyond their homes.
In addition, from 1993 to 2003, the public administration took the lead in rebuilding group 2
resident’s houses, as civic engagement had died down in the neighborhood and group 2 residents
felt disconnected from their neighbors and never organized to demand physical upgrades to their
homes. During those ten years, the administration failed to include the knowledge and voice of
community members in the process. This phase of the reconstruction process followed the formal
parameters of the urban regeneration plans of the metropolitan area of Barcelona, where citizen
participation shifted from non-formal activism role to taking place within the implementation of
formal participation frameworks (Bonet i Martí, 2012; Mendoza-Arroyo & Vall-Casas, 2014).
As this top-down planning strategy unfolded, the municipality exacerbated divisions and
tensions among residents and reinforced existing stereotypes, by spatially dividing group 2 from
group 1 residents. The clearest example of this segregation is the last set of blocks built for group
2 residents (see Fig 2 below). Built from 2000 to 2003 and located at the edge of the
neighborhood and surrounded by large public buildings, these blocks clearly separate and isolate
group 2 from the rest of the neighborhood. These groups of blocks are known in the
neighborhood as 7ª Fase, (7th phase), and they have become a visible label of stigma.
During the 7th phase reconstruction (2000-2003), the municipality of El Prat intentionally
designed the physical configuration of the neighborhood to control and further marginalize the
most vulnerable and conflictive sector of the population. A member of the public administration
who worked on the reconstruction process confirms this imposed and built-in spatial segregation:
“The 7th phase was spatially segregated intentionally, because the public administration chose
to designate that area for those who had ties to the mafia.”
“At an urban level it is like a ‘fence’ that creates a ghetto, it is like this and inhabitants there feel
it like this”
As the reconstruction unfolded, spatial segregation translated into social isolation and control.
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
12
Figure 1 - Chronology of the reconstruction of Sant Cosme.
Source: Authors
This intensified division translated into feelings of “detachment,” social separation, and self-
differentiation among residents from group 1. Those feelings clearly manifested when we asked
residents about the places in their neighborhood they liked the least: All the places they named
were located in areas constructed during the 7th phase. Further, some of the residents’ comments
revealed existing internal stigma and lack of connection towards the 7th phase:
“People there are bad although I have never been there and don’t know anyone there”.
Other residents talk about a “rotten sector” when referring to the 7th phase.
In sum, the contrasting experiences of Sant Cosme’s reconstruction process produced mixed
outcomes among group 1 residents: While the sense of community identity expressed by many
group 1 residents was built and became stronger over time thanks to the participatory design of
their homes and centered around the areas inhabited by this group of residents, their connection
to the rest of neighborhood became weaker and socio-spatial segregation exacerbated through
the reconstruction of the 7th phase for group 2 residents.
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
13
Isolation and lack of social interaction in the design and organization of community common
spaces
In Sant Cosme, not only did the public administration fail to achieve a cohesive and integrated
neighborhood in the reconstruction of group 2 houses, it also exacerbated isolation, segregation
and social separation through the lack of the open space participatory design, through the system
of physical surveillance it instituted, and through the very low density of the neighborhood in
general.
The absence of resident participation in the design of public space and of its functions along with
the low appropriation of this space over time have created empty and mostly desolate open
spaces which residents use as spaces to pass through rather than places to stay, or develop active
use, socio-ethnic mixing, or commercial activity. During the design process, local planners
neglected to dedicate more attention to more comprehensive neighborhood revitalization and to
include residents in this process.
This absence of community voices in the design process failed to bring residents together outside
their homes and promote new types of social interactions. There was no common interest
developed for open and outdoor spaces, and thus no real “need” or “obligation” for residents to
communicate, exchange views, and build new ties.
In addition, out of all the public buildings or programs existing in the neighborhood—a police
station, courthouse, health center and administrative office—none are the types of cultural or
sports public facilities that could encourage more interaction and participation. Those public
offices do not constitute a source of regular social contact between residents for social, cultural,
and other recreational activities. Residents only resort to them in case of emergency, health
issues, or special need or obligation. The formal and top-down presence of the public
administration is also exemplified by paternalistic programs, such as the Programa de support a
les escales “Program for the support of communities of owners,” aimed at preventing street
conflicts between groups” and which the municipality sees as an “all-seeing eye whose purpose
is to prevent conflict” (interview municipal staff officer). In that sense, the public administration
has maintained a constant supervision and surveillance of public spaces, and of the activities
taking place in them, as residents and municipal technicians expressed, rather than a co-
production and co-design of the space, thus preventing residents from developing new more
informal and spontaneous interactions and uses. Carmen, a 20-year employee of the municipal
office sums up these patterns: “It is a highly supervised district, and it is 100% publicly owned.
