kerja sama united nations children’s fund (unicef) dan pemerintahthailand dalam menangani kasus prostitusi anak di thailand riani septi hertini, master of international relations universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: rianiseptih@gmail.com, anastazia n wattimena, master of international relations universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: anastasyawattimena@gmail.com, nur azizah master of international relations universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: nurazizah@umy.ac.id abstract the case of child prostitution in thailand is a human rights violance that makes children as the victims. economic problem is the main factor in occuring the prostitution. the role of united nations children fund’s (unicef) is very important as an international organization under the united nations (un) who are concerned with the issue of children’s right in asssiting the royal thai government in handling child prostitution in thailand. this article aims to find out how is the role of united nations children fund’s (unicef) in handling child prostitution in thailand. the method in this article was to do library research in the form of books, articles, journals, and various media relevant in this article. it has been found that in the effort to handle child prostituion in thailand, united nations children’s fund (unicef) has an important role in cooperating with the royal thai government through the cooperation programs, such as child protection and child protection monitoring system (cpms) to monitor and identify children who are at risk or have been victims of violence, abuse, neglect and sexual exploitation. islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 issn: 2614-0535 e-issn: 2655-1330 304 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 keywords: child prostitution, united nations children’s fund (unicef), thailand abstrak kasus prostitusi anak di thailand merupakan sebuah pelanggaran ham yang menjadikan anak-anak sebagai korban. masalah perekonomian yang rendah menjadi faktor utama terjadinya prostitusi. oleh karena itu, peran united nations children fund’s (unicef) sebagai organisasi internasional di bawah naungan pbb yang mementingkan isu-isu terkait hak anak sangat diperlukan dalam membantu pemerintah thailand nenangani kasus prostitusi anak yang terjadi di thailand. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana peran united nations children fund’s (unicef) dalam menangani kasus prostitusi anak di thailand. metode yang penulis gunakan adalah dengan melakukan library research seperti berupa buku, artikel, jurnal, dan berbagai media yang relevan dalam penelitian ini. telah ditemukan data bahwa dalam upaya penanganan prostitusi anak di thailand, united nations children’s fund (unicef) bekerja sama dengan pemerintah thailand dan mempunyai peran peting melalui program-program kerja seperti child protection dan sistem perlindungan anak (cpms) untuk memantau dan mengidentifikasi anak-anak yang berisiko atau telah menjadi korban kekerasan, pelecehan, pengabaian dan eksploitasi seksual. kata kunci: prostitusi anak, united nations children’s fund (unicef), thailand. pendahuluan thailand merupakan salah satu negara yang dikenal dengan sebutan child sex tourism karena tingginya angka ekploitasi seks terhadap anak sebagai pekerja prostitusi. thauland termasuk 5 negara yang menjadi surganya tempat prostitusi anak, dan hingga tahun 2015 tercatat ada 800 ribu lebih anak di bawah usia 16 tahun yang sedang terlibat kasus prostitusi sejak tahun 2004 (lisa, 2015). tingginya angka prostitusi anak tersebut berkaitan dengan industri pariwisata thailand. meskipun prostitusi secara teknis riani septi hertini, anastazia n wattimena & nur azizah, 305 kerja sama united nations children’s fund (unicef) dan pemerintahthailand ilegal, namun industri pariwisata seks ini terus berlangsung hingga saat ini. prostitusi anak di thailand memiliki peran penting bagi per ekonomian negara. sektor pariwisata seks di thailand telah menyumbang sekitar 60% bagi pedapatan nasional dalam sektor pariwisata thailand. setiap tahunnya ada sekitar 10 juta turis asing datang ke thailand dan sekitar 60% turis tersebut adalah laki laki. dari 60% tersebut, ada sekitar lebih dari 4 juta laki-laki datang ke thailand dengan tujuan untuk pariwisata seks (grugic dan philip, 2014). maraknya prostutusi anak di thailand ini sebagian besar disebabkan oleh permasalahan ekonomi. secara umum, permasalahan ini yang kemudian menjadi masalah semua negara terutama negara dunia ketiga (boonchalaksi et al, 1955). namun, kemiskinan yang terjadi di thailand ini terjadi karena pemerintah thailand lebih mengutamakan sektor industri dan jasa dibandingkan sektor pertanian, padahal thailand dikenal sebagai negara agraris yang sebagian besar penduduknya bekerja sebagai petani (podhisita et al, 1994) kemiskinan para petani di pedesaan membuat timpangnya perekonomian yang terjadi antara masyarakat pedesaan dan masyarakat kota. di zaman modern seperti sekarang ini, konsumerisme dan gaya hidup yang tinggi sudah mewabah hingga ke wilayah pe desaan. untuk memenuhi kebutuhan serta gaya hidup tersebut, pekerjaan apa saja menjadi pilihan untuk mendapatkan uang yang banyak dalam waktu yang singkat, termasuk prostitusi (podhisita et al, 1994). kurangnya lapangan pekerjaan di thailand bagi masyaakat pedesaan yang kurang berpendidikan dan kurang berpengalaman membuat para petani dilanda kemiskinan dan dengan terpaksa harus melibatkan anak-anak perempuan mereka ke dalam prostitusi. oleh karena itu, apabila ada seorang anak perempuan yang berasal dari keluarga yangtidak mampu dan merantau ke luar kota untuk menjadi pekerja seks, sudah menjadi hal yang wajar dan bisa dimaklumi oleh masyarakat sekitar (dagrossa, 1989) wacana tradisional mengenai anak perempuan di thailand yang bertanggung jawab untuk menghidupi keluarganya masih diterapkan sampai sekarang. oleh karena itu, tidak dapat dipungkiri apabila jika para anak perempuan thailand melegalkan segala cara untuk memenuhi tanggung jawab tersebut meskipun mereka harus 306 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 terjun ke dunia prostitusi. dengan demikian, wajar saja apabila sampai sekarang ini industri seks di thailand masih saja eksis dengan banyaknya rumah bordil yang tidak diasingkan dan terletak di antara pemukiman warga bahkan terletak dekat dengan tempat-tempat ibadah dan pusat perdagangan dan menjadi hal yang normal dan biasa di thailand (podhisita et al, 1994). ini menunjukan bahwa prostitusi telah mengakar di dalam kehidupan masyarakat di thailand, dan ke eradaan prostitusi tersebut tidak meresahkan ataupun mengancam masyarakat sekitar. kuatnya akar yang telah tertanam sejak puluhan tahun yang lalu serta didorong oleh keadaan perekonomian yang miskin membuat prostitusi di thailand sangat sulit untuk ditangani dan diberantas. dengan maraknya kasus prostitusi anak yang terjadi di thailand ini kemudian me-nimbul kan kekhawatiran terhadap generasi penerus bangsa. menurut saisuree chutikul, penasehat perdana menteri bagian perlindungan anak menyatakan bhawa ada sekitar 200.000 kasus prostitusi di thailand dan 50.000 80.000 di antaranya berusia di bawah 18 tahun. berbagai upaya telah dilakukan oleh pemerintah thailand untuk mengatasi masalah tersebut, diantaranya pemerintah thailand bekerja sama dengan salah satu organisasi internasional di bawah naungan pbb yaitu unicef (united nation children’s fund untuk menangani prostitusi anak yang terjadi di thailand. unicef memberikan kotribusi dalam hal bantuan kemanusiaan dan kesejahteraan untuk anak-anak dan para ibu di negara berkembang. unicef didirikan pada 11 desember 1946 oleh majelis umum pbb dan bermarkas besar di kota new york. unicef berfungsi untuk mempromosikan isu-isu mengenai anak, pembangunan kapasitas, pelayanan teknis, advokasi, serta perumusan suatu kebijakan. program -program yang dijalankan oleh unicef menekankan pada pembangunan pelayanan masyarakat dalam hal kesejahteraan dan kesehatan anakanak. pada tahun 1965, unicef pernah mendapatkan penghargaan perdamaian nobel. tujuan utama unicef adalah berjuang untuk hak setiap anak, setiap hari di seluruh dunia. unicef bekerja di 190 negara dan wilayah untuk menyelamatkan hidup anak-anak, melindungi dan memenuhi seluruh potensi yang ada pada mereka (unicef, 2018; what we do). riani septi hertini, anastazia n wattimena & nur azizah, 307 kerja sama united nations children’s fund (unicef) dan pemerintahthailand oleh kareba itu, artikel ini akan membahas bagaimana peran united nation children’s fund (unicef) dalam menangani kasus prostitusi anak di thailand. studi pustaka dalam menganalisa kasus kerja sama thailand dan unicef dalam memberantas prostitusi anak di thailand, penulis menggunakan beberapa pendekatan. pendekatan pertama yang digunakan adalah pendekatan konstruktivisme. pen dekatan konstruktivisme melihat sistem internasional tidak anarki seperti yang diyakini oleh pen dekatan realis. dalam pandangan konstruktivis, sistem yang anarki adalah ciptaan negara itu sendiri. jika hubungan antarnegara tidak harmonis maka sistem anarki akan tercipta. intinya sistem yang anarki adalah konstruksi dari negaranegara dalam sistem internasional (cynthia weber, 2001). sebaliknya jika masing-masing negara bersikap koperatif maka sistem internasional pun akan koperatif. menurut pandangan konstruktivis tidak benar konsep bahwa sistem internasional alaminya bersifat anarki karena anarki diciptakan sendiri oleh negara. tindakan yang diambil negara, baik bersikap koperatif maupun anarki, akan tergantung pada identitas yang ingin ditampilkan oleh negara itu sendiri. identitas dan kepentingan yang ingin ditampilkan negara tidak statis namun selalu berubah. perspektif konstruktivis diperkenalkan salah satunya oleh alexander wendt di tahun 1992 dalam essaynya yang berjudul anarchy is what states make of it: the social construction of power politics. menurut wendt, negara merupakan aktor fundamental dalam sistem anarki, di mana menentukan sendiri identitas dan kepentingannya. negara membutuhkan identitas yang stabil, memiliki peran yang spesifik, dan menganut ekspektasi tentang negara itu sendiri. negara mengembangkan identitasnya melalui hubungan antarsatu negara dengan negara yang lain. identitas membentuk kepentingan, yang terkonstruksi melaui “relasi” atau hubungan. dari situlah wendt, kemudian memasukan ide tentang institusi internasional yang merupakan gabungan relasi antarnegara yang membentuk identitas (cynthia weber, 2001). berada dalam sebuah institusi membuat identitas negara dan kepentingan yang terbentuk setelahnya menjadi lebih stabil. institusi merupakan badan kognitif yang menyatu dengan negara itu 308 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 sendiri. institusi terbentuk dari persamaan identitas aktor-aktor yang saling berinteraksi. konsep kedua yang penulis gunakan untuk menganalisa hubungan kerja sama antara pemerintah thailand dan unicef adalah konsep integrasi (mas’oed, 1990). ada beberapa asumsi yang mendasari terbentuknya konsep ini. pertama, permusuhan antarmanusia akan berakhir jika mereka memiliki persamaan, karena perang terjadi karena adanya perbedaan, konflik kepentingan, ketakutan dan ke cemburuan. dengan memiliki satu kesamaan maka dibentuklah integrasi agar memiliki tujuan yang sama dan dapat saling bahu-membahu guna menyelesaikan permasalahan yang dihadapi. kedua, frekuensi interaksi yang tinggi antaraktor di antara banyak unit akan menimbulkan crosspressure, crosspressure ini merupakan penghalang timbulnya konflik karena pressure ini menghalangi aktor-aktor yang kemungkinan sedang menghadapi perang dingin untuk saling berhadaphadapan. asumsi ketiga, didasarkan pada kondisi di mana suatu sistem (sub-sistem) yang terintegrasi akan menyerupai negara-bangsa, jika ada aktor yang sedang mengalami masalah maka institusi akan bertindak menyerupai “pemerintah” yang akan membantu mengelola permasalahan yang dihadapi. dengan adanya badan yang mengelola, maka akan lebih mudah suatu permasalahan diatasi. asumsi keempat, menyatakan bahwa pihakpihak yang membangun kerja sama terutama dalam isu-isu non idiologis dan non sentral lebih mungkin dalam membangun kerja sama yang baik yang lama kelamaan mampu menangani masalah di kemudian hari. konsep integrasi sendiri me miliki dua pendekatan yakni, institusional dan behavioral. dalam tataran institusional, integrasi dipandang sebagai pembentukan institusi politik. sedangkan dalam tataran behavioral, dunia di anggap bergerak perlahan membentuk suau komunitas internasional. perkembangan transportasi, komunikasi, dan pariwisata telah menghilangkan sekat antar negara atau institusi internasional. menurut ernst haas, integrasi berarti: “…proses di mana aktor-aktor politik di beberapa wilayah nasional yang berbeda terdorong untuk memudahkan kesetiaan, harapan, dan kegiatan politik mereka ke suatu pusat yang baru yang lembaga-lembaganya memiliki riani septi hertini, anastazia n wattimena & nur azizah, 309 kerja sama united nations children’s fund (unicef) dan pemerintahthailand atau menuntut jurisdiksi atas negara-negara nasional yang ada sebelumnya….” (mas’oed: 1990). konsep ketiga yang akan di gunakan penulis adalah konsep organisasi internasional. organisasi internasional berarti sebuah institusi yang dibentuk oleh aktor seperti negara ataupun non negara yang digunakan sebagai wadah untuk menampung dan menjembatani kepentingan anggotanya. teuku may rudy (2005) berpendapat bahwa organisasi internasional merupakan bagian kerja sama lintas negara yang didasarkan pada struktur yang jelas dan lengkap yang diharapkan dapat melaksanakan fungsinya sebagaimana yang diharapkan. menurut harold k jacobson, fungsi organisasi internasional adalah sebagai berikut: 1. fungsi informasi organisasi internasional me miliki fungsi untuk mengumpul kan data kemudian melakukan analisis, setelah dianalisa data-data tersebut kemudian disebarluaskan agar diketahui negara-negara anggota dan masyarakat luas. organisasi internasional di sini juga bertugas untuk menjabarkan sudut pandangnya terkait dengan isu yang dianalisa. 2. fungsi normatif fungsi normative berkaitan erat dengan pembentukan aturan dan norma yang disepakati melalui deklarasi dan pernyataan-per nyataan yang diakui oleh anggota. 3. fungsi pembuatan peraturan fungsi ini berkaitan dengan usaha yang dilakukan oleh organisasi internasional untuk meratifikasi deklarasi yang telah disepakati oleh para anggota. 4. fungsi pengawasan fungsi ini berkaitan dengan pengawasan yang dilakukan oleh organisasi internasional terkait penjaminan aktivitas-aktivitas negara agar tidak melanggar norma-norma interansional 5. fungsi operasional fungsi ini terkait dengan peng gunaan dan pengalokasian sumber daya yang dimiliki organisasi internasional pada penanganan masalah—masalah yang telah disepakati untuk ditangani oleh organisasi internasional tersebut. dalam tesis yang ditulis oleh mahasiswa fakultas hukum universitas oslo ornella barros yang berjudul child prostitution in thailand (barros: 2014) dijelaskan bahwa ada beberapa hal yang mengakibatkan ketidakefektifan 310 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 pemerintah thailand dalam mem berantas child prostitution. barros menganalisa ketidakefektifan ini menggunakan perspektif legal instrument baik dari level internasional, regional, dan nasional thailand. 1. prostitusi anak di thailand secara hukum ilegal namun belum ada peraturan yang jelas tentang sanksi apa yang diberikan pada tempat-tempat hiburan yang secara terbuka menyediakan pelayanan seks anak terhadap para pelang gannya. 2. dalam hal perlindungaan anak, thailand memiliki uu child protection act tahun 2003 yang salah satu isinya adalah pembentukan komisi perlindungan anak national child protection committee, yang bermasalah dari imple mentasi uu ini adalah tidak adanya pemerataan pem bentukan komite perlindungan anak di seluruh daerah di thailand. akhirnya, tidak semua kasus prostitusi anak dapat tertangani dengan baik. 3. faktor lain yang melemahkan perlindungan terhadap anak di thailand adalah, lemahnya pressure dari institusidi luar thailand (asean). lemahnya tekanan dari asean bagi thailand untuk menuntaskan isu prostitusi anak dilatarbelakangi oleh prinsip non-interference policy yang dimiliki asean sehingga negara-negara anggota me miliki keterbatasan dalam mendesak pemerintah thailand agar lebih memfokuskan perhatian bagi penuntasan kasus prostitusi anak di negara tersebut dari tesis barros dapat di simpulkan bahwa implementasi aturan perundangan-undangan di thailand menjadi salah satu faktor utama lemahnya perlindungan terhadap anak di thailand disamping tekanan eksternal yang terbatas juga mempengaruhi keefektifan pemerintah thailand dalam menuntaskan isu prostitusi anak di negara tersebut. dalam artikel jurnal yang ditulis oleh heather montgomery yang berjudul buying innocence: child sex tourist in thailand (montgomery: 2008) menerangkan bahwa pemerintah thailand tidak secara spesifik melarang pekerja seks anak, para turis diperbolehkan untuk menikmati semua bentuk media hiburan yang disediakan di thailand, secara tidak langsung ini juga termasuk menikmati akses riani septi hertini, anastazia n wattimena & nur azizah, 311 kerja sama united nations children’s fund (unicef) dan pemerintahthailand perdagangan seksual dari anak di abwah 18 tahun. selanjutnya dalam artikel jurnal montgomery ini dijelaskan bahwa sebagian besar anak-anak tidak merasa bahwa hubungan seksual yang mereka lakukan dengan turis lokal maupun internasional merupakan sebuah tindakan abusive. anakanak ini beranggapan bahwa para pelanggan mereka telah menjadi seperti teman-teman mereka. para pelanggan membayar pelayanan seks yang dilakukan anak-anak ini dengan memberikan uang baik langsung pada mereka atau pun pada orang tua mereka saat mereka membutuhkan. sebagian pelanggan juga membayarkan uang sekolah bagi anak-anak ini sebagai bentuk bayaran atas pelayanan seksual yang diberikan. anak-anak korban eksploitasi seksual ini tidak betul-betul menyadari bahwa mereka sedang dieksploitasi, mereka justru beranggapan bahwa para “klien” adalah teman yang baik karena bersedia memenuhi kebutuhan mereka secara finansial. turis yang berdatangan dari luar thailand dikategorikan dalam dua bagian yakni turis yang memang datang khusus untuk menikmati fasilitas seksual dari anak-anak dan turis yang datang dan menikmati pelayanan seksual hanya apabila tersedia (jadi tidak murni menargetkan pemenuhan kebutuhan seks oleh anak -anak). kedua kelompok sama-sama sepakat bahwa ketertarikan pada anak-anak baik perempuan maupun laki-laki di thailand salah satunya berasal dari karakteristik wajah dan postur tubuh anak-anak thailand yang cenderung mungil dan innocent. turis-turis ini juga berpendapat bahwa seks yang ditawarkan oleh remaja dan anakanak di bawah 18 tahun cenderung aman dari ancaman penyakit menular seksual misalnya hiv aids juga turis turis asing yang umumnya berasal dari amerika dan eropa ini juga cenderung mencari perempuan atau laki-laki yang masih perawan (belum pernah berhubungan seksual sebelumnya) (montgomery: 2008). dilematis memang jika me ninjau ulang fenomena sexual tourism yang mewabah di thailand, dalam kaca mata masyarakat internasional apa yang terjadi di thailand merupakan pelanggaran ham yang mengorbankan anakanak, namun di sisi lain anak-anak yang nyatanya menjadi korban tidak merasa dirugikan malah cenderung berfikir bahwa mereka telah diuntungkan dalam aspek finansial. hal yang sama juga dirasakan 312 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 pemerintah thailand yang cukup mendapatkan keuntungan dari banyaknya kunjungan turis manca negara di thailand setiap tahunnya. pembahasan thailand merupakan negara yang dikenal dengan sebutan child sex tourism, karena tingginya angka ekploitasi seks terhadap anak-anak sebagai pekerja prostitusi. hingga tahun 2015, tercatat ada 800 ribu lebih anak di bawah usia 16 tahun yang sedang terlibat kasus prostitusi sejak tahun 2004. tingginya angka ptostitusi anak tersebut berkaitan dengan industri pariwisata thailand (lisa, 2015). prostitusi anak di thailand memiliki peran penting bagi perekonomian negara. sektor pariwisata seks di thailand telah menyumbang sekitar 60% untuk pedapatan nasional dalam sektor pariwisata thailand. maraknya prostutusi anak di thailand ini sebagian besar disebabkan oleh faktor kemiskinan (podhisita et al,1994). unicef sebagai salah satu lembaga di bawah naungan pbb, berperan untuk membantu serta mengawasi aktivitas negara anggota dalam menyelsaikan permasalahan domestik yang memiliki dampak global terhadap dunia internasional dengan cara bekerjsama. sudah menjadi norma internasional bahwa setiap negara wajib untuk melindungi hak-hak anak terlepas dari apa kewarganegaraan anak-anak tersebut. oleh karena itu, unicef sebagai inter-governmental organization bertanggung jawab untuk berkontribusi dan bekerja sama dengan pemerintah thailand dalam menangani kasus prostitusi anak di thailand. unicef telah bekerja selama 70 tahun di 190 negara dan wilayah. unicef juga percaya bahwa semua anak memiliki hak untuk bertahan hidup, berkembang dan memenuhi potensi mereka untuk kepentingan dunia yang lebih baik (podhisita et al, 1994). unicef telah memberikan bantuan kepada thailand sejak tahun 1948, dimana pada saat itu unicef fokus kepada program kesehatan dan gizi anak di thailand dengan manyalurkan bantuan air minum bersih dan sanitasi di daerah pedesaan. sejak itu, situasi anak-anak di thailand telah berubah secara dramatis dan program unicef juga ikut berkembang dan meluas (unicef. 2018; our history). unicef thailand bekerja untuk memastikan hak semua anak di thailand, terlepas dari ke warganegaraan,jenis kelamin, agama atau etnis mereka untuk riani septi hertini, anastazia n wattimena & nur azizah, 313 kerja sama united nations children’s fund (unicef) dan pemerintahthailand bertahan, berkembang, perlin dungan dan juga partisipasi. hakhak dasar ini kemudian diabadikan dalam konvensi hak-hak anak (convention on the rights of the child) yang diratifikasi thailand pada tahun 1992, dan pada artikel 34 konvensi tersebut menyatakan bahwa pemerintah harus melindungi anak-anak dari segala bentuk pelecehan seksual dan eksploitasi. untuk memastikan bahwa hal tersebut terpenuhi, unicef bekerja sama dengan pemerintahan thailand dalam memenuhi pendanaan program untuk melindungi anak anak dari bahaya dan mendukung pemimpin politik untuk kebijakan dan praktik yang menghormati hak anak-anak. adapun program program unicef di thailand tersebut adalah (unicef, 2018; unicef thailand): a) child protection b) education c) hiv/aids d) social policy and advocacy e) emergencies dengan maraknya kasus prostitusi anak yang terjadi di thailand, peran unicef menjadi sangat penting dalam menangani kasus tersebut. unicef bekerja berdasarkan panduan deklarasi universal hak asasi manusia dan perjanjian inti hak asasi manusia, khususnya konvensi tentang hakhak anak. unicef juga bekerja untuk memastikan bahwa pemerintah memenuhi kewajiban mereka untuk melindungi dan merawat anak-anak yang menjadi korban prostitusi, termasuk dengan memastikan akses terhadap layanan kesehatan dan informasi terkait hiv/aids (unicef, 2018: not for sale). melalui salah satu program unicef di thailand yaitu child protection, unicef juga berperan dalam pencegahan dan penanganan kasus prostitusi anak di thailand. program child protection ini juga ditujukan untuk membantu anakanak korban prostitusi yang rentan terhadap kekerasan. jika tidak diberi perlindungan, anak -anak ini akan menghadapi risiko dari berbagai ancaman, termasuk luka parah dan kematian, perkembangan fisik dan mental yang buruk, serta hiv/ aids. program child protection ini berfokus pada penguatan sistem perlindungan anak dan membangun kapasitas keluarga, masyarakat, dan pemerintah dalam mencegah, membantu, serta menangani ma salah prostitusi anak di thailand (unicef, 2018; violance against children). 314 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 unicef mendukung uni versitas mahidol di thailand untuk mengembangkan sistem perlindungan anak (cpms) yang telah dipasang di 135. kecamatan (tambon) di thailand selatan, tengah, dan timur laut sistem ini berisi informasi setiap anak di setiap kecamatan dan mengidentifikasi anak-anak yang berisiko atau telah menjadi korban kekerasan, pelecehan, pengabaian dan eksploitasi seksual. sejauh ini, informasi hampir 150.000 anak telah tercatat di sistem. tidak hanya itu, unicef juga telah memberikan pelatihan kepada petugas kecamatan dan provinsi termasuk pekerja sosial tentang bagaimana mencegah kekerasan terhadap anak di masyarakat dan untuk merespons dengan tepat kapan anak berisiko menjadi atau telah menjadi korban kekerasan, pelecehan dan eksploitasi. di bawah kepemimpinan pemerintah thailand, sistem perlindungan dan perlindungan anak ini diperluas ke semua kecamatan di thailand untuk mencegah dan menangani kasus eksploitasi, pengabaian, kekerasan dan pelecehan (unicef, 2018; violance against children). dalam perspektif konstruk tivisme, peran organisasi internasional menjadi penting karena merupakan gabungan dari beberapa negara yang saling berintegrasi, sama-sama merasa memiliki identitas dan berpedoman pada norma-norma yang sama. kehadiran unicef di thailand adalah sebagai bentuk perlindungan terhadap norma bersama yang telah menjadi identitas dari negara-negara anggota. lebih lanjut, paradigma konstruktivisme menekankan bahwa sistem internasional mampu mempengaruhi kepentingan atau interest suatu negara (hurd: 2008). unicef sebagai salah satu bagian dari sistem internasional dipercaya juga dapat mempengaruhi kepen tingan pemerintah thailand dalam komitmennya memberantas eksploitasi seksual pada anak-anak di negara tersebut. kesimpulan kerja sama antara unicef dan pemerintah thailand adalah bentuk kepeduliann unicef sebagai organisasi iinternasional dalam menangani tindakan pelanggaran ham di thailand yakni prostitusi anak (child prostitution). kasus prostitusi anak di thailand sudah bukan lagi fenomena baru, kurangnya lapangan pekerjaan di thailand bagi masyaakat pedesaan yang kurang berpendidikan dan kurang berpengalaman membuat riani septi hertini, anastazia n wattimena & nur azizah, 315 kerja sama united nations children’s fund (unicef) dan pemerintahthailand orang tua terpaksa harus melibatkan anak-anak perempuan mereka ke dalam prostitusi. oleh karena itu, apabila ada seorang anak perempuan yang berasal dari keluarga yang tidak mampu dan merantau ke luar kota untuk menjadi pekerja seks, sudah menjadi hal yang wajar dan bisa dimaklui oleh masyarakat sekitar. dengan keadaan perekonomian yang miskin di thailand membuat thailand menjadi salah satu pusat child sex tourism di asean. maraknya kasus prostitusi anak yang dihadapi thailand membuat unicef turut bekerja sama dengan pemerintah dalam menangani dan mengawasi isu-isu tentang anak melalui program-program yang ada seperti salah satunya adalah child protection. daftar pustaka buku mas’oed, 1990, ilmu hubungan internasional : disiplin dan metodologi, jakarta : lp3s rudy, 2005, administrasi dan organisasi internasional, bandung : refika aditama weber, 2001, international relations theory, new york : routledge website boonchalaksi wathinee dan philip guest, (1955), prostitution in thailand . salaya: mahidol university dalam pssat, (2017), menelususuri wisata prostitusi di thailand dari masa ke masa, http:// pssat. ugm.ac.id /id /2017/ 08/ 24/ menelusuri -wisataprostitusi -dithailand-dari masa-ke-m asa/, diakses pada 18 januari 2018 dagrossa pamela s, (1989), “kamphæng din: a study of prostitution in the allthai brothels of chiang mai city”, crossroads: an interdisciplinary journal of southeast asian studies, vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 1-7 dalam pssat, (2017), menelususuri wisata prostitusi di thailand dari masa ke masa, http:// pssat.ugm.ac.id /id/2017/ 08/24/ menelusuri-wisata-prostitusi di-thailand-darimasa-ke masa/, diakses pada 18 januari 2018 gugić zrinka, (2014), human trafficking under the veil of sex tourism in thailand: reactions of the eu, osijek:university of osijek dalam pssat, (2017), menelususuri wisata prostitusi di thailand dari masa ke masa. http:// pssat.ugm.ac.id / 316 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 id/ 2017/08 /24/ menelusuriwisata -prostitusidi-thailand -darimasa-ke masa/, diakses pada 18 januari 2018 lisa, (2015), 5 negara ini jadi surganya ptostitusi anak, http://palingseru.com/65828/5negara-ini-jadi-surganyaprostitusianak, diakses pada 18 januari 2018 podhisita chai, et. al, (1994), “socio-cultural context of commercial sex worker in thailand: an analysis of their family, employer, and client relations”, health transition review, vol. 4, pp. 297-320 dalam pssat, (2017), menelususuri wisata prostitusi di thailand dari masa ke masa, http://pssat.ugm.ac.id/ id/2017/08/24/menelusuriwisata-prostitusi-di-thailanddarimasa-ke-masa/, diakses pada 18 januari 2018 unicef (2018), not for sale: protecting children exploited for sex in thailand, https:// w w w. unicef . org . uk/sale protecting-children-exploitedsex-industry/, diakses pada 22 januari 2018 unicef (2018), our history, http s : / / w w w. u n i c e f . org / thailand/overview_366.html, diakses pada 22 januari 2018 unicef (2018), unicef thauland, http s : / / w w w. u n i c e f . org / thailand/overview_2418.html, diakses pada 22 januari 2018 unicef (2018), violance against children, https://www.unicef. org/thailand/protection_22199. html, diakses pada 22 januari 2018 unicef (2018), what we do, https://www.unicef.org/ what-we-do, diakses pada 18 januari 2016 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 issn: 2614-0535 keefektifan konvensi npt alam menangani negara pengguna senjata nuklir paulino saldanha universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta pausaldanha@gmail.com abstrak tulisan ini mencoba mengkaji bagaimana kesuksesan non-proliferation treatyatau disingkatnpt dalam menangani masalah keamanan senjata nuklir di dunia. senjata nuklir dipahami secara global merupakan senjata pemusnah massal. pemboman hirosima nagasaki pada tahun 1945 yang dilakukan oleh amerika terhadap negara yang dikenal dengan kepala komunis uni soviet pasca-perang dingin membuka mata dunia agar segera menetapkan satu regulasi untuk mengatur kepemilikan senjata nuklir tersebut.luluh lantaknya hirosima nagasaki disebabkan perbedaan yang meruncing ideologikomunis dan kapitalis liberalis antara negara uni soviet dengan amerika.oleh sebab itu jika hal tersebut dibiarkan maka berpotensimenyamai tragedi hirosima nagasaki.larangan terhadap kepemilikan senjata nuklir harus diatur melalui suatu prosedur dan kebijakan.dengan demikian munculnya rezim npt sebagai salah satu aturan yang harus diikuti oleh negara manapun di dunia mengenai kepemilikan senjata nuklir. berbicara tentang npt, didalam npt itu sendiri memiliki 12 pasal untuk mengatur negara-negara pengguna senjata nuklir, sebagaimana yang disepakati bersama oleh negara anggota nuclear weapon state (nws) dan kemudian disusul oleh beberapa negara yang bukan nws. tetapi selain aturan 12 pasal dalam npt, terdapat tiga pilar npt yang lebih penting dalam pembahasan paper ini mengenai rezim npt, ketiganya adalah: nonproliferasi,penggunan damai dan perlucutan. sehingga argumentasi berdasarkan rangkaian analisis yang komprehensive tentang npt, bahwa keefektifan npt dapat dirasakan secara global paska perang dingin. kepatuhan negara-negara di dunia terhadap rezim npt mengindikasikan suatu keberhasilan rezim ini dalam memberantas penggunaan senjata nuklir. 128 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 key words: rezim npt, nuclear weapon, treaty. pendahuluan a. latar belakang rezim non-proliferation treaty (npt), merupakan perjanjian yang mengikat secara hukum inter nasional terhadap negaranegara yang menandatangani atau meratifikasi traktat npt tersebut. kemunculan traktat ntp sendiri bertujuan untuk mencegah penyebaran senjata nuklir, dan mendorong penggunaan energi nuklir untuk tujuan yang damai dan positif, seperti tenaga listrik dan pelucutan secara umum dan menyeluruh. perjanjian nonproliferasi nuklir mengacu pada upaya-upaya untuk memberantas dan mencegah penyebab senjatasenjata nuklir, yang bisa saja luput dari kontrol ke negara-negara yang belum memiliki sistem persenjataan nuklirsama sekali.karena jika tidak diatur,situasi tersebut berpotensi akan sangat membahayakan keamanan global dan menganggu kedaulatan suatu negara.1 1 international journal of law and social sciences (jlss) vol.1 no.1, jan 2012 (the effectiveness of the nuclear nonproliferation treaty (npt) in curbing iran‟s nuclear programme: a critical analysis) oleh sebab itu, npt mampu mengadakan kesepakatan pengendalian persenjataan yang paling luas dan diikuti oleh sebagian besar negara-negara didunia. perjanjian ini diharapkan dapat membawa harapan baru bagi terciptanya perdamaian dunia. traktat nonproliferasi nuklir (npt) ditandatangani pada 1 juli 1968 di new york, amerika serikat oleh 43 negara dan mulai efektif dua tahun kemudian. pada tanggal 11 mei 1995 di new york, lebih dari 170 negara sepakat melanjutkan perjanjian ini tanpa batas waktu dan syarat tertentu, perjanjian ini memiliki tiga prinsip utama, yaitu: nonproliferasi, perlucutan, dan hak untuk mengem bangkan teknologi nuklir untuk tujuan damai. semua negara telah men dorong npt untuk bekerja dengan lebih baik lagi untuk mencapai per damaian dunia, terutama negara-negarabigfive yang sekalipun disebut nuclear weapon state (nws). 