Explaining the Fast-Growing Textile and Garment 

Industries (TGI) in Vietnam (2000-2015) 
 

Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi Bina Nusantara University, Indonesia 
 

 

Abstract 

The goal of this research is to explain the fast-growing textile and garment 

industries (TGI) in Vietnam from 2000 to 2015. This research is important 

in the context of Indonesia’s competition with Vietnam as among top TGI 

exporters in the world. This research adopted Gereffi’s Global Commodity 

Chains (GCCs) framework which situates TGI under the category of buyer-

driven chains. Under this category, actors, both government and industry, 

interested in industrial upgrading must develop both forward (marketing) 

and backward (production) linkages and learning process between this 

continuum. This research found that Vietnam’s fast growing textile and 

garment industries from 2000-2015 has been contributed by the 

government’s successful industrial upgrading through its learning process 

in developing forward and backward linkages. Following these findings, 

therefore, Indonesia as competitor must also develop similar attitude and 

learning process in both linkages. 

Key words: textile, garment, Vietnam, global commodity chains, 

industrial upgrading 

Journal of ASEAN Studies, Vol. 5, No. 2 (2017), pp. 157-169 

DOI: 10.21512/jas.v5i2.4508 

©2017 by CBDS Bina Nusantara University and Indonesian Association for International Relations 

ISSN 2338-1361 print / ISSN 2338-1353 electronic 



158 Explaining the Fast-Growing Textile and Garment Industries (TGI) in Vietnam (2000-2015) 
 

Introduction 

The last two decades have been a 

remarkable history in Vietnam economy 

in which the country has grown from one 

of the least developed countries in 

Southeast Asia to one of the fastest 

growing nation in the region. The GDP 

annual growth peaked in 2007 when it 

reached $8.5 billion as high as Singapore 

(ASEAN Secretariat, 2010). And, even 

though its economic growth was slightly 

down during the global financial crisis 

2008-2010, the trend afterwards has been 

consistently increasing compared to those 

of China and its neighboring countries 

(WTO, n.d.) (Chi, 2016). Overall, Vietnam 

economy has grown from only US$31 

billion in 2000 to US$193 billion in 2015, 

an increase which is more than 500% in 

only 15 years (WTO, n.d.). 

Its textile and garment industries 

(TGI)  which recently has substituted 

crude oil and gas as the country’s primary 

export also experienced a tremendous 

growth with 20% annual growth rate from 

2000 (AFTEX, 2010) and increased to 30% 

since 2005 (WTO, 2011). After the financial 

crisis, Vietnam’s TGI remains the world 

fastest growing industry with 17% 

increase from 2010-2015, far exceeding 

China which, despite maintained as the 

world largest textile and garment 

exporter, its annual growth stuck in the 

level of 6% (WTO, 2016). In terms of 

access to the world largest markets, 

Vietnam now ranks the second after China 

as the textile and garment supplier for the 

United States (U.S.) and Japan (WITS, 

n.d.). It is also one of the biggest ten 

exporters for European Union (EU) 

market in the last decade with its export 

volume continues to increase considerably 

(Vinatex, 2011). With all the above 

development, textile and garment 

industries play pivotal role for Vietnam 

economy, not only contributing to half of 

its manufacture export but also to 2.5 

million employments for local people 

(Chi, 2016). 

This development of Vietnam’s 

TGI has undeniably posed significant 

challenges to other TGI exporting 

countries especially Indonesia which is 

also among 10 largest TGI exporters in the 

world and the second largest in the region 

after Vietnam. However, the growth of 

Indonesia’s TGI has been stagnant since 

2010 with 0% growth in 2010-2015. 

Vietnam’s TGI growth, in this regards, 

could be treated as the biggest competitor 

for Indonesia, but at the same time also an 

example to learn how to survive in the 

TGI industry. 