This goes beyond the housing; people always expect handouts.” As the public administration
worked to prevent conflicts between residents from Group 1 and Group 2, the emergence of
citizen-led place-making activities that could transform public space and its use and would
reflect residents’ needs and visions did not take place.
Further, from a design standpoint, to this date Sant Cosme’s street design and content do not
promote social interactions in public spaces or place attachment. Oversized streets used mainly
for parking span from 12 to 20 meters wide, negatively affecting pedestrian connectivity and
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
14
accessibility. Residents walk or drive through them but do not frequently stop to engage in small
talk with neighbors or organize a social activity (see Figure 3 and 4 below). Our analysis here
reveals that the level of use and social interactions in public spaces (i.e., neighborhood streets,
and squares) are very low and those spaces are mostly empty of people and activity (see Fig. 5
below).
Figure 3 - Image of Av Riu Llobregat
Source: Authors
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
15
Figure 4 - Image of Riu Xuquer Street
Source: Authors
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
16
Figure 5 - Chart summarizing the measurement of the level of social interactions and activity
in the representative public spaces of Sant Cosme. The numbers refer to the maximum number
of people observed in the different times the observation and mapping was done.
Source: Authors.
In addition, the neighborhood also lacks third places, that is places engaging street life and
favoring encounters between residents. Ground floors are mostly residential and, of the
commercial spaces that do exist, many of them have recently closed – some of it due to the
financial and economic crisis, others because people retired, in addition to the big shopping malls
that in recent years appeared in the borders of the neighborhood Today, the scarce commercial
activity is concentrated on one of the neighborhoods’ wider streets (the Avinguda Riu
Llobregat), (see Figure 6). In Sant Cosme, low density combined with limited ground floor
activities evidences a neighborhood mostly dedicated to residential use rather than mixed use,
and resulted into residents underusing existing public spaces. Today, when people leave their
house, they mostly use their neighborhood as a point of passage on their way to work or to
shopping rather than a destination or a place for social interaction among groups.
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
17
Figure 6 - Ground floor uses. Grey for housing, red for commercial and orange for public
facilities.
Source: Authors
Coupled with this configuration, the absence of other types of businesses and economic
activities limit the presence of people in the neighborhood to only those living there and further
reduces opportunities for increased pedestrian activity. Being used to top-down neighborhood
interventions outside their homes, residents consider that the local administration should be the
actor in charge of creating new economic schemes to promote commercial activity. Even public
officials confirm this role assigned to the local administration, as Sergio, a member of the
municipal government, highlights:
“There are no people in the open space because it is a very low-density neighborhood. People
from El Prat don’t come here either, because there is nothing to do here. We [the public
administration] should start to think about economic incentives to attract more street-level
activity.”
Without an active role played by municipal authorities to reconfigure local economic
development, Sant Cosme residents do not seem incentivized to jumpstart or create new
business and economic endeavors in which public and open space use could eventually be
integrated.
Furthermore, as mentioned above, for place attachment to occur, the built environment must
offer places of collective memory and social meaning. In Sant Cosme, because participation
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
18
did not inform the configuration of public space, planners and designers never identified or
contributed to building focal places of memory. Today, the neighborhood lacks public places
of collective meaning where residents can build memories, strengthen their collective identity,
and develop emotional ties. To the question, what are the spaces of Sant Cosme that have a
special meaning for you? 90% of respondents answered "none"; the same answer was obtained
to the question of what are the spaces of Sant Cosme that have a positive meaning for you?
While respondents valued the availability of public space in a positive way, they did not
identify specific places. As Juan explains:
“The physical change of the neighborhood has been huge; there is no element that reminds us
of what was there before. So I can’t think of any places that are special or memorable.”
Or as Maria a neighbor says:
“I don’t have any place with special meaning.”