2 2 charles j. moxley, jr., john burroughs, & jonathan granoff, nuclear weapons and compliance with international humanitarian law and the nuclear no n p r o l i f e r a t i o n tr e a t y, 3 4 fordham int'l l.j. (forthcoming winter 2011), hal 9 paulino saldanha keefektifan konvensi npt dalam menangani negara 129 kemudian dari sinilah ketegasan terhadap negara non penguna senjata nuklir semakin hari semakin menyadari untuk mematuhi secara utuh isi traktat npt. amerika serikat mengecam keras negaranon nws untuk tidak mempro du ksi,memb eli kep emilikan senjata nuklir, dewan keamanan pbb mendukung dan ikut men sosialisasikan deklarasi npt secara global, pasca-perang dingin, kemunculan beberapa negara yang secara informal memiliki senjata nuklir untuk keperluan negaranya. namun hal ini melanggar pasal-pasal dalam npt yang telah diratifikasi sebagai salah satu rezim internasional yang me naungi persenjataan nuklir dunia. bahkan pbb mengusulkan untuk menambahkan beberapa protokol lagi kedalam traktat npt, untuk menindaklanjuti kepe milikan senjata nuklir oleh negara-negara yang tidak bertangung jawab serta tidak berkepentingan dalam penggunaan senjata nuklir, namun pasca-iran setuju untuk menandatangani kepatuhan terhadap tarktat npt, yang diikuti oleh, india, pakistan dan korea utara, momentum ini dapat mewujudkan kehadiran npt, sehingga dengan demikian dapat memberikan dukungan dan evaluasi kepada rezim npt dan badang penanganan energi atom internasional. lahirnya npt dan keikutsertaan oleh negara-negara nws dan non nws atas kepatuhanya terhadap rezim ini, maka dapat memberikan rasa aman secara global dan mencegah perang dunia antar-negara. b. ontologi asal usul senjata nuklir yaitu, dibuat dari bahan dasar uranium dan plutonium yang dapat menghasilkan reaksi nuklir, kata lain senjata nuklir yaitu bom atom juga senjata pemusnah massal, kehancuran hirosima nagasaki disebabkan oleh pengeboman yang dilakukan oleh amerika yang mengakibatkan 80.000 jiwa melayang. kemudian disusul bom kedua setelah tiga hari kemudian perkiraan yang meninggal adalah 40.000.3 amerika serikat menguji perangkat nuklir pertama di alamogordo, new mexico pada musim panas 1945. selama 65 tahun terakhir, masyarakat internasional telah berjuang secara dilematis berkaitan dengan potensi destruktif atom itu sendiri. sementara nuklir dapat diman3 http://www.history.com/topics/worldwar-ii/bombing-of-hiroshima-andnagasaki , diakses pada tanggal 18 juni 2017 130 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 faatkan potensi besarnya untuk keperluan perdamaian dunia, di samping juga berguna untuk pemanfaatan energi listrik negara di bawah naungan npt. namun, upaya awal yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat internasional untuk mengatasi dilema ini hampir berhasil. pada tahun 1946 as sendiri mengkampanyekan pelarangan senjata nuklir dan mendukung penggunaan energi nuklir secara produktif. namun upaya ini menemui jalan buntu. pada tahun 1950-an dan awal 1960-an presidenas dwight eisenhower melihat nuklir sebagai inisiatif perdamaian, ia kemudian membidani kelahiran badan energi atom internasional (iaea), untuk pengembangan perlindungan energi nuklir. namun, pada bulan maret 1963, presiden us john f. kennedy menggambarkan dunia di mana sebanyak 25 negara yang sedang memiliki senjata nuklir berpotensi membahayakan perdamaian dunia. pada awal 1960-an, upaya untuk mencapai kesepakatan hukum untuk mencegah penyebaran senjata nuklir mulai menunjukkan hasil. pada tahun 1961, majelis umum pbb menyetujui satu resolusi mengenai traktat ini dan disponsori oleh irlandia. majelis umum ini menyerukan semua negara untuk menyepakati akan melarang akuisisi lebih lanjut dan transfer senjata nuklir antara-negara. sehingga pada tahun 1965, konferensi jenewa tentang perlucutan senjata mulai dipertimbangkan draf perjanjian nuklir non-proliferasi.negaranegara yang terlibat mempercayai bahwa konferensi itu dapat menyelesaikan masalah senjata nuklir.4 berlanjutnya negosiasi pada bulan juli 1968, perjanjian senjata nuklir non-proliferasi (npt) dibuka untuk ditandatangani dan diratifikasi, sehingga npt mulai berlaku pada tanggal 5 maret 1970 silam. c. aksiologi dalam teori ilmu filsafat berkaitan dengan hakikat hidup sertamanfaat dan kontribusi objek. sehingga dalam kajian pembahasan npt ini, terdapat tiga pilar dalam mengatur pengunaan senjata nuklir yang telah disepakati oleh negaranegara yang terlibat yaitu: pertama, nonproliferasi, kedua penggunaan damai, dan ketiga adalah perlucutan senjata.5 yang pertama yaitu: nonproliferasi, berdasarkan pasal i dari npt, negara yang memiliki 4 usa treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, 2010, hal 1 5 ibid, hal 2 paulino saldanha keefektifan konvensi npt dalam menangani negara 131 senjata nuklir berjanji untuk tidak mentransfer, menjual senjata nuklir bahkan alat dan bahan dasar peledak nuklir lainnya kepada negara-negara non-senjata nuklir. juga dengancara lain seperti membantu, mendorong atau membujuk negara non-nuklir untuk memproduksi, membeli dan menerima senjata nuklir itu sendiri. yang kedua yaitu: penggunaan damai. menurut pasal ii dari npt, negara-negara non-senjata nuklir berjanji untuk tidak memperoleh atau melakukan kontrol atas senjata nuklir atau alat peledak nuklir lainnya bahkan berjanji untuk tidak menerima dan memprodkusi senjata nuklir itu sendiri, bahwa dalam pasal ii npt ini kebalikan dari pasal i npt. menurut pasal iii dari npt, negara-negara non-senjata nuklir berjanji untuk menerima iaea untuk memverifikasi bahwasanya kegiatan nuklir yang dimiliki oleh negaranya masing-masing adalah untuk melayani tujuan yang damai. seperti di fukushima, jepang, nuklir dipergunakan untuk pembangkit listrik yang dapat mendorong kesejahteraan masyarakat nya. ken datipun nuklir berakibat ne g at i f s eb ag ai p e mb ang k it listrik, keputusan itu diluar dari traktat npt. negara-negara yang terlibat. npt pasal iv mengakui dan menerima hak semua negara untuk mengembangkan energi nuklir untuk tujuan damai dan untuk mendapatkan keuntungan dari kerjasama internasional dalam negaranya. yang ketiga yaitu: perlucutan. berdasarkan pasal vi npt, semua pihak berjanji untuk melanjutkan negosiasi dengan iman yang baik dan langkah-langkah yang efektif berkaitan dengan pemberhentian perlombaan senjata nuklir jika bertujuan untuk memandang rendah negara lain. singkatnya, ketiga pilar ini saling berkaitan dan saling memperkuat untuk mencipt a kan s ebu a h r e zim nonproliferasi yang efektif dan negara-negara anggotanya mematuhi dengan kewajiban mereka memberikan landasan penting untuk kemajuan perlucutan senjata dan memungkinkan kerja sama yang lebih besar dalam penggunaan energi nuklir untuk kegiatan yang positif dan damai. sehingga hal ini menunjukkan bahwa negaranegara nws dan non nws semua harus mematuhi traktat npt yang telah disepakati bersama untuk keamanan secara global. d. negara-negara yang terlibat dalam npt terdapat 43 negara yang terlibat dalam traktat tersebut, termasuk 132 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 lima negaranuclear weapon state (nws) yaitu, amerika serikat, rusia, britania raya, perancis dan republik rakyat china(rrc). namun selain nws masih terdapat tiga negara lainnya yang juga pernah melakukan uji coba senjata nuklir. persoalan ini dianggap sebagai pelarangan terhadap traktat npt tahun 1968. tiga negara itu antara lain: india, pakistan dan korut. ketiga negara ini tidak terlibat dalam penandatanganan traktat npt, pertanyaannya kemudian tetapi mengapa pengembangan senjata nuklir justru dikembangkan di negaranya masing-masing? berdasarkan hukum internasional, negara berdaulat memiliki privilege untuk melakukan apapun itu selagi tidak mengangu keamanan dan perdamaian dunia, terutama negara-negara tetangga. tetapi apa yang terjadi dalam membicarakan soal senjata nuklir yang saat ini berhubungan dengan sejarah perang dunia i dan ii. perlu dicatat bahwa kehancuran uni soviet adalah akibat pun menjadi perdebatan kepemilikan senjata nuklir, lalu bagaimana dengan israel? sejak tahun 1958 iran tercatat sebagai anggota international atomic energy agency (iaea), pada tahun 1970 iran telah menandatangani treaty on the non proliferation of nuclear weapons (npt) . e. aktor non-negara dalam npt pengalaman abad ke-21, serangan terorisme yang direncanakan untuk menyebabkan korban sipil secara massif, ter masuk kejadian bom 9/11, 2001 di amerika serikat. kejadian ini mem perkuat asumsi bahwa, aktor nonnegara memainkan perannya dibalik kejadian 9/11. imbas dari peristiwa ini yaitu kecenderungan untuk meningkatkan kesadaran masyarakat internasional tentang penggunaan senjata nuklir bukan hanya aktor negara, namun sebaliknya justru aktor-aktor nonnegara memamfaatkan momentum perlindungan dan kontrol npt terhadap senjata nuklir, untuk melakukan aksi terhadap target yang telah direncanakan oleh kelompokkelompok tertentu. kejadian wtc 9/11, silam mendorong dewan keamanan pbb mensosialisasikan substansi dari kejadian 9/11 dengan menghancurkan wtc oleh kapal tampa awak, dan tidak ada satu pihakpun yang mengklaim bertangung jawab atas senjata nuklir atau bahan nuklir radiologi sebagai fasilitas suplai nuklir. sehingga kewajiban bagi pbb paulino saldanha keefektifan konvensi npt dalam menangani negara 133 dan iaea adalah bagaimana tanggapan masyarakat internasional untuk meningkatkan kesadaran bahwa aktor ancaman global saat ini bukan hanya aktor negara, tetapi aktor non-negara sendiri justru lebih agresif dalam melancarkan aksinya dengan mengunakan bahan peledak massal. dari sinilah pbb mulai mengupayakan untuk melakukan pemberantasan dan menindaklanjuti aksi dengan menggunakan senjata nuklir. as lebih menegaskan ketiga pilar tarktat npt, untuk lebih tegas dan aktif lagi untuk memberantas penggunaan senjata nuklir oleh pihak atau negara yang tidak bertangung jawab. as meninjau kembali npt dan iaea6 untuk memverifikasi ulang pasal penegasan, dan mendorong negara anggota npt untuk men deklarasikan beberapa protokol tambahan, agar dapat mem persempit penggunaan senjata nuklir, terlebih kepada aktor nonnegara, yang bisa saja memanfaatkan kesempatan konflik untuk melancarkan aksi-aksi kepada orang yang tidak bersalah (innocent peoples). d engan demi k i an, segala upaya untuk mencegah bahaya perang tersebut dan untuk 6 the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons by edwin brown firmag mengambil langkah-langkah yang ideal dan realistis untuk menjaga keamanan masyarakat, sebab dunia tidak memiliki pemerintahan untuk mengontrol proliferasi senjata nuklir yang begitu serius meningkatkan bahaya perang nuklir diantar aktor negara dannonnegara. antisipasi dan penegasan yang dilakukan dalam traktat npt, mempelajari dalam paradigma kaum realis, dimana aktor negara lebih mementinkan kepentingan nasional dibandingkan dengan kepentingan global, hal ini cenderung melakukan difensif untuk melindungi kedaulatan negara, tendensi dari paradigma realis ini sangat rentang sekali menimbulkan gejolak politik antara bangsa. f. rumusan masalah dari latar belakang masalah yang ada maka, penulis dapat menemukan suatu pertanyaan untuk mengkaji dengan lebih details berhubungan dengan rezim npt, yaitu: bagaimana rezim npt itu bekerja, dalam memberantas penggunaan senjata nuklir secara global? g. pencapaian npt pasca-perang dingin, dunia mu l ai me nge jut k an d e ng an 134 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 hadirnya traktat npt, kiranya npt berpotensi dan mampu mem berantas penggunaan senjata nuklir, baik itu negara pengguna senjata nuklir maupun negara non pengguna senjata nuklir. keefektifan npt dapat diukur oleh beberapa kajian ilmiah oleh para ahli dan penulis yang berhubungan dengan kehadiran npt itu sendiri. periode masa damai yang diikuti perang, banyak orang percaya bahwa awal penyebaran senjata nuklir adalah kerusakan yang ditanggun secara bersama (sidhu 2008, 361). tentu saja, periode pasca perang perdamaian benar-benar dianggap sebagai perdamaian jika melihat perdamaian adalah menguranginya potensi peperangan antara negaranegara besar di dunia; pandangan realis (sagan dan waltz, 1995, 2). dalam hal ini sagan dan waltz berbicara tentang adanya npt yang dapat mendamaikan negara, dan menggurangi peperangan. namun, ia segera menyadari bahwa penyebaran senjata nuklir lebih ke negara yang ber potensi mengganggu stabilitas dinamika ke amanan reg iona l dan meningkatkan risiko senjata masuk ke tangan yang salah (khan 2002, 7). amerika dan inggris bekerja sama dengan program nuklir mereka, seperti yang dilakukan pada tingkat lebih yang lebih rendah yaitu soviet dancina(zarzecki 2002, 10). traktat senjata nuklir bertindak sebagai penghalang untuk konflik skala penuh antara negara-negara besar namun tidak mencegah konflik yang lebih kecil antara negara-negara lain yang telah menandatangani npt dan tidak memiliki senjata nuklir (sheehan, 2010, 176). akhir perang dingin pada tahun 1990 membawa seluruh rangkaian masalah baru, untuk npt pada umumnya. sehingga, periode awal pada akhir perang dingin terbukti sebagai periode kesuksesan oleh perjanjiannon proliferasi. tiga mantan satelit soviet, ukraina, belarus dan kazakhstan telah memilih untuk tidak menyimpan persenjataan nuklir (sagan dan waltz, 1995, 1), tetapi mereka memilih untuk menandatangani npt dan menyerah senjata nuklir (sidhu 2008, 362). dengan demikian, meskipun pilihan ini tidak dianggap sebagai akibat langsung dari npt, melainkan sebagai akibat dari negara-negara baru yang ingin membawa kekuatan dunia sebagai negara hegemoni, seperti amerika serikat, yang telah mendukung kemerdekaan negaranegara yang baru dibuat ' dan telah membantu militer mereka yang paulino saldanha keefektifan konvensi npt dalam menangani negara 135 masih muda (carter dan johnson 2001, 68). bahkan keefektifan npt yang lebih menyenangkan bagi negara pendukung npt adalah keputusan afrika selatan yang telah mengembangkan nuklir di tahun 1970-an, untuk me nyerahkan senjata. dalam melaku kan hal itu menjadi negara pertama yang menyerahkan senjata nuklir yang telah dikembangkan untuk dirinya sendiri (sidhu, 2008, 362). meskipun tidak diragukan lagi memiliki beberapa dampak, betapa pentingnya perjanjian npt dalam demokrasi liberal, bahwa untuk memberantas penggunaan senjata nuklir memerlukan proses untuk mempengaruhi opini negara untuk koopereatif dengan npt agar aturannya lebih ditegakkan lagi secara adil. h. kesuksesan npt dari 43 negara pada tahun 1970, hingga sekarang kepatuhan terhadap npt telah berkembang hampir 190 negara, indikasi ini menunjukan bahwa sebagian besar negara-negara di dunia menyepakati traktat npt, konferensi npt yang dilakukan 5 tahunan sekali ini mendapatkan apresiasi dari negaranegara barat nws dan juga nonnws. adalah bahwa ketiga pilar di dalam traktat npt mampu menyatuhkan satu kesepakatan untuk menjaga dan melestarikan keamanan di seluruh dunia, terlebih negara-negara yang masih dilanda konflik seperti di timur tengah dan sebagiannegara bagian afrika. npt sendiri merupakan sebuah rezim yang berkompetensi secara global untuk mengatur pengunaan senjata nuklir baik kepentingan damai maupun perang. sehingga rezim non proliferasi ini diakui telah membawa keberhasilan bagi nws untuk melakukan control terhadap negara-negaranonnws.7 manfaat dari npt itu sendiri telah memberikan ruang kerja sama oleh nws dan non nws yang didukung oleh as sendiri, dengan tujuan meningkatkan teknisi nuklir sipil untuk kepentingan positif domestik, as sebagai negara donor terbesar yang mend o ro n g p e m b a n g u n a n nu k l i r sipil di berbagai negara. hal ini berlandaskan oleh norma-norma nonproliferasi senjata nuklir (npt), sebagaimana disahkan dalam tiga pilar npt khususnya penggunaan damai senjata nuklir oleh negaranegara nws maupun non nws. traktak npt mengecam keras dan melarang untuk memproduksi dan 7 h t t p : / / w w w. n u c l e a r u n d o n e . c o m / blog/is-the-nonproliferation-regimeeffective , diakses pada 19 juni 2017 136 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 mentransfer senjata nuklir bahkan alat bahan dasar seperti uranium untuk kebutuhan senjata nuklir itu sendiri, karena senjata nuklir merupakan senjata pemusnah masal nomor satu di dunia. resolusi dewan keamanan pbb 1887 kepatuhan negara-negara non senjata nuklir untuk meratifikasi bahwa penggunaan senjata nuklir damai sangat mendukung oleh pbb sebagai mana yang dibunyikan dalam pasal iii npt.resolusi dewan keamanan pbb 1540 terkait mendukung sistem ini dengan mewajibkan bahwa negara-negara anggota pbb mengembangkan dan menegakkan sesuai hukum dan langkah-langkah pengaturan terhadap proliferasi senjata pemusnah massal ini.8 dalam 40 tahun terakhir sejak berlakunya npt, terdapat perubahan yang signifikan dalam penggunaan damai energi nuklir, mamfaat energi nuklir lainya dalam aplikasinya yaitu keamanan pangan, pencegahan penyakit, pengobatan, sumber daya air, dan manajemen lingkungan untuk meningkatkan kehidupan masyarakat di seluruh 8 the effectiveness of the nuclear nonproliferation treaty (npt) in curbing iran‟s nuclear programme: (bowden bolt chengetai mbanje and darlington ngoni mahuku bindura university of science education zimbabwe) dunia dalam setiap harinya. lebih dari 30 negara, reaktor nuklir menyediakan hampir 15% dari listrik di dunia khususnya negaranegara pengguna energi nuklir, pada akhir tahun 2009 tumbuh lebih dari 50 reaktor nuklir yang berada dalam kontruksi energi nuklir sipil, hingga saat ini lebih dari 60 yang telah mempertimbangkan untuk mengadakan program baru tenaga nuklir sipil, dan peradaban dunia global telah membawa efek positif bagi negara besar penguna nuklir dan non nuklir untuk mengupayakan dan membantu negara-negara lain untuk dapat mengembangkan kerja sama infrastruktur melalui kerjasama pembangkit energinuklir, sebagaimana legitimasi resolusi pbb mengenai energi nuklir sipil, dan hal ini direspons baik oleh dunia. i. argumentasi penulis menganalisa bahwa dalam upaya implementasi rezim npt, mari kita melihat seperti yang terjadi di suriah, timor tengah. aktor negara dan non negara terlibat dalam peperangan karena lebih memprioritaskan kepentingan nasional dan golongan masingmasing. menurut morgenthau dalam buku mas’oed, kepentingan nasional setiap negara adalah mengejar kekuasaan, yaitu apa saja yang bisa membentuk dan mempertahankan paulino saldanha keefektifan konvensi npt dalam menangani negara 137 pengendalian suatu negara atas negara lain. sementara plano dan orton menerangkan kepentingan nasional adalah tujuan dasar dan penentu yang menuntun pemimpin negara dalam mengambil keputusan berkaitan dengan kebijakan luar negeri. eksistensi isis menarik perhatian dunia, terutama negara big five atau nws, penulis menganalisa bahwa, keterlibatan aktor negara dengan tujuan untuk memerangi kelompok isis, yang diangap sebagai musuh bersama. namun masih tersembunyi oleh ideology dari beberapa negara yang lebih mementingkan ego nasional demi kepentingan hegemoni atas politik dan ekonomi global, keefektifan rezim npt dapat dilihat dari, bagaimana perang nws dalam memberantas penggunaan senjata nuklir, kenyataan yang terjadi adalah, memamfaatkan program senjata nuklir untuk kepentingan nasional, as menyeruhkan iran untuk patuh terhadap npt, bahwa iran tidak berhak untuk kepemilikan senjata nuklir, akhirnya pada tahun 2015 lalu target as tercapai, yaitu menandatangani perjanjian dengan iran untuk tidak memproduksi dan menggunakan kepemilikan senjata nuklir, begitupun ke negara non nws lainya yang mereka juga mampu memproduksi senjata nuklir, hal ini hanya konspirasi politik yang dilakukan oleh amerika (power abused), pada tahun 2003 as melakukan intervensi ke iraq dengan tujuan untuk memperkuat tentara iraq melawan militan sunni, namun dibalik itu as memiliki beberapa target pasca perang tersebut, terdapat kesaksian oleh seorang mantan militer ad amerika, bradley manning membongkar kepentingan dan kebusukan as dalam keterlibatan itu, manning membongkar ke wikileaks sekitar 700.000 dokumen rahasia, seperti kawat diplomasi as dan data intelijen militer. manning curhat melalui editorial new york times bahwa: aku tahu aku melanggar hukum, tetapi kekhawatiranku yang memotivasi aku untuk membongkar rahasia itu namun belum terselesaikan, (kutip, liputan6.com, 16/6/2014). kesaksian ini menunjukkan bahwa dibalik seruan as bagi negara-negara lain untuk tidak memproduksi dan membeli senjata nuklir, di kesempatan ini justru as memamfaatkannpt sebagai salah satu instrument politik untuk mendominasi dunia. namun tujuan dari rezim npt itu sendiri untuk menjaga keamanan dan perdamaian dunia. bukan hanya politik konspiransi. 138 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 kesimpulan rezim npt dan iaea adalah, badan hukum internasional yang berkompetensi menetapkan kesepakatan, perjanjian dan menegak kan aturan-aturan di dalam traktat npt. kepatuhan negara-negera nws dan non nws terhadap npt dinilai tidak sesuai dengan pasal-pasal npt yang telah dideklarasikan, untuk mereview konferensi setiap lima tahunan yang telah menjadi agenda rutin npt, ternyata masih belum mencapai target npt itu sendiri untuk memberantas negara-negara pengguna senjata nuklir. dengan perkembangan peradaban manusia dalam dunia ekonomi politik komtemporer, semakin menambah tingkat pengalaman bagi rezim npt untuk bergerak lebih matang lagi dalam melakukan kontrol terhadap kepemilikan senjata nuklir, dan mensosialisasikan serta mengimplementasi pasal npt secara global. berawal dari ketidakpatuhan terhadap rezim npt ini, maka aktor negara tertentu cenderung dapat mengedapankan kepentingannegara dalam pengunaan kepemilikan senjata nuklir, hal ini diperkuat dalam paradigmanegara realis yang begitu kentara, bahwa kepentingan nasional diatas segalanya. meskipun demikian bisa menilai bahwa, kehadirannpt membawa efek jerah bagi negara-negara yang berada di medan perang saat ini, bahwa perang melawan musuh dilarang menggunakan senjata pemusnah massal tersebut. dewan keamanan pbb sendiri, mengeluarkan resolusi untuk mendorong dan menambah beberapa protocol lagi kedalam npt untuk pemberantasan kepemilikan senjata nuklir. hal ini dapat kita melihat peperangan saat ini yang terjadi di timor tenggah, bahwa npt memang berjalan dan direspon positif. jika seandainya tidak adanya npt ini, maka negaranegara di timur tengah, bakal saling melakukan serangan yang diperkuat oleh senjata nuklir bahkan sampai memusnahkan kehidupan selama pulahan tahun. bibliograpy journals: international journal of law and social sciences (jlss) vol.1 no.1, jan 2012 (the effectiveness of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (npt) in curbing iran’s nuclear programme: a critical analysis) charles j. moxley, jr., john bu r rou g hs , & jon at h an granoff, nuclear weapons and compliance with international humanitarian law and the paulino saldanha keefektifan konvensi npt dalam menangani negara 139 nuclear non-proliferation treaty, 34 fordham int'l l.j. (forthcoming winter 2011) r o bi n c l e mp s on , au g 2 0 2011,journal mazaar, michael j. (1996) north korea and the bomb: a case study innonproliferation. st martins, new york. the effectiveness of the nuclear non prol i fe r at i on tre at y (npt) in curbing iran’s nuclear programme:bowden bolt chengetai mbanje and darlington ngoni mahuku bindura university of science education zimbabwe pilat, joseph. (2007) the end of the npt regime? international affairsvolume 83, issue 3 sagan, scott. waltz, kenneth (1995) the spread of nuclear weapons: a debate. norton, london. johnson, rebecca (2010) rethinking the npt’s role in security: 2010 and beyond. international affairsvolume 86, issue 2 website: www.world-nuclear.org h t t p : / / w w w. u n . o r g / e n / c o n f / npt/2005/npttreaty.html h t t p : / / w w w . n y t i m e s . com/2004/01/04/world/fromrogue-nuclear-programs-webof-trails-leads-to-pakistan.htm l?ref=abdulqadeerkhan&page wanted=1. http://belfercenter.ksg.har vard. edu/publication/660/nuclear_ terrorism.html. john f kennedy school of governt.harvard university.accessed on the 21st of december 2010. analysis of the importance of inculcating nationalism and anti-racism values on multicultural education for generation z in indonesia demeiati nur kusumaningrum universitas muhammadiyah malang email: demeiati.nk@umm.ac.id laura adhisty universitas muhamadiyah malang email: lauraadhisty1@gmail.com dhania eka putri universitas muahamadiyah malang email: dhaniaekaputri0@gmail.com wirda muzayyana universitas muhamadiyah malang email: wirdamuzayyana32@gmail.com abstract this research analyzed approaches to prevent racism for generation z in indonesia. the youth generation must take attention to the issue of racism due to prevent the past experiences dealing with (1) the discrimination against the right of indigenous people and slavery in the era of dutch colonialism; (2) the disharmony in the era of old order by the problem of chinese and political participation, and (3) papuanese propaganda as the instrument of external powers. by living in the digital era, the rapid access to information and economic transaction massively brought transnational ideas and values that challenge nationalism and nation-building. it used the interpretive method of research analysis. data collecting used doaj by selected social sciences and political sciences categories to find the discourse of anti-racism among academicians. data analysis was obtained from the literature review by mapping the case study and best practices for strengthening nationalism for gen z. it was verified by the result of group discussion in sma 1 muhammadiyah malang in 2019 and sma aisyiyah boarding school malang as the purposive sampling of muslim teenagers. this research examined anti-racism rising after the internationalization of white supremacism in the 2016 us administration. racism as a transnational issue relates to imperialism, islamophobia, and human right. digital literacy by emphasizing multicultural education and nationalism is preferable, based on a study in indonesia. nu and muhammadiyah support government policies as indonesia's two largest muslim organizations. keywords: anti-racism, muslim teenager, nation-building, white supremacism, z generation abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pendekatan apa saja yang dapat dilakukan untuk mailto:demeiati.nk@umm.ac.id 60 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june mencegah rasisme bagi generasi z indonesia. generasi muda perlu memperhatikan isu rasisme dalam rangka mencegah pengalaman masa lalu yang berhubungan dengan (1) diskriminasi hak masyarakat adat dan perbudakan di era kolonialisme belanda; (2) ketidakharmonisan di era orde lama berkaitan dengan etnis tionghoa dan partisipasi politik, dan (3) papua sebagai instrumen propaganda kekuatan eksternal. pesatnya akses informasi dan transaksi ekonomi secara masif di era digital membawa gagasan dan nilai-nilai transnasional yang relatif menantang nasionalisme dan identitas kebangsaan. topik penelitian ini menggunakan metode analisis interpretatif. teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi pustaka yang bersumber dari artikel doaj. kategori ilmu sosial dan politik dipilih untuk menemukan diskursus antirasisme di kalangan akademisi. analisis data diperoleh dari review literatur dengan memetakan studi kasus dan praktik baik penguatan nasionalisme generasi z. verifikasi data disandarkan pada hasil fgd di sma 1 muhammadiyah malang tahun 2019 dan sma aisyiyah boarding school malang tahun 2021 sebagai purposive sampling remaja muslim. penelitian ini menemukan fenomena antirasisme yang meningkat pasca internasionalisasi supremasi kulit putih oleh pemerintahan as sejak tahun 2016. rasisme sebagai isu transnasional berkelidan dengan persoalan imperialisme, tekanan ekonomi, islamofobia, dan hak asasi manusia. berdasarkan studi di indonesia, literasi digital dengan mengedepankan pendidikan multikultural dan nasionalisme lebih diutamakan. kebijakan pemerintah didukung oleh nu dan muhammadiyah sebagai dua organisasi muslim terbesar di indonesia. kata kunci: antirasisme, generasi z, remaja muslim, supremasi kulit putih, wawasan kebangsaan islamic world and politics vol.6. no.1 jjune 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 introduction based on the history of modern administration in most parts of the globe, racism influences the domestic structure and the future relations among countries. the enlightening of racism in politics aimed to achieve power and wealth by mobilizing public opinion and raising human rights. racism means inequality in other rights and obligations by considering differences in skin color, race, ethnicity, and origin (amnesty international, 2021). the policy and behavior to highlight certain identities based on physical appearance, ethnicity, and cultural characteristics can lead to racism. european settlement in the american region has contributed to the history of latin america. the politics and government of latin america influenced by the ancestors generally refer to the european powers britain, holland, and denmark. mede said that latin america was the region that fell under spanish and portuguese domination beginning in the late fifteenth and into the mid-sixteenth centuries. those territories in which the main spoken language is spanish or portuguese: mexico, most of central and south america, and the caribbean islands of cuba, puerto rico, and the dominican republic; the former french possessions of 61 demeiati nur kusumaningrum, laura adhisty, etc analysis of the importance of... haiti and other islands of the caribbean, 31 french guiana on the south american continent, and even quebec in canada (meade, 2010). racism in germany appears in the state's migration and asylum policies (bergfeld, 2017). homelessness has been a racialized problem in the united states since it first became a big social concern in the 1980s. its disproportionate impact on black americans is mostly due to institutional racism and the absence of affordable housing and work prospects for black people (edwards, 2021). a study on health issues for indigenous people in brazil turned out to produce a phenomenon where indigenous people are vulnerable to problems of democracy and the application of local wisdom values to deal with the pandemic (silva, nascimento, araújo, & pereira, 2021). moreover, racialism in spain influences perceptions of national identity. the impact of political events highlights the urgent need for a national conversation on "race" and racialization. data from public surveys and ethnographic research on mixedness and multiraciality in spain showed that social constructs of race continue to be a significant boundary driving stigmatization and discrimination in spain, where skin color and other perceived physical traits remain important markers for social interaction, perceived social belonging, and differential social treatment (rodríguez-garcía, 2022). in the nineteenth century, british imperialism brought anti-muslim prejudice to australia. christchurch tragedy perpetrated by a white supremacist australian. the study investigated the worldwide origins of australian islamophobia, and in 2000–2001, a rash of group sexual attacks in sydney was dubbed "ethnic gang rapes" worldwide (poynting, 2022). the multiculturalism of indonesia that is signed by demographic characteristics becomes a national asset and political instrument. indonesian people must take attention to the issue of racism and political identity due to prevent the past experiences dealing with (1) the discrimination against the right of indigenous people and slavery in the era of dutch colonialism; (2) the disharmony in the era of old order by a problem of chinese and political participation, and (3) papuanese propaganda as the instrument of external powers (montclair, 2012; nasution & wiranto, 2020; tampubolon, tobing, & wahyuningtyas, 2022; winarta, 2004). the industrial revolution of 4.0 created digital technology of information and devices connected with media online and affected people's lifestyles worldwide. the youth generation living in the digital era is called generation z or gen z. their preference for food, fashion, entertainment, and the way of the communication kindly depend on the trend in digital society (rastiti, 2018; regita & sebayang, 2020; rosyida, kusumaningrum, & anggraheni, 2020). by living in the digital era, the rapid access to information and economic transaction massively brought transnational ideas and values. therefore, presiden joko widodo's administration is concerned about the national development program that encourages state sovereignty in the era of digital transformation (rizkinaswara, 2021b). this research aims to analyze approaches to prevent racism for gen z in indonesia, learning from the past experiences and discourse on the challenge in the digital transformation era. research method the anti-racist approach in indonesia is 62 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june the focus of research. the international structure involves economic, political, and social fields selected as the dependent variables. primary data was obtained from the results of the study of internet publications. directory open access journal (doaj) articles were used as a studentfriendly-reputable-publication database. the author uses the category of 'social sciences' and 'political sciences' to find the discourse on anti-racism among academicians, as shown in figure 1. fig.1 the result of literature categorization in the doaj database secondary data came from the focus group discussion results from the teenage community in muslim high school di malang, as mentioned in figure 3. in indonesia, racism is often associated with an islamic perspective on the life of a multireligious society. malang has also experienced islamic radicalism (rahmawaty, 2022; rijal, 2016). fig. 2. fgd in sma aisyiyah boarding school 2021 this research analysis was based on the literature review from online-based research publications, especially from reputable scientific journals. it used the interpretive method of research analysis. data collection used 'challenges of nationalism in the digital era' as the keywords were published in 2018. the authors selected the approaches applied as case study models based on research publications that analyzed the challenges of nationalism in the digital era. in the steps to arrange the result, the authors mapped the approach and analyzed the best practice as the conclusion. the other data sources 63 demeiati nur kusumaningrum, laura adhisty, etc analysis of the importance of... verified the result of the literature review, such as the survey and group discussion in sma 1 muhammadiyah malang in 2019 and sma aisyiyah boarding school malang as the purposive sampling. anti-racism as transnational issue chart 1. the rising of anti-racism research in the study of social and political sciences this research examined the increase of 'racism' as a transnational issue worldwide. based on the doaj database, the authors found an increasing number of research publications since 2016, as in chart 1. the trump administration blew up the debate on racism in current international politics that emphasized "american first" as representing 'white america' perspectives (kizito, 2021). the study of anti-racism is quite interesting, and the authors found 166 articles indexed by doaj, as mentioned in figure 2. fig.2 the number of anti-racism articles in the doaj database a harvard professor predicted that american politics would remain tied to issues of race and ethnicity for decades to come. interestingly, the contestation of american politics will depend not only on dynamics within the african-american 7 7 8 19 22 35 11 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 research article 64 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june community but also on relations between african americans and other racial or ethnic groups that are difficult to predict. a key question in the black community involves the open relationship between material success and attachment to the american government. what is inconceivable in ethnic relations is how the increasing complexity of ethnic and racial coalitions and ethnicrelated policy issues will influence africanamerican political behavior. what makes prediction so difficult is not that there is no clear pattern in the two areas. factors that influence racial and ethnic politics in america, including income, education, and employment, determine the governance of social issues and political participation (hochschild, 1998). it refers to anti-asia and afro-america issues (man, 2020; painter, 2016; parmet, 2018). based on the research, during the covid-19 pandemic, racism has potentially emerged due to economic pressure and political maneuvers echoed by the media (kizito, 2021; zatira & prakoso, 2020). racism in the united states is similar to in australia, where white supremacy became the focus of policies initially triggered by economic problems (affeldt & hund, 2019; poynting, 2022). based on research, events in western australia in the 1901s and america during the pandemic also both opposed policy facilitation for asians in the economies of western countries. the united states and australia are also experiencing the problem of racism associated with the arrival of muslims. the debate on the issue of racism in western countries is always faced with social relations, welfare, and political participation issue (bailey & robin moon, 2020; ben et al., 2022; blee, demichele, simi, & latif, 2017; cramer, 2020; edwards, 2021). strengthening digital culture and multiculturalism in the indonesia education system multicultural education is a concept or idea as a set of beliefs and explanations that recognize and assess the importance of cultural and ethnic uniformity in shaping the lifestyle, social experiences, personal identity and educational opportunities of individuals, groups and countries. multicultural education is also considered a process of developing the human potential that has an appreciation for diversity and differences in society, which is the result of the philosophy of cultural pluralism in the education system based on the principle of equality. the main value taught in multicultural education is an attitude of acceptance of the differences in the environment and society and how to process these values into an attitude based on basic human values, where basically all humans are the same and what distinguishes them is their attitude or behavior. good humans deserve to be treated well and vice versa. the corridor of action based on law becomes the main barrier to violations of basic human rights. it begins with the rising understanding of 'diaspora' rather than 'migrant'. diaspora will create positive meaning in maintaining harmony in social relations. in contrast, the word 'migrant' tends to generate political debate dealing with economic might among local and foreign citizens. for example, the african studies from a diaspora viewpoint used africanism as a point of departure. the concept of "diaspora" appears as a "possibility" it goes beyond its linguistic, historical, and scientific meaning and lies in the dynamics of a movement of ideas and social practices that oppose hegemony and seek a positive reframing of racial and ethnic relations, as well as pan-africanism, to 65 demeiati nur kusumaningrum, laura adhisty, etc analysis of the importance of... emerge in a space/place of those who see anti-racism and positive affirmation of blackness as effective (paula, 2013). racism in africa relates to the issue of women and human rights (banda, 2005, 2013). the teenage community agrees that digital media provides broad insight and ideas about current issues and influences the understanding and interest in foreign cultures. the muslim students are familiar with the music, drama/movie, and fashion style from several countries such as the united states, india, japan, korea, thailand, and turkey. this result of group discussion supported the research that online media is recognized as an effective instrument of the entertainment industry to catch digital consumers, especially in indonesia. millennials and gen z learn foreign values and norms embedded in the popular culture, such as music and movie, through the internet (kusumaningrum, kurniawati, adibrata, & fredayani, 2021). based on this issue, indonesia's government released the digital literacy policy to cope with the industrial revolution of 4.0 (hartarto, 2018; humas, 2021; tim gln, 2017). national identity is a country's attribute that philosophically separates it from other countries. however, as time passes, the advancement of information and communication technology has resulted in various changes in youth's daily life, especially in national identity (kusumaningrum & sulistyaningsih, 2022; regita & sebayang, 2020). it is important to strengthen the understanding of pancasila principles and the value of nationalism in the digital literacy program. president abdurrahman wahid's administration established the antiracism policy by acknowledging confusionisme (konghuchu) as the one religion in indonesia. it is one of the prominent strategies for strengthening the sense of multiculturalism as a state identity (burhani, jinan, saepulloh, & islam, 2020; sa'diyah & nurhayati, 2019; solikhin, 2020). the policy of the fourth president of indonesia was supported by the two largest muslim organizations in indonesia nahdatul ulama and muhammadiyah, which began the efforts to internalize pancasila and nationalism in the religious life and education system and organizational activities (kusumaningrum & sulistyaningsih, 2022). furthermore, according to the directorgeneral of informatics applications, ministry of communication and information, it is important that all elements of society support the government's program to build a digital culture based on the nation's character. of course, the values of nationalism must be instilled through digital literacy so that people can make pancasila a barrier to understanding that undermines state sovereignty. kemkominfo has four digital literacy frameworks, one of which is digital culture, which teaches about national insight in the digital space. the government mentioned the four characteristics that are internalized in the indonesian digital culture, 1) the understanding of pancasila and bhineka tunggal ika as the foundation of daily activities; 2) the competency to select any information that is not in line with the pancasila values on search engines; 3) the understanding of the importance of multiculturalism and diversity, as well as understanding how to speak local languages, appreciate arts, and respect on local culture in the digital space; 4) basic knowledge that encourages behavior to proud of domestic products, as well as understanding the right to access freedom of expression and intellectual property rights in the digital world (rizkinaswara, 2021a). 