Against this backdrop, this 

research aimed to analyze this major 

development of Vietnamese textile and 

garment industries from 2000 to 2015, 

particularly how the government promote 

this national growth of its TGI. The year 

2000 is chosen because this period marked 

the beginning of significant growth in 

Vietnam’ TGI, while the cutoff in 2015 is 

chosen to help making better observation 

on the object of study which would be 

otherwise difficult if it is conducted on the 

ongoing period (2018). 

Several works have been made to 

study the Vietnam’s growing textile and 

garment industries in the previous decade 

from 1990-2000 (Tran, 1996) (Nguyen & 

Le, 2005) but the trend of development 

after 2000 has been very different both in 

term of size and factors involved. The 

changing international environment, 

particularly, has contributed to the major 

leap for Vietnamese textile and garment 

industries. Yet still, those studying TGI 

growth after 2000 focus only on particular 

aspect of TGI such as coloration (Phong & 



Journal of ASEAN Studies  159 
 

Thong, 2008) and particular partners 

countries such as comparison of 

Vietnam’s export to the U.S., Japan, and 

the EU (Goto, Natsuda, & Thoburn, 2011). 

These studies also focus on individual 

companies rather than focus on the 

strategy conducted by Vietnamese 

government to promote the growth of 

Vietnamese TGI internationally, which is 

more useful for the purpose of giving 

feedback to Indonesian government. It is 

for this reason; this study intends to fill 

this gap. 

The past research, however, has 

introduced basis for theoretical 

framework to analyze textile and garment 

industry which could be maintained for 

this research. Common among the past 

research was the adoption of Gary 

Gereffi’s Global Commodity Chains 

(GCCs) (Gereffi, 1999) as a tool of analysis. 

This framework principally looks at global 

economy as a commodity chain consisting 

of designing, producing, and marketing 

activities (Gereffi, 1999). In GCCs, the 

chain is divided into producer-driven 

chain in which the large producers have 

more power in influencing the chain 

through its large capital reserve and 

technological advancement and buyer-

driven chain in which buyers, marketers, 

and retailers have more say within the 

chain through its value added learning 

process. The dominance of buyers and 

marketers have created pressures in 

reducing production costs which make the 

main characteristics for the latter category 

is its labor intensive production such as 

apparent in the textile and garment 

industry. Another characteristic of this 

category is what he termed as 

‚geographical expansion‛ or ‚multilayer 

source network (Gereffi, 1999). This 

phenomenon occurs when the production 

in particular countries has arisen which 

makes buyers, marketers, and retailers 

shift their production to other countries 

with cheaper production cost. This 

phenomenon is what determines the 

dynamics in buyer driven chain and the 

one that enables one country to move up 

the ladder within the chain. This occurs 

because buyers, marketers, and retailers 

tend to retain the previous producing 

countries as their ‚middle men‛ in their 

relations with the new outsourced 

countries. This is the aspect from Gereffi’s 

framework that most of the past 

researches have focused on. 

Of course, this systemic cause is 

not the only way one country could move 

up the ladder of buyer-driven chain. 

Gereffi suggests that countries aim to 

upgrade its industry within the chain 

must also develop its agency role in 

influencing the chain by strengthening its 

forward and backward linkages. The first 

refers to the strategy of identifying and 

expanding its consumer and marketing 

network, while the latter refers to the 

strategy of strengthening its production 

system and network. While the main actor 

in this chain is firms within TGI, but this 

theory could also be applied in the 

government, meaning the government 

could also help developing forward and 

backward linkages to help its domestic 

industry moving up the ladder of chain. 