More specifically, the five main squares in Sant Cosme never attracted much activity and many
events, and in turn opportunities for social memory and meaning. While public squares can be
very positive in their role as meeting spaces (Talen, 2000) or as places for community-
strengthening and place attachment-related activities (Anguelovski, 2013), Sant Cosme’s
squares are characterized by a lack of activity along their perimeters (See figure 7 and 8 below).
In addition, even though two of the squares have playgrounds for children, the other squares
are scantily equipped with basic urban furniture (benches, trees and lighting) and host no
ground floor activities. As a result, the surveys we conducted about residents’ preferences for
public spaces reveal the preference of the inhabitants of Sant Cosme for spaces outside the
neighborhood. Only 33% of surveyed residents take their children to play in public spaces of
Sant Cosme. In sum, while public space is abundant in Sant Cosme, it lacks an ability to
produce collective meaning, memory, identity, and, in turn, place attachment.
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
19
Figure 7 - Image of the Barri d’Orcasitas square
Source: Authors
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
20
Figure 8 - Image of the Remodelació square
Source: Authors
Lastly, the low permeability of the interior of the housing blocks (see Figure 9 below) do not
promote recreation and social meaning. Our analysis reveals that the large but highly
inaccessible interior of the blocks have a very limited visual and physical connection to the
surrounding streets. The access (see Figure 10) via a small entrance makes these interior spaces
seem private when walking by them. This low connectivity with the rest of the public space
system deters further social interactions and renders these interior spaces underused. No regular
social event and activity that could be built on the residents’ shared – recent and less recent –
history and past is being organized.
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
21
Figure 9 - Interior of a typical block of Sant Cosme
Source: Authors
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
22
Figure 10 - Entrance to the interior of the blocks
Source: Author
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUDING REMARKS: THE FAILURE OF PRODUCING
PLACE ATTACHMENT DESPITE STRONG COMMUNITY IDENTITY
Many recent studies in environmental psychology and urban sociology have examined the
construction of community identity and place attachment by analyzing the relationship between
place and people. They have demonstrated the importance of social interactions and human
relationships in space to develop a sense of place (Cooper, 2007; Corcoran, 2002; Francis et al.,
2012; Lewicka, 2011). Yet, to date, little attention has been paid, using both qualitative research
and urban design analysis tools, to how the process of neighborhood reconstruction and public
space improvement in socially marginalized neighborhoods, along with public space design and
its physical characteristics, can influence (or not) the creation of interactions, networks, and
memory and, consequently, the formation of place attachment. To this end, in this paper we have
examined how the level and type of community participation in the neighborhood’s
reconstruction process along with the use and configuration of public spaces in the polígono of
Sant Cosme have shaped and influenced the construction of feelings of identity and place
attachment among residents.
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
23
As shown through the case of Sant Cosme’s reconstruction, the phases during which community
participation was more pronounced produced a strong feeling of community identity and pride
that still remains today among a large group of residents from a specific part of the neighborhood.
In contrast, the reconstruction of the more marginalized Sector and the design of the
neighborhood public and open spaces, in which community participation was weak or inexistent,
did not generate positive feelings among neighbors, and only exacerbated division through
spatial segregation and increased resident dependency on the public administration. Here the
public administration failed to achieve an integrated neighborhood due to the lack of
participation of its residents, resulting in greater dependency, community surveillance, and
reinforced stereotypes, and an increasingly divided community.
The case of Sant Cosme also demonstrates how a spatial configuration lacking in certain
aesthetic and programmatic assets fails to promote public space use and is thus unable to generate
mixed social interaction, common memory, social meaning, and in turn place attachment among
residents. Because the local configuration of public space does not allow for social interaction
and community activity, residents have not been able to use plazas, streets, or other open spaces
as tools for community building and later community organization and engagement.
Those findings have two clear implications for the creation of attachment to place in territorially
marginalized neighborhoods, such as peri-urban mass housing complexes. First, when
neighborhood revitalization and upgrading does not further build identity beyond the home space
and marginalizes further civic participation, it seems to eliminate opportunities to develop the
self-worth and self-esteem needed to create a more empowered and pro-active community
(Thwaites, Mathers, Simkings, 2013), and it produces isolation, social separation, and
segregation within the neighborhood itself. Second, when the design process for public spaces
marginalizes civic participation and disregards everyday experiences, socially constructed
places, places of significance, mixed uses and social mixity, and the needs and visions of the
community regarding memory and shared history and meaning, it creates public spaces that are
disconnected from the residents’ imagery and use. As a result, such a reconstruction process like
in Sant Cosme, while strengthening community identity among a portion of involved residents,
fails to create place attachment among residents and greater opportunities for community
participation.