66 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june finally, the education system in indonesia has adopted an anti-racism campaign with the concept of independent learning by the ministry of education and culture in the era of president joko widodo. the spirit of learning amidst the dynamics in society at least provides an opportunity to learn good practices from various developed countries that can be adopted and adapted to the characteristics of a pluralist indonesian society. this policy is supported by the synergy of universities and all educational units at lower levels through teaching, research, and community service activities that have been regulated by law. conclusion racism is a traditional issue that has emerged since the 16th century. as a result of the history of imperialism, the issue of differences in the cultural background ethnicity, skin color, language, and tradition can trigger communal conflicts and even separatism. based on research in several countries, anti-racist policies should cover the issue of 'distribution of resources and power' dealing with the matter of muslims, migrants, and politics. in general, racist issues have the potential to emerge and disrupt national stability in a country triggered by an economic crisis, maneuvers by the ruling regime in coalition with the media, and disharmony in religious life in society. multiculturalism education for generation z is much needed to face the challenges of the digital era full of information disruption. online media influence how people think and present information very quickly from around the world, so there needs to be a capacity to prevent information that encourages racist thoughts and actions. most research supports multiculturalism education in indonesia which does not conflict with religious teachings and contains sentiments against certain ethnicities. as a big nation, indonesia needs prospective leaders with a sense of nationalism and national insight to protect various religious and ethnic differences. multiculturalism as the national identity of indonesia should not emphasize religion as a culture but possibly be arranged from the religious tenets. yet, it is still debatable based on indonesian society's social and cultural background. moreover, the values of religion must be the element of state power to strengthen civic education and nation-building perspectives. religious people are supposed to perform good deeds. the anti-racism behavior is a part of performing the values of religion. based on islamic perspectives, anti-racism relates to how the people respect others and love their country by maintaining harmony in society – rahmatan lil alamin. bibliography affeldt, s., & hund, w. d. 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(2020). the corona case and the increasing cases of racism and xenophobia against ethnic chinese in the world. journal of islamic world and politics, 4(2), 246– 259. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.18196/ jiwp.4256 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 constructivism approach: changes in orientation of indonesia in the north natuna sea to china’s claims herry wahyudi universitas abdurrab, riau, indonesia email: herry.wahyudi@univrab.ac.id luerdi universitas abdurrab, riau, indonesia email: luerdi@univrab.ac.id abstract this article discusses the constructivism approach in describing indonesia’s changing orientation in the north natuna sea towards china’s claims. in 2013-2014 natuna was discussed by the central government in jakarta in economic, cultural, and tourism aspects. in 2015, natuna was officially reviewed by the indonesian government from a security perspective. this security perspective is in the context of sovereignty and national security. this article aims to look at the change in indonesia’s direction in positioning the north natuna sea after being claimed by china as part of its territory. this article uses the constructivism theory of alexander went. constructivism is a structural theory of the international system which has basic claims: the state is the most principled unit of analysis in international political theory, the key structure in the state system is inter-subjective from matter, and identities and interests are constructed of social structures, formed naturally by themselves. this article shows that indonesia as an actor in constructivism is able to change its policy orientation through the perception of the challenges faced in the north natuna sea. this article uses a qualitative approach with the method of collecting data from a literature study. keywords: indonesia, constructivism, change of orientation, threat, china, north natuna sea 2 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 introduction at present the maritime conditions of a country can reflect its geopolitical thinking policy. the concept of maritime strategy adopted by several countries in the world is certainly based on maritime power. the maritime power itself is understood as not only reflecting the power at sea represented by a country’s navy but also in a broad understanding as reflecting the extent to which abstrak artikel ini membahas pendekatan konstruktivisme dalam mendeskripsikan perubahan orientasi indonesia di laut natuna utara terhadap klaim tiongkok. tahun 2013-2014 natuna didiskusikan oleh pemerintah pusat di jakarta hanya dalam aspek ekonomi, budaya, dan pariwisata. pada tahun 2015, natuna resmi dikaji oleh pemerintah indonesia dalam perspektif keamanan. perspektif keamanan ini dikaitkan dengan konteks kedaulatan dan keamanan nasional. artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat perubahan orientasi indonesia dalam memposisikan perairan natuna utara setelah diklaim oleh tiongkok sebagai bagian dari kawasannya orientasi indonesia dalam melihat perairan natuna utara mulai berubah yang sebelumnya lebih pada orientasi pengembangan aktivitas ekonomi beralih ke orientasi pertahanan-keamanan di tengah hubungan ekonomi indonesia dan tiongkok. artikel ini menggunakan teori konstruktivisme dari alexander went. konstruktivisme merupakan teori struktural dari sistem internasional yang memiliki klaim dasar: negara merupakan unit analisis yang paling prinsip dalam teori politik internasional, kunci struktur di dalam sistem negara bersifat inter-subjektif dari pada bersifat material, dan identitas dan kepentingan negara terkonstruksi oleh struktur sosial, ketimbang terbentuk sendiri secara alamiah. artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa indonesia sebagai aktor dalam konstruktivisme mampu mengubah orientasi kebijakannya melalui persepsi ancaman yang dihadapi di laut natuna utara. artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode pengumpulan data studi kepustakaan. kata kunci: indonesia, konstruktivisme, perubahan orientasi, ancaman, tiongkok, laut natuna utara herry wahyudi, luerdi constructivism approach: changes in orientation of indonesia ... 3 a country is optimally using its maritime (sakhuja, 2011). china is a country that has a highly developed geopolitical thinking strategy in asia. after running the greater mekong subregion (gms) strategy in 1992, china once again made a grand strategy on maritime affairs in line with its current domestic economic and military development. on october 3, 2013, the chinese president xi jinping officially announced the concept of the 21st century maritime silk road before the indonesian parliament. the core of policy was the development of marine infrastructure from the mainland china to the main ports in the south asia, southeast asia, middle east and europe by combining land and sea routes referred to the term of obor (one belt one road) (suropati, sulaiman, & montratama, 2016). this certainly became a hope and a challenge for indonesia; a hope to establish better and more sustainable cooperation with china and a challenge of china’s economic and military development accompanied by its aggressiveness in the asean region, especially in the south china sea conflict. of the several cases that can be seen related to the north natuna sea, indonesia prefered hedging strategies in dealing with china by maintaining good relations while maintaining sovereignty (syauqi & abrar, 2018). this strategy was chosen to maintain economic relations between the two countries. the construction of china’s threat in the north natuna sea remained a threat to indonesia’s sovereignty rather than that to economic relations between the two countries. indonesia also took another strategy to rename of the south china sea associated with the indonesian exclusive economic zone (eez) into the north natuna sea in 2017, but it was not effective in changing the construction of china’s threat to indonesia (syauqi & abrar, 2018). hedging according to evelyn goh is a series of strategies aimed at avoiding situations or as a backup in situations where a country cannot choose strategies such as balancing, bandwagoning or neutrality. goh sees that hedging strategies consist of indirect or soft balancing as well as engagement at political, economic and strategic levels and involve major powers in the region to maintain regional stability (syauqi & abrar, 2018). indonesia would find it difficult to implement a balancing strategy since it still needed the chinese investment. on the other hand, the bandwagoning 4 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 strategy was very unfavorable as it would cause dependency on other major power countries. in addition to hedging, indonesia took advantage of diplomatic efforts to resolve incidents in the natuna waters with china. unclos could be the success of indonesia’s diplomacy in expanding its territorial waters and making it an archipelagic nation. indonesia could use its diplomacy again by carrying out the unclos principles. starting with the djuanda declaration on december 13, 1957 and ending at unclos 1982, indonesia succeeded in expanding its territorial waters 3-6 million km2 without military expedition activities, as revealed by arif havas oegroseno (2017) (mcrae, 2019). the problem of using such strategy is that china seems to be inconsistent with unclos. in addition, due to the fact that all asean countries also ratified unclos as well as china which ratified it in 1996, the strategy would become a strategy of mutual claims between china and countries in the asean region. the south china sea is a “hole in the doughnut” which is ready to be exploited by countries that have succeeded in capturing these waters. the implication is that indonesia’s diplomacy toward china will be “charm-offensive” (mcrae, 2019). indonesia’s militar y infrastructure development efforts also began in 2012. after the chinese coastguard incident which crashed into an indonesian fishing patrol boat in october 2013, indonesia began to pay attention to the military aspect of natuna waters. october 2016 and may 2017 were the climax, when the indonesian president joko widodo was immediately present to see military training in the natuna waters by riding kri imam bonjol. president joko widodo also brought several related ministers to the meeting on the warship. since then, it is believed that the natuna is a priority of the indonesian defense planning 2024. the last strategy that could be applied by indonesia was to use the economy. president joko widodo instructed the ministry of fisheries to build a fishery center in natuna waters. in addition, bringing 400 fishing boats (fishermans) from java to natuna was also an effort to strengthen indonesia’s presence in natuna waters (jmol, 2019). theoretical framework and research method alexander wendt’s simple opinion about constructivism is that international politics consists herry wahyudi, luerdi constructivism approach: changes in orientation of indonesia ... 5 of intellectual endeavors in building an international system as a “social construction” which contrasts sharply with positivist traditions and materialist conceptions as echoed by the groups of realism and liberalism. the similarity between realism, liberalism and constructivism is that they both raise anarchist traditions (culture of anarchy), but for constructivism the anarchist tradition is constructed by the state itself which is a contestation of ontology and epistemology positivism. the constructivism socially challenges the structure of human life as the main tradition of material phenomena and rationally debates the function of humans not only as regulators of behavior (behavior-regulating) but constructed identity and interests. constructivism is a structural theory of the international system that has basic claims: (1) the state is the most principle unit of analysis in international political theory, (2) key structures in the state system are inter-subjective rather than material, (3) and identity and state interests are constructed by social structures, rather than naturally formed themselves (behravesh, 2011). “identity” is a concept that is very calculated in the perspective of constructivism and is a crucial part in the interpersonal and international interactions. wendt subjectively states that an actor’s intentions shape motivation and attitudes that are rooted in selfunderstanding. the identity mentioned by wendt is not only as a unit but also as an understanding and that understanding is also understood and represented by other parties. so there are internal and external aspects of subjectivity in understanding wendt’s constructivism. indonesia as a country in the perspective of constructivism is the most principle unit of analysis in international political theory, the identity and interests of the state are existent thanks to the social construction rather than naturally formed. indonesia issued a number of regulations in the form of laws such as the law no. 43 of 2008 concerning state territories and law no. 17 of 1985 concerning ratification of unclos 1982. in addition, indonesia established a national border management body chaired by the minister of the interior in accordance with the presidential regulation no. 44 of 2017 (purba. sampe l, 2020). 6 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 result and discussion natuna’s position for indonesia in 2013-2014 natuna was discussed by the central government in jakarta only in economic, cultural and tourism aspects (meyer, nurmandi, & agustiyara, 2019). the relations between indonesia and china were considered to be still warm that year and the two countries agreed that the problem in natuna waters was only the illegal fishing problem. however, the orientation of natuna’s position for merely economic, cultural and tourism aspects changed after china redefined the nine dash line in march 2014. in 2015, natuna was officially reviewed by the indonesian government in a security perspective. the security perspective was related to the context of indonesia’s sovereignty and security. president joko widodo in 2015 instructed the head of the national planning agency (bapenas), andrinof chaniago to study the natuna to be a stronghold of the indonesian military fortress or in other words make the natuna the pearl harbor of indonesia (meyer et al., 2019). in 2016, the natuna was fully reviewed by the indonesian government as a security issue, this can be seen from several indications such as budget allocation for military installations in the region, efforts to increase 5,000-12,000 personnel to serve in the region and protest notes delivered to china. furthermore, prioritizing incidents in the natuna waters became a matter of national security (meyer et al., 2019). china first released the nine dash line claim in 1993 and since then the escalation of the territorial boundary violation was in the ambivalence curve situation, including with indonesia. china has always been playing a double standard towards indonesia in the case of the natuna waters incident since 2016. china seemed to be careful in responding to indonesia regarding the incidents. china’s perception towards indonesia is divided into two. first, it still considers that the incidents in the natuna waters still exist. secondly, the strategic relations between the two countries continue to run well. the chinese perspective can be analyzed through the theory of images from hermann and fischerkeller (1995) which states that the structure of relations between countries is influenced by the image of each built between the two countries (kartikasari, 2019). there are 5 types of images built by one country against another: herry wahyudi, luerdi constructivism approach: changes in orientation of indonesia ... 7 first, enemy image considering another country as a threat. second, degenerate image considering the possibility of a country can be exploited. third, the colony image considering another country weak and inferior and incomparable to it. fourth, ally image considering another country balanced and equal so that it can be made an ally. fifth, imprealist image considering itself stronger and could threaten other countries. china placed indonesia in the category of an ally image regarding the natuna waters incidents. this was because indonesia was able to cooperate with the ongoing economic ties and indonesia was considered to have the same capabilities and culture as china (kartikasari, 2019). troops and equipment development in securing the north natuna sea, the tni deployed 600 personnel by involving 5 warships (kri) and a boeing aircraft. according to the commander of the joint regional defense command i (pangkogabwilhan i) vice admiral (laksdya) tni yudo morgono the entire personnel and the armed forces would be prepared for 18 combat alert operations. initially only 5 warships were prepared by the navy, seeing the increasing intensity of the activities of chinese fishing vessels and coastguards in the region, the tni again increased its security as a result of the construction of threats seen by the tni. there were 2 warships with frigate types and 2 tanker types which were also alerted by the navy to respond to the threat (kompas, 2020). in addition to preparing combat standby operations, the government through the coordinating ministry of political, legal and security affairs and the ministry of fisheries and maritime affairs in coordination with bakamla (indonesia’s maritime security agency) also took a role in securing the north natuna sea. according to the head of bakamla vice admiral achmad taufiqoerrachman, the additional strength of bakamla was natural in nature if there was a threat to maintain sovereignty in accordance with ongoing conditions, namely using the white “hull strategy” rather than “the gray hull strategy”(cnnindonesia, 2020). the term “hull” in the shipping world means the body of boat. “white hull” means the hull of a ship with white color which is identical 8 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 to “coast guard” or territorial guard who does not have military power to fight, is the same as sea police, while “gray hull” means a ship with hull or gray body of the ship the ashes identified with a naval military ship of a country that has the power of war for large scale. all of these terms are in accordance with harold kearsley’s theory in his book “maritime power and the 20th century” (haje, 2020). from the bakamla slap, it could be concluded that the construction of threats perceived by the tni was different from bakamla. bakamla was more about negotiation and diplomacy in the process of maintaining sovereignty in the north natuna sea, while the tni was more on the use of hard power, thus bakamla remained in the established line in handling cases in the north natuna sea. this was in line with foreign policy outcomes in the north natuna sea and efforts to deal with chinese ambitions in these waters using the concept of humble-hard power. this concept is introduced by adam nieves-johnson in his book entitled “a bilateral analysis of the south china sean dispute: china, the philippines, and the scarborough shoal” meaning that humble-hard power is a new form of hard power without militar y intimidation (robertua & sinaga, 2018). indonesia would not show a military threat but peaceful diplomatic activities while still using power without showing indications of great contradiction in the international world. such form of response means that bilateral relations between the two countries that are currently implementing several mega projects are not disturbed, one of which is the rapid train project in several cities in indonesia. with a focus on investment in the form of mega projects carried out by china in indonesia, the two countries do not appear to involve problems in the north natuna sea because of the economic interests. however, with the presence of the humble-hard power concept indonesia can still maintain its sovereignty without disrupting chinese investment in indonesia. building defense infrastructure in term of defense infrastructure, indonesia is experiencing the increased defense infrastructure construction. indonesia used to have a defense infrastructure orientation towards the land (continental oriented) and then it has been paying more attention herry wahyudi, luerdi constructivism approach: changes in orientation of indonesia ... 9 to the maritime-oriented defense infrastructure. this is in line with joko widodo’s foreign policy which is to make indonesia a world maritime fulcrum as a national goal and be defined in accordance with indonesia’s maritime policy to become a maritime country which is sovereign, advanced, independent, strong and able to contribute positively to world security and peace. the world maritime fulcrum is aimed at not only making indonesia an archipelagic state (being a maritime) but also making indonesia a country that has maritime power (seapower) (suropati, montratama, & sulaiman, 2018). so that in the indonesian conflict with china in the north natuna sea, indonesia built a medium-term strategic plan on the natuna island called an integrated tni unit on natuna island (eksa, 2018). the unit will involve intergenerational tni officers from tni headquarters and force headquarters, whose main purpose is to provide deterrence effects on issues in the north natuna sea. and hadi tjajanto also said that the project will continue on other strategic islands in indonesia, in accordance with the stages of the development of the next strategic plan (eksa, 2018). the integrated tni unit consists of all army, navy, air force tni units as shown in the following table.1; table.1 the integrated tni unit on the natuna island no army navy air force supporting facilities 1 composite battalion (kompi zeni tempur) marine composite company integrative hangar tni health hospital 2 air defense artillery unit navy port hangar unmanned aerial vehicle (uav) squadron 3 baterai field artillery source: processed by researchers from various sources 10 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 the tni commander also added that the natuna integrated tni unit would continue to develop, the plan would be refined with an operational control system based on network centric warfare capabilities (eksa, 2018). the initial process of this unit was the formation of units, personnel, and unit materials that would be carried out by each tni unit’s chief of staff. the tni integrated unit will later become a permanent and integrated organization in one command, so that at any time it is ready to be deployed to carry out military operations. boarding patrols efforts to secure the north natuna sea are not only at the level of the indonesian coastguard (bakamla) or the tni. the agreements among 13 indonesian ministries or institutions, including fishing groups and pertamina organizations also contribute to such effort. this was puposively made as the foundation of institutional work related to the synergy and optimization, supervision, security and utilization of fish resources in the region. the construction of threats from china has become a threat whose scale is not only to the level of the state but also to that of community as the smallest part of the state element. bakamla in this matter will be tasked with escorting indonesian fishing vessels that conduct fishing activities in the region (okezone, 2020). the presence of indonesian fishermen in the region will strengthen the principle that region is “dejure” and “traditionally” owned by indonesia, even though china uses the traditional propositions and the traditional journey of their fishermen in conducting fishhandling activities in the region. indonesia through bakamla also conducted an analysis of the strategy to be applied in the northernmost western waters. seeing from the development of the security situation, bakamla applies the concept of the indonesian maritime strategy which rests on 3 main pillars namely (yoga, 2020): 1. sustainable presence at sea 2. sustainable exploration of the sea 3. sustainable trust build by sea the strategy presented indicates that indonesia continues to prioritize a soft approach in dealing with the threat of china in the north natuna sea. indonesia does not want a titfor-tat with china. the construction of threats in the north natuna sea is fabricated directly by indonesia as a sovereignty issue that is faced herry wahyudi, luerdi constructivism approach: changes in orientation of indonesia ... 11 by a country in general without disrupting other strategic relations with china. this strategy was conveyed by the head of bakamla laksdya tni aan kurnia in a coordination meeting with 13 ministries or institutions led by minister of political law and security affairs mahfud md (ridwan, 2020). “so far we have not been there, so we have increased the volume of attendance in indonesian waters, both in territorial waters and in sovereign rights waters, eez to the high seas. that we guard with patrol activities and economic activities in the future. because after “later there will be more normal fishing activities carried out there,” (ridwan, 2020). on the other hand, in the case of border patrols in the north natuna sea, indonesia once received an offer from the united states to establish cooperation in sea patrols in the north natuna sea. this offer came from united states secretary of defense james mattis in 2018 during a visit to jakarta. the patrol in the north natuna sea is one of the points discussed in the framework of cooperation between the two countries. mattis himself dubbed the situation of the south china sea and chinese activities in the region as “mad dogs” because of disputes that involved too many actors (asmardika, 2018). mattis also appreciated that indonesia renamed the part of the south china sea covering the territory of the republic of indonesia to the north natuna sea. conclusion the identity as an archipelagic country is both an advantage and a disadvantage for indonesia in several aspects. in the economic aspect, it will certainly result in the achievement and fulfillment of very high national interests, but in term of security it is also the riskiest aspect of threats from other parties, espeacilly from state actors either collectively or individually. the north natuna sea is one of the waters that indonesia is currently giving special attention. this is due to the impact of the threat posed by china’s aggressiveness in these waters. the construction of the threat posed by china has made indonesia change the orientation of the management of these waters from the previously economic-oriented aspec to the security-orientated one. several security border policies have been imposed in these waters such as developing troops and defense equipment, building militar y infrastructure and strengthening security patrol collaboration. 12 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 bibliography asmardika, r. 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(2020). kepala bakamla ri hadiri rapat pembahasan perkembangan situasi keamanan laut natura utara. retrieved may 8, 2020, from https:// bakamla.go.id/home/artikel_le ngkap/4535/2edf9423e5c301a2 2744cce46c1d4fcf united states’s intervention against the islamic state of iraq and the levant indri susilo master of international relations indrimihi@gmail.com rizqi apriani putri master of international relations raputri26@gmail.com nur azizah muhammadiyah university of yogyakarta nurazizah@umy.ac.id abstract combating terrorism is one of the foreign policy of the united states (us). the islamic state of iraq and the levant (isil) or the islamic state of iraq and syria (isis) is one of the movement deemed terrorists and has disturbed world peace. ultimately the us decided to intervene to deal with the frequent acts of terror by isis which resulted in gross human rights violations. this article aims to find out how the us intervention to combat human rights abuses and acts of terror that have been done by isis. the research method which was used in this research is library research method, such as books, articles, journals, and various media which were relevant to this research. it has been found that the form of settlement efforts to reduce human rights violations, the us made preventive and repressive efforts. in preventive efforts, the us created an international coalition to gain support to counter terror committed by isis. then the repressive effort is humanitarian intervention in the form of military aid and humanitarian aid. the us donates $ 1.2 billion annually and 350 million dollars as a form of military and humanitarian aid to combat isis. islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 issn: 2614-0535 indri susilo, rizqi apriani putri & nur azizah, 175 united states’s intervention against the islamic state keywords: humanitarian interventions, human rights violations, the islamic state of iraq and syria (isis), united states intervention pendahuluan isis merupakan negara baru yang dideklarasikan oleh abu bakar al-baghdady pada tanggal 9 april2013, menyusul kejadian perang saudara di irak dan suriah. isis adalah organisasi teroris, namun ia bukan hanya organisasi teroris (sahide, 2015, p. 359). kelompok ini mencetuskan nama is (islamic state) akan tetapi lebih dikenal isis (islamic state in iraq and syria) atau negara islam irak dan suriah (niis). niis muncul akibat dari fenomena arab spring untuk memperjuangkan ideologi sunni yang mencoba menggulingkan diktator bashar alassad yang berhaluan syi’ah dilakukannya. cita-cita isis adalah mendirikan negara islam di irak dan syria (suriah). untuk mencapai tujuan tersebut, salah satu upaya yang dilakukan adalah menyebarkan propaganda untuk mengajak seluruh umat muslim dunia melakukan jihad dan membantu perjuangan mereka dalam mendirikan negara islam (rijal, 2017, pp. 44-45). kemunculan niis tidak dapat dilepaskan dari pergolakan negaranegara arab selama arab spring (rijal, 2017, p. 48). akan tetapi penggulingan ini tidak berhasil karena bashar al-assad mendapat dukungan dari hazbulloh. dari kekecewaan akibat kegagalan ini mereka melakukan perhatian ke daerah suriah dan irak barat yang relatif tidak dikontrol oleh pemerintahannya masing-masing. pada mulanya, pergerakan ini hanya di suriah akan tetapi pemimpin tertinggi niis albaghdadi tidak mengubris pernyataan al-qaeda tersebut dan mendeklarasikan untuk memisahkan diri dari al-qaeda. sehingga pada sekarang ini, niis dengan kekuatan yang lebih besar dengan ideologi jihadisme, militer, militansi dan kekerasan.pada awal pembentukan al-qaeda merupakan organisasi yang dibentuk oleh amerika serikat (as). akan tetapi, seiring berjalannya waktu al-qaeda dan niis menjadikan as sebagai musuh mereka. gerakan niis ini mendapat donasi finansial dari orang -orang kaya di kuwait dan arab saudi untuk menggulingkan presiden bashar al-assad. dukungan ini berasal dari penguasaan sumur minyak di suriah timur dan penaklukan di mosul, irak. gerakan 176 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 ini menyerupai organisasi modern yang didukung oleh infrastruktur negara yang memadai. sehingga, niis dengan mudahnya dapat menguasai beberapa kawasan tersebut. kota-kota di irak jatuh ke tangan niis seperti fallujah, tikrit dan mosul, kota terbesar kedua setelah baghdad. dari gerakan niis ini telah menimbulkan korban jiwa 2400 orang dan menyebabkan 30 ribu warga suriah mengungsi (hilmi, 2014, p. 405). pada tahun 2018 irak mem butuhkan dana sebesar 100 milliar dollar amerika serikat untuk pemulihan rekonstruksi bangunan. (irak dan suriah pasca perang niis, 2018). sebagai negara yang peka akan keamanan internasional, as menyatakan perang terhadap niis dengan membentuk koalisi internasional bersama 60 negara lainnya dalam us led-coalition untuk menghadapi ancaman niis bagi dunia internasional. perilaku anggota niis yang brutal terhadap kelompok minoritas seperti kristen, kurdi, dan yazidi sehingga membuat warga sipil mengungsi. di suriah pada masa pemerintah bashar al-assad, telah terjadi banyak protes dari masyarakat sehingga menimbulkan gerakan pemberontak di suriah. siapa saja yang menentang kebijakan bashar al-assad maka akan mendapatkan perlawanan dari pemerintah seperti dipenjara, diasingkan, dan dihukum. bahkan dicurigai pemerintahannya menggunakan senjata pemusnah massal yang beracun yang meng akibatkan banyaknnya korban jiwa yaitu masyarakat sipil. gerakan niis ini banyak membuat dunia internasional geram karena banyaknya pelanggaram hak asasi manusia (ham) yang dilakukannya. melihat dari dinamika ini, timbullah intervensi amerika serikat untuk menghentikan konflik. artikel ini bermaksud untuk memberikan informasi sekilas mengenai sejarah niis kemudian mengenai bagaimana upaya intervensi yang dilakukan oleh as melawan niis. bentuk intervensi yang akan ditelaah terbagi dalam intervensi militer dan intervensi kemanusiaan. namun artikel ini akan fokus terhadap intervensi kemanusiaan yang dilakukan oleh as. kerangka teori pada artikel ini akan meng gunakan konsep intervensi untuk menguraikan upaya atau peran yang akan diambil oleh as demi menyelesaikan teror dan pelangga ran ham yang terjadi akibat konflik. indri susilo, rizqi apriani putri & nur azizah, 177 united states’s intervention against the islamic state konflik adalah hal yang akan terus terjadi apabila tiap-tiap aktor atau pihak masih memiliki kepentingan dan terus berupaya untuk mendapatkan kepentingannya. dalam upaya penyelesaian konflik bisa berupa jalan damai dan juga bisa berupa penyelesaian secara paksa atau dengan menggunakan kekerasaan. prinsip-prinsip dari cara penyelesaian konflik yang diatur dalam hukum internasional melaluikekerasan atau secara paksa yakni retorsi (retortion), tindakantindakan pembalasan (reprisals), blokade secara damai (pacific blockade), dan intervensi (intervention). (emi eliza, heryandi heryandi, ahmad syofyan, 2014, p. 631). definisi intervensi sendiri adalah suatu upaya dari negara untuk turun tangan membantu masalah dalam negeri dari negara lain guna menyelesaikan atau mengubah situasi yang tengah berlangsung di negara yang telah diberikan bantuan tersebut. terdapat dua jenis intervensi dalam upaya penyelesaian konflik, yakni intervensi militer dan intervensi kemanusiaan. ada beberapa yang membedakan dua jenis intervensi tersebut, dimana isu yang digunakan dalam intervensi militer tidak selalu melibatkan isu kemanusiaan. namun, pada intervensi kemanusiaan sering diawali dengan bantuan militer oleh negara-negara yang ingin mengintervensi. j. g starke menyatakan bahwa dalam melihat intervensi suatu negara ke negara lain terdapat tiga tipologi, yaitu: pertama adalah intervensi internal. sebuah intervensi yang dilakukan oleh negara untuk mencampuri urusan dalam negeri negara lain. kedua adalah intervensi eksternal. intervensi ini adalah sebuah bentuk campur tangan negara mengenai urusan luar negeri negara lain. ketiga adalah intervensi punitive. sebuah bentuk intervensi negara terhadap negara lain sebagai alasan kerugian yang diderita oleh negara tersebut.(j.g.starke, 1988). namun pada pasal 2 ayat (7) piagam pbb menyatakan bahwa setiap negara dalam melakukan hubungan internasional dilarang untuk melakukan suatu intervensi mengenai urusan domestik negara lainnya, begitu pula dengan pbb dilarang untuk ikut campur dalam urusan domestik negara lain dan mewajibkan negara-negara yang berkonflik untuk menyelesaikan urusannya menurut ketentuan piagam pbb. hal ini berkaitan dengan adanya prinsip non intervensi sebagai salah satu pondasi 178 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 dasar dalam hukum internasional (emi eliza, heryandi heryandi, ahmad syofyan, 2014, p. 631) adanya prinsip non intervensi ini akhirnya memberikan kedaulatan penuh bagi negara mengatur apa-apa saja yang berada di wilayahnya tanpa terkecuali. tak hanya menjadi hak bagi negara itu untuk mengatur tetapi negara juga memiliki kewajiban untuk menjamin hak-hak yang harus didapatkan oleh apa-apa saja yang berada diwilayahnya seperti hak-hak warga negara. negara harus dapat menjamin kemudianmelindungi hak asasi manusia yang harus diperoleh oleh warganya sebagai bentuk prinsip dasar pemenuhan kebutuhan sebagai sebuah insan yang diciptakan oleh tuhan yang maha esa. namun pada kenyataannya acap kali negara menyalahgunakan otoritasnya yang berujung pada ketidakberhasilan suatu negara itu dalam memenuhi hak-hak dasar warganegaranya dan kadang keadaan itu kerap menimbulkan pelanggaran ham berat yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah kepada warga negaranya. beberapa bentuk pelanggaran ham yang berat seperti ethnic cleansing, genosida, kejahatan kemanusiaan, kejahatan perang, dan lain sebagainya. ketika negara dianggap gagal dalam memenuhi kebutuhan masyarakatnya dan berujung pada pelanggaran hakhak dasar manusia, pada saat itu pula diizinkan negara lain ikut campur atau turun tangan dalam penyelesaian isu tersebut atau bisa dikatakan bahwa pihak ketiga boleh mengintervensi baik dalam hal intervensi militer ataupun intervensi kemanusiaan.