This is often the case as the character of 

TGI, as Henrik Schaumburg-Muller noted, 

‚has hardly ever been characterized by 

free trade arrangements where 

comparative advantages would alone be 

the main driver for the location of 

production and distribution of exports‛ 

(Schaumburg-Muller, 2009). The 

durability of Multi-Fiber Agreement 

(MFA) which set quota for trade in textile 

and garment from 1974 to 2005 is a telling 

evidence on the government intervention 

tendency in this industry. Even though 

MFA has been terminated, but various 



160 Explaining the Fast-Growing Textile and Garment Industries (TGI) in Vietnam (2000-2015) 
 

individual government measures are also 

introduced to protect their market 

particularly against the competitive 

pressure from China’s TGI and the more 

open market which makes TGI in the post 

MFA often subject to government 

intervention (Schaumburg-Muller, 2009). 

In addition, the dynamics of this industry 

is also highly influenced by macro 

economy of a country particularly in 

relations to labor wages, therefore, the 

role of government is significant in TGI 

development of a country and it is also the 

reason why discussions on TGI use 

country as the main reference. 

Based on this explanation, it is my 

contention here that the fast-growing 

textile and garment industry in Vietnam 

from 2000 to 2015 cannot be separated 

from two major factors of Vietnam 

industrial upgrading strategy. First, the 

given character of geographical expansion 

in this buyer-driven chain has benefited 

Vietnam as the neighboring country when 

the production cost is rising in China and 

consumers relocate their production base. 

Second, in addition to this advantage, 

Vietnam also plays agency role in 

establishing forward and backward 

linkage. All these factors, in the end, 

contribute to the development of Vietnam 

textile and garment industry and its 

industrial upgrading in the global 

commodity chain. 

Methods 

In testing this hypothesis, this 

research was conducted in two stages. The 

first was literature study on the 

development of textile and garment 

industries in Vietnam to establish context 

within which this study was undertaken, 

to demonstrate the importance of these 

industries to Vietnam, and to illustrate the 

significant growth that the industries have 

reached in the past decade. The second 

stage, then, analyzed the factors 

underlying the rapid development of TGI 

in Vietnam since 2000 to 2015 particularly 

from the side of government’s strategy in 

promoting this growth using the 

framework of global commodity chains 

(GCCs). The GCC framework itself could 

be summarized using the following 

diagram. 

 

Graph 1. Vietnam’s TGI in GCC Framework 

 

 

In collecting data on government 

strategy to promote TGI growth, this 

research primarily relied on desk study to 

collect both primary data provided by 

relevant Vietnamese government websites 

and secondary data from scholarly 

literatures and media. It is the analysis of 

Sistemic Factor: 

Geographical Expansion 

Agency Factor: 

1. Forward Linkage 

2. Backward Linkage 



Journal of ASEAN Studies  161 
 

these data using the framework that will 

lead to conclusion. 

Result and Discussion 

In line with the above method, the 

result of this research would be divided 

into two parts: findings on the historical 

development of textile and garment 

industries in Vietnam and analysis of the 

fast-growing TGI industries in Vietnam 

using GCC framework. 

Historical Development of Textile and 

Garment Industries in Vietnam 

Textile and garment are both old 

commodities in international trade dating 

back to the early silk route which 

interlinked traders from Afro-Eurasian to 

the Eastern part of Asia. Yet, it was not 

until the industrial revolution in the late 

18th century in England that the modern 

textile and garment industries come into 

existence (Simones, 2005). The newly 

industrial countries came afterward in 

Europe such as United Kingdom, French, 

and the Netherlands were all expanding 

their textile industry as the backbone of 

their economy throughout the world 

(Simones, 2005). It is within this context 

that French, during his colonization in 

Vietnam (1802-1945), built the first textile 

factory named Nam Dinh in the Red River 

delta in the northern part of the country 

(Institute of Economics, 2001). 

As explained extensively by A.N. 