In sum, in Sant Cosme, neither (a) the neighborhood reconstruction and public space design
process nor (b), the public space design itself, generated feelings of attachment towards the open
spaces nor the neighborhood itself. In fact, they constrained the development of people-place
relations. This experience reveals the importance of developing public spaces through
participation processes that can help nurture the network of human relationships capable of
transforming these spaces into culturally symbolic places and creating new community memory
and identity. Therefore, a specific focus on participatory public space design and on a
configuration of public space promoting social interactions, reinforcing community identity, and
encouraging socio-spatial interaction and memory building could help foster place attachment.
Here, planners can and should facilitate participatory processes in the reconstruction of
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
24
marginalized neighborhoods, especially their public spaces, and promoting an attractive, dense,
and mixed-use urban configuration. Our belief is that conscious participation, together with
active public spaces, can empower community residents, conjure a sense of pride, help citizens
re-appropriate the public sphere and create shared memories, and ultimately contribute to
addressing socio-spatial inequality and segregation and enhancing community engagement.
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
25
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ANNEX 1
Summary of the interview results.
His tory and Urban Change s
Us e of the ne ighborhood
s pace s
Place attachme nt Community Involve me nt Ide ntity
Strong duality among the
reconstructed part of the
neighborhood and the non
reconstructed
Under used public space. Public
services but non of the kind that
generate activity around them
(Court, Police, Health Center...)
Those from sector 1 P.A. towards
their house, they are the activists
that went from the shack to the
appartment.
Involvement only when is lead by
authorities, not community led.
People that came initially feel their
identity is linked to Sant Cosme
Sector 1 was a citizen led process,
while sector 2 was an administration
led process
No activities in the interior space of
the blocks, no activities allowed
Sector 2 are disconnected as the
reconstruction was given to them.
New generations don't have this
strong sense of identity towards
Sant Cosme
Fragmentation of phase 7, spatially
segregated
Parc nou is the only used space,
many people from the rest of El Prat
use it
Only neighbors from Sant Cosme
use the space, no people from El
Prat.
Very low density neighborhood,
feels there is no people in the
street.
Public buildings don't promote
activity and socialization (Court,
Police Station, Health center)
When we first move to Sant Cosme
comming from the Shack this was
amazing
specially likes and uses Parc Nou
In some years we started to see the
deficiences of the blocks
The promenade to the beach is
what she likes the most
#4 Woman | neighbor | 58 years
old
The administration thought as we
came from the shacks we would be
happy with anything they gave to
us
She buys and uses spaces out of
Sant Cosme, but she likes Parc Nou
She doesn't feel attached to any
place in the neighborhood besides
her house
There was a lot of community action
in the first period of reconstruction,
when that was accomplished
involvement and action dissapeared
She feels Sant Cosme is her place
because she had to fight for it and
overcome stigma
When she first arrived in the 72 the
bad conditions were evident
People were united to claim and
work for a better neighborhood
When people had what they were
claiming the fight was over
We were very organized to claim for
the betterment of the houses
Neighbors built a pilot house to take
decisions
#7 Woman | neighbor | 67 years
old
the neighborhood was in very bad
conditions, neighbors organized
themselves to get a decent
neighborhood
What she most likes is the
promenade to the beach, she does
her daily activities between Sant
Cosme and El Prat
She doesn't have a significant place
where she feels attachted to
New generations need to be
organized. No interest in the
neighborhood among the young
people
She feels very proud of being from
Sant Cosme
#8 Woman | neighbor | 72 years
old
the neighborhood was in very bad
conditions, neighbors organized
themselves to get a decent
neighborhood
The place that she likes the most is
Parc Nou
She doesn't have a significant place
where she feels attachted to
She is member of the Group "Dones
Savies", a group of old women who
meet to discuss issues of the
neighborhood, but is not relevant in
the decision making processes of the
neighborhood
She feels her identity is strong
towards Sant Cosme
#9 Woman | neighbor | 75 years
old
the neighborhood was in very bad
conditions, neighbors organized