(rosyidin, 2010, pp. 58-59). humanitarian intervention atau intervensi kemanusiaan secara umum adalah upaya untuk mencegah atau menghentikan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia (ham) berat dengan kekuatankekuatan tertentu (diplomatik dan militer) di suatu negara, baik dengan atau tanpa persetujuan negara itu (negara mengalami konflik internal). ketika terjadi suatu masalah kemanusiaan di suatu negara yang bersifat pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang berat, maka masyarakat internasional dibenarkan untuk melakukan suatu tindakan intervensi. (emi eliza, heryandi heryandi, ahmad syofyan, 2014, p. 631). campur tangan terhadap negara lain juga bisa dilakukan dengan alasan ketika konflik yang terjadi telah meluas dan bahkan akan menimbulkan perang. ketika hal itu akan terjadi, masyarakat indri susilo, rizqi apriani putri & nur azizah, 179 united states’s intervention against the islamic state internasional atau negara-negara lain berhak untuk mengintervensi agar perang tidak terjadi dan tidak ada keberpihakan kepada salah satu pihak melainkan hanya untuk menyelesaikan sengketa agar tidak berujung pada perang. hal ini sesuai dengan pernyataan dr. ali sastroamijojo bahwa: “intervensi itu meskipun bisa dijalankan sewaktu-waktu dalam taraf perkembangan persengketaan antar negara, tetapi lazimnya dijalankan pada saat kalau antara pihak yang bersengketa akan meletus peperangan.jadi bila demikian, intervensi dalam hal ini bermaksud untuk mencegah meletusnya peperangan, artinya tidak untuk memihak salah satu pihak yang bersengketa.”(sastroamidjojo, 1971). kemudian humanitarianisme dan operasi kemanusiaan adalah istilah yang kerap digunakan para pekerja kemanusiaan dan organisasi non-pemerintah dimana istilah kemanusiaan diartikan sebagai tindakan yang altruistik, non-politis, dan permasalahan yang banyak terjadi dalam masyarakat. operasi kemanusiaan biasanya dilakukan oleh organ-organ non-pemerintah (ngo) internasional seperti organisasi pbb yang mengurusi masalah pengungsi (unhcr), organisasi palang merah international (icrc) dan sebagainya. tetapi negara ter kadang juga ikut terlibat dalam menyelenggarakan aktivitasaktivitas kemanusiaan seperti kesehatan, penyaluran bahan pangan, rekonstruksi infrastruktur, pendidikan dan lain-lain. (rosyidin, 2010). mengenai intervensi kemanusiaan, hal ini diatur menurut piagam pbb pasal 24 tentang tugas dan fungsi dewan keamanan pbb, maka pbb melalui dewan keamanan berhak menjalankan kewajiban terkait adanya ancaman terhadap keamanan internasional, atau pelanggaran perdamaian dan keamanan, dan agresi sesuai dengan tujuan-tujuan dan prinsip-prinsip pbb dan dengan sebisa mungkin mengurangi penggunaan kekuatan bersenjata, hal ini sesuai dengan pasal 26 piagam pbb.(emi eliza, heryandi heryandi, ahmad syofyan, 2014, p. 631). pembahasan islamic state (is) sebagai nama yang paling terbaru digunakan untuk saat sekarang ini yang sebelumnya berasal dari beberapa nama yang mengalami pergantian seperti islamic state in iraq and 180 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 the levant (isil) atau islamic state of iraq and al sham (isis) atau negara islam irak dan suriah (niis) atau lebih dikenal dengan daesh. perbedaan nama berdasarkan letak geografis yang ingin dikuasai oleh is. pada tahun 2014 kelompok ini meresmikan nama terbaru mereka secara mendunia sekaligus men deklarasikan negara khalifah yaitu islamic state (is) (zedilla, 2016, pp. 35-36). sejak saat itu kelompok syiah tersebut mulai mengambil alih kekuasaan dan melakukan represi terhadap kaum religi sunni. banyak orang-orang dari kaum sunni yang tidak terima dengan represi yang dilakukan oleh kaum syiah tersebut. orang-orang kelompok sunni perlahan-lahan mulai melakukan pemberontakan. sejak saat itu, kelompok-kelompok teroris seperti al-qaeda mulai datang ke negara irak untuk melawan tentara-tentara as yang tersisa di wilayah tersebut. kelompok-kelompok teroris yang ada pun semakin membuat suasana perpecahan di irak semakin memanas. insiden tersebut menciptakan perang saudara di irak dan meninggalkan irak dalam kondisi terpecah belah secara agama (rizky irfano aditya, 2016, p. 42). awal mula kelompok ini berasal dari kelompok salafi jihadi yang didirikan oleh seorang warga yordania yang bernama abu musab az-zarkawi yang beroperasi di irak pada tahun 2004 setelah invasi amerika serikat ke irak di tahun 2013 yang memberinya jalan untuk mendapatkan baiat dari pemimpin al-qaeda. kelompok ini merupakan pecahan dari al-qaeda di irak yang terbentuk tahun 2006 setelah kematian pemimpinnya al-zarqawi akibat serangan militer as di iraq. di tahun 2013, is merekrut milisi pecahan al-qaeda di suriah di bawah pimpinan abu bakar albaghdadi, kelompok gabungan ini mencetuskan nama islamic state in iraq and the levant atau isil. akan tetapi, secara internasional kelompok ini lebih dikenal sebagai isis, yaitu islamic state in iraq and syria. meskipun demikian, kelompok ini lebih menyebut dirinya sebagai is atau islamic state kalau merujuk pada tujuan mereka untuk membentuk khilafah tanpa batas negara. pihak-pihak yang menentang mereka di timur tengah menyebut mereka daesh yaitu aldawla al-islamiya fi aliraq wa alsham. (pujayanti, 2014, p. 1). pada awalnya kelompok ini merupakan bentukan amerika serikat namun, indri susilo, rizqi apriani putri & nur azizah, 181 united states’s intervention against the islamic state seiring berjalannya waktu dengan perubahan geopolitik isis menjadi musuh amerika serikat. akibat serangan kilat niis, korban jiwa di kalangan masyarakat sipil diperkirakan telah melampaui angka 2400 orang. mereka juga telah menyebabkan sejumlah 30 ribu warga di timur suriah mengungsi (hilmi, 2014, p. 405). perang mosul yang terjadi selama november 2016-juli 2017, di mana pbb mencatat sebanyak 741 warga sipil diseksekusi mati di mosul, irak. menurut sebuah laporan dari misi bantuan pbb untuk irak dan kantor komisaris tinggi pbb untuk hak asasi manusia, pertempuran ini mengakibatkan korban sebanyak 2.521 warga sipil yang terbunuh dan 1.673 korban luka untuk melawan isis (kencana, 2017). perbuatanperbuatan dari niis mendapatkan kecaman dari dunia internasional karena melakukan kejahatan kemanusiaan terhadap suku minoritas seperti membunuh, menjadikan wanita sebagai budak seks. kaum-kaum minoritas yang menjadi sasarannya adalah kristen, kurdi, dan yazidi. kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan mencakup pembunuhan, pemusnahan, per budakan, pemindahan secara paksa dan tindakan tidak manusiawi lainnya yang ditujukan pada masyarakat sipil, sebelum atau selama perang, atau penindasan berdasarkan politik, ras atau agama (rizky irfano aditiya, siti muslimah, 2016, p. 42). bukan hanya orang dewasa akan tetapi anak-anak diculik untuk dijadikan tentara yang digaji setengah dari gaji orang dewasa. kebanyakan dari mereka berasal dari irak dan suriah.wanita pun menjadi korban seperti dijadikan budak seks yang diperkirakan 7000 orang yang diculik oleh kelompok niis. berlandaskan prinsip respon sibility to protect (r to p) akhirnya menginisiasi as untuk turut campur dalam konflik niis, sehingga as memberikan bantuan guna mengurangi dampak yang terjadi selama konflik tengah berlangsung. as membantu pemerintah irak dalam menyelamatkan pelanggaran ham yang terjadi disebabkan oleh niis. bentuk intervensi yang dilakukan berupa intervensi militer dan intervensi kemanusiaan. intervensi yang dilakukan oleh as bukan merupakan tindakan yang mengganggu otoritas suatu negara melainkan suatu upaya untuk menyelesaikan konflik yang telah terjadi sekaligus upaya untuk menstabilkan hak-hak asasi manusia yang telah dilanggar oleh niis di irak dan suriah. bentuk intervensi 182 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 kemanusian yang dilakukan juga dianggap tidak melanggar hukum internasional dikarenakan tujuan yang cukup jelas yaitu membantu pemerintah irak dan suriah mel awan niis yang mengganggu perdamaian dan keamanan dunia dan bertujuan untuk menegakan hukum atas pelanggaran ham yang terjadi di irak dan suriah. hal ini juga tidak bertentangan dengan pasal 2 piagam pbb karena tidak mengganggu integritas teritorial dan kebebasan politik irak dan suriah lalu juga sejalan dengan resolusi dewan keamanan pbb no. 2249 yang isinya “determined to combat by all means this unpredecented threat to international peace and security.”(rizky irfano aditiya, siti muslimah, 2016, p. 42). sehingga pada tanggal 12 juni 2014, melalui kementrian luar negeri amerika serikat menegaskan bahwa as siap memberikan bantuan apapun guna menangani atau melawan tindakan pelanggaran ham yang telah dilakukan oleh niis dan as juga telah melakukan pembicaraan kepada pemerintah irak (rizky irfano aditiya, siti muslimah, 2016, p. 42). pada tanggal 15 agustus 2014, dewan keamanan perserikatan bangsa-bangsa (pbb) mengeluarkan resolusi no. 2170 dengan tajuk “condemning gross, widespread abuse of human rights by extremist groups in iraq, syria”. dalam resolusi no. 2170 ini perserikatan bangsa-bangsa memerintahkan negara-negara agar melakukan penolakan terhadap paham ke lompok ekstrimis islamic state of iraq and syria dan mencegah warga negaranya untuk bergabung dengan kelompok radikal tersebut. (rizky irfano aditiya, siti muslimah, 2016, p. 42). intervensi as terhadap niis dikarenakan banyaknya masyarakat sipil yang menjadi korban akibat perang ini dan keinginan untuk menghentikan pergerakan niis melalui bantuan militer ke irak dan suriah. as juga membentuk koalisi internasional dengan 60 negara lainnya dalam us led-coalition untuk menghadapi ancaman niis bagi dunia internasional pada tanggal 10 september 2014.(zedilla, 2016, pp. 35-36). serangan ini berdasarkan undang-undang otoritas peng gunaan kekuatan militer melawan teroris (aumf) 2001. aumf ditetapkan sebagai undang undang sepekan setelah peristiwa 9/11 dan digunakan sebagai dasar hukum untuk kampanye as melawan teroris internasional. aumf menyatakan presiden as memiliki otoritas untuk memburu jaringan teroris al indri susilo, rizqi apriani putri & nur azizah, 183 united states’s intervention against the islamic state qaeda dan negara yang melindungi mereka. mandat tersebut diterjemahkan oleh pemerintahan george bush dan obama untuk melancarkan operasi antiterorisme ke seluruh dunia (zedilla, 2016). as, yang mempunyai hegemoni di timur tengah seperti di irak dan mempunyai kepentingan politik di suriah, perlu melakukan upaya preventif dan represif. upaya pre ventifnya yaitu as melakukan pembentukan koalisi internasional dan upaya represifnya adalah as melakukan serangan militer terhadap gerakan niis. dalam menghadapi niis as mendapat bantuan dari organisasi irak dan suriah seperti peshmerga, kurdish militant group, kurdistan worker’s party (pkk), syrian army serta people’s protection units (ypg). pada tanggal 22 september 2014 menjadi serangan pertama ke suriah. dari serangan ini mendapat dukungan dari beberapa negara seperti perancis, inggris, australia, jerman, bahrain, kanada, arab saudi, belanda, turki, uni emirat arab, jerman, yordania, qatar. hasil koalisi ini dapat merebut daerah kobani dari niis. pada tanggal 4 desember 2014, bertempat di markas nato, brussels, menteri luar negeri dari 60 negara berkumpul untuk membahas lanjutan dari usaha menghadapi ancaman is. pertemuan tersebut lebih membahas jauh tentang ideologi, pendanaan, serta proses rekrutmen anggota is. 60 negara tersebut berasal dari 10 negara yang sudah terlebih dahulu mengadakan pertemuan pada 5 september; 18 negara yang sudah tergabung dalam pertemuan yang dipimpin oleh perancis pada 15 september sebelumnya di paris, terkecuali cina dan rusia; 33 negara tambahan yang ikut bergabung yaitu albania, austria, bosnia-herzegovina, bulgaria, kroasia, siprus, estonia, finlandia, georgia, yunani, hungaria, islandia, irlandia, kosovo, latvia, lithuania, luksemburg, masedonia, moldova, montenegro, moroko, selandia baru, portugal, korea selatan, romania, serbia, singapura, slovakia, slovenia, somalia, swedia, taiwan and ukraina. tujuan dari koalisi internasional ini sangat jelas yaitu untuk melawan niis di irak dan suriah yang meliputi memutuskan pendanaan niis serta memberikan dukungan dalam bentuk operasi militer. (zedilla, 2016). banyaknya negara yang ber gabung dalam koalisi internasional bentukan as membuat bertambah- nya bantuan untuk melawan ke kuatan is. beberapa negara yang 184 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 bergabung dalam koalisi telah berkontribusi baik dalam hal militer ataupun non-militer. negara-negara yang tidak memberikan intervensi kemanusiaan dalam bentuk bantuan militer melakukan intevensi kemanusiaan dalam hal memberikan bantuan kemanusiaan langsung kepada pemerintah negara. tercatat negara lain selain as yang bergabung dalam koalisi internasional seperti switzerland, belgia dan jepang telah memberikan bantuan kemanusian berupa dana dan bantuan emergency. “switzerland’s donation of $9 million in aid to iraq, belgium’s contribution of 13 tons aid to iraq generally, italy’s contribution of $2.5 million worth of weaponry (including machine guns, rocketpropelled grenades, and 1 million rounds of ammunition), and japan’s granting of $6 million in emergency aid to specially help displaced people in northern iraq.” (mclnnis, 2016). pada bulan september 2014, as telah meluncurkan dana yang cukup besar dalam hal intervensi kemanusian dalam bentuk bantuan militer. tidak tanggung-tanggung as memberikan $450 juta guna membiayai pelatihan para pejuang persmerga. pada 9 september 2015, as mengerahkan tambahan pasukan ke irak sebanyak 450 tentara guna merebut kembali daerah anbar yang telah dikuasai oleh isis. sehingga menambah jumlah personel militer as yaitu sebanyak 3500 orang. tak hanya personel militer, as juga mengirimkan senjata dan peralatan bagi pasukan irak (irak minta lebih banyak bantuan internasional untuk perangi isis, 2015). dalam hal intervensi ke manusian dalam bentuk bantuan kemanusian, as juga turut memberikan bantuan makanan kepada korban atau pengungsi di irak akibat konflik yang tengah berlangsung. pada tanggal 9 agustus 2014, melalui udara, pesawat kargo c-17 dan dua c-130 telah mengangkut 28 ribu paket makanan dan lebih dari 1.500 galon air minum yang dimasukan kedalam karung besar sebanyak 72 karung besar telah diturunkan di kawasan pegunungan sinjar di irak. hal ini sebagai bentuk upaya dari as membantu warga sebanyak 50 ribu orang yang melarikan diri ketika isis menyerang wilayah mereka (as salurkan bantuan ke pengungsi di pegunungan irak, 2014). indri susilo, rizqi apriani putri & nur azizah, 185 united states’s intervention against the islamic state sumber: http://edition.cnn.co m/2015/11/20/world/war-on-isis-whosdoing-what/index.html diakses pada 20 januari 2018. tabel di atas adalah gambaran mengenai upaya as dalam hal intervensi kemanusian berbentuk bantuan militer guna melawan niis. terlihat bahwa as konsisten memberikan bantuan berupa serangan udara kepada kelompokkelompok niis lebih dari bantuan yang telah dilakukan oleh koalisi internasional lainnya. hal itu terjadi dikarenakan as berkepentingan menjaga stabilitas irak dengan memperkuat militernya. sebab itu negeri dua sungai tersebut mendapat bantuan sebesar us$1,2 milyar per tahun yang berwujud kendaraan tempur, artileri berat dan berbagai jenis persenjataan konvensional lainnya. saat yang bersamaan as juga mengucurkan us$ 350 juta ke militer kurdi guna memfasilitasi mereka dalam perang melawan niis(akademie, 2016). kesimpulan kelompok niis muncul pada tahun 2003 akibat berakhirnya invasi as ke irak. awal mula pembentukan kelompok ini merupakan bentukan as akan tetapi adanya perubahan geopolitik yang terjadi, as menjadi musuhnya. kelompok ini telah melakukan pelanggaran ham di irak dan suriah sehingga as merasa perlu untuk melakukan intervensi kemanusian dan intervensi militer guna membantu pemerintah irak melawan kelompok niis. as juga 186 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 membentuk koalisi internasional untuk membantu negara-negara yang terkena dampak niis. bentuk intervensi yang dilakukan as ini bukan tindakan menganggu otoritas suatu negara dan tidak melanggar hukum internasional karena intervensi ini dilakukan upaya untuk menyelesaikan konflik yang terjadi dan menstabilkan pelanggaran hakhak asasi manusia yang telah dilanggar oleh niis. pada 22 september 2014 me njadi serangan udara pertama as terhadap kelompok niis yang mendapat dukungan dari beberapa negara. pada tanggal 12 juni 2014, sehingga as akhirnya melakukan intervensi untuk menyelesaikan konflik dikarenakan melihat banyaknya korban yang berjatuhan. intervensi atau upaya yang dilakukan oleh as berupa upaya preventif dan represif. upaya preventifnya yaitu as melakukan pembentukan koalisi internasional yang tediri dari 60 negara dan upaya represifnya adalah as melakukan intervensi kemanusiaan berupa bantuan militer dan juga bantuan kemanusiaan lainnya. belum ada data yang pasti mengenai berapa banyak bantuan yang telah diberikan oleh as namun ada data yang menunjukkan bahwa as telah memberikan bantuan sebesar us$ 1.2 milyar per tahun yang berwujud kendaraan tempur, artileri berat dan berbagai jenis persenjataan konvensional lainnya. saat yang bersamaan as juga mengucurkan us$ 350 juta buat militer kurdi guna memfasilitasi mereka dalam perang melawan niis. referensi buku sastroamidjojo, ali. 1971. pengantar hukum internasional. jakarta: batara, 1971 starke, j. g.1988. pengantar hubungan internasional. jakarta: penerbit sinar grafika jurnal eliza, emi, heryandi, ahmad sofyan. 2014. intervensi kemanusiaan (humanitarian intervention) menurut hukum internasional dan implementasinya dalam konflik bersenjata, fiat justisia jurnal ilmu hukum volume 8 no. 4 hilmi, masdar. 2014. geneologi dan pengaruh ideologi jihadisme negara islam irak dan suriah. jurnal tasawuf dan pemikiran islam volume 4 nomor 2 irfano aditya, rizky dan siti muslimah. 2016. tinjauan hukum internasional atas serangan militer amerika indri susilo, rizqi apriani putri & nur azizah, 187 united states’s intervention against the islamic state serikat terhadap islamic state of iraq and syria di wilayah negara irak dan syria. belli ac pacis.vol. 2. no. 1 juni pujayanti, adirini. 2014. koalisi internasional melawan negara islam irak suriah (niis). jurnal hubungan internasional volume vi nomor 18 rijal, najamuddin khairur. 2017. eksistensi dan perkembangan isis: dari irak hingga indonesia. jurnal ilmiah hubungan internasional volume 13 nomor 1 rosyidin, mohammad. 2010. intervensi kemanusiaan dalam studi hubungan internasional: perdebatan realis versus konstruktives. global & strategis. no. 1 sahide, ahmad. 2015. isis bagian dari hubungan (respon) islambarat. jurnal ilmu ushuluddin volume 2 nomor 4 juli skripsi edelwis zedilla, winda. 2016. peran us led-coalition stabilitas irak dan suriah. fakultas ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik: universitas hassanuddin report mclnnis, kathleen j. 2016. coalition contributions to countering the islamic state, congressional research service website as salurkan bantuan ke pengungsi di pengunungan irak http://www. bbc.com/indonesia/berita_ indonesia/2014/08/140809_ bantuan_as diakses pada 21 januari 2018 as siap bantu militan isishttp:// www. bbc . com/indonesia/ dunia/2014/06/140611_irak_ amerika_serikat diakses pada 21 januri 2018 daftar negara penerima bantuan militer amerika http://www. dw.com/id/daftar-negarapenerima-bantuanmiliteramerika/g-19164404 diakses pada 21 januari 2018 irak dan suriah pasca perang niis https://www.pressreader.com/ indonesia/kompas/20180115/ 281655370478932 diakses pada 08 februari 2018 irak minta lebih banyak bantuan internasional untuk perangi isis https://www.voaindonesia. com/a/irak minta lebih banyak-bantuan-internasional-u n t u k m e m e r a n g i isis/2819508.html diakses pada 21 januari 2018 pbb: 741 warga sipil di mosul irak tewas dieksekusi isis 188 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 http://global.liputan6.com/ read/3150241/pbb-741-warga sipil-di-mosul-irak-tewas dieksekusi-isis the roles of the indonesian diaspora community in malaysia for peace surwandono master program in international relations, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: surwandono@umy.ac.id ariyanto nugroho master program in international relations, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: ariyanto.n.psc20@mail.umy.ac.id abstract this article will explain the potential of the indonesian diaspora as an agent of peace in malaysia. the indonesian diaspora in malaysia is the largest. sometimes, a huge diaspora community in a country can cause problems of prejudice and lead to security problems. its size can also have the opportunity to be an integrative factor in giving birth to peace. data on the dynamics of the indonesian diaspora in malaysia were obtained from primary sources, as well as focus group discussions, interviews, and official data from the government. this article found that a large number of indonesian diaspora and mutualistic relationships at the government and government levels, as well as at the community and its level over a long time, contributed to the high role of the indonesian diaspora in building social cohesion and peace in malaysia. keywords: indonesian diaspora, peace building, managing diaspora abstrak artikel ini menjelaskan tentang potensi diaspora indonesia sebagai agen perdamaian di malaysia. diaspora indonesia di malaysia, baik bagi indonesia dan malaysia, merupakan diaspora terbesar di malaysia. terkadang, banyaknya diaspora di suatu negara dapat menimbulkan problem prasangka, kekhawatiran yang berujung kepada timbulnya problem keamanan. namun pada sisi yang lain, besarnya diaspora juga dapat berpeluang menjadi faktor integratif yang dapat melahirkan perdamaian. data dinamika diaspora indonesia di malaysia diperoleh dari sumber primer, maupun focus group discussion, wawancara, maupun data resmi dari pemerintah. artikel ini menemukan bahwa besarnya jumlah diaspora indonesia dan terjalinnya hubungan yang mutualistik di tingkat pemerintah dan pemerintah, maupun di tingkat masyararakat dan masyarakat dalam kurun waktu yang panjang, dan berkontribusi kepada tingginya peran diaspora indonesia dalam membangun kohesivitas sosial dan perdamaian di malaysia. keywords: diaspora indonesia, peace building, pengelolaan diaspora journal of islamic world and politics vol.6. no.1 june 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 mailto:ariyanto.n.psc20@mail.umy.ac.id 71 surwandono, ali maksum, etc the roles of the indonesian... introduction indonesia and malaysia, as cognate countries, grew as recognition of ethnic, linguistic, and cultural similarities over a long time (sperfeldt, 2021). this diction suggests an attempt not to distance the cultural ties between indonesia and malaysia, which have been politically separated for post-colonial reasons, and growing ever since (liow, 2018). their relationship also has been going on since ancient times (gomes, 2004). during the majapahit and srivijaya empires, indonesia and malaysia belonged to one kingdom. since the islamic sultanates period, these two countries became separated jurisdictionally. it was during this time that large to small-scale conflicts often occurred. the aceh sultanate often clashed with the sultanates of johor and malacca over political and trade issues (oishi, 2016). the competition that ended in conflict was also repeated in the post-independence of the two cognate countries, where the family dynamics continued to play an important role in maintaining the relationship between the two sides, both at the government level and the community level. indonesia is becoming the fourth-largest population in the world. however, indonesia’s population growth is not always linear with the growth of job availability and good welfare. meanwhile, malaysia can better manage its welfare with a relatively moderate population of 30 million. this condition then became an attraction for the migration of indonesians to malaysia to get better job opportunities and livelihoods (te et al., 2018). however, it is undeniable that the job opportunities provided by malaysia and then filled by many indonesian migrant workers are included in the 3d (dirty, dangerous, degraded) job structure, including domestic assistants, manufacturing, and plantation (hamzah et al., 2020). on the other hand, the indonesian diaspora in malaysia has many interesting clusters and an economic, cultural, and even political bargaining position. first, the indonesian diaspora who have naturalized become malaysian citizens; to some extent, the indonesian diaspora has a high social position, either as successful businessmen or politicians. second, the indonesian diaspora works in the formal and strategic sectors such as the higher education sector and several strategic multinational companies in the mining, plantation and telecommunications sectors (tulus warsito, surwandono, 2020). the relationship of the indonesian diaspora with the malaysian government and society tends to experience ups and downs in many ways related to political factors, such as the dynamics of the border issue, which are still at the level of dispute at several points. when there is a conflict, the indonesian diaspora in malaysia also experiences a significant dynamic, which then causes some diasporas to keep silent and avoid public discussions (budiawan, 2017). meanwhile, economic factors are related to several unlawful acts from users of indonesian diaspora services, from the neglect of workers’ civil rights and not being given a salary to acts of torture. the dynamic emerged mainly in the indonesian media, which then urged through social media by depicting the government and the population of malaysia as a cognate side who did not give appreciation to the family. many cases of social discrimination against several indonesian diasporas in malaysia were followed by the indonesian government’s policy of implementing a political moratorium (tulus warsito, surwandono, 72 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june 2020). meanwhile, social factors are related to the dynamics of cultural expression carried out by the indonesian diaspora, who are already malaysian citizens and perceive that several cultures have become an inseparable part of malaysian culture. moreover, the malaysian government registered culture and arts such as pendet dance, reog, keris, and batik cloth as malaysia’s authentic heritage(sunarti & fadeli, 2021). this condition gives rise to quite a serious dilemma. many indonesian diasporas who have been settled for a long time and have malaysian citizenship believe that the culture and art have been inherent in their lives, and they build awareness of ownership of the culture and art. it is legal if the indonesian diaspora in malaysia claims the culture and art. it is different from the response of the people and the indonesian government to this claim that the culture and art belong to authentic indonesia. the indonesian diaspora living in malaysia does not have the right to unilaterally claim such ownership, even to register the culture with unesco (maksum & bustami, 2014). in johan galtung’s study, conflict dynamics are strongly influenced by three elements: attitude, behavior and contradiction, which became known as galtung’s abc theory (kaufman, 2015). the exploration of these 3 variables can generate an escalation of conflict when the abc variables are mobilized for conflict expression in the form of making tendencies of conflicting attitudes and behaviors so that the space for contradiction becomes even greater. similarly, the 3 variables can be mobilized for peace by increasing the element of closeness and interdependence to produce moderate behavioral choices that will eventually make the space of contradictions smaller and the space of interconnectedness larger. this article would like to outline the potential of the indonesian diaspora in malaysia as an integrative role either in the indonesian diaspora’s relationship with malaysian society, or with the malaysian government, and or even a larger integrative role in building a family between the community and the indonesian government towards malaysia as a whole. theoretical framework and research method diaspora studies in peace and conflict studies show unique dynamics. first, diaspora is an important variable for social conflicts due to social access, competition, economy, and cultural miscommunication. even in the study of terrorism, the diaspora is one of the important variables for the spread of acts of terrorism related to the role of the diaspora, which assists in effective ways of carrying out terror to the construction of international terrorist networks. hall & swan (2007) showed a strong relationship between the diaspora, either in presenting conflict or creating peace (hall & swain, 2007). a review from toivanen & baser (2020) further confirmed that the diaspora has the potential to be an agent of conflict and an agent of peace (martin, 2019). toivanen & baser (2020) also agreed that the diaspora works as both agents (toivanen & baser, 2020). the state in managing diaspora issues will give adequate meaning in managing the diaspora to be part of the peace actors (inouye et al., 2020). second, the diaspora is an important variable for spreading social, economic and welfare values. this study emphasizes that the diaspora becomes an element of society to adapt to the new environment and becomes a competitive social actor to play a 73 surwandono, ali maksum, etc the roles of the indonesian... role as a trendsetter agent for change in society. the perceived diaspora has a value of excellence that can communicate effectively (elo et al., 2020), thus reducing the space of prejudice between cultures and formulating a new culture that is useful both for the country of origin of the diaspora and the country in which the diaspora lives (горбунова & максимов, 2019). dijkzeul & fauser’s studies (2020) showed that diaspora organizations are an important variable for the diaspora in bargaining with the sides in fighting for the interests of the diaspora or communicating with some countries with a relationship of origin to contribute to the welfare of their country. many countries are interested in integrating with diaspora networks to bring them closer to their countries for the benefit of development (dijkzeul & fauser, 2020). seraphin (et al.) showed that the diaspora greatly contributed to development through tourism activities. it is in the diaspora’s interest to visit a country with which it is related by blood. this potential continues to grow and become an important part of tourism targets (seraphin et al., 2020). for the diaspora to make an important contribution to development, the state must be further involved in the institutional structuring of the diaspora (kranz, 2020). this article will elaborate on the diaspora as the agents of peace and welfare by emphasizing the need for the state’s role in both the origin country and the country where the diaspora lives, works or even settles. structuring establishes the cohesiveness of the diaspora with the society and government where it lives and the cohesiveness with the society or country in which it belongs. state involvement will make the diaspora feel political, social and cultural attention, thus allowing social and political choices and actions to be more measurable. this article elaborates a qualitative approach by trying to observe the behavior of the indonesian diaspora in malaysia to obtain the management of the indonesian diaspora in malaysia, both through secondary data documents and primary data by conducting spaciousness studies in several regions such as sabah, selangor and pulau pinang, both meeting with diaspora groups who are members of the indonesian student association (ppi), as well as the indonesian community association (permai). also, this article looks at the behaviors of the diaspora in facing the dynamics of social, economic and political conflicts and the preference for establishing cohesiveness with the people and government of malaysia. results and discussion the history of the conflict between indonesia and malaysia is long. if we look at history, the aceh sultanate has a ceaseless conflict with the johor sultanate and the malacca sultanate. even in the modern era, the chaos of past conflicts is still felt, even accumulating more massively. confrontations also occurred in 1962-1966 due to indonesian protests over the malaysian state that annexed sabah and sarawak. the confrontation, full of international intrigue, ended in malaysia’s victory. indonesia feels so underestimated internationally that even today, the hatred still exists (oishi, 2016). the behavior of malaysians on social media lines by calling indonesian citizens “indon” is quite irritating (selo et al., 2015). similarly, indonesians responded to the haters by calling them “malingsia,” which broke out from 2000 to 2010. social media lines, popular in the 2000-2010 decade, were created by groups with hateful narratives, 74 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june such as i hate indonesia or malaysia. in the facebook group, an expletive from the people of the two countries expressed hatred, unwillingness, and even acute hostility (rozi, 2010). the sipadan-ligitan dispute had made the indonesian and malaysian war fleets bully each other. malaysian businessmen made these islands as a resort which is traditionally located in indonesia. malaysia won, according to the international court of justice. then, the two countries installed war fleets on both sides during the ambalat block dispute. this cluster of small islands in the north of borneo was a bona fide oil field. in addition, indonesia confronted malaysia by pranking the military there (“dispute resolution through third party mediation: malaysia and indonesia,” 2007). the escalation of the conflict in such a way strengthened significantly. at the socioeconomic level, the indonesian government officially implemented a moratorium on sending indonesian workers to malaysia until an undetermined time limit. this tough indonesian policy is in response to the malaysian government’s policy that indonesia perceives as not providing good protection for the civil rights of migrant workers. however, malaysia still has a wide gap in obtaining supplies of indonesian migrant labor needs through informal channels, even through illegal channels (elias, 2013). this condition for the indonesian diaspora in malaysia has become challenging. defacto, the indonesian diaspora has settled and lived in malaysia, either on the grounds of studying, working, or until they have been married and naturalized citizenship. some diasporas who have had intensive social relations with malaysian society and government and at the middle-class level tend to respond to the dynamics of conflict with a more moderate approach and are not too expressive so that they do not dissolve in the narrative of hostility that arises in the social media line. several indonesian diaspora informants encountered based on educated such as students and teaching staff at some universities in malaysia in responding to the dynamics of conflict that often arise in several certain events with measurable responses and maintaining social relations with their partners in malaysia, and not discussing conflictual relationships in social media lines expressively (interviews with informants on pulau pinang). meanwhile, there are differences among some indonesian diasporas who have limited social relations with the malaysian community or government where they tend to live with fellow indonesians. there is a tendency for this diaspora to be illegal migrants, so the choice of social distancing is part of its social security. the choice to live together with fellow indonesians is assumed to be part of seeking social protection during a critical situation. two behavioral choices are reflected in this second group. first is the choice to increasingly maintain social distancing, be careful in interacting with the people and the malaysian government, choose a political option and not think too much about the heat of the social media line or the news in the mass media. in the study of the political culture by almond & verba, they revealed that this choice represented the articulation of the political culture of the subject, the choice to prioritize private and individual relations over the choice of communal relations and bonds of solidarity. (interview with informants in pulau pinang and sabah). second is the choice to engage in expressive behavior in conflict narratives on social media, for example, in providing 75 surwandono, ali maksum, etc the roles of the indonesian... comments and hate posts on facebook under a group named “indonesia hate malaysia.” picture 1 facebook group with narration indonesia hate malaysia after tracking some active accounts, many members came from indonesian accounts living in indonesia instead of indonesian accounts living in malaysia. even to some extent, many indonesian diasporas in malaysia joined the facebook account “indonesia love malaysia,” where discussions and posts in this account tended to contain information about jobs available in malaysia, as well as for advertising products selling certain products by indonesians. picture 2 facebook group with narasi indonesia love malaysia 76 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june the dynamics of twitter or tiktok have not been widely explored. tiktok does not allow shared accounts as groups like facebook, whatsapp, instagram or line, where the users can have private chats or conversations with other followers or members. managing the indonesian diaspora for peace the arrangement of the indonesian diaspora in malaysia is an undoubted and urgent need to achieve indonesia’s national interests. the indonesian diaspora in malaysia, it is undeniable that malaysia is becoming a popular country for the indonesian population and is an attraction for indonesians, both for social purposes such as education, the interest of working with a higher income or for entertainment and tourist reasons due to the relatively affordable costs and relative use of the same language. the indonesian diaspora in malaysia as the largest diaspora requires the indonesian government to manage the indonesian diaspora in malaysia as a priority. as referred to in galtung’s abc theory, the main variable in building peace