Tran (Tran, 1996), after the reunification of 

southern and northern Vietnam under the 

Socialist Republic of Vietnam in 1975, 

Vietnam textile and garment industries 

were controlled by the government who 

exported 90% of the textile production to 

Soviet Union and Eastern Europe under 

the agreement of the so-called Council for 

Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) 

(Tran, 1996). This export which mainly in 

form of military uniforms were exported 

to pay for foreign debt and to seek 

assistance for the country’s development 

fund (Tran, 1996). In the late 1980s, the 

government announced doi moi policy 

which would be the foundation for the 

development of the Vietnam’s future 

economy. This policy not only opened the 

door of its domestic market to private and 

foreign investment but also redirected the 

country’s economy into export-oriented 

production. Since then, thousands of 

private firms and foreign-owned 

companies were flooding Vietnamese 

industries in terms of textile and garments 

(Tran, 1996). Nevertheless, the 

disintegration of Soviet Union which has 

been the only market for Vietnam over the 

past decade has suspended the prospect 

for growth. 

The rest of 1990-2000 is the account 

of how the country rebuilt its textile and 

garment industries and its overall 

economy in general. Tran explained that 

the signing of trade agreement with the 

EU in 1992 and the lifting of U.S. embargo 

have revived the textile and garment 

industries in Vietnam by opening 

alternative markets outside the 

communist countries (Tran, 1996). This 

trade has significantly increased the textile 

and garment export from 2404 million 

dollars in 1990 to 7000 million dollars in 

1996 (Tran, 1996). It should be noted, 

however, that in the trade with the 

European Union, Vietnam’s role was 

limited in manufacturing because Europe 

still relied on their East Asian partners 

whom they thought was more reputable 

in supplying material, management, and 

quality control (Tran, 1996). From this 

trade, Vietnam only earned 4% of the total 

price which still continue to decrease due 

to economic crisis hitting Asia since 1997 

(Tran, 1996). 



162 Explaining the Fast-Growing Textile and Garment Industries (TGI) in Vietnam (2000-2015) 
 

Graph 2. Vietnam Export from 2000-2015 (US$ billion) 

 

Source: Adopted from WITS (n.d.) 

 

It is only in 2000 that the export of 

textile and garment in Vietnam stabilized 

and consistently growing as shown in 

Graph 2. 

The signing of bilateral free trade 

agreement with U.S. in 2000 which 

concurrent with the implementation of 

ASEAN Free Trade Area have quadrupled 

Vietnam export from only $1.3 billion in the 

late 1990s to almost $4 billion in 2004. 

Vietnam accession to WTO also followed by 

the dramatic increase both in export and 

Foreign Direct Investment which 

culminated in 2008. That year, Vietnam 

export reached $9.082 billion (AFTEX, 2010) 

and the FDI scored in $10.6 billion (Tran, 

1996). It is only in 2009 that Vietnam export 

decreased slightly to $9.01 billion due to 

global financial crisis. Yet in overall, despite 

China still dominated the textile and 

garment industry; Vietnam managed to be 

the fastest growing exporter of both 

commodities and its growth consistently 

increases from 2000-2015. 

GCC Analysis on Vietnam’s Fast Growing 

TGI 

From GCCs point of view, the fast-

growing export of Vietnamese textile and 

garment industries cannot be separated 

from the nature and activities along the 

global commodity chain and the 

government responses to those dynamics 

which determine the overall performance of 

export and import as will be explained 

below. 

The Nature and Activities along the Chain 

The buyer-driven chain such as 

textile and garment are highly competitive. 

Fashion world changes so quickly, and thus 

buyer always searches for producer who 

can deliver their product on time with the 

production cost as low as possible. As this 

industry is labor intensive, wages are very 

important element in the calculation of total 

production cost (Simones, 2005). It is for this 

reason that producers are very responsive 

to the rising cost of production. The nature 

of the production which does not require a 

great deal of capital and technology makes 



Journal of ASEAN Studies  163 
 

them easy to move to other places where 

labors are abundant and cheap. 