themselves to get a decent
neighborhood
She argues that many commerces
have closed during the last years
because people tend to shop
outside Sant Cosme, she likes the
Parc Nou
She doesn't have a significant place
where she feels attachted to
She is member of the Group "Dones
Savies", a group of old women who
meet to discuss issues of the
neighborhood, but is not relevant in
the decision making processes of the
neighborhood
Her identity is linked to Sant Cosme
#10 Woman | neighbor | 73 years
old
the neighborhood was in very bad
conditions, neighbors organized
themselves to get a decent
neighborhood
Not much use of the public spaces
of the neighborhood, she
sometimes goes to "Plaza de las
aguas" but she mainly goes to the
center of El Prat
She doesn't have a significant place
where she feels attachted to
She is member of the Group "Dones
Savies", a group of old women who
meet to discuss issues of the
neighborhood, but is not relevant in
the decision making processes of the
neighborhood
She feels very much identified with
Sant Cosme and less with El Prat,
she says I am from Sant Cosme
She proudly says I'm from Sant
Cosme, the stigma has to end
Woman | neighbor | 59 years
old
#6
Woman | neighbor | 68 years
old
#5 She mentions "Plaza de las Aguas"
as a place she likes
She doesn't have a significant place
where she feels attachted to
When people had when they were
fighting for (their houses) community
action disappeared
El Prat was a very small town, and
suddenly a new neighborhood was
built, it was a huge challenge
He doesn't feel people are very
involved nowadays in community
actions. It has become a very much
subsidized neighborhood, so people
are now used to receive.
people from Sant Cosme feel proud
of their neighborhood because is a
product of their effort and activism
action
Woman | neighbor | 62 years
old
#3 She doesn't have a significant place
where she feels attachted to
We were very much involved with the
reconstruction process, when that
was over the involvement in
neighborhood issues dissapeared
She feels his identity is linked to
Sant Cosme, because of the
involvement in the reconstruction
process
Woman | Social Worker from
the Municipality of El Prat de
Llobregat | Works in Sant
Cosme, doesn't live in Sant
Cosme
#1
#2 Man | Public administration of
El Prat de Llobregat | Doesn't
live in Sant Cosme
Not involved in community groups,
expects public administration to
always lead activities
She feels attached to her house, but
no attachment to any public space
No activity in the public space,
commerce is out of the
neighborhood
"I am from Sant Cosme and my
identity is linked to this
neighborhood"
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
29
His tory and Urban Change s
Us e of the ne ighborhood
s pace s
Place attachme nt Community Involve me nt Ide ntity
#11 Woman | neighbor | 57 years
old
When everyone had his/her house
the interest in common problems or
issues of the neighborhood
dissapeared
She uses mainly spaces outside the
neighborhood, she likes Parc Nou
and the promenade to the beach to
walk on the weekends
She doesn't have a significant place
where she feels attachted to
No involvement in community actions
or groups, regrets that young people
is neither involved
She feels her identity is linked to
Sant Cosme
#12 Woman | neighbor | 58 years
old
We had to fight not only for the
houses but for public services like
the school or public transport
Space is not very much used, there
is very little commerce
She doesn't have a significant place
where she feels attachted to
Not involved in community groups She feels very proud of being from
Sant Cosme
#13 Woman | neighbor | 74 years
old
Nowadays it seems a clean and nice
neighborhood but there are
coexistence problems
She values the quality of the public
space in Sant Cosme, wide
sidewalks and availability of
squares but regrets that there is no
activity so there is not much people
in the streets, and sometimes there
are places in where people use the
space in bad ways
She doesn't have a significant place
where she feels attachted to
She is member of the Group "Dones
Savies", a group of old women who
meet to discuss issues of the
neighborhood, but is not relevant in
the decision making processes of the
neighborhood
She feels his identity is linked to
Sant Cosme, because of the
involvement in the reconstruction
process
Remarks how the changes were
firstly led by neighbors and for
second phase there was no
community involvement
It was a housing based
reconstruction
#15 Man | member of a civic
association | 36 years old
Neighborhood has changed a lot,
but the involvement of the people
has dissapeared
He reflects on the way people use
public space, and preciselly
because of the lack of use, his
organisation tries to organise
activities that happen in the outside
space when possible
member of Gats, an association to
promote civic actions for the