lies in 3 major variables. each variable represents an attitude. the attitude to be willing to make accommodations to choices in society and state with the values prevailing in malaysia. the willingness of the indonesian diaspora to get along, blend in with the people in malaysia, and comply with the formal regulations in malaysia needs to be arranged from the beginning by indonesia. although this initial step did not get an adequate response from several indonesian diasporas, this program has been released since 2017. however, the indonesian diaspora is still few who are willing to register and get an identification card for the indonesian diaspora. some diasporas argued that the data collection process is still administrative and not yet serious. what advantages do diasporas get if they register a diaspora card? whether to get adequate facilities or only simple information does not significantly impact the diaspora (abc.net.au, 2020). second, the b variable represents behavior. culturally, indonesia and malaysia are countries that have high identity similarities, such as similarities in language, religion and customs. due to the similarity of customs in the last 20 years, the indonesian diaspora, which has deeply blended into malaysian society and has even become malaysian citizens, shows that intermingling has been running intensively. many citizens of indonesian descent in malaysia have grown into traders, entrepreneurs, and farmers of large plantations, become professional managers (republika.co.id, 2013) and even become successful politicians in malaysia. pride in indonesian identity in malaysia then gave birth to the organization permai (indonesian people’s union) in malaysia. during this time, permai became an autonomous organization and was not affiliated with certain political, economic or idiosyncratic ties. autonomists also keep their distance from anyone, including the indonesian government. even the chairman of permai is an indonesian diaspora who is already a malaysian citizen. along the way, permai also has a dynamic of internal conflicts, so the tendency of permai management who are affiliated with certain interests makes permai’s activities a vacuum. the indonesian government then made many important efforts to get permai back into activity and out of political and economic intrigue. the choice of the 77 surwandono, ali maksum, etc the roles of the indonesian... indonesian government is related to the role of permai as a strategic partner to become an agent of peace to the people and government of malaysia. permai can be used as a catalyst for peace. this condition to some extent makes permai’s great potential as an agent of diaspora peace cannot be maximized in its role. so far, permai has played more of a role in socializing social and educational values (dewi, 2018). this condition requires the indonesian government to more intensively build communication and exchange ideas and views to build the indonesian diaspora in malaysia as an acceptable diaspora in malaysian society and the government third, the c variable represents a contradiction. indonesia and malaysia are cognate countries, so the space for contradictions should be relatively minor. in reality, the contradiction between indonesia and malaysia has developed in the space of unfair competition, sometimes even to the extent of harsh hostility. once in the history of indonesia, malaysia was at its lowest point related to the indonesian government’s political choice to do politics “ganyang malaysia” (nesadurai, 2013). the narrative of past conflicts is still often re-actualized in certain situations, such as border issues, discriminatory treatment of indonesian citizens, illegal logging, to cultural issues such as songs, batik, wayang, keris and reog, so that the diction of “ganyang malaysia” is also still often used in social media (budiawan, 2017). indonesia-malaysia’s contradictions on social issues were widely echoed on social media lines, causing a backlash from malaysians, who also echoed malaysia’s hate indonesia narrative. picture 3 social media group with indonesian hate narrative in the social media revolution, hatred can spread quickly and easily. small news can turn into large ones, leading to a meaningful escalation of conflict. in tracking the facebook group, the narrative about hatred towards indonesia perpetrated by the malaysian public is minor. only one group was found that expressed hatred towards indonesia, with a small number of friends and members, and accompanied by many posts that were also not intense. however, indonesian social media groups contain relatively more hatred for malaysia. if not managed properly by the indonesian government through big data management, more malaysians will attack indonesian diasporas in malaysia on the “i hate indonesia” facebook page group. conclusion the indonesian diaspora has the potential to be an agent of peace in malaysia 78 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june due to the large population and cultural, social, and economic factors that allow the establishment of a space of high cohesiveness and mutual trust. p the ripples of conflict between the indonesian diaspora and the malaysians are more often triggered by structural policies related to the issue of border formalization and culture, which then mobilizes public spaces that express the diametral space of difference between the two in sarcastic cultural labeling expressions. this relationship pattern has been the same and has been neutralized by the indonesian diaspora to a balance point that allows for the growth of the value of harmony between the two. the challenges of the indonesian diaspora in malaysia are increasingly related to the increasing number of indonesian diasporas based on illegal migrants and have not been accompanied by responsive and contributive big data management governance for the diaspora. the availability of good data management will allow the policies taken to the diaspora to be appropriate and productive policies. the next challenge is that indonesia and malaysia have not ratified the convention on the protection of refugees and migrant workers, which causes their migration policies to tend to be inward-looking, causing policy irregularities. this condition will eventually cause social and state friction and disrupt the family’s identity that has been often voiced in public spaces. bibliography abc.net.au. 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(2019). adaptation potential of ethnic diasporas in border regions of russia. society and security insights, 2(1), 31– 41. https://doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2019)15360 regional government policy in preventing illegal drug trade case study: north sumatera muhammad novan prasetya, jurusan ilmu hubungan internasional, universitas potensi utama medan muhnovanprasetya@gmail.com sahla rizky deovanka jurusan ilmu hubungan internasional, universitas potensi utama medan abstract indonesia with abundant natural resources and the location is in a strategic area in international trade is become an important factor to look at the increasing problem of drug trafficking. the important issue in indonesia is the policy in the state of indonesia is considered still lacking in terms of handling drugs. this research is a descriptive analytic research with qualitative methods. the author provides an overview and explain the efforts government in north sumatra in tackling the trafficking and distribution of illegal narcotics are even already global.in asean, indonesia is the largest market for drug sales, while the country is the largest importer of china and thailand. for indonesia, geopolitics is the policy in order to achieve national goals by utilizing the advantages geographical position of the country is based on scientific knowledge about the geographical conditions. the network of drug syndicates from china who control distribution business in indonesia. in the area of north sumatra, one of the sea track with high drug access is in medan belawan. belawanport, medan is one of a number of ports that be the main concern of the apparatus because of prone to drug smuggling. in the region of north sumaterawith the crusialstatus of acute drug, indicating that the handling of the border region of the ocean is still less to see the data obtained from the north sumatra police that the number of suspected cases of drug abuse in 2015 reached 6,267 people, and then increased in 2016 became 6,534 people. belawan pelawan police station itself occupies the second position with the number of 384 cases with 452 suspects. high incidence of drug abuse in north sumatra is because north sumatra region is the entrance and transit of drugs from outside to indonesia.from the case study above, it islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 issn: 2614-0535 190 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 can be taken a center line of the vulnerability of the various policies related to drug abuse, then it is not possible the increase of drugs in the region of north sumatra, medan can be overcome. keywords: regional government policy, drug trade, north sumatera introduction narcotics is necessary for human treatment so that to meet the needs in the field of medicine and scientific studies required a continuous narcotics production for these patients. in law number 35 year 2009 on narcotics stated that narcotics on the one hand is a drug or a useful ingredient in the field of medicine or health services and the development of science and on the other hand can also also cause dependence when abused. indonesia with abundant natural resources and locations in strategic areas in international trade becomes important factors to see the increasing problem of drug trafficking. indonesia is in the line of international trade. in addition to its archipelago territory, indonesia is also a potential area for transit. plus, with the existing natural and human resources in indonesia. the important issue in indonesia is the policy in the state of indonesia which is considered still lacking in the handling of drugs. indonesia is a region with serious drug status. there are many found cases of narcotics abuse in indonesia. in the era of globalization with the opening of all access to the world, drug abuse is increasingly widespread. globalization relies on free access to various commodities, one of which is natcotics. in other words, in terms of distribution access, indonesia has the potential to become one of the transit areas of narcotics trade. indonesia strategic (cross position), has become a drug producing country. this can be seen by the disclosure of some drug laboratories (clandenstin lab) in indonesia. globalization is marked by the advancement of communication technology, trade liberalization and the rapid progress of the tourism industry has made indonesia as a potential drug producer country which in the end may cause a disturbance of national security (travel, 2016). formulation of the problem based on the background of the problems described above, it can be muhammad novan prasetya & sahla rizky deovanka 191 regional government policy in preventing illegal drug trade formulated the following problems: how is the implementation of indonesian government policies to deal with problems related to narcotics abuse that is increasing? objectives and benefit based on the problems that have been mentioned above, the objectives and benefits to be achieved in this study are: 1. to find out the extent of the development of illicit drug trafficking that has occurred in indonesia, especially the area of north sumatra? 2. to know how the role of local government of north sumatra in handling phenomenon related illegal drug trade which is increasingly increasing? research method this research is a descriptive analytic research with qualitative method. according to nazir (1988: 63) descriptive method is a method in examining the status of a group of people, an object, a set of conditions, a system of thought, or a class of events in the present. the purpose of this descriptive study is to create a description, systematic, factual and accurate description of the facts, traits and relationships among the phenomena under investigation. the authors provide an overview and explain the efforts of local governments in the region of north sumatra in tackling the trade and circulation of illegal narcotics that even worldwide. the data presented is secondary data obtained through literature review, ie by collecting data relevant to the issues discussed from the literature such as books, newspapers, or magazines and websites from the internet. data analysis technique used is qualitative data. literature revview the definition of narcotics narcotics according to article 1 number 1 law number 35 year 2009 on narcotics is a substance or drug derived from plants or non-plants, either synthetic or semisynthetic, which can cause a decrease or can change awareness, loss of taste, reduce to eliminate pain, and can cause dependence, which is divided into classes. the emergence of the hallucinatory effects of narcotics use also causes the community groups, especially among teenagers to use narcotics even though they do not suffer anything. this is what causes the abuse of narcotics (drugs). the danger when using narcotics when not in accordance with the rules is the existence of drug addiction (addiction). 192 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 detailed classification of narcotics is set forth in the provisions of article 6 paragraph (1) of law no. 35 of 2009 on narcotics and the explanation that narcotics can be classified into three categories (batan, 2003): 1. narcotics class i are narcotics that can only be used for scientific development purposes and not used in therapy, and have high potential to cause dependence. as for the type of narcotics class i mentioned there are 65 types of them: cannabis, plants papaver somniverum l, raw or ripe opium, koka plants, raw cocaine, etc. 2. narcotics group ii is a effica cious narcotic for treatment that is used as a last resort and can be used in therapy and has high potential to cause dependence. type ii narcotics are very numerous among others: morphine, alfasetilmetadol, benzetidine, dimenoksadol, levorfanol, etc. 3. narcotics group iii is a drug that is efficacious for treatment and widely used in therapy and has the potential to be lightly dependent. type iii narcotic drugs include: ethylmorphine, nikokodina, polkodina, buprenorfina. history of narcotics opium is known as one type of narcotics used by a small part of society, candu allegedly comes from the mediterranean mountains east. opium is a kind of wild bush that grows in mountainous areas. at first the seeds of the plant were taken to be used as a mixture of tea drinks(travel, 2016). opium addiction became a major problem in china after china became the main target of opium trade by british airlines, british east india company / beic and the netherlands. in 1970, beic sold opium to china. in 1983 there was an opium war i after the dark british opium was canceled by china. britain and china fought back in 1856-1858 which made defeats on the chinese side. as a result, china was forced to open the door and put opium through some at the port (mardani, 2015). in the united nations report on the international seminar on prevention and recovery of addiction to drugs in bangkok in 1979, the chinese migration story from the south to southeast asian countries at the end of the 18th century occurred due to the dry season and the threatening muhammad novan prasetya & sahla rizky deovanka 193 regional government policy in preventing illegal drug trade famine. with this migration then brings the habit of sucking opium into a new place. this again became an advantage for the colonists of europe. as a result, until the late 19th century opium trade became a lucrative object in southeast asia. because of this, then it is suspected that the country carrying opium is introduced by the indians, arabs, and chinese themselves. after becoming a voc luggage, the import of opium in java increased especially after the voc held a monopoly of imports to the kingdom of mataram then wilaya sultanate of banten. with technological advances, opium derived from paaver somniferum l fruit can be processed to producing morphine and heroine. while coca plants can be processed to produce cocaine. and there is also a marijuana that thrives in the country of indonesia and includes one type of narcotics that banned the government. and now, opium, morphine, heroine, cocaine, and marijuana are known in terms of legislation as narcotics(mardani, 2015). concept of narcotics trade (territorial focus) indonesia-china according to kastia (2001) indonesia-china diplomatic relations began in 1950. this initial relationship has not provided a productive relationship, because the domestic situation of indonesia and china is being preoccupied with the process of reconstruction in an atmosphere of revolution. indonesiachina diplomatic relations were frozen in october 1967 after the screening of g30s/ pki, in addition to china’s role in assisting pki at that time. china’s efforts to reopen diplomatic relations with indonesia were visible in 1985-1988. indonesia at that time did not provide any feedback, as the g30s / pki event left political doubt for indonesia to normalize the indonesia-china (koesmawan, 2010). the restoration of indonesiachina diplomatic relations marked the official visit of the prime minister of china to indonesia in 1990 with the signing of the momentum of understanding on the restoration of diplomatic relations, as well as the signing of a cooperation agreement on economic and trade between the two countries. indonesia-china bilateral relations in economic, trade and technical cooperation during the 1990/2000 period generally increased. in the field of tourism 194 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 is expected to increase mainly from china to indonesia. after simplifying the immigration procedure and after indonesia by china is designated as an approved destination status. minister of tourism and arts, said as many as 1.3 million chinese tourists enter indonesia (zulihar, 2012). in other words, the state of china as one of the foreign exchange suppliers for the state of indonesia. however, on the other hand, china is also one of the main narcotics suppliers to indonesia. source: various indonesian media reports this became a polemic in diplomatic relations between the two countries. as is known, the case of abuse of narcotics, the toughest punishment is the death penalty. however, this will turn out to be detrimental to diplomatic relations between the two countries. muhammad novan prasetya & sahla rizky deovanka 195 regional government policy in preventing illegal drug trade discussion government of indonesia’s policy on arrangement of narcotics act. at first, ordinantie regie(regie, 2012), during this period of administration, each region has its own ordinant regie, such as: bali regie ordonantie, aceh regie ordonantie, and borneo regie ordonantie. next formation of rules verdovende midellen ordonantie adjusted based on concordance, for the purpose of unification of law unifying all previous narcotics regulations. the third is law no. 9 of 1976 on narcotics is a change that occurs in terms of setting a wider scope and more severe criminal threat. next law no. 22 of 1997 which underlies the enactment of this regulation is to increase supervision as an effort to prevent and combat the abuse and illicit trafficking of narcotics. finally, law no. 35 of 2009 is that narcotics crimes have been transnational in nature carried out using high modus operandi, advanced technology, supported by an extensive network of organizations. the new law aims to regulate eradication efforts against narcotics through the threat of criminal sanctions: imprisonment, life imprisonment and capital punishment(ayat, 2009).then in the framework of the prevention and eradication of illegal abuse and trafficking of narcotics and narcotics precursor, with this act was established national narcotics agency (bnn) duty and responsible directly to the government in implementing eradication and abuse and illicit traffic narcotics and narcotics precursor. drug status presented by komjen pol budi waseso head of the national antinarcotics agency (bnn) that the number of drug users in indonesia until november 2015 reached 5.9 million people. indonesia has emergency dangers of drugs. earlier in june 2015 recorded 4.2 million. can be seen an increase in the number of drug users even in a matter of months only. in asean, indonesia is the largest market share for drug sales, while the largest importing countries are china and thailand(sudarwan, 2017). 196 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 geopolitics: drugs in the indochina area geopolitics is interpreted as the science of state organizers whose policies are linked to the geographical problems of a region or place of residence of a nation. geopolitics is the study of the relationship between geographic factors, strategy, and politics of a country, while for its implementation required a strategy that is national (ermaya suradinata, 2001). in particular, geopolitics is a method of foreign policy analysis, which seeks to understand, explain, and predict international political behavior especially in terms of geographic variables. this geographical variable refers to: the country’s geographic location, the country’s territorial climate, demographics, resources and technology development. in other words, geopolitics is a political system in the form of national policies and policies that are driven by the national aspirations of state geography that if implemented and succeed will have a direct impact on the political system of a country. conversely, the politics of the country will directly affect the geography of the country concerned. geopolitics relies on social geography, about the geographical situation and everything that is considered relevant to the geographic characteristics of a country(teori, 2015). for indonesia, geopolitics is muhammad novan prasetya & sahla rizky deovanka 197 regional government policy in preventing illegal drug trade a policy in order to achieve national goals by utilizing the advantages of geographical location of the country based on scientific knowledge of the geographical conditions. the mode of illicit trafficking of international narcotics always involves foreign nationals and affects the territory of two or more countries and is always preceded by preparation or planning that is conducted outside the territorial boundaries of certain countries(godson, 2002). head of public relations bnn kombes slamet pribadi said china is the largest narcotics supplier to indonesia and also controlling the drug business. currently, the syndicate of narcotics network from china which is in control of business circulation in indonesia(tempo). it is proved by the case of the seizure of drugs from three different citizens involving chinese citizens. with the shipping mode using the sea lane from china the 24 kilogram shabu it is placed into chinese tea packaging and another 16 kilograms are stored in the machine tool loom that is shipped directly from china. according to the statement of the suspect, shabu was imported directly from china to malaysia and smuggled in aceh which then brought to medan(waluyo, 2017). the territorial waters of indonesia are required to receive serious attention and supervision from the government. drug syndicates began to choose the sea as a new route of drug distribution after the arrest of three chinese nationals carrying 157 kg of shabu. the sea lane is chosen because of its vast territory and the supervision of the distribution of goods through the path is not as tight as the airport. attributed to the bnn case that once arrested a drug syndicate using a ship as a means of distribution in north sumatra. mentioned that the shabu is shipped alone from china through the expedition services of marine vessels to be circulated in indonesia (raymandus). illegal drug trafficking in north sumatra in illicit drug trafficking, the authors will only focus on the many abused types of narcotics and then illegally trade in marijuana and ats. bnn revealed drug users in indonesia increased from 2015 to 2017 (desideria, 2017). 198 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 then followed by ats (amphetamine type stimulant) or often known as meth and ecstasy. disclosed by head of national narcotics agency (bnn) anang iskandar that shabu is the most abused type of narcotics because it tends to be mild. although the actual consumption of shabu make a bad impact in the long term that is 10-15 years later. then the second drug is marijuana. and the third is a pill-shaped ecstasy. ats is one of the illegally made drugs in the laboratory in tablet form. ecstasy will encourage the body to perform activities that exceed the maximum limit of the body’s own strength. lack of body fluids can occur as a result of the high and long labor deployment, which often leads to death. symptoms arising from the use of amphetamine include increased vigilance, arousal, and insomnia. cannabis is known to trigger psychosis, especially for those who have genes. cannabis can also trigger and confuse between anxiety and depression. symptoms such as pleasure, depression and often drowsiness and self-control and lack of concentration (dedihumas, 2017). the black market is a sector of economic activity involving illegal economic transactions, especially the illegal buying and selling of merchandise one of which is drugs here. the black market is said to be growing as the restrictions on places of the country get heavier, muhammad novan prasetya & sahla rizky deovanka 199 regional government policy in preventing illegal drug trade such as during bans or distributions. however, black markets are normally present in the economy of capitalism and socialism. the black market is very closely related to smuggling. self-smuggling is any form of process of exporting goods that is prohibited or restricted by means of unlawful means. drug abuse is not just happen ing in urban areas, but has reached the countryside. drug abuse shows symptoms that have reached a very alarming level both in terms of number of use, increasing drug variations, and how to use. similarly, concerning illicit drug trafficking, it is known that trade is a form of cooperation between two or more parties that can bring benefits. illicit trafficking in drugs can create an access or new path that regulates illegal drug trafficking. the illicit drug trafficking that has taken place in indonesia to date and has spread to all levels of society has made indonesia feel the need to revise a written law that has been determined but it is increasingly adding to the cases of illicit trafficking (erasmus, 2017). the nature of the crime systematized and supported by the mechanisms used so as to be able to compete with the fact that there are still many countries that are not sufficient legal provisions and the scope of the wider and the existing policy interventions of most countries, so often the handling of trade issues illicit drugs is not optimal. although in medicine most drugs are still useful for treatment, but if misused and even more if accompanied by circulation in the illegal path will result very harmful for individuals and the general public, especially the younger generation. indonesia today is not only a transit of illicit trade and the purpose of drug trafficking, but has also become a manufacturer and exporter(indonesia, 2008). like the law of economics, as has been explained before that the more banykanya drug users in indonesia this is clearly directly proportional to the number of requests. large demand then results in a large supply as well. not to mention the huge velocity of money that will make more and more people wanting to cultivate business with these lucrative profits. it is known that the network that has been widespread related illicit drug trafficking case is even already organized. illicit trafficking of drugs has become a crime that involves not only the lower classes, but also the upper classes that should be a good example for all indonesian citizens. 200 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 as a trisakti university money laundering money laundering specialist (tppu) expert yenti garnasih thinks that indonesia is a haven for drug dealers. so the drug used as a very profitable trading business supported by the market price of drugs in indonesia is higher than other countries in asia(k.m, 2015) . it is said that the price of drugs per package or per kilogram in japan is only one fifth of the price in indonesia. the selling price of goods coming from overseas to indonesia increased many times over. this is what became one of the causes of drug crimes in indonesia is higher. despite having a clear narcotics law, but the fact is narcotics in indonesia is getting higher and higher because of this narcotics trade has a very wide network. and globally, drugs ranks at the top in international illegal trade that amounts to 300 to 350 billion us dollars per year. the phenomenon of illicit drug trafficking that occurred among indonesian society has triggered the causes. although it is clear that the impact of the losses and laws received in relation to illicit drug trafficking, it still can not be stopped. illicit trafficking of drugs that have involved and impacted all levels of society is not considered to be detrimental to the parties concerned because it is balanced with the results obtained. how not, as happened in one of the provinces in indonesia, the business of buying and selling drugs can produce a fantastic profit of 6 billion with only takes four months(hukrim, 2015). actually, the business of buying and selling drugs that run this requires a very large capital to then earn a profit equal to even greater. because to run this illicit drug trafficking is not only from the upper class who have enough capital, but the fact many people under the community who are involved with the reasons of difficulty finding employment(siswanto, 2017). as stated earlier, that this illicit drug trafficking case is a crime that is not only in a closed but actually well structured and can be done anywhere. the impact of drugs that can provide calm for the user then used as a drug that can relieve stress and create unconscious dependence. the number of cases of drug use among celebrities, state officials, even police officers make drugs more clearly felt necessary. just imagine if the demand for the sale and purchase of drugs required by most of the upper class, who is not interested to sell with a big profit with security muhammad novan prasetya & sahla rizky deovanka 201 regional government policy in preventing illegal drug trade is guaranteed because the request came from one of the police. the trafficking of drug trafficking that has been systema tically organized and then glanced indonesia as a potential market for international drug syndicates. this is because indonesia has a large population, weak law enforcement and security, high drug user numbers, and unfavorable conditions(news, 2017).with the difficult economic situation, the number of unemployed, and the inadequate needs due to lack of income causes not a few people who decide to engage in illegal activities in order to get big profits, fast, and easy despite the risk. drug trafficking can also be said to be one of the easiest businesses to enter indonesia by requiring only resources and funds. until now, it can be said that indonesia has now become one of the main routes in the drug trade. indonesia ogled because it is considered as a great market and good price(kompas, 2017). 1. data states that the entrance of narcotics to the indonesian territory by sea is 80% while the remaining 20% by land and air. in the area of north sumatra, one of the sea lane with high drug access in the area of medan belawan. belawan port, medan became one of a number of ports of particular concern to the authorities because of the prone smuggling of drugs. 88 percent of drug smuggling from the sea by utilizing cooperative services to enter drugs so the mode can run smoothly because it has proximity to the local authoritie(f, 2016). as ever, police arrested three cooperative managers by confiscating some evidence related to drug smuggling. 2. uncontrolled supervision is also one of the causes of drug trafficking in indonesia. in north sumatra, with the increase of drug-bad status, it indicates that the handling of the maritime border areas is still less than the data obtained from the police of north sumatra that the number of suspected cases of drugs in 2015 reached 6,267 people, and then increased in 2016 to 6,534 people. polres pelawan belawan itself occupies the second position with the number of 384 cases with the number of 452 suspects. the high number of drug abuse cases in north sumatra due to the north sumatra region is the entrance and transit of drugs from outside to indonesia. 202 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 3. due to demand from con sumers in need of imported drug supplies, increasing drug abuse can be seen from the many prisoners of drug cases in prisons 4. strategic distribution is telling. drug distribution strategies are conducted in stages-disconnected from supplier to user level. similarly, the withdrawal of money from the sale of drugs, also done in stages-cut off to the collecting level. the modus operandi distributed by the drug syndicates is by using a variety of ways, including body packing, swallowed, hidden in certain items that are not thought in general. the modus operandi uses certain parties to open banking accounts and utilize money changer services either legal or illegal(asril, 2016). from the above case study, it can be drawn a midline about the weakness of various policies related to drug abuse, it is not impossible that the increase of drugs in north sumatra, medan can be overcome. narcotics distrbusi access is one of the important points in the effort to handle narcotics abuse in medan. this can be seen from the number of entry gaps for the distribution of narcotics. of course this handling is not easy to be done by certain parties, but must be followed by cooperation from various parties such as customs, pelindo, bnn, and the police. conclusion indonesia is a region with serious drug status. there are many found cases of narcotics abuse in indonesia. in the era of globalization with the opening of all access to the world, drug abuse is increasingly widespread.globalization relies on free access to commodities, one of which is narcotics. in other words, in terms of distribution access, indonesia has the potential to become one of the transit areas of narcotics trade. indonesia strategic (cross position), has become a drug producing country. for indonesia, geopolitics is a policy in order to achieve national goals by utilizing the advantage of geographical position of the country based on scientific knowledge about the geographical conditions. the mode of illicit trafficking of international narcotics always involves foreign nationals and affects the territory of two or more countries and is always preceded by preparation or planning that is conducted outside muhammad novan prasetya & sahla rizky deovanka 203 regional government policy in preventing illegal drug trade the territorial boundaries of certain countries. china as one of foreign exchange supplier to indonesia but on the other hand, china is also one of the major narcotics suppliers to indonesia. became a polemic in diplomatic relations between the two countries. as is known, the case of abuse of narcotics, the toughest punishment is the death penalty. however, this will turn out to be detrimental to diplomatic relations between the two countries. in the area of north sumatra, one of the sea lane with high drug access in the area of medan belawan. belawan port, medan became one of a number of ports of special concern to the apparatus because of the prone smuggling of drugs. references: books badan narkotika nasional, pedoman pencegahan penyalahgunaan narkoba bagi pemuda, bnn ri, jakarta, 2004, hal 125 hady, hamdy, 2001, ekonomi internasional: teori dan kebijakan perdagangan internasional (buku i), ghalia indonesia, jakarta nicholas dorn, drugs trafficking: drug markets and law enforcement , london, 1992 hal 23 subagyo partodiharjo, kenali narkoba dan musuhi penyalahgunanya, jakarta, esensi, 2006. hal 36 united nations ofice on drugs and crime. 2010. world drug reports. vienna wang mengkui, 2000. china’s economic transformation over 20 years, beijing journals: kiki rizqi, kerjasama united nation office on drugs and crime (unodc) dengan pemerintah indonesia dalam menangani perdagangan narkoba di indonesia, ejournal ilmu hubungan internasional, 2015, 3 (2): 233-244 ejournal ilmu hubungan inter nasional, volume 1 , nomor 3 , 2013 : 857-866 koesmawan, penentuan jenis komoditas ekspor indonesia ke china: pemanfaatan hubungan perdagangan indonesia china, jurnal ekonomi dan bisnis no. jilid 7, 2002, hlm 7. nurul huda & zulihar, perdagangan bilateral indonesia-china 204 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 periode 2000-2009, volume 6 nomor 3, desember 09 phil williams & roy godson, crime, law & social change anticipating organized and transnational crime, 2002. hlm 322 websites: anonim. pengertian dan jenis metode deskriptif , https:// idtesis.com/metode-deskriptif/ anonim, selama 2016, kasus narkoba di sumut meningkat, https://www.google.co.id/amp/ edisimedan.com/selama-2016kasus-narkoba-di-sumutmeningkat/amp/ achmad zulfikar f, 88 persen narkoba masuk melalui pelabuhan laut, https://m. metrotvnews.co/welcome-p a g e / n e w s / m k m yv v k 88persen-narkoba-masukmelalui-pelabuhan-laut andylala waluyo, mabes polri ungkap sindikat perdagangan narkoba dari china, https:// w w w. g o o g l e . c o m / a m p / w w w. vo aindonesi a . com/ amp/3379085.html erasmus , peraturan bersama narkotika diragukan, lebih baik merivisi uu narkotika indra akuntono, presiden jokowi: indonesia gawat darurat narkoba, https:// w w w. g o o g l e . c o . i d / a mp / nasional.kompas.com/amp/ read/2015/02/04/103311931/ p r e s i d e n . j o k o w i . indonesia. gawat.darurat. narkoba?client=ms-androidasus king travel. pencegahan dan penanggulangan penyalah gunaan narkoba, http:// i d . s hv o o n g . c o m / s o c i a l sciences/education/1900061pencegahan-dan-penang gulangan-penyalahgunaannarkoba/ nasional.kompas, indonesia great market dan good price perdagangan narkoba, https:// w w w. g o o g l e . c o m / a m p / read/2012/06/07/15223854/ indonesia.great.market.dan. good.price.perdagangan. narkoba peter reuter. 