The period of 2000 to 2015 in global 

textile and garment chain witnessed the 

primacy of China as the number one 

exporter of textile and garment commodity, 

rising from 10.4% share of the total world 

export to 39.3% in 2015 pushing aside the 

EU in the second place (WTO, 2016). The 

end of the MFA which has previously 

restricted the quota of textile and garment 

industries from developed to developing 

countries, however, had dual impacts for 

China. In the one hand, it helped China to 

increase the already high export of TGI to 

developed markets. China, indeed, enjoy 

comparative advantage of abundant and 

cheap labor whose wages account for only 

9% of those in the developed countries 

(Wright, Sahni, & Zamora, 2011). In the 

other hand, however, it also increased 

China’s competitors from other developing 

countries who also enjoyed this new policy. 

The rising living cost in coastal 

China whose Consumer Price Index (CPI) 

increased considerably 15% from 2010 to 

2015 (WTO, n.d.), the aging population, and 

the better educated young generation have 

contributed to the beginning of scarcity and 

increasing wages in China’s labor up to 20% 

since 2000 (Wright, Sahni, & Zamora, 2011) 

and even 80% since 2010 (Lomas, 2017). 

Despite many foreign companies 

maintained their operations in China or 

moving inland where labors are cheaper, 

there have been many companies relocating 

their production base to other countries. 

Chinese firms themselves also began to 

build their subsidiaries in their neighboring 

countries whose labor wages were less than 

those in China. 

This is definitely benefiting Vietnam 

as the neighboring country which has been 

flooded by 90 companies relocating from 

China (China Economic Review, 2011). The 

labor productivity in Vietnam, as reported 

by Asian Productivity Organization, is 

below the labor productivity in China 

(APO, 2012) and other ASEAN countries 

(Vietnamnet, 2016). Nevertheless, their 

wages is less than a quarter that of Chinese 

workers (Wright, Sahni, & Zamora, 2011) 

(The Economist, 2015). Thus, in the case of 

significant increase of wages in China 

which makes the country lost its cost 

advantage, it is profitable for companies to 

relocate or build subsidiaries in the lower-

cost countries such as Vietnam (Wright, 

Sahni, & Zamora, 2011). And compared to 

other Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam is 

relatively stable country with government 

policies support the business environment 

(Department for International Trade, 2018). 

According to World Bank’s Doing Business 

Report which measures ‚the ease of doing 

business‛ across countries, Vietnam ranks 

higher than Indonesia, the Philippines, 

Laos, and the average of East Asia & Pacific 

(World Bank, 2017). It is located in coastal 

area and the most important is 

geographically close to China. The last 

mentioned is particularly important for 

those who intend to build subsidiaries and 

thus minimize the transportation cost and 

more rapid delivery of product which are 

important in fashion industry. This 

comparative advantage as an ‘alternative to 

China’ has ultimately attracted many 

foreign investment coming to Vietnam 

during the last decade. These FDI-invested 

enterprises are accounted for 25% of total 

textile and garment enterprises in Vietnam 

with their export accounted for 60% of the 

total Vietnam export on both commodities 



164 Explaining the Fast-Growing Textile and Garment Industries (TGI) in Vietnam (2000-2015) 
 

(Vietnam Chamber of Commerce & 

Industry, 2012). The major countries which 

shared the majority of these FDI-invested 

enterprises are Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Hong 

Kong, Malaysia, and the U.S. (Vietnam 

Chamber of Commerce & Industry, 2012). 

In addition to this international 

dynamic along the commodity chain which 

contributed to the rising Vietnam textile 

and garment industry, the government 

response to those dynamics is also another 

importance factor affecting the performance 

of Vietnam export. Since 2000, Vietnamese 

government has made significant effort to 

upgrade the position of the country in 

GCCs both through the forward linkage 

and the backward linkage which also 

contribute substantially to the fast-growing 

export of textile and garment industries. 