neighborhood, founders of the group
are not from Sant Cosme
#16 Man | Social worker of the
public administration | 38 years
old
We take care of coexistence
problems. No activities or spaces to
promote exchange and
communication
He reflects on the way people use
public space but specially on the
spaces around and inside the
blocks, what would be considered a
common space, the way it is used
by diferent sectors of the
population living in the same block
creates conflicts and tensions
Social worker, not involved in civic
groups from the neighborhood
#17 Man | neighbor | 32 years old People think a lot on how neighbors
were united but it is not anymore,
we can't live in the past, the
situation now is that the
neighborhood has problems and
people don't do anything
He regrets on the huge lack of
cultural programs in the
neighborhood, he reflects on the
situation in the present which is
that there are no cultural activities
in the neighborhood at all
He doesn't have any significant
space where to feel attached to
Not involved in community groups He doesn't feel his identity is linked
to Sant Cosme
#18 Man | neighbor | 45 years old Very different now as it was in the
first years. First Union, then
disconnection and now disinterest
He states that "Avenida 11 de
Septiembre" the avenue that
divides Sant Cosme from El Prat is
acting as a frontier or barrier
basically for the people from
outside Sant Cosme to go into the
neighborhood. He also reflects on
the lack of commerce
He has a significant feeling with an
area he used to play in his
childhood, the area around the
Church, right now it has changed so
much that is not recognizable
anymore
Leader of a community group of the
neighborhood, he is involved in
community activities from Sant Cosme
but also from El Prat. Very active
He feels his identity is very much
linked to Sant Cosme, he is proud of
being from the neighborhood. But
regrets there is a lot of
stigmatization still.
#19 Man | neighbor, co-president of
the neighbors association | 47
years old
He recalls very much on the years of
fight and action, highlighting the
great force of people in the
reconstruction of the neighborhood
(nostalgia)
The neighborhood had much more
activity in the past years, when the
reconstruction was in process.
Right now very few activity
He remembers when in his childhood
he used to play and hang out around
the former block in which he used to
live, with the reconstruction these
spaces disappeared so there is no
place he feels as significant
Neighborhood association identity very much linked to Sant
Cosme
#20 Woman | neighbor, co-president
of the neighbors association |
43 years old
Reconstruction of sector 1 was
exemplar, we could even decide who
we wanted our neighbors to be.
That got lost with the
reconstruction of sector 2
From the neighborhood associaiton
there are not activities organized in
order to promote the use of public
space, they dedicate more efforts to
help neighbors with daily problems
(elevators in this moment)
She feels attached to her house and
recalls that significance spaces have
disappeared with the reconstruction
Neighborhood association identity very much linked to Sant
Cosme
Woman | neighbor | 63 years
old
#14 Outside the school you see people
in the times when kids go out. She
likes Parc Nou
She doesn't have a significant place
where she feels attachted to
Not involved in community groups She feels her identity is from both,
Sant Cosme and El Prat
Colacios, Mendoza, Anguelovski – neighbourhood reconstruction, community identity, and place
attachment: Mixed experiences from the mass social housing complex of Sant Cosme, Barcelona
IJPP – Italian Journal of Planning Practice Vol. X, issue 1 - 2020
30
SHORT AUTHOR BIOGRAPHY:
Raquel Colacios is assistant professor at the Universitat Internacional de Catalunya School of Architecture.
Her research interests are centered on the role of design to foster spatial justice through new forms of
governance, innovative forms of space production and innovative analytical processes to identify existing
potentials for socio/spatial transformation.
Carmen Mendoza-Arroyo is associate professor at the Universitat Internacional de Catalunya School of
Architecture. Her research interests include: urban regeneration, reconstruction and resilience in the field of
emergency architecture, and urban integration strategies for displaced populations and refugees. She has
published in: COSUST: Journal Current Opinion in Environmental Sustainability; JAPR, and Landscape
Research.
Isabelle Anguelovski is ICREA Research Professor at the Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona-Institute for
Environmental Science and Technology. Her research interests are centered on planning for sustainable,
healthy, and equitable cities. She has published in journals such as Nature Climate Change; Cities; City; and
Progress in Human Geography