2009. systemic violence in drug markets. springerlink.com sabrina asril, enam “money changer” jadi perantara bisnis narkoba, https:// w w w. g o o g l e . c o m / a m p / nasional.kompas.com/amp/ read2017/01/30/18493241/ enam.money.changer.jadi. perantara.bisnis.narkoba gus dur and the deliverance of meutya hafid and budiyanto in 2005: the role of legitimacy issues in negotiating with armed group husni mubarok universitas indonesia email: husni.mubarok01@ui.ac.id yandry kurniawan universitas indonesia email: yandryk@ui.ac.id abstract this study aims to analyze the role of an individual actor in hostage negotiation using legitimacy issues and a deductive-qualitative research approach. these research methods are closely related to the interpretation of quality or narrative, which cannot be described with numbers or values. a deductive approach was taken to conclude the research data that the authors found through the data findings. in this case, a negotiator (mediator) for releasing a hostage is a communicator, and a capable communicator will send the message effectively and efficiently. a negotiator is also an analyst who must read the hostage situation and conditions, especially knowing the characteristics of the hostage-takers. specifically, legitimacy is one of the factors that a hostage release negotiator must own. communication skills can support this factor. to achieve this, a negotiator ultimately should have the skills of interpersonal communication and intercultural communication. gus dur’s legitimacy factor played an essential role in the diplomacy and negotiation process, especially in this hostage case. therefore, this study explores why an individual actor successfully overcame this hostage crisis. the role of the former indonesian president, k.h. abdurrahman wahid (gus dur), as a concrete example of the success of an individual actor in hostage negotiation, was determined by his legitimacy. keywords: gus dur; hostage negotiation; individual actor; legitimacy; negotiation abstrak kajian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis peran aktor individu dalam negosiasi pembebasan sandera dengan menggunakan isu legitimasi, serta metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan deduktif. metode penelitian ini terkait erat dengan interpretasi kualitas atau narasi yang tidak dapat dijabarkan dengan angka atau nilai. pendekatan deduktif diambil dengan tujuan untuk menarik kesimpulan dari data-data penelitian yang penulis temukan. seorang negosiator (mediator) pembebasan sandera adalah komunikator, dan komunikator yang kapabel akan dapat mengirimkan pesan dengan efektif dan efisien. seorang negosiator juga merupakan seorang analis yang harus dapat membaca situasi dan kondisi penyanderaan, terutama mengetahui karakteristik dari para penyandera itu sendiri. legitimasi merupakan salah satu faktor yang harus dimiliki oleh seorang negosiator pembebasan sandera. faktor ini 21 husni mubarok, yandry kurniawan gus dur and the deliverance of... dapat ditunjang dengan kemampuan komunikasi. untuk dapat mencapai hal tersebut maka seorang negosiator utamanya harus menguasai kemampuan komunikasi interpersonal dan komunikasi antar budaya. legitimasi personal gus dur berperan penting dalam proses negosiasi pembebasan sandera khususnya dalam kasus penyanderaan ini. oleh karena itu, kajian ini berusaha menjawab pertanyaan mengapa aktor individu berhasil dalam mengatasi krisis penyanderaan ini. peran mantan presiden ri ke-empat k.h abdurrahman wahid (gus dur) merupakan contoh kongkrit keberhasilan aktor individu dalam negosiasi pembebasan sandera yang ditentukan oleh isu legitimasi. keywords: gus dur; negosiasi penyanderaan; aktor perorangan; legitimasi; perundingan journal of islamic world and politics vol.6. no.1 june 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 introduction negotiation is generally recognized as the core of diplomacy, the primary form of diplomatic communication (jonsson & hall, 2005). in fact, many scholars view diplomacy as negotiation, like adam watson, who has characterized diplomacy as a negotiation between political entities which acknowledge each other’s independence (jonsson & hall, 2005). g.r berridge also defined diplomacy as the conduct of international relations through negotiation, rather than force, propaganda, law resources, and other peaceful means (such as gathering information or other goodwill), which are directly or indirectly made to promote negotiation (jonsson & hall, 2005). in diplomacy, there is a study that discusses special missions. the special mission has a specific and temporary purpose, and it is led by particular representatives called unofficial envoys and official envoys (berridge, 2015). negotiation itself can be defined as a process of using a strategy to determine the conditions that allow the conflicting parties to reach a mutual agreement and mutual satisfaction by maximizing the results of an agreement (matusitz, 2013). meanwhile, hostage negotiation can be described as a negotiation activity against terrorist groups or armed groups for the safe release of the hostages (matusitz, 2013). moreover, the hostage-takers can be categorized into two groups: absolute and contingent terrorists. terrorists or terrorist groups generally define themselves as a national liberation movement or resistance fighters against social, economic, religious, colonial oppression, or a combination of those aspects (chaliand & blin, 2007). in addition, terrorists or terrorist groups are perpetrators who carry out acts of terrorism ideology. hostage-taking is a part of a long-standing act of terror. several decades ago, this action was considered common in south america and east asia. since 1967, kidnappings with political nuances and criminal abductions have significantly increased due to the massive news broadcasting. regarding acts of international terrorism, 14.2% of them were acts of hostage-taking, 9.44% of kidnappings, 1.42% of aircraft hijackings, 22 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june and 0.46% of barricades and non-air piracies (matusitz, 2013). the role of an individual actor in overcoming crises, especially in the case of hostage negotiation, is important for further investigation. the individual actor is considered the essential determinant of successful handling in this hostage release situation. the characteristics possessed by the individual actor can be caused by the individual’s ability, augmented by the formed impression as the result of social construction in the community. by bringing their identity, individual actors are deemed to be more easily accepted by the hostage-takers, impacting establishing good communication and interactions. in indonesia, one of the historical records relating to the roles of non-state actors needs to be investigated further in the case of the hostage-taking of two indonesian citizens, meutya hafid and budiyanto, who was held hostage in iraq in 2005. from this case, indonesia has made a historical record of the successful role of an individual actor in the hostage negotiation process. abdurrahman wahid, well-known as gus dur, the fourth president of the republic of indonesia, is the individual actor who played the role of releasing those hostages. at that time, meutya hafid and budiyanto were kidnapped and held hostage by the iraqi mujahideen army faction (shoelhi, 2009). furthermore, indonesia’s diplomacy and foreign policy have experienced many challenges related to many indonesian citizens being held hostage abroad in the last two decades. several hostage cases recorded by the mass media, such as the actions of the abu sayyaf group in the philippines, reported that until 2019, more than 39 indonesian citizens were kidnapped. in that case, as many victims had been held hostage by abu sayyaf, one of them passed away while trying to escape (mediaindonesia, 2019). in 2004, indonesian migrant workers named istiqomah binti misnad and novitasari binti sugito were reported to have been taken hostage by the iraqi islamic army (detik, 2004). then, on march 16, 2011, the public was shocked by the kidnapping of 20 ship-crew members of mv sinar kudus by somali pirates (liputan6, 2016). several cases described above show that protection for indonesian citizens abroad from hostage-taking is one of the big challenges in indonesia’s foreign policy and diplomacy. particularly, gus dur is widely known as the most influential figure because he was the leader of an indonesian islamic organization with many followers in indonesia, especially the nahdiyyin. gus dur is the first son of k.h. wahid hasyim and nyai hj. sholehah. k.h. wahid hasyim himself is the son of a famous islamic figure named k.h. hasyim asy’ari, the founder of the largest islamic organization in indonesia named nahdlatul ulama (nu), while nyai hj. sholehah is the daughter of the founder of the boarding school denanyar jombang, k.h. bisri syansuri. gus dur, with his thoughts, is known to be close to various interfaith leaders. he was very concerned about tradition, tolerance, human rights, and democracy (iskandar, 2010). the thoughts of gus dur had been constructed based on the scientific tradition of pesantren (islamic boarding school) where he grew up. gus dur’s thoughts even reached the international community’s attention as the various awards received for his dedication to standing up for peace. hence, there was nothing to worry about the proliferation of radical islam in indonesia. gus dur strongly opposed islamic fundamentalism’s actions and thoughts, 23 husni mubarok, yandry kurniawan gus dur and the deliverance of... which led to violence and harm among people. this character has triggered the change of islam in indonesia as moderate islam differs from the practice of islam in the middle east. with the background of gus dur’s identity and supported by the fact that he had lived in iraq from 1966 to 1970 to study at the university of baghdad, his strategy to release meutya hafid and budiyanto from the hostage is unique, with the involvement of actor outside the government (individual actor) as a negotiator in releasing of hostages abroad. the role of the negotiator in releasing hostages from the hostage-takers is like “the spearhead”. the success or failure of the hostage release operation process is closely related to the various approaches, steps, and linguistic techniques in diplomacy and negotiation used by the negotiator. involving an individual actor as a negotiator is a real step by considering the ability and influence of his/her identities, such as charismatic character, reputation, position, and recognized credibility. the case of an individual actor in the hostage negotiation that gus dur did needs to be investigated deeper on his role and influence in international relations. therefore, the research question guiding this study is “what was the legitimacy factor for gus dur's success in negotiating the release of the hostages for the indonesian metro tv journalists from the iraqi mujahideen army faction in 2005?” to answer this question, the authors used the concept of legitimacy issues to find out the process, linguistic techniques, and approaches taken by gus dur in hostage negotiation. literature review researchers in multi-disciplines have widely discussed literature reviews on hostage negotiation. these studies can be divided into four different perspectives: studies of psychology, communication, peace studies, and argumentative academic works. however, many discussions on the role of individual actors in argumentative academic works did not refer to analytical frameworks from certain theories or concepts. the first perspective comes from the psychological view, which builds several analytical frameworks, such as the role of the psychological construct (grubb & brown, 2012), the importance of persuasive arguments in negotiation (giebels & taylor, 2009), and the prospect theory (mcdermott, 1992). scholars of this perspective focus on the role of negotiators, both negotiators from state actors and non-state actors. therefore, this current study focuses on the individual abilities of the negotiators themselves. the next perspective originates from communication studies by building several analytical frameworks, such as framing theory (foy, 2015), interpersonal communication (matusitz, 2013), and interpersonal deception theory (nichols, 2014). this perspective underlines the importance of communication elements, such as media and language techniques. the third perspective is derived from peace studies that build several analytical frameworks referring to the terrorist resource allocation model (gaibuloev & sandler, 2009), assemblage thinking (richmond, 2019), contending model (borowsky, 2011), crisis intervention model (greenstone, 2003), and the democracy, terrorism, and hostage release nexus (lee, 2013). this perspective tries to eclectically combine several approaches to intervene in crises to establish communication, so the exchange of information or messages can be carried out 24 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june to lighten up the situation. the last perspective is shown from academic writings or works in argumentative features without using specific theories or concepts as an analytical framework. this perspective brings the control of the media (helberg, 1999), the power of negotiation (cronin, 2015), and contemporary crisis negotiation protocols to obtain satisfactory results (dolnik & fitzgerald, 2011). the four studies on the hostage negotiation indicate that strategies for releasing the held hostages can be viewed from various perspectives. however, none of them has discussed the direct linkage of individual actors to negotiate in releasing the hostages. therefore, the authors attempt to fulfill this gap by highlighting the achievement of individual actors as a negotiator in releasing the hostages. in particular, the hostage-taking case of two indonesian journalists, meutya hafid and budiyanto, and gus dur, as individual actors in hostage negotiation brings interest to be analyzed with the deductivequalitative method. research method negotiating with hostage-takers brings a humanitarian mission to save human lives. to avoid failure in negotiation, it is necessary to use legitimation strategies for better readiness and well-planed negotiation. faure (2008) explained six analysis units in legitimacy issues: (1) issues for possible negotiation, (2) the structural component, (3) negotiation in action, (4) demonizing the counterpart, (5) the media and public opinion, and (6) effectiveness of negotiations with terrorists. figure 1. negotiation legitimacy components (faure, 2008) the analytical framework above was applied in this study using qualitative research methods and a deductive approach to answer why gus dur succeeded in freeing the hostages. generally, the qualitative research method collects data and analytical techniques or strategi based on none of the numbers (lamont, 2015). this research method is closely related to the legitimacy in negotiation issues for possible negotiation the structural component negotiation in action demonizing the counterpart the media & public opinion effectiveness of negotiations with terrorists 25 husni mubarok, yandry kurniawan gus dur and the deliverance of... interpretation of quality or narrative, which cannot be described with numbers or values. in the study of international relations, the instances of this research include the study on the tone of speech in the speech of state actors and the study on the level of a notification that has the nuances of hatred or racism (spray & roselle, 2012). furthermore, this research article used a deductive approach generated through the syllogism method. the syllogism method in its history was first introduced by the leading classical philosopher named aristotle (suaedi, 2016). this approach contains two premises: major and minor. the major premise is a general statement, while the minor premise is a more specific statement; then, from these two statements, a conclusion is drawn (suaedi, 2016). a deductive approach was taken to conclude the research data that the authors found systematically, both general and specific data. furthermore, this approach was intended to conclude empirical data from the hostage negotiations, which were then analyzed with a structured statement system and find valid comparisons between the conclusions themselves. results and discussion a negotiator (mediator) for releasing a hostage is a communicator, and a capable communicator will send the message effectively and efficiently. a negotiator is also an analyst who must read the hostage situation and conditions, especially knowing the characteristics of the hostagetakers, so that the following steps and approaches will be chosen are right on target. several steps and approaches are chosen, such as a cultural approach, considering the cultural differences between the negotiator and the hostagetaker. another approach is the human touch approach, which puts forward emotional feelings from heart to heart by showing sympathy and empathy. understanding cultural differences in hostage negotiations is vital to interpret each other without offending the cultural identity, considering that cultural identity is quite sensitive. in this case, gus dur implemented these approaches; therefore, gus dur could touch the emotional realm of his communication partner (alngatawi, 2022). negotiations for the release of hostages also will run well if carried out by a good negotiator or communicator. related to that, legitimacy is one of the factors that a hostage release negotiator must own. this strategy includes issues for possible negotiation, the structural component, negotiation in action, demonizing the counterpart, the media and public opinion, and the effectiveness of negotiations with terrorists. these strategies gus dur used to read the situation, analyze in-depth the strengths and weaknesses of the hostage-taker and other potential factors that could affect the success of the hostage release negotiations and map the identities of the hostage-taker. through his skills and experience, gus dur could quickly analyze the background of the hostages, such as which group they came from, whose (political) supporters, and what sector thought (alngatawi, 2022). this initial step is vital as it opens the way for communication with the hostages and what actions should be taken in dealing with the hostages. then, what is no less important is the influential figure who has close ties to this group of hostages so that negotiations can be carried out immediately to free the hostages. 26 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june communication skills can support this factor, which is the ability to convey a message correctly and adequately. to achieve this, a negotiator ultimately should have the skills of interpersonal communication and intercultural communication. other personal abilities, such as high intellectual ability and leadership experience, can be used accurately with this ability. a negotiator also needs particular attention since the hostage-takers are the members who carried out the act of terror. they have different understandings and cultures, so they need high vigilance and caution to be safe to realize the primary goal of releasing the hostages. moreover, gus dur’s legitimacy played an essential role in the diplomatic and negotiation processes, especially in the hostage negotiation case of two indonesian citizens kidnapped in iraq in 2005. he used this ability to interact directly with the hostages, the iraqi mujahideen army faction. his abilities consisted of legitimacy factors, experience in leading the nahdlatul ulama organization, and the president of republic indonesia, accompanied by broad cognitive capabilities for relations between countries. with various personal abilities possessed by gus dur, he tried to legitimize the hostages before negotiating. his legitimacy abilities were used as the first step to establishing good relations with the hostages to realize an effective interaction and communication in the hostage negotiations. besides a legitimacy factor, gus dur has personally been known as an indonesian muslim figure who has both a humanist and humorous nature (perpusnas, 2021). he is also known as a peace leader in international relations because he loved inter-religious and intercultural harmony. discussion gus dur’s legitimacy in hostage negotiation the first component used to analyze gus dur’s legitimacy in the negotiation process for the release of meutya hafid and budiyanto was the possible negotiation issue. it was an issue that gus dur used to demonstrate legitimacy in negotiating. considering that iraq is one of the islamic countries in the middle east mainland, the issue of brotherhood among muslims could be an issue that gus dur raised in his negotiations with the mujahideen army faction (nu. or, 2005). furthermore, this group adheres to the sunni school of thought, where this ideology is the thought adopted by the majority of muslims in southeast asia, especially in indonesia. this fact is supported by the fact that the victims being held hostage are muslim. they were only in charge of covering the news and had nothing to do with the political turmoil that was going on in iraq at that time. diplomatically, a good relationship between indonesia and iraq has existed for quite a long time, since 1950. this good relationship was later marked by having representative offices of embassies in each country in 1961 (antaranews, 2011). after determining the issues used in the negotiations, the structural component became gus dur’s legitimacy. the structural component in the hostage-taking of meutya hafid and budiyanto is called the structural component of kidnapping. it is referred to as a structural component of kidnapping since it refers to (1) the actions taken by the kidnapper in a country that no longer has control over its territory; (2) the security authorities did not know where the hostages were being held; (3) the communication channel with the mujahideen army faction was fewest. 27 husni mubarok, yandry kurniawan gus dur and the deliverance of... hostage takers very rarely targeted the indigenous iraqis, and most of them held hostage victims were foreigners. the third component of legitimacy was a negotiation in action. gus dur carried out three negotiation steps, called pre-negotiation, forming a formula for an agreement and refining each issue for discussion. gus dur appealed to al jazeera tv using the arabic language in the prenegotiation process. furthermore, at the step of forming the formula for the agreement, gus dur made contact with the community and religious leaders and state leaders in the middle east. the last step was finalizing the problem for discussion, and the step taken by gus dur was to go to iraq via amman, jordan, based on the advice of his colleagues who were there. further, the demonization of the opponent used by gus dur in his legitimacy was attempted to delegitimize the mujahideen army faction. this effort was carried out by massive dissemination of information that the mujahideen army faction was a group that carried out violent actions. they have committed acts that violate islamic teachings; it is kidnapping with a specific purpose. as a born and educated person in the scientific tradition of islamic boarding schools and the teachings of the religion ahlus sunnah wal jama’ah, which holds the principles of moderate islam, gus dur did not agree with islamic fundamentalism. he preferred to teach and practice islamic thought with a humanist approach rather than violence, leading to threats. the media and public opinion in hostage-taking cases can also be mentioned as factors that must be considered. reminding the impact of media and public opinion can determine the release of hostages or even the killing of hostages. the media that influenced gus dur’s legitimacy in hostage negotiations were metro tv and tv al jazeera. the thing to consider is that metro tv is the television station where meutya hafid and budiyanto worked. emotionally, this television station tried as intensely as possible to report the progress of its two held hostage employees. tv al jazeera also needs special attention, considering that this television station is based in doha, qatar, one of the media that first reported the hostage-taking of meutya hafid and budiyanto (maktub, 2022). lastly, negotiating with mujahideen army faction was the most effective option compared to other alternatives. considering that the school of thought sector adopted was sunni, which has the same understanding as most muslims in indonesia, islamic traditions can understand each other culturally. 28 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june figure 2. negotiation legitimacy components found in this study (faure, 2008) the election of gus dur as a negotiator for the release of the hostages in the iraqi hostage case was the right step. apart from the factors that the authors have mentioned above, gus dur also had solid personal abilities that could support the legitimacy of the hostages. moreover, gus dur had been formed both in indonesia and internationally as a figure of tolerance, humanism, and humor. as the internationally recognized leader of one of indonesia’s largest and oldest islamic organizations, gus dur established good relations with heads of state, international ngos, and world religious and political figures, enabling gus dur to play a more strategic and dynamic role in social relations. at the same time, it brought significant changes to the nu (nahdlatul ulama) organization in the eyes of the world. he also could be a spokesman for nu in international forums, such as cultural diplomacy in the association of relations between countries (iskandar, 2010). conclusion gus dur’s legitimacy factor played an essential role in the diplomacy and negotiation process, especially the negotiation for releasing hostages in the hostage case of two indonesian citizens in iraq in 2005. he used this factor to read the situation and analyze in-depth the strengths and weaknesses of the hostage-taker and other potential factors that could affect the success of the hostage release negotiations. these potential factors comprised the media and public opinion, demonization, and the cultural and emotional characterization of the hostages. these abilities were supported by experience in leading the organization nahdlatul ulama and the president of the republic of indonesia, accompanied by broad cognitive capabilities for relations between countries. with various personal abilities possessed by gus dur, he tried to legitimize the hostages before negotiating. the legitimacy factor that he had was used as a first step to finding out the background of the hostages, which was then used to legitimacy in negotiation issue: brotherhood among muslims the structural component: kidnapping action: appeal through aljazeera tv demonizing the counterpart: delegitimize the mujahideen army faction the media & public opinion: matro tv & al jazeera effectiveness of negotiations with terrorists: sunni thought 29 husni mubarok, yandry kurniawan gus dur and the deliverance of... establish good relationships so that the goal of realizing effective interaction and communication in the hostage release negotiations could be achieved. also, gus dur’s ability to legitimize personally has been known as an indonesian muslim figure with a humanist and humorous nature. he is also known as a peace leader in international relations since he loved inter-religious and inter-cultural harmony. in this case, a hostage release negotiator is a communicator, and a reliable communicator will deliver the message content effectively and efficiently. a negotiator is also an analyst who must read the hostage situation and conditions, especially knowing the hostage takers’ characteristics so that the steps and approaches to be chosen are right on target. the steps and approaches chosen include culture, considering the cultural differences between the negotiator and the hostage-taker. understanding cultural differences in hostage release negotiations is vital to interpreting each other’s intentions and goals without offending cultural identity, taking into account that cultural identity is quite a sensitive matter. in addition, the legitimacy factor is one of the factors that a hostage release negotiator must own. this factor can be supported by having communication skills, called the ability to send a message correctly and adequately. bibliography alngatawi, zastrouw. personal interview. january 19, 2022. berridge, g.r. 2015. diplomacy, theory and practice. london: palgrave macmillan. borowsky, justin p. 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(2017). indonesia masih selidiki kasus dugaan penyanderaan tki di saudi. retrieved november 25, 2020, from https://www.voaindonesia.com/a/indo nesia-masih-selidiki-kasus-dugaan penyanderaan-tki-disaudi/3798972.html. https://dunia.tempo.co/read/700320/dua-wni-disandera-di-%20%20papua https://dunia.tempo.co/read/700320/dua-wni-disandera-di-%20%20papua https://dunia.tempo.co/read/700320/dua-wni-disandera-di-%20%20papua journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 promoting a better image through culture: the case of turkey’s cultural diplomacy towards indonesia rifkha aulia fazrianti zaelani universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: rifkha.aulia18@gmail.com ahmad sahide universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: ahmadsahideumy@gmail.com abstract this study attempts to reveal cultural diplomacy, which turkey implements towards indonesia. the ‘golden period’ of turkey is from 2007 until 2013. after that, the public diplomacy of turkey was not effective as before, and it was fallen dramatically. the country’s instability caused by the political turmoil within the country also influences the growth of international isolation. with these based on the problem that influences its image, turkey needs to prove a different and better image to promote itself abroad. public perceptions can be shaped and controlled by doing cultural diplomacy that acts as soft power. having one thing in common as a country with a muslim population as the majority, turkey has a special place in the hearts of the indonesian people. based on the theory of cultural diplomacy by milton c. cummings, the authors drew two arguments. first, turkey’s cultural diplomacy towards indonesia is done not only by state actors (officially by the government) but also by non-state actors such as individuals and companies. second, cultural diplomacy carried out by turkey towards indonesia is through all aspects of the needs of the indonesian people, such as films, fashion, news, music, food, and education. keywords: cultural diplomacy, indonesia, public diplomacy, soft power, turkey rifkha aulia fazrianti zaelani, ahmad sahide promoting a better image through culture: the case of turkey’s cultural ... 237 introduction turkey, for the first time, established diplomatic relations with indonesia in 1950. however, if seen from its long history, turkey has been a strategic partner at the center of the world islamic empire since the days of the ottoman empire long before the unitary state of the republic of indonesia was formed. having one thing in common as a country with a muslim population as the majority, turkey has a special place in the hearts of the indonesian people. turkey is one of the most popular countries to visit after saudi arabia by muslims in indonesia. turkey has a solid historical heritage, special local food, and culture that attracts visitors to turkey. turkey and indonesia are tourist-oriented abstrak penelitian ini mencoba mengungkap diplomasi budaya yang dilakukan turki terhadap indonesia. ‘masa emas’ turki adalah dari tahun 2007 hingga 2013, karena setelah itu diplomasi publik turki tidak efektif seperti sebelumnya dan merosot drastis. ketidakstabilan negara yang disebabkan oleh gejolak politik di dalam negeri turut mempengaruhi tumbuhnya isolasi internasional. berdasarkan permasalahan yang mempengaruhi citra negaranya, turki perlu membuktikan citra yang berbeda dan lebih baik untuk mempromosikan dirinya di luar negeri. persepsi masyarakat dapat dibentuk dan dikendalikan dengan melakukan diplomasi budaya yang bersifat soft power (kekuasaan lunak). memiliki satu kesamaan sebagai negara yang mayoritas penduduknya beragama islam, turki memiliki tempat tersendiri di hati masyarakat indonesia. berdasarkan teori diplomasi budaya oleh milton c. cummings, penulis menarik dua argumen. pertama, diplomasi kebudayaan turki terhadap indonesia tidak hanya dilakukan oleh aktor negara (resmi oleh pemerintah) tetapi juga dilakukan oleh aktor non negara seperti individu dan perusahaan. kedua, diplomasi budaya yang dilakukan turki terhadap indonesia melalui segala aspek kebutuhan masyarakat indonesia. yakni film, fashion, berita, musik, makanan, dan pendidikan. kata kunci: diplomasi budaya, diplomasi publik, indonesia, kekuasaan lunak, turki 238 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 countries. in this case, turkey can share with indonesia its phenomenal experience in this industry. turkey carries out its cultural diplomacy well, including with indonesia. in 2018, based on data from the world tourism organization, turkey became the top 6 most visited countries globally, with a total number of visitors reaching 46 million that year (world tourism organization, 2019). turkey also has experience regarding health care tourism that can be shared with indonesia. based on the data, in 2013, turkey had about 47 joint commission international (jci) accredited hospitals, and it is known as “one of the highest-ranking countries in terms of the number of jciaccredited healthcare facilities” (precidency of the republic turkey investment office, 2013).  turkey and indonesia can give benefit each other in terms of geography and trade. given indonesia’s geostrategic position, turkey can use indonesia’s position to reach better relation to the pacific region. in turn, indonesia can use turkey as its gateway to promote its exports to countries in the middle east and europe. based on the background above, the research problem discussed in this journal is: ‘how does turkey’s implementation of its cultural diplomacy toward indonesia?’ . figure 1. map of asia (https://www.mapsofworld.com/asia/) rifkha aulia fazrianti zaelani, ahmad sahide promoting a better image through culture: the case of turkey’s cultural ... 239 research method in this research, the authors used the descriptive method by explaining how things happen or accurately describing existing data. in this study, the authors will explain the theory of cultural diplomacy and how turkey implements cultural diplomacy towards indonesia. the data source used was secondary data. these materials were collected from a literature study obtained from online and printed documents related to the cultural diplomacy of turkey towards indonesia. literature review in conducting research based on a literature study, the authors used previous research that discussed the implementation of turkish public diplomacy in indonesia because the previous studies could support the authors’ data. therefore, the authors chose three academic journals and theses to discuss the same issue. the first literature used by the authors was turkish gastro diplomacy by zahra turkish ice cream in indonesia, in indonesian perspective, volume 4, number 1, published in 2019, by anastasia claudia sinaga and rudi sukandar. they explained how public diplomacy is not only carried out by state actors, but at this time, it can be carried out by non-state actors. anastasia and rudi focus on the case of zahra turkish ice cream, a turkish company that promotes turkish ice cream. anastasia and rudi categorized food promotion from one country to another as part of cultural promotion. gastro diplomacy or culinary diplomacy is one type of cultural diplomacy and a subset of public diplomacy (anastasia claudia sinaga & rudi sukandar, 2019). in a postgraduate thesis entitled pasiad as turkish soft power in indonesia, published in 2015, novian uticha sally and dr. samsu rizal panggabean, m.sc from the department of international relations, gadjah mada university, explained that pasiad, as a foreign private school from turkey, could develop rapidly in indonesia and its role in indonesian turkish relations. although not an official institution from the turkish government, pasiad, as a private organization, can implement its educational curriculum by incorporating many turkish values and cultures (novian uticha sally & dr. samsu rizal panggabean, 2015). the role of pasiad in various dimensions had created a connection and bondage that had made cooperation between indonesia and turkey stable, until 240 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 before the turkish government d i ss olve d t h i s org an i z at i on and designated it as a banned organization in 2016. in 2016, an undergraduate thesis was written by tisna sulegar, from the international relations study program, padjajaran university, also examined the same theme, pasiad public diplomacy as a form of turkish soft power in indonesia. tisna explained that even though pasiad is a private organization, as an organization born from turkish activists with a turkish cultural background, pasiad certainly has thick roots (tisna sulegar, 2016). the two t hes es and a journal above have contributed to explaining turkish cultural d ip l om a c y ’s i mp l e m e nt at i on towards indonesia. thus, it can be said that the three works of literature of this study discuss education and food as cultural diplomacy, public diplomacy, and turkish soft power. however, the authors found that cultural diplomacy is not only through education and food in this study. also through the turkish series, radio and music, online media, and fashion. therefore, this research is expected to provide new perspectives and broader insights by analyzing the implementation of turkish cultural diplomacy in indonesia. theoretical framework cultural diplomacy theory according to milton c. cummings, an american political scientist and author, cultural diplomacy is exchanging ideas, information, art, and other aspects of culture among nations and their people to foster mutual understanding (cummings, 2009). cultural diplomacy generally can be seen from its concept and practice as the action of a country when its culture supports its foreign policy goals. in recent years, foreign policy development by using a country’s culture has become an interesting trend. it is considered an effective way to increase mutual understanding between countries, combat stereotypes, and improve reputation and relationships (mark, 2009). rather than the political level, performing arts and visuals have more power to engage the citizens personally (grincheva, u.s. arts and cultural diplomacy: post-cold war decline and the twenty-first century debate, 2010). the term of cultural diplomacy often confused with public diplomacy and soft power. according to joseph s. nye, an american rifkha aulia fazrianti zaelani, ahmad sahide promoting a better image through culture: the case of turkey’s cultural ... 