Forward Linkage 

As the buyer driven chain 

emphasizes the importance of buyers in 

determining the dynamics within the 

production chain, forward linkage to better 

identify and engage the buyers are crucial 

for producer. In 2000, Vietnam government 

signed bilateral free trade agreement (BTA) 

with the U.S. which followed by bilateral 

agreement on textile in 2003. These two 

agreements have been a milestone for the 

subsequent development of Vietnam TGI’s 

since the U.S. is the largest market for both 

commodities. This BTA decreased the tariff 

for Vietnam product to the U.S. from 40% to 

only 3% and thus allowing a significant 

increase for Vietnam commodities which 

have long been excluded from U.S. market 

since the end of the War (Simones, 2005). 

During this decade, more than 50% of 

Vietnam textile exports are directed to the 

U.S. (Simones, 2005) and thus it is not only 

that the U.S. is the first destination for 

Vietnam export but Vietnam also ranks the 

second textile exporter to the U.S. (VITAS, 

2011). This substantial rise in the trend of 

Vietnam-U.S. trade can be seen from zero in 

1997 to US$10,000 million in 2007 or in only 

a decade (Fukase, 2012). Vietnam’s export to 

the U.S. in merchandise alone (where TGI is 

part of) has increased drastically from zero 

to almost 35 billion USD in 2015 (Martin, 

2016). 

While the BTA with the U.S. has 

been better explaining the fast-growing 

Vietnam textile export in the first half of 

2000s, the second half record was much 

contributed to the Vietnam accession to 

WTO in 2007. This membership is 

important in at least three ways. First, it 

included Vietnam in the Most Favor Nation 

rule where its products are no longer 

subject to discrimination and quota, but 

instead, abide to the same WTO regulation 

(CIEM, 2010). Second and still related to the 

first, this membership opened access to 

major market such as U.S., China, and 

European Union. Third, the domestic 

adjustment made by the government in 

order to apply for the membership has also 

indirectly improved the business 

environment in Vietnam (CIEM, 2010). 

After its accession to WTO, there are 

some major changes in Vietnam overall 

performance. First, there was structural 

change in Vietnam export commodity from 

the previously dominated by natural-based 

commodity or agriculture to manufactured 

based commodity (CIEM, 2010). It occurred 

because Vietnam’s entry into free trade area 

or nearly perfect competition market will 

weaken the competitiveness of any 

agricultural product. It is only the 

differentiated or value-added commodities 



Journal of ASEAN Studies  165 
 

such as manufacture that may benefited 

from this market. It is proven in case of 

textile and garment industries which 

competitiveness increased up to 80.6% after 

its accession to WTO (CIEM, 2010). Second, 

there are widening in terms of trading 

partners and deepening in the terms of 

cooperation. It implies that there are more 

countries trading and investing in Vietnam 

and that the cooperation with these 

countries has also increased in size. Third, 

the FDI received by Vietnam increased 

considerably from only $1.3 billion in 2000 

to $11.8 billion in 2015 with the most 

significant increase in 2006–2008 where the 

FDI grew from US$2.4 billion to US$9.6 

billion (World Bank, 2018). The fact that the 

highest FDI peaked in 2008 demonstrated 

investors’ confidence on Vietnam economy 

with its eventual accession to WTO. The 

FDI growth rate in manufacture which 

composed mostly by textile and garment 

industries has also grown from only 1.9% in 

2004 to 34.2% in 2007 (CIEM, 2010). 

After Vietnam’s accession to WTO, 

Vietnam also actively signed trade 

agreements under the framework of 

ASEAN free trade, for example, with India, 

Australia, New Zealand, South Korea, 

China, and Japan; bilateral trade 

agreements in which Vietnam as individual 

country signed with Chile, Japan, South 

Korea, and Eurasian Economic Union 

(Vietnam News, 2017); and also regional 

trade arrangements such as TPP. While 

their specific impacts to Vietnam’s TGI still 

need to be examined, these agreements 

have provided alternatives of markets for 

Vietnam’s TGI which is very important in 

maintaining its forward linkages in this 

period. 