241 political scientist, the three main resources of a country’s soft power can be explained: first, culture (where the culture in the places can attract other people’s interest). second, political values (the values should be widely accepted and implemented by people). third, foreign policies (the policies should be seen as legitimate and having moral authority) (nye, 2008). among many of the emerging powers, turkey is one of the countries that use public diplomacy. the ‘golden period’ of turkey is from 2007 until 2013. after that, the public diplomacy of turkey was not effective as before, and it was fallen dramatically. the domestic problem affects the global image that turkey has. the country’s instability caused by the political turmoil within the country also influences the growth of international isolation. with these based on the problem that influences its image, turkey needs to prove a different and better image to promote itself abroad. turkey’s old image as a model of democracy in a muslim state should be shifted more to focus on the turkish lifestyle, cultural appeal, and worldview. the cultural diplomacy that accentuates popular culture and focuses on entertaining, turkey uses the television broadcast to project and promote its movies to foreign publics. these are not only to entertain, but with the movie itself, turkey can promote its language, food, culture, music, fashion and build the image of the citizens and the country (seta foundation, 2019). discussion • turkey’s cultural diplomacy toward indonesia through turkish series based on the data in 2014, turkish tv was taking over the world. the united states was the first highest-ranking, following turkey as the second-highest ranking of television drama in 2014. the export revenue of turkish television drama in 2014 was estimated at $200 million. in the same year, the viewers of the turkish series worldwide combined approximately reached 400 million viewers. the viewers are in the middle east and across north africa, eastern europe, central asia, scandinavia, and latin america as new markets of the turkish series (seta foundation, 2019). in 2014, the turkish series also already reached indonesia and became one of people’s favorite series. there are many reasons why turkish dramas were in great demand in indonesia. first, from a visual point of view, actors and actresses from 242 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 turkey seem to have a combination of european, asian and middle eastern faces. second, turkey also has several traditions that are similar to indonesia. perhaps one reason is that indonesia and turkey also have a majority muslim population, so the element of closeness in turkish drama can be a special attraction for indonesian people. third, even though it has hundreds to thousands of episodes, turkish dramas are still not boring to watch. each episode presents a sense of curiosity about the continuation of the episode. fourth, turkish dramas have many unpredictable storylines (brilio.net, 2019). one turkish series that aired in indonesia in 2015 was shehrazat 1001 malam (english: 1001 nights turkish: binbir gece). turkish exporters assembly (tim) head, mehmet büyükekşi, said that turkey plans to reach $2 billion from exporting cultural products by 2023 (hurriyetdailynews.com, 2014). figure 2. poster of shehrazat 1001 malam, turkish series that aired in indonesia (https://www. fimela.com/news-entertainment/ read/2616767/5-serial-turkipaling-fenomenal-di-indonesia) according to dr. arzu ozturkmen, who teaches oral history at boğaziçi university in istanbul, turkish people against very much against their series called soap operas. turkey series are not soap operas, telenovelas, or period dramas. turkey series are dizi. dizi means “genre in progress” with a unique storyline, supporting music and space (theguardian.com, 2019). table 1. list of turkish series broadcasted on television stations in indonesia from 2015 – 2017 no title in english title in turkish television channel year 1 resurrection: ertuğrul diriliş: ertuğrul trans7 2015 2 elif elif sctv 2015 3 magnificent century muhtesem yuzyil antv 2015 4 1001 nights binbir gece antv 2015 rifkha aulia fazrianti zaelani, ahmad sahide promoting a better image through culture: the case of turkey’s cultural ... 243 no title in english title in turkish television channel year 5 cherry season kiraz mevsimi trans tv 2015 6 playing nanny hayatimin rolu rcti 2015 7 black money love kara para aşk antv 2015 8 peace street huzur sokağı rcti 2015 9 child bride küçük gelin sctv 2015 10 what is the fatmagul’s fault? fatmagül’ün suçu ne? antv 2016 11 relationship status: complicated i̇lişki durumu: karışık sctv 2016 12 never let go asla vazgeçme antv 2016 13 broken pieces paramparça antv 2016 14 that is my life o hayat benim antv 2016 15 a part of me kaderimin yazıldığı gün antv 2016 16 orphan flowers kırgın çiçekler antv 2016 17 magnificent century muhteşem yüzyıl sctv 2016 18 never let go (season 2) asla vazgeçme (season 2) tv one 2017 19 that is my life (season 2) o hayat benim (season 2) tv one 2017 20 orphan flowers (season 2) kırgın çıçekler (season 2) tv one 2017 21 torn apart eve donus tv one 2017 22 winter sun kis gunesi tv one 2017 23 queen of the night gecenin kralicesi tv one 2017 24 endless love kara sevda tv one 2017 25 north south kuzey guney fmn 2017 26 lady dila dila hanim fmn 2017 27 secrets kayip fmn 2017 (source: indonesian turkish friends, 2017) 244 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 in 2020, because the global pandemic covid-19 forces people to stay indoors, online platforms have become one way to kill boredom at home. as reported by anadolu agency, indonesians were hooking for turkish movies as their preference to accompany their stay at home. fetih 1453 and sultan abdul hamid ii are examples of turkish movies and tv series that people watch (idrus, 2020). • turkey’s cultural diplomacy toward indonesia through radio and music one of the biggest radio corporations in turkey is the turkish radio and television corporation (trt). it plays a central role in cultural diplomacy, with its international broadcasting as an effective tool to deliver messages. trt world launched in 2015 to reach broader scope by using the english language for its news platform. providing this platform helps turkey promote its image to the world without a language barrier (seta foundation, 2019). in addition, domestic and global citizens can access the website of a national voice radio in turkey that shares turkish music. the ease of enjoying turkish music is also a great strategy for promoting the country’s language and culture (köselerli, 2017). according to the former turkish ambassador to the republic of indonesia, zekeriya akçam said that the first performance of turkish musicians in indonesia was in 2013. the groups are the best of the best in turkey and perform highquality turkish music in jakarta. allegra, which represents modern turkish music, and gul isigi, which represents traditional turkish music (aira, 2013). • turkey’s cultural diplomacy toward indonesia through online media to follow the development of the modern era, turkey has a big news agency that has an office in more than 45 countries worldwide and publishes news in many languages. one of them is the indonesian language. the turkish news agency, anadolu agency, is expanding its international wing by inaugurating an indonesian-language news service in jakarta in 2017. since its establishment in 1920, the anadolu agency has been present in various languages. anadolu agency is the only international news agency broadcast in indonesia. rifkha aulia fazrianti zaelani, ahmad sahide promoting a better image through culture: the case of turkey’s cultural ... 245 d e put y d i re c torg e ne r a l mustafa ozkaya said journalism has the power to build public opinion and bring about change. indonesia is anadolu agency’s priority country. with more than 260 million, indonesia has an important position in the asia pacific (nupus, 2017). in 2007, the turkish government established a worldwide nonprofit organization to promote the turkish language and culture worldwide named the yunus emre institute (yee). yunus emre institute (yee) promotes turkey through its history and arts, creates informational documents on cultural issues, and builds bridges between turkey and other countries through intercultural exchange. the information can be found in its entire social media platform (twitter, facebook, instagram, youtube channel, google) (köselerli, 2017). • turkey’s cultural diplomacy toward indonesia through education the next strategic step taken by the turkish government was in 2012 to combine all higher education scholarships from various state institutions into one scholarship mechanism under the name türkiye scholarship (turkish: türkiye bursları, www.turkiyeburslari.gov. tr). ytb , through the türkiye scholarship, seeks to attract international students to continue their studies in turkey and introduce turkish culture and language to them (abhimanyu, 2020). on march 31, 2020, the ambassador of the republic of indonesia to turkey, lalu muhammad iqbal, shared a post on his instagram account. he made a skype call with abdullah eren, president of ytb. lalu muhammad iqbal explained his concern about the fate of the 2700 indonesian students during the pandemic in turkey. abdullah eren said that he would treat students from indonesia who have received ytb like his own compatriots. the turkish government said it would increase the scholarship quota for indonesian students in 2021. türkiye bursları scholarship advisor, enes efendioglu, said that 1000 indonesian students had received ytb scholarships. meanwhile, at this time, around 243 students are still actively studying. efendioglu said that in 2021 the plan is to open a scholarship quota for 300 indonesian students (pızaro gozalı idrus, 2020). 246 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 • turkey’s cultural diplomacy toward indonesia through food besides turkish ice cream, turkish culinary that are famous throughout the world are kebabs and baklava. kebab is a typical turkish food containing thin slices of beef and several vegetables wrapped in tortilla skin (alinda putri, 2019). baklava is a snack in the turkish region and areas where the former ottoman empire was ruled. this snack consists of walnuts or pistachios chopped and sweetened (sugar or honey) wrapped in thin bread dough (mardin baklava, 2019). cultural diplomacy can be implemented officially by the government and a private company in this current era. istanbul kebab turki, a kebab shop in jakarta owned by muhammad mustafa, a turkish, presents an authentic turkish kebab with native turkish spices. 19.9 thousand followers followed this shop on instagram with username @istanbulkebabturki, and the video uploaded by indonesian food vlogger kubiler about this kebab, watched by 7.3 million people on youtube. in addition to kebab shops established by turkish in indonesia, many kebab shop branches are established by indonesian citizens themselves. such as kebab turki baba rafi. by relying on a kebab with a distinctive taste, kebab turki baba rafi is the largest franchise business in the world with 1300 outlets in 10 countries within 15 years of development (pt baba rafi enterprise, 2019). the founders of this franchise are hendy setiono and nilam sari, and they are indonesian businesspeople. the baklava’s store with authentic turkish flavors also can be found in jakarta. mardin baklava, who claims to be the first baklava patisserie in indonesia, followed by around 47.8 thousand followers on their instagram account with username @mardinbaklava until january 2021. the indonesian public’s interest in turkish culinary seems quite high. even though the owner is not turkish, abdulrahman suud, an arab, confirms that a person should have special skills and a certificate to make baklava, so the baklava chefs in mardin baklava are turkish. turkish culinary has become a business idea in indonesia even though the company owner may not be turkish. it proves that turkish culinary has great value and opportunity for business people because turkish cuisine can be accepted in the indonesian tongue. rifkha aulia fazrianti zaelani, ahmad sahide promoting a better image through culture: the case of turkey’s cultural ... 247 • turkey’s cultural diplomacy toward indonesia through fashion turkish fashion is slowly entering indonesia, promoted by one of the biggest fashion companies in turkey, called lc waikiki. currently, lc waikiki already has four branches in indonesia. the locations are gandaria city and lippo mall puri, jakarta. as well as at pakuwon mall and tunjungan plaza, surabaya. even though it was founded in france, after becoming a turkish-owned company, lc waikiki certainly also represents the materials and clothing styles favored by the turkish people (rintek, 2019). turkey is also famous for its carpets, rugs, and hijabs. one of indonesia’s most complete turkish hijab shops is jakist (from jakartaistanbul) in jakarta, with followers of around 17.5 thousand people with username @hijabturki.jakist on instagram. turkish hijab has its special characteristics on the fabric and the motives which have attracted indonesians to buy it. around 400 turkish people live in indonesia for study, business, and mixed marriage. jakist is a turkish fashion store owned by a turkishindonesian couple. fashion consultant franka s oeria said that indonesian designers in modest clothes need to reflect on the best countries at selling hijab or modest clothes. the country she refers to is turkey. franka explained that turkey has good sales in exporting modest clothes to various countries (arina yulistara, 2018). conclusion indonesia and turkey are far from a geographical point of view. however, in the sense of unity, both countries have extraordinary closeness. several turkish cultures have entered indonesia through cultural diplomacy, one of which is the screening of turkish films that have won the hearts of indonesians. by touching viewers’ hearts through turkey’s culture, cultural developments in indonesia can receive and provide audiovisual education. the public als o understands that there are many similarities in terms of humanity, ways of thinking, and getting an education in dress and manners outside of local culture. economic conditions also determine and assist the course of cultural diplomacy. indonesia and turkey have similarities in culture and religion and do not forget the side of social 248 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 status, which in fact, not all levels of society can travel to experience and learn about the cultural differences of each country. student exchange can also be interpreted as a state-sponsored trip to strengthen relations and provide opportunities for all levels of society from two countries with the potential and adequate knowledge. recommendations 1. the practice that turkey has carried out in carrying out its cultural diplomacy to indonesia has been good. through films and visual cultural broadcasts, turkey has introduced its ethnic groups that the turks are turks. not arabs or europeans. besides, the turkish ambassador’s introduction of turkish music in indonesia effectively made the indonesian people more familiar with turkish music, both traditional and modern. however, the turkish embassy in indonesia as an important bridge to connect turkey and indonesia still not maximum to carry out its duty. therefore, the recommendation of this research are: 2. the turkish embassy’s practice of cultural diplomacy in indonesia should be further enhanced by conducting an annual event. a visa-free is needed for indonesian tourists to visit turkey. the bilateral relations between turkey and indonesia, strengthened by cultural diplomacy, are expected to attract indonesian citizens to come to turkey to study, travel, or work. furthermore, it is hoped that visafree indonesian tourists who want to come to turkey can exist longterm. like the turkish citizens who have a 30-day visa-free when visiting indonesia. however, a visa is one of the important requirements and can also be an obstacle for a tourist. with the closer relationship between turkey and indonesia, it is hoped that there will be more convenience and openness of facilities and access for the two countries. references article in periodical cummings, m. c. 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(2019, september 13). how turkish tv is taking over the world. retrieved from the guardian: https://www. t h e g u a r d i a n . c o m / t v a n d radio/2019/s ep/13/turkishtv-magnificent-century-dizitaking-over-world islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 issn: 2614-0535 relevansi penyusunan teori diplomasi dalam perspektif islam tika dian pratiwi magister ilmu hubungan internasional universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta ptikadian@gmail.com abstrak diplomasi dewasa ini dipahami sebagai aktivitas negosiasi antar-negara atau antar-aktor hubungan internasional.sayangnya, diplomasi konvensional yang dikenal saat ini memiliki beberapa kelemahan, sehingga perlu terobosan baru diplomasi yang melibatkan aktor lain dan akhirnya menghasilkan diplomasi bersih. diplomasi bersih tidak hanya mengutamakan tujuan, tetapi sarana dan semua proses negosiasi juga diperhatikan dan sama pentingnya dengan tujuan. diplomasi bersih melalui perspektif islam tertuang dalam al-qur’an dan hadist serta diwujudkan dalam pemikiran serta tindakan nabi muhammad saw dalam menyikapi dan menyelesaikan berbagai permasalahan. pada masa ini, diplomasi bersih juga tergambar dalam diplomasi terbuka yang menjunjung nilai keadilan dan ketransparanan proses serta hasilnya. diplomasi bersih memiliki karakteristik yang adil dan rahmatan lil ‘alamin membuat berbagai pihak berada pada kedudukan yang sama, tanpa ada penindasan ataupun supremasi dari pihak tertentu. hasil yang dicapai melalui diplomasi bersih juga akan membuat semua pihak merasa puas. hal ini pada akhirnya akan membuat jalinan silaturahmi antar pihak semakin kuat dan harmonis. kata kunci: diplomasi, perspektif islam, transparan, adil. abstract diplomacy is generally defined as a negotiation process between countries or amongactors ininternational relations. conventional diplomacy has some 112 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 1. pendahuluan dalam makalah ini, penulis akan menelaah teori diplomasi dalam perspektif islam. namun sebelum itu, kita harus paham terlebih dahulu mengenai pengertian diplomasi. dalam kamus oxford diplomasi adalah berbagai cara yang diterapkan oleh duta-duta besar dan utusan-utusannya dalam mengelola ataupun mengatur hubungan yang sudah terjalin dengan negara atau pihak lain. diplomasi dapat dikatakan sebagai pengelolaan hubungan internasional melalui perundingan; tugas atau ekspresi seni dari para diplomat. dalam prosesnya, diplomasi mengharuskan sang diplomat untuk melakukan seni permainan kata-kata, agar tujuannya dapat tercapai dengan baik. namun, dalam berdiplomasi terkadang dituntut pula untuk melakukan tekanan dan ancaman. hal ini merupakan cara terakhir yang dapat dilakukan apabila tidak ditemukan jalan keluar yang lainnya(rumintang, 2008: 28). diplomat yang melakukan diplomasi merupakan perwakilan dari suatu negara dan membawa kep ent ingan negara b es er t a warga negaranya. hal yang tidak mengheran kan, jika para diplomat weaknesses that should be resolved and creating a clean diplomacy. a clean diplomacy is not merely focuses on objective policy, but alsopay a more attention on negotiation processes during the policy formulationwhich also considered as important goal. the clean diplomacy in theislamic perspective is describedin the qur'an and hadith that has beenarticulated in the thoughts and actions of the prophet muhammad saw in addressing and resolving various problems. at this time, the clean diplomacy is also reflected in the open diplomacy that upholds the value of justice, transparency and the results. the clean diplomacy has a specificcharacteristic namely justice and rahmatan lil 'alaminthat perceive people in the same position in front of god and law, without any discrimination and superiority among parties. the achieved results through a clean diplomacy will also make all parties feel more satisfy. therefore, the clean diplomacy will improve the relationship between parties became stronger and more harmonious. keywords: clean diplomacy, islamic perspective, transparency, fairness. tika dian pratiwi relevansi penyusunan teori diplomasi dalam perspektif islam 113 melakukan berbagai macam cara agar tujuannya dapat tercapai, karena tujuan yang ia bawa tersebut merupakan misi negaranya. hal ini lambat laun men jadi hal yang dipandang kurang baik karena diplomasi terlihat seperti menghalalkan berbagai macam cara dalam mencapai tujuan. termasuk di dalamnya berbohong serta memain kan kata dan kalimat yang mengesam pingkan kebenaran. dalam perkembangannya, terdapat berbaga jenis diplomasi, yaitu preventive diplomacy, offensive diplomacy, diplomasi rahasia, public diplomacy, serta berbagai jenis diplomasi lainnya.preventive diplomacy memiliki tujuan untuk mereda kan berbagai pihak yang terlibat dalam masalah agar tidak menimbulkan perang (snow dan brown, 2000: 442). diplomasi preventif biasanya dilakukan oleh negara-negara yang memiliki power menengah ke bawah untuk menghindari campur tangan dari negara super power. diplomasi jenis ini dilakukan dengan berbagai metode dan cara yang damai agar permasalahan dapat terselesaikan tanpa adanya kekerasan. diplomasi yang kedua adalah offensive diplomacy. offensive diplomacy merupakan teknik diplomasi yang menggunakan tekanan, paksaan, serta ancaman terhadap pihak lain. dengan menggunakan cara-cara yang memaksa dan menekan meng akibatkan suatu pihak tunduk dan patuh kepada pihak lainnya (levy, 2008: 539). ancaman dan tekanan tersebut bisa dalam bentuk embargo ekonomi, pemberhentian bantuan, ancaman militer ataupun sanksi perdagangan. diplomasi ketiga adalah diplomasi rahasia yang dilakukan secara diam-diam oleh pemerintah dari suatu negara dan diplomasi ini dirahasiakan dari publik (momengoh, 2013: 10).diplomasi rahasia berkembang pada masa abad pertengahan dan biasa digunakan oleh kerajaan-kerajaan, khususnya di eropa.kelebihan dari diplomasi ini adalah terjaminnya rahasia dan masalah dapat diselesaikan dengan cepat. jenis diplomasi yang keempat adalah public diplomacy yang biasanya digunakan pemerintah untuk membentuk opini publik dan bertujuan untuk mendapat simpati dan dukungan rakyat. dengan demikian, public diplomacyadalah proses diplomasi yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah kepada masyarakat di negaranya, atau kepada masyarakat di negara lain(d’hooghe, 2007). diplomasi meski memiliki jenis 114 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 yang berbeda, tetapi memiliki tujuan yang sama. tujuan dari diplomasi dapat dilihat dari berbagai sisi. mulai dari sisi politik, diplomasi berkaitan dengan kebebasan politik serta ber tujuan mempertahankan integritas teritorial suatu negara. dalam konteks indonesia, diplomasi bertujuan untuk mempertahankan kemerdekaan yang telah diperoleh serta melindungi kedaulatan teritorial indonesia mulai dari sabang hingga merauke. dari sisi ekonomi, diplomasi bertujuan untuk memperlancar pembangunan ekonomi nasional. dari sisi kultur atau budaya, fungsi diplomasi adalah melestarikan dan memperkenalkan kebudayaan nasional di kanca internasional(roy, 1991: 5-13). dewasa ini jenis diplomasi semakin berkembang karena disesuai kan dengan zaman dan kebutuhan. salah satu jenis diplomasi yang baru dalam kancah hubungan internasional dan politik luar negeri adalah diplomasi bersih. hadirnya diplomasi bersih merupakan bentuk positif dari diplomasi pada umumnya yang terkenal kurang sesuai dengan nilai-nilai islam. dengan adanya diplomasi jenis ini, maka diplomasi dapat ditelaah dalam perspektif islam yang diharapkan mampu mengurangi efek buruk atau efek negatif dalam teori diplomasi itu sendiri. 2. studi pustaka “d ipl om a s i b e r s i h” d a l am perspektif islam oleh tulus warsito dan surwandono te or i d ip l om a s i b e r s i h pernah diulas dan ditulis oleh dua orang dosen universitas muhammadiyah, yaitu prof. dr. tulus warsito dan dr. surwandono dengan judul “diplomasi bersih” dalam perspektif islam.dalam tulisan tersebut, diplomasi bersih merujuk pada diplomasi yang pelaksanaannya harus sesuai dengan yang diidealkan. diplomasi bersih terkait dengan konsistensi tanggungjawab kepada umat, sesuai tuntutan al-qur’an dan hadist.berdasarkan pengertian tersebut, maka diplomasi tidak hanya mengutamakan kepentingan elite, tetapi lebih meng utamakan kepentingan umat dan dapat bermanfaat bagi semua pihak atau rahmatan lil ‘alamin yaitu bagi diri sendiri, musuh, maupun bagi alam semesta (warsito dan surwandono, 2015: 150). dalam hukum islam, ketika kita melakukan negosiasi dan diplomasi dalam keadaan perang ataupun damai, hak-hak musuh tetap diperhatikan dan dipenuhi sesuai dengan ajaran al-qur’an tika dian pratiwi relevansi penyusunan teori diplomasi dalam perspektif islam 115 dan sunnah. dalam hukum internasional islam, segala peraturan dibuat dengan seadil-adilnya. regulasi atau aturan ini tidak hanya berlaku bagi negara-negara islam, tetapi juga bagi negara non-islam. dalam tulisan ini, juga diulas mengenai konsep negosiasi fisher-ury yang adil dan efektif. intisari dari konsep tersebut adalah sangat penting bagi dua pihak yang bersengketa memahami perspektif masing-masing mengenai apa yang mereka sengketakan. apabila ada salah satu pihak yang memaksakan kehendaknya, maka pihak ini tidak melakukan perunding an, melainkan pemaksaan. dalam mengkonstruksi solusi, peran atau partisipasi kedua belah pihak harus sangat diperhatikan. semakin besar partisipasi suatu pihak dalam kontribusi usulan ke sepakatan, maka semakin besar pula tanggungjawabnya untuk melaksanakan dan menjalankan hasil kesepakatan tersebut(warsito dan surwandono, 2015: 151-153). dalam membedakan antara diplomasi/negosiasi konvensional dengan diplomasi bersih dalam perspektif islam, dapat terlihat dari perbedaan istilah pihakpihak yang bersengketa. jika pada diplomasi konvensional aktor yang terlibat adalah negara-bangsa, maka dalam islam terkhusus pada zaman nabi muhammad, aktor yang terlibat adalah antar-pihak atau antar-golongan. pada zaman nabi muhammad, perjanjian per tama yang dilakukan adalah piagam madinah.ini merupakan kesepakatan pertama di dalam islam yang ditandatangani oleh muhammad dan mereformasi secara fundamental konsep sebuah negara yang berdasar kan keimanan. madinah kala itu menjadi negara yang merangkul masya rakat dari berbagai agama dan keyakinan karena keb ebas an b er agama sangat dihargai dan dijamin.meski demikian, masyarakat madinah memiliki loyalitas pada ikatan politik yang satu. orang-orang yahudi di madinah juga mendapatkan perlakuan yang setara atau sama (equality, musawat) karena orang yahudi yang berasal dari bani auf dianggap bersaudara dengan kaum muslimin (warsito dan surwandono, 2015: 154-155). selain bentuk diplomasi bersih yang dijelaskan melalui piagam madinah, tulus warsito dan surwandono juga menghadirkan cara rasulullah bernegosiasi dan berdiplomasi secara baik dan benar melalui perang badar, perang uhud dan perjanjian hudaibiyah. keempat contoh praktis ini dirasa cukup 116 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 untuk mewakili pandangan islam mengenai diplomasi bersih.dengan demikian, kesimpulan dari tulisan tulus warsito dan surwandono mengenai diplomasi bersih menyatakan bahwa pelaksanaan di plomasi harus mengutamakan ke pen tingan semua pihak yang ter libat dalam sengketa. b erdasarkan rezim internasional yang berlaku, negosiasi bersih harus memenuhi azas akuntabilitas, transparan serta adil bagi diri sendiri maupun bagi pihak lawan (warsito dan surwandono, 2015: 151). diplomasi bersih juga pernah ditulis oleh dr. afzal iqbal dalam buku yang berjudul diplomasi islam.dalam buku ini, dijelaskan mengenai prinsip-prinsip negosiasi yang adil melalui sikap nabi muhammad dalam bernegosiasi dan mengambil keputusan. catatan p er tama mengenai tindakan diplo matik yang dilakukan oleh muhammad adalah ketika beliau berusia 35 tahun. kala itu beliau menengahi sebuah konflik (perbedaan pendapat) yang terjad saat rekonstruksi ka’bah yang diwarisi kaum quraisy dari nabi ibrahim, hampir selesai dikerjakan. konflik (perbedaan pendapat) bermula ketika para ketua suku dan kabilah yang bekerja dengan keras sama-sama menyatakan berhak meletakkan batu hajar aswad. oleh nabi muhammad masalah tersebut diselesaikan dengan sehelai selendang yang di bagian tengahnya diletakkan batu hajar aswad tersebut.seluruh pimpinan suku dan kabilah diminta mengangkat batu tersebut melalui kedua ujung selendang. hal ini merupakan p enyeles aian dan keputus an yang sangat bijak dan adil dari muhammad bagi semua pihak, karena tanpa pertumpahan darah, batu hajar aswad dapat diletakkan kembali ke tempatnya tanpa ada pihak yang merasa dirugikan (iqbal, 2000: 13-14). buku ini menjelaskan pula perjanjian awal yang terjadi dalam agama islam adalah kesep a k at a n d e n g a n p e n du du k madinah dan orang-orang yahudi yang terangkum dalam piagam madinah. piagam madinah sering juga disebut konstitusi madinah, madinah charter, atau watsiqah madinah dengan isi perjanjiannya sebanyak 47 poin.piagam madinah ini menyepakati bahwa jika terjadi perselisihan, maka seluruh pihak yang bertikai harus menyerahkan penyelesaian masalah kepada nabi muhammad. namun, bukan berarti nabi muhammad adalah orang yang paling berkuasa.muhammad adalah sosok yang tidak otokratik tika dian pratiwi relevansi penyusunan teori diplomasi dalam perspektif islam 117 dan sangat mengutamakan musyawarah. keputusan akan ditetapkan setelah muhammad mendengar berbagai pendapat dari para sahabatnya(iqbal, 2000: 20-25). afzal iqbal juga menjabarkan diplomasi ala rasulullah yang sangat bertolak belakang dengan diplomasi konvensional yang selama ini dikesankan buruk. diplomasi rasulullah mengedepankan sikap sopan dalam hubungan kemanusiaan dan menjaga amanah atas kebenaran, dimana kebenaran akan menang dan kebatilan pasti akan hancur. nabi muhammad menganggap diplomasi merupakan sarana untuk mencapai tujuan, dan sarana tersebut sama pentingnya dengan tujuan. selain kebenaran, muhammad juga menekankan dan selalu mencontohkan komunikasi yang tepat. hal ini dibuktikan dengan tindakan muhammad yang selalu menyampaikan risalah dan wahyu dari allah sesuai dengan perintah allah. muhammad tetap menyampaikan hal-hal baik meski ia mengalami penderitaan yang begitu hebat(iqbal, 2000: 85). dalam berdiplomasi, nabi muhammad juga mengajarkan sabar dalam mencapai tujuan. sabar adalah istiqamah dan penuh ketenangan dalam mencari jalan terbaik untuk mencapai tujuan. tujuan yang besar akan membutuhkan kapasitas ke sabaran yang besar pula. hal ini juga berkaitan dengan cara berdiplomasi selanjutnya yang dianjurkan muhammad, yaitu lambat namun pasti. nabi muhammad diperingatkan untuk tidak terburuburu dan selalu dalam keadaan yang seimbang dalam mencapai tujuan yang ingin dicapai (iqbal, 2000: 101104). diplomasi menurut nabi muhammad juga mengedepankan sikap sederhana dan menjauhi sikap sombong. sombong adalah sifat buruk yang muncul dari perasaan yang berlebihan terhadap kualitas diri dan kepentingan diri sendiri. diplomasi dengan sistem kesederhanaan tidak menganggap remeh dan tidak meng anggap rendah lawan. ini tentu bentuk penghargaan muhammad kepada siapapun yang berdiplomasi dengannya. bagian penting lainnya dalam diplomasi ala muhammad adalah sifat loyalitas. loyalitas adalah sikap setia dan konsisten terhadap kewajiban yang dibebankan pada diri seseorang tanpa melihat resiko yang menimpanya. diplomat yang memiliki loyalitas tinggi akan siap berkorban demi tercapainya tujuan bangsa dan negaranya(iqbal, 2000: 104-110). 118 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 3. teori diplomasi bersih dalam perspektif islam dari aspek ontologi, epistemologi serta aksiologi dalam membahas diplomasi bersih, maka penulis akan mencoba menelaahnya dari berbagai sisi. mulai dari sisi ontologi, epistemologi serta aksiologi. dengan demikian, diplomasi bersih akan terlihat secara spesifik mengenai asalusulnya (ontologi), bagaimana (epistemologi) serta manfaatnya (aksiologi). 3.1. aspek ontologi ontologi merupakan salah satu dari tiga kajian filsafat ilmu yang paling kuno dan berasal dari yunani. beberapa tokoh terkenal yunani yang memiliki corak pemikiran ontologis adalah thales, plato, dan aristoteles.kata ontologi berasal bahasa yunani, yaitu onatau ontos yang artinya ada dan logos artinya ilmu. dengan demikian, ontologi adalah ilmu mengenai sesuatu yang ada atau prinsip umum mengenai sesuatu yang ada.ontologi juga merupakan studi mengenai sesuatu yang ada dan tidak ada, dengan demikian ontologi mempelajari mengenai realitas (west dan turner, 2008: 55). terdapat pula pengertian yang tidak jauh berbeda, dimana ontologi diartikan sebagai teori tentang “ada”, yaitu tentang apa yang dipikirkan dan apa yang menjadi objek pemikiran (qomar, 2006: 1). ontologi dapat dipahami pula sebagai cara pandang ter hadap dunia dan pada apa yang membentuk berbagai karakteristik pentingnya. ontologi juga disebut sebagai filsafat pertama karena tidak mungkin berfilsafat sebelum sifat dari realitas ditentukan (west dan turner, 2008: 55). berdasarkan aspek ontologi, maka asal usul dari diplomasi bersih dalam perspektif islam berfokus pada ajaran al-qur’an dan alhadist. jika pada awalnya teori diplomasi konvensional dipahami sebagai seni bermain kalimat bahkan hingga menghalalkan kebohongan demi mencapai tujuan diri sendiri, maka diplomasi bersih bertolak belakang dengan halhal tersebut. jika pada umumnya diplomasi dilakukan dengan cara apapun agar tujuan pihak tertentu tercapai tanpa mempertimbangkan nasib pihak lain, maka diplomasi bersih dalam perspektif islam melakukan hal yang berbeda. tujuan utama dari diplomasi bersih adalah memberikan manfaat tidak hanya bagi diri sendiri, tetapi juga bagi semua pihak yang terlibat atau rahmatan lil ‘alamin, baik bagi diri sendiri, pihak musuh, maupun bagi alam semesta(warsito dan tika dian pratiwi relevansi penyusunan teori diplomasi dalam perspektif islam 119 surwandono, 2015: 150). dengan adanya diplomasi bersih yang ditinjau dari perspektif islam, maka penulis berpendapat bahwa diplomasi merupakan proses yang sejatinya mengutamakan keadilan. tidak hanya berfokus pada keuntungan pihak tertentu, tetapi juga bagi semua pihak yang terlibat di dalam proses diplomasi tersebut. jika diplomasi bersih diterapkan dengan baik dalam segala urusan hubungan politik luar negeri, maka hampir dapat dipastikan tidak akan lagi terjadi perang fisik maupun perang dingin. dengan mengutamakan unsur keadilan, maka proses hingga hasil dari diplomasi tidak akan terasa berat sebelah atau hanya menguntungkan pihak tertentu dan memberikan sedikit keuntungan bagi pihak lain. makna adil di dalam diplomasi bersih ini dapat dilihat dalam ayat al-qur’an, allah swt telah memberikan pesannya kepada kita sebagai umat manusia agar berlaku adil. hal tersebut tertera pada surah an-nisa ayat 58 yang terjemahannya adalah sebagai berikut: “sesungguhnya allah menyuruh kamu menyampaikan amanat kepada yang berhak menerimanya, dan (menyuruh kamu) apabila menetapkan hukum di antara manusia supaya kamu menetapkan dengan adil.sesung guhnya allah memberi pengajaran yang sebaik-baiknya kepadamu.sesung guhnya allah adalah maha mendengar lagi maha melihat.” (qs an-nisa 4:58) diplomasi bersih melalui perspektif islam juga menekankan efek kesetaraan dan persamaan antar manusia. dalam tulisannya, prof. dr. tulus warsito dan dr. surwandono mengatakan bahwa diplomasi bersih menawarkan sisi yang berbeda dengan diplomasi konvensional.dengan mengusung konsep rahmatan lil ‘alamin, diplomasi islam bersifat bersih dan egaliter atau sama dan sederajat. sedangkan hal ini biasanya tidak terdapat dalam diplomasi konvensional yang hanya mencari keuntungan nasionalnya sendiri dan cenderung hipokrit atau munafik serta penuh kepura-puraan dalam proses diplomasinya. konsep rahmatan lil ‘alamindan egaliter yang terkandung dalam diplomasi bersih, juga sudah secara jelas dinyatakan oleh allah swt melalui ayat al-qur’an. “wahai manusia, sesungguhnya kami menciptakan kamu dari seorang laki-laki dan seorang perempuan dan menjadikan kamu berbangsa-bangsa dan 120 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 bersuku-suku supaya kamu saling kenal-mengenal.sesungguhnya orang yang paling mulia diantara kamu disisi allah ialah orang yang paling taqwa diantara kamu. sesungguhnya allah maha mengetahui lagi maha mengenal.” (qs alhujuraat 49:13) 3.2. aspek epistemologi epistemologi adalah teori mengenai ilmu pengetahuan, yaitu membahas tentang bagaimana cara mendapatkan pengetahuan dari objek yang dipikirkan. sebagai sub sistem dalam filsafat, epistemologi pertama kali digagas oleh plato. epistemologi berasal dari kata “episteme” yaitu pengetahuan dan juga “logos” yang bermakna ilmu atau uraian.sehingga secara etimologi, epistemologi dapat diartikan sebagai teori tentang ilmu pengetahuan atau theory of knowledge. dalam perjalanannya hingga kini, beberapa ahli mencoba memberikan pengertian yang mendetail mengenai epistemologi. dagobert d. runes misalnya, ia mengatakan bahwa epistemologi adalah cabang filsafat yang membahas sumber, struktur, metodemetode dan validitas penge tahuan. pendapat yang tidak jauh ber beda juga disampaikan oleh azyumardi azra, ia mengatakan bahwa epistemologi adalah ilmu yang membahas mengenai keaslian, pengertian, struktur, metode serta validitas ilmu pengetahuan(qomar, 2006: 4). 