 

Backward Linkage 

In addition to the forward linkage to 

expand Vietnam’s TGI market, government 

responds to competition also through 

backward linkage to enhance its supply 

chain. Despite Vietnam gained unintended 

benefit from China’s rising cost of 

production, China remains one of the major 

competitor for Vietnam in terms of the 

availability of supply, technology, and 

production efficiency which are needed in 

the fashion industry. China so far remains 

the largest source for Vietnam’s imports in 

its TGI accounting for almost 44% of its total 

TGI import (WITS, 2018). It is for this reason 

that Vietnam joined other ASEAN members 

in the ASEAN Federation of textile 

Industries which are currently focusing on 

how to implement regional supply chain 

which offers full- package supply under the 

scheme named SAFSA (Source ASEAN Full 

Service Alliance) (Invest in ASEAN, 2018). 

With the establishment of ASEAN 

Community, goods and services are free 

moving among member countries. As each 

of them has their own comparative 

advantage both in terms of material and 

expertise, specializing in those specific areas 

and cooperate with others to fulfill the 

market demand will be better-off for all 

parties. For Vietnam, this cooperation has 

increased the export of some of the most 

popular commodities such as synthetic 

filament yarn, cotton yarn and synthetic 

fiber yarn up to tenfold from 2002 to 2009 

(AFTEX, 2010).  For example, the export 

volume of the first mentioned commodity 

rose from $3.6 million in 2002 to $48.7 

million in 2009 (AFTEX, 2010). Apart from 

that, Vietnam also benefited from getting 

better quality material from ASEAN 

countries which cannot be provided by 



166 Explaining the Fast-Growing Textile and Garment Industries (TGI) in Vietnam (2000-2015) 
 

domestic producers. The ASEAN supply for 

synthetic staple fiber for example increases 

300-fold over seven year’s period (AFTEX, 

2010). The supply for synthetic filament 

yarn also increased almost doubly from $53 

million to $90 million in the same period 

(AFTEX, 2010). 

Conclusion 

Based on the above findings and 

discussion, there are at least two 

conclusions that could be drawn. First, the 

findings of this research have well 

supported the hypothesis of this research 

that Vietnam’s fast-growing textile and 

garment industries reflects its successful 

industrial upgrading in the global 

commodity chain. However, in contrast to 

the dominant readings which look at this 

upgrading more because of the systemic 

factor within the GCC that is China’s 

increased labor wage which unavoidably 

prompted investors to shift their production 

to Vietnam, this paper demonstrates that 

Vietnamese government also has agency 

role in helping its TGI in expanding its 

forward and backward linkages. The 

forward linkage has been focused on 

capitalizing the normalization of U.S.-

Vietnam trade under BTA, Vietnam’s 

accession to WTO, and other FTA and 

regional arrangements such as TPP and its 

successor. Meanwhile the backward linkage 

has been focused on building stronger 

supply chain with other ASEAN countries. 

This strategy not only helps Vietnam 

meeting its demand for raw materials, but 

also helps it reduce its dependence on 

China and minimize competition with other 

ASEAN countries. As the ultimate purpose 

of this paper is to offer insight for 

Indonesia’s government on Vietnam’s 

strategy in relations to its TGI, Indonesia 

could also adopt similar strategy to develop 

its currently stagnant TGI growth. 

About the Author 

Sukmawani Bela Pertiwi is a lecturer 

and subject content coordinator for 

regionalism and globalization at the 

Department of International Relations, Bina 

Nusantara University. She graduated from 

the School of International Service (SIS), 

American University, Washington, D.C. She 

previously worked as lecturer at the 

Department of International Relations and 

as researcher at the Center for Southeast 

Asian Social Studies and Institute of 

International Relations, all in Universitas 

Gadjah Mada. Her research interests 

include regionalism, ASEAN, international 

security, and maritime security. 

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