1. piagam madinah dari sisi epistemologi, maka diplomasi bersih dalam perspektif islam dilihat dan dikaji melalui keaslian atau kebenaran, metode serta validitasnya. selain melalui ayat al-qur’an dalam surah al-hujuraat ayat 13 mengenai kesetaraan dan persamaan antarmanusia yang telah dijelaskan di atas, diplomasi bersih sebenarnya telah tergambar jelas dalam piagam madinah. piagam madinah bersifat universal, tidak hanya untuk kalangan muslim semata tetapi untuk kalangan umat dalam artian luas. pada waktu itu, madinah tidak hanya dihuni oleh umat muslim tetapi juga dihuni oleh kaum anshar, yaitu kaum yang pernah menolong nabi muhammad. madinah tidak pula hanya dihuni oleh kaum muhajirin atau sahabat nabi yang berasal dari mekah. akan tetapi, madinah kala itu juga dihuni oleh golongan lain dengan beragam agama seperti yahudi, nasrani dan bahkan golongan musyrikin yang masih menyembah berhala, serta kaum majusi yang menyembah tika dian pratiwi relevansi penyusunan teori diplomasi dalam perspektif islam 121 api (moesa, 2007: 241). hal ini semakin meneguhkan bahwa visi islam dalam membangun politik berlandaskan politik kesetaraan. berbagai golongan tersebut oleh nabi muhammad saw tidak disatukan melalui sentimen agama, melainkan melalui sentimen kepemilikan bersama, untuk bahum e m b a hu m e mp e r t a h a n k a n madinah dari segenap ancaman yang datang dari luar (moesa, 2007: 241-242). dalam piagam madinah terdapat semangat untuk tidak hanya melindungi umat islam, melainkan juga menyelamatkan kota madinah. sehingga, golongan lain tidak harus di-islam-kan, tetapi yang jauh lebih penting adalah digugah rasa kepemilikannya terhadap kota madinah sebagai tempat tinggal bersama dari ancaman luar, khususnya dari kaum quraisy mekah. dengan demikian, realitas sosial yang terdapat dalam piagam madinah adalah pengakuan adanya pluralitas di kehidupan berbangsa dan bermasyarakat karena adanya keragaman agama, keyakinan, kabilah serta latar belakang kehidupan. itulah sebabnya, dapat dikatakan bahwa piagam madinah bukan hanya perjanjian agama, melainkan “kontrak sosial kebangsaan” karena menyangkut asp ek hubu ng an ant ar u mat manusia di dunia atau mu’amalah dunyawiyah(moesa, 2007: 242-243). piagam madinah terdiri dari 47 poin perjanjian. dalam bagian ini, penulis hanya akan meyebutkan 20 poin perjanjian tersebut. agar gambaran mengenai piagam madinah menjadi semakin jelas, berikut adalah isi dari 20 perjanjian tersebut(warsito dan surwandono, 2015: 155-159): dengan nama allah yang maha pengasih lagi maha penyayang  ini adalah kesepakatan yang ditulis oleh muhammad dengan orang-orang muslim (mekkah) quraisy dan yatsrib serta siapa pun yang mengikuti mereka dan yang menyatakan kesetiaan untuk berjihad bersama mereka.  mereka adalah satu komunitas (umat) yang berbeda dari masyarakat yang lain.  kaum muhajirin dari quraisy, sesuai dengan adat kebiasaan yang berlaku sebelumnya, hendaklah bekerja sama dalam membayar tebusan untuk membebaskan anggota mereka yang ditawan. tiap-tiap kelompok harus mem bebas kan anggota yang ditawan dengan cara yang benar dan baik.  bani auf, sesuai dengan adat ke122 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 biasaan yang berlaku, hendaklah bekerja sama dalam mengupayakan pembayaran tebusan anggota mereka yang ditawan. tiap-tiap kelompok harus membebaskan anggota yang ditawan dengan cara yang baik dan adil sesuai dengan tradisi yang ada di antara orang-orang beriman.  bani harits, sesuai dengan adat kebiasaan yang berlaku, (sama dengan nomor 3).  bani saidah, sesuai dengan adat kebiasaan yang berlaku, (sama dengan nomor 3)  bani jusyam, sesuai dengan adat kebiasaan yang berlaku, (sama dengan nomor 3).  bani an-najjar, sesuai dengan adat kebiasaan yang berlaku, (sama dengan nomor 3).  bani `amr bin `auf, sesuai dengan adat kebiasaan yang berlaku, (sama dengan nomor 3).  bani an-nabit, sesuai dengan adat kebiasaan yang berlaku, (sama dengan nomor 3).  bani aus, sesuai dengan adat kebiasaan yang berlaku, (sama dengan nomor 3).  orang-orang mukmin tidak boleh membiarkan seseorang terlilit utang, hendaklah mereka mem berikan bantuan kepadanya, berupa pembayaran denda atau tebusan.  seorang mukmin tidak boleh melakukan tindakan yang tidak baik kepada sesama mukmin lainnya, baik yang merdeka maupun budak.  seorang mukmin yang bertakwa berhak menentang sese orang yang menyimpang atau berusaha menyebarkan perbuatan dosa, kezaliman, dan kerusakan di antara orang-orang mukmin. mereka hendaknya bersatu meng hukum mereka, meskipun mereka adalah anak salah seorang dari mereka.  seorang mukmin tidak dibenarkan membunuh sese orang demi membela orang kafir, juga tidak boleh membantu seorang kafir untuk melawan seorang mukmin.  perlindungan (dzimmah) allah hanya satu, allah berpihak kepada yang lemah dalam meng hadapi yang kuat. seorang mukmin adalah pelindung dalam pergaulan bagi mukmin yang lain.  siapa pun dari kaum yahudi yang mengikuti kita, maka ia memiliki hak yang sama dalam mendapatkan bantuan dan pertolongan sepanjang dia tidak tika dian pratiwi relevansi penyusunan teori diplomasi dalam perspektif islam 123 melakukan tindakan yang salah dan tidak membantu pihak lain untuk melawan mereka.  kedamaian antarkaum muslimin adalah satu. tak seorang mukmin pun dibenarkan mengadakan perjanjian dengan orang non-mukmin di saat perang di jalan allah kecuali atas dasar per samaan dan keadilan.  perdamaian tidak dapat dibagibagi. hanya ada satu perdamaian bagi kaum muslimin. seorang mukmin tidak dibenarkan membuat perdamaian dengan non-muslim dalam perang di jalan allah kecuali atas dasar persamaan dan keadilan.  seorang mukmin adalah pelindung bagi mukmin lainnya saat mereka mengorbankan jiwanya di jalan allah. dan orang-orang yang bertakwa adalah orang yang paling baik dalam mendapatkan petunjuk. diplomasi bersih melalui perspektif islam hanya penulis fokuskan pada piagam madinah. namun, sebenarnya diplomasi bersih tidak hanya dapat dibuktikan dan digambarkan melalui piagam madinah saja, terdapat pula perjanjian hudaibiyah yang dapat kita pelajari teknik diplomasinya. perang badar dan perang uhud juga memiliki kisah yang dapat menggambarkan diplomasi bersih dalam perspektif islam. 2. diplomasi terbuka secara epistemologi, diplomasi bersih berdasarkan perspektif islam juga tergambar dalam diplomasi terbuka. melalui diplomasi terbuka, maka kita akan memperoleh gambaran, bahwa diplomasi bersih yang terkandung dalam diplomasi terbuka merupakan teknik diplomasi yang baik karena meng andung unsur transparan. diplomasi terbuka juga merupakan lawan dari diplomasi tertutup atau old diplomacy yang ciri khasnya dapat dilihat pada abad ke-20 dimana setiap negara ketika membuat perjanjian dengan negara lain selalu disertai dengan unsur rahasia dan tertutup. diplomasi tertutup biasanya dilakukan oleh para kepala negara yang berkumpul dan membuat suatu keputusan tanpa diketahui rakyatnya. sifat sangat eksklusif dalam diplomasi tertutup membuat rakyat akan menanggung risiko jika suatu saat terjadi perang akibat kesepakatan atau perjanjian mengenai keamanan gagal dicapai oleh kepala negaranya. hal ini berbeda dengan diplomasi terbuka, dimana rakyat dapat mengetahui hasil-hasil diplomasi 124 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 beserta proses perundingan yang berlangsung. tak mengherankan jika diplomasi terbuka mendapat respons dan sambutan yang positif dari masyarakat dunia(rumintang, 2008: 289-30). diplomasi terbuka juga didu kung oleh p erkemb angan zaman yang semakin maju. dua hal yang menjadi faktor penentu kuatnya diplomasi terbuka adalah revolusi teknologi informasi dan meningkatnya peran media massa. a. revolusi teknologi informasi perubahan mendasar dalam cara, metode, hingga aktor dari diplomasi tertutup ke era diplomasi terbuka terjadi setelah adanya revolusi teknologi informasi. hal ini ditandai dengan terbukanya akses informasi seluas-luasnya, tidak hanya eksklusif bagi elite pemerintahan, tetapi juga bagi seluruh rakyat di berbagai belahan dunia.revolusi teknologi informasi juga erat kaitannya dengan tersedianya jaringan komputer dan elektronik atau internet yang semakin memudahkan akses, manajemen dan penyebarluasan informasi (hermawan, 2007: 5960). b. meningkatnya peran media massa teknologi media massa yang berkembang dengan pesat memung kinkan informasi dapat diakses dengan mudah, cepat dan berbiaya rendah. peran media massa pada masa ini juga disadari sebagai salah satu faktor kunci penentu keberhasilan diplomasi terbuka. seperti pernyataan lord palmerston bahwa opini lebih kuat daripada tentara. hal ini mengartikan bahwa media massa memiliki kekuatan penuh dalam membangun dan menciptakan opini publik. opini publik inilah yang merupakan elemen penting bagi pemerintah agar proses dan hasil diplomasi mendapat simpati dan dukungan rakyat(hermawan, 2007: 60-62). media massa dalam ranah diplomasi juga merupakan sumber informasi untuk menyediakan bahan dalam negosiasi, selain juga fungsinya sebagai mediator dalam proses diplomasi. media massa melalui fungsinya juga memiliki peranan penting dalam menyiarkan proses diplomasi. dengan demikian, kebijakan yang disepakati dalam diplomasi harus konsisten dan mampu mempersuasi warga dunia. 3.3. aspek aksiologi aksiologi berasal dari bahasa yunani dan terdiri dari kata “axios” yang artinya nilai serta “logos” yang artinya ilmu. dengan demikian, maka aksiologi adalah ilmu tentang tika dian pratiwi relevansi penyusunan teori diplomasi dalam perspektif islam 125 nilai. aksiologi juga dapat dipahami sebagai teori mengenai nilai yang membahas tentang manfaat atau kegunaan maupun fungsi dari objek yang dipikirkan(qomar, 2006: 1). jujun s. suriasumantri berpendapat bahwa aksiologi adalah teori nilai yang berkaitan dengan kegunaan dari pengetahuan yang diperoleh (zamroni, 2009: 101). aksiologi melihat sisi manfaat dan nilai yang terkandung dalam diplomasi bersih melalui perspektif isl am . d e ng an me ne r apk an negosiasi berdasarkan diplomasi bersih, maka manfaatnya adalah berkurang atau bahkan hilangnya upaya persuasi yang mengandung kebohongan. negosiasi akan dilihat sebagai upaya yang tidak hanya menguntungkan satu pihak saja, tetapi juga menguntungkan bagi pihak lain. keuntungan yang seragam akan menciptakan rasa adil di semua pihak yang terlibat dalam diplomasi. dengan demikian, diharapkan tidak ada rasa iri ataupun dendam, melainkan rasa puas yang sama rata. segala proses diplomasi bersih dalam perspektif islam yang meng utamakan kesetaraan, persama an, dan keadilan tentu akan meminimalisir terjadinya konflik ataupun perang. hubungan antarnegara ataupun hubungan antaraktor diplomasi akan semakin erat terjalin. hubungan yang baik antar-negara atau antar-aktor hi akan memudahkan suatu negara melakukan perjanjian dan kesepakatan dalam berbagai bidang. 4. kesimpulan islam sejatinya sudah menjelaskan banyak hal dalam al-qur’an dan hadist, termasuk soal teknik, metode dan cara yang baik dalam melaku kan negosiasi dan diplomasi. jika kita menelaah berbagai ayat al-qur’an dan hadist, maka sebenarnya diplomasi bersih sudah ada sejak nabi muhammad. hal itu juga dibuktikan melalui berbagai pemikiran hingga tindakan yang mu ham ma d l a ku k an d a l am menyelesaikan suatu per masalahan. tidak menyertakan sikap hipokrit dan manipulatif, nabi muhammad ternyata mampu menyelesaikan banyak hal dengan baik. menerapkan diplomasi bersih sesuai dengan perspektif islam merupa kan cara ampuh nan efektif penye lesaian masalah tanpa masalah karena segala proses diplomasi dilakukan secara terbuka, trans paran, adil, sama rata dan tidak hanya menguntungkan diri sendiri, tetapi juga pihak lain dan alam semesta. hal ini berbeda dengan diplomasi konvensional yang masih 126 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 mengandalkan seni bermain kata dan kalimat, dimana kebohongan sangat mungkin untuk terjadi. daftar pustaka sumber buku: iqbal, afzal. 2000.diplomasi islam. jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar. m. snow, donald dan eugene brown. 2000. international relations: the changing contours of power. longman. moesa, ali maschan. 2007. nasionalisme kiai. konstruksi s o s i al b e r b a s i s ag am a . yogyakarta: lkis. momengoh, nick parfait. 2013. secret diplomacy: the practice of back channel. new jersey: newark. qomar, mujamil. 2006. epistemologi pendidikan islam. dari metode rasional hingga metode kritik. jakarta: erlangga. p. hermawan, yulius. 2007. transformasi dalam studi hubungan internasional: aktor, isu dan metodologi. yogyakarta: graha ilmu. roy, s. l. diplomasi. 1991. jakarta: rajawali pers. rumintang, lusiana. 2008. bekerja sebagai diplomat. jakarta: erlangga. s. levy, jack. 2008. deterrence and coercive diplomacy: the contributions of alexander george. west, richard dan lynn h. turner. 2008.pengantar teori komunikasi. jakarta: salemba humanika. z amroni, muhammad. 2009. filsafat komunikasi: pengantar o ntol o g i s , epi ste mol o g i s , aksiologi. yogyakarta: graha ilmu. sumber internet: d’hooghe, ingrid. 2007.the rise of china’s public diplomacy. the hague, netherlands institue of international relations.diakses dari http://www.clingendael.nl/ sites/default/files/20070700_ cdsp_paper_hooghe.pdf, pada jumat 29 april 2016, pukul 21.59 wib. tulus warsito dan surwandono. 2015. “diplomasi bersih” dalam perspektif islam. diakses dari http://ejournal.uin-suka.ac.id/ index.php/thaqafiyyat/article/ viewfile/627/pdf_32, pada 23 april 2016, pukul 10.00 wib. journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 the role of ex-combatants party against the advocacy of political representation of women in the post-conflict in aceh, indonesia rezki satris universitas amikom yogyakarta email: rezki@amikom.ac.id abstract this study discusses the role of ex-combatant parties in advocating post-conflict women by using the aceh party case study. aceh party has transformed the struggle movement from the armed movement into a political party movement through general elections. post-conflict combatants formed the ex-combatant party after peace negotiations. the ex-combatant party, which later became the case study material in this study, was the excombatant party (aceh party). the presence of ex-combatant parties as part of the democratization process has a different reception towards the equality discourse of women in the participation and representation of public spaces, especially representation in politics. however, the aceh party tends for women only as a formality to fulfill a 30 percent quota without involving women seriously in political matters. therefore, the party programs tend to be gender-biased. keywords: political party, ex combatant, women in parliament abstrak tulisan ini membahas tentang peran mantan kombatan dalam melakukan advokasi perempuan pasca konflik dengan menggunakan studi kasus partai aceh. partai aceh merupakan salah satu partai yang merubah gerakan perjuangan dari gerakan bersenjata menjadi gerakan partai politik melalui pemilihan umum. partai eks-kombatan dibentuk oleh kombatan pasca-konflik setelah negosiasi damai. pihak eks kombatan yang kemudian menjadi bahan studi kasus dalam penelitian ini adalah pihak eks kombatan rezki satris the role of ex-combatants party against the advocacy of political ... 101 (partai aceh) di aceh. kehadiran partai eks-kombatan sebagai bagian dari proses demokratisasi memiliki resepsi yang berbeda terhadap wacana kesetaraan perempuan dalam partisipasi dan representasi ruang publik, khususnya keterwakilan dalam politik. partai aceh memiliki kecenderungan perempuan hanya sebagai formalitas memenuhi kuota 30 persen, tanpa melibatkan perempuan secara serius dalam urusan politik. hal ini tentunya dapat dilihat bagaimana program partai cenderung bias gender. kata kunci: partai politik, eks kombatan, perempuan di parlemen introduction the general election is one part of the democratic process, which then presents the peace process. this process occurred in the 70s, marked by the end of the cold war. since then, the united nations (un) has developed a formula for the peace process through elections. therefore, the general election is expected to build a democratic process that can form effective and efficient governance (ottaway, 2002). david betham’s theory is one of the models of democracy that is transformative based on human rights to answer various post-conflict problems (parlevliet, n.d.). this democratization process also finally gave space to the birth of multiple parties to compete in creating a peaceful society, including the ex-combatant party. the ex-combatant party is a party formed by post-conflict combatants after peace negotiations. the excombatant party mentioned is in aceh. aceh party is a former combatant party born after the memorandum of understanding (mou) in helsinki between indonesia and the free aceh movement (gam). one form of the outcome of the signing of the agreement was a memorandum of understanding regarding the formation of political parties based in aceh following the terms and conditions set by the indonesian government (partai aceh. 2012). in the reconciliation and post-conflict rearrangement process, the government carried out a transformation process for combatants who would fill the system and governance in aceh, providing opportunities to establish local political parties. as a party formed by excombatants and occurred as a 102 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 democratization process, aceh party brought with it the discourse of women’s equality in participation and representation of public spaces, especially representation in politics. the presence of women in political areas as an implication of democratization has been based on solid laws to participate in politics. therefore, women as one of the actors in a political party are one indicator for the democratic system to run well (tabrani, 2006). in the democratic era, women’s political participation, especially in parliament, is part of women’s human rights, an integral part of democracy. therefore, women’s participation in the political decision-making process needs to be respected by anyone who supports the basic ideas of democracy. the right to be involved in politics, especially in parliament, does not only belong to men and any conspiracy to bring down the dignity of women in politics. research on advocating political representation for women during a conflict is essential to be studied further because women are the most disadvantaged objects. women are considered victims of conflict or war that affect the economy, society, and culture. during the conflict process, sexual crimes often occur, and the victims of sexual crimes are women. it leads not only to the consequences to destroy the physical and psychological victims, families, and communities but also part of human rights violations that occur in the form of acts of torture and others (nobel-women-annualreport-2015_web.) advocacy for recognizing women’s rights, especially their rights in the public domain, is still relatively small. during peacetime, women’s role in the public sphere began to be developed, but the strategic role of women was often not valued. so, this form of advocacy can also be a peace consolidation towards achieving sustainable development and peace. also, when there is a development, in the end, a study of the fairness of women’s representation in politics cannot be ignored. they have the potential and provide different touches in working in the political space, especially in the regions. theoretical framework and re search method political parties in general rober t michaels def ined political parties as a component of political infrastructure with the primary function of getting and maintaining power (robert rezki satris the role of ex-combatants party against the advocacy of political ... 103 michaels, 1984). for this reason, political parties carry out a vital activity to participate in various sectors of government. political parties as part of democracy certainly have implications for the role and function of political parties. therefore, political scientists describe the functions and roles of political parties. for example, the political parties’ role, according to miriam budiardjo, is as a forum for political interaction, socialization, recruitment, and conflict control (miriam budiarjo, 2008). although the four functions are interrelated, what is emphasized in this study is the fourth function, namely conflict management. ex-combatant party ex-combatants are ex-individual fighters who have taken part directly in hostilities on behalf of one of the warring parties and disarmed. one that limits the definition is anders nilson. an excombatant has taken a direct part in the hostilities on behalf of one of the warring parties. the individual must also have discharged from or voluntarily left the military group (anders nilsson, 2005.) after the peace agreement, the ex-combatants formed a political party as a process of political transformation. political parties are a peaceful way to create a democratic order and at the same time provide opportunities for all people in the political sphere. excombatant parties as a means of political aspirations are specific to ex-combatants and are also open to the public and function as an aggregation of interests. as the peace agreement implies, the ex-combatant party needs to be supported by a value or consensus with solid political legitimacy from various parties. women’s advocac y in postconflict politics the presence of political parties is a peaceful way to create a democratic order and, at the same time, provide opportunities for all people in the political sphere. although the parties are often gender-biased and identical to a specific gender, women occupying parliamentary seats and fighting for and voicing women’s rights are still present. parliament is a national institution formed and speaks on behalf of the people and fights for the people’s interests. yves meny and andrew knapp provided categories of roles and functions of political parties as conflict management. 104 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 thus, the party’s role as part of the democratic process to channel and convey various interests on behalf of the people. the issue is that female discrimination in every institutionalization becomes an obstacle for women in aggregating their interests. in contrast, political parties are pillars of democracy and institutions to increase political representation, including women’s representation. hence, it is essential to provide advocacy against women from this discrimination. advocacy is interpreted with many perspectives, so that it is pretty diverse in understanding. some experts’ understanding of advocacy is: ritu r sharma, in his book advocacy (2004), compiled the definition of advocacy: 1. advocacy is an action aimed at changing policies, positions, or programs of each type of institution. 2. advocating an action taken to divert people’s attention from an issue and provide decisionmaking input. 3. activities support and direction in finding solutions. 4. advocacy refers to an activity that is directed to influence policymaking. 5. advocacy can use the act of lobbying, as well as providing education to the community to understand problems and solutions. 6. advocacy is a community presence in the decision-making process (ritu r sharma, 2004). in addition to the above understanding, ismail nawawi also defined advocacy as an organized political effort by citizens to transform power relations. the purpose of advocacy is to achieve a change in public policy to benefit the people involved in the process. advocacy will be effective if carried out following a strategic plan in a reasonable time (ismail nawawi, 2009). this study used the miles and huberman model (sugiono. 2016). data analysis was performed when the data collection took place and after the data collection was completed within a certain period. activities in data analysis included data reduction, data display, and conclusions: drawing/verification. a. data reduction reducing data means identifying the smallest part of the data found with meaning when associated with the focus or problem of research. rezki satris the role of ex-combatants party against the advocacy of political ... 105 b. display data in this qualitative study, the data presentation was carried out in a brief description and a narrative text. therefore, it will be easier to understand what is happening by displaying the data and planning further work. c. conclusions: drawing / verification the third step in qualitative data analysis is drawing conclusions and verification. the initial findings are still temporary and will change if no substantial evidence supports the following data collection stage. thus, the results in qualitative research may answer the problem formulation formulated from the beginning, but may be not, be cause the problems and problem formulations in qualitative research are still temporary and will develop after the researcher is in the field. this research used thinking and development by using qualitative methods. qualitative research uses a naturalistic approach to search for and find understanding or understanding of phenomena in a particular contextual setting. researchers are vital instruments to capture the meaning, interaction of local values from different local values, which cannot be captured through questionnaires. qualitative research pays more attention to the process rather than the outcome (sugiono. 2016). in qualitative research, data collection is not guided by theory but is driven by facts. therefore, the data analysis conducted is inductive based on the facts found in the field. the aim is to find a deep understanding of the experience of individuals or groups. inductive is to make observations and then draw conclusions. the qualitative method is used to get in-depth data, data that contains meaning. the meaning is the actual data—the exact data, which is a value behind the data that appears. result and discussion an election is a democratic process that puts the people as a breaker in a political contest that takes place honestly and fairly. the people as the owner of sovereignty determine whether a candidate is elected as a legislative member. vox populi, vox dei, the voice of the people is the voice of god, the deciding voice of victory. joseph schumpeter, continued by samuel p. huntington, mentioned that in procedural democracy, people’s 106 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 political participation plays a legitimate role (fajraan zain et al., 2010). an election as a procedural democratic mechanism contains t wo ke y words : c omp e t it i on between candidates and political participation of the people who assess the competition. nevertheless, with all the pluses and minuses, the new mechanism will influence democracy if accompanied by political education in the people. in this context, political parties inevitably have to revitalize their roles and performance in building party institutions to become more modern. a policy is not uncommon to have disadvantages and disadvantages to certain parties. likewise, in procedural democracy, the party that feels the most disadvantaged by this mechanism is the female candidate. they must fight in a political free market that is socially and culturally, men dominate the perpetrators. with minimal political expertise and practical knowledge, and minimal availability of funds, women candidates are forced to succeed in winning votes. women politicians face political discrimination, which places them not as partners but as friends behind men. judging from political reality, this slips further widens the gender gap in political representation. moreover, the affirmative action policy has become the state’s obligation after the ratification of the un convention on the elimination of discrimination against women, which is no longer a reference (irma latifah sihite, 2011). thus, this particular quick action loses its essence. in the end, political life is built by allowing women to be in a peripheral position, fighting alone towards the center of policymaking and decision-making institutions. for this reason, the mechanism of the majority vote becomes a dilemma for women. nevertheless, one side must accept it because of the nature of democracy, where the people’s voice becomes more influential than negotiating the party elite. the mechanism is indeed cut off the oligarchy practices entrenched in all political parties. however, the life of political democracy that is still shrouded in a patriarchal culture so strongly inhibits all women’s movements. recognition of women’s political rights does not guarantee the implementation of a democratic government system where the principles of representation and accountability are functioning rezki satris the role of ex-combatants party against the advocacy of political ... 107 correctly. political terminology still places political activity solely on voting, campaigning, and lobbying. therefore, it is not surprising that many women’s movements are classified as private, even though they have the dimension of power relations (m. zainuri, 2007). the severity of the political field faced by women does not necessarily make the future of their political participation potentially bleak. r aising the p olitical awareness of women voters can be a political choice on a massive scale. political activities must be directed to this region so that the number of womenfolk voters can benefit women themselves. there is no more logical reason for women than to continue to fight for the future by arranging and closing ranks. women must focus more on equality of views about future political needs by learning to leave the ideological entanglement that has kept it in various boxes. this polarization has been so p otent t hroug hout p olit ic a l assets owned are silenced by the patriarchal-masculinist system that straddles them. therefore, the campaign “it’s time for women to choose their people” must be a big theme formulated creatively and communicatively. however, unfortunately, it does not let the female candidates barred in their voices get significant political support. if this happens, it is the same as dead chickens in a rice barn. overview of the role of women in politics in post-conflict aceh the study of women’s political participation at the regional level cannot generalize their conditions at the national level. however, it must still be linked to specific regionspecific factors because each area has geographical, demographic, cultural, social, economic, and social characteristics. moreover, laws themselves are generally different. one area known to have structural and cultural uniqueness in indonesian national politics is aceh. various studies of the history of women in aceh showed that the position and role of acehnese women in the public sphere experienced ups and downs in line with multiple changes in society at that time. in other contexts, social contexts in a specific time and space give recognition to certain women’s roles and positions. thus, understanding acehnese women’s identities throughout history are dynamic, regardless of whether the dynamics indicate developments to 108 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 be better or vice versa. if examined one by one, so many roles are played by women in filling peace. after a long period of conflict, aceh is currently in a state of peace. however, the intended peace is not just to stop armed contact, but the meaning of peace is broader than that. encouraging both physical and non-physical development is one form of contribution to peace. various organizations in aceh, especially those caring for women, give their color to peace in aceh. these organizations are engaged in various social fields. the types of managed issues are also different, including encouraging the elimination of violence against women and the household, victims of violence during the conflict, counseling, and others. the statement about the vulnerability of the position of acehnese women was also revealed by ridwan h mukhtar 2007. an article entitled acehnese women: from domestic roles to public spaces stated that: (sigarto a santoso and ferry yuniver s). “the position of women is not free from harassment. the one-sided truth by pragmatists entrenched in state, religious, social, and economic power often marginalizes women. politics of power already deny women as a cultural entity that is equal to men. whereas women should be the first and last stronghold of the humanist rule so that humanity is not extinct”. women’s role in filling peace plays a diverse role following two disasters: post-conflict and natural disasters (tsunami). that role is further strengthened and developed in clean and transparent governance carried out on a massive scale. the birth of building gender awareness between sectors, interdisciplinary, interdisciplinar y, and polic y advocacy activities was more developed to all stakeholders such as ulama, traditional leaders, local government, human rights activists, leaders at the village level, and the community. if, during a conflict, this kind of activity is minimal and has tremendous obstacles, then in a peaceful situation, these programs find their way because support (moral and material) is relatively swift from various parties. collaboration has begun with the government, non-women activists, national-international institutions, and even fellow women activists themselves (zubaidah djohar, 2013). during the conflict, women helped a lot, such as collecting victims’ bodies, negotiating with the military when they heard about plans to detain or arrest residents, rezki satris the role of ex-combatants party against the advocacy of political ... 109 and even going down to the forest to fight. women can talk politics, fill decision-making spaces, and color public decisions that have always been oriented to win-lose, rightwrong, and other binary opposition attitudes. women present to provide solutions that always pay attention to the sustainability of relationships, the sustainability of a community, and generation. the essence of sustainable peace pays attention to welfare, justice, and empowerment (fajraan zain et al., 2010). seeing the above reality, for peace to be sustainable, women should also be involved in designing aceh’s development strategy and implementing it. their role continues to grow in the political system, as in the findings of the aceh institute 2008, marked by women starting to get involved in the political sphere, increasing political education. law becomes the legal umbrella for political participation for women. one way for women to fight for their political participation rights is through political parties. many female cadres will hopefully be borne by opening up spaces and strategic positions for women. also, there will be data collection on potential women. however, obstacles and challenges still exist, such as unutilized opportunities, limited human resources (hr), exclusive political systems at the party level that do not allow women’s involvement. in addition, the government does not seem to support women’s participation in developing and making gender mainstream, and the absence of sustainable political education ((fajraan zain et al. 2010). many women seem to be blind and reluctant about politics. therefore, women’s continuous and simultaneous empowerment efforts are necessary for all aspects of life and opening broad public space to involve more. strategic positions in public decision-making institutions should also include significant women, such as the bra, police, syar’iyyah court. hopefully, efforts will be made to build a culture of peace through a formal education curriculum that has a gender perspective based on aceh. the involvement of women in the peace plan is not only for women’s interests but also for the interests of the entire acehnese society. through women’s participation, the peace and development strategy can be implemented based on the experience and interests of all components, men and women. when all parts have been observed, automatically, the sustainability of peace begins to 110 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 shed light towards a just, prosperous, and dignified aceh because peace without involving women is naive. development without improving the quality of life of women and generations is artificial. obstacles to women’s representation in politics in post-conflict aceh sri wahyuni and joko sutranto, center for peace and conflict resolution studies (cpcrs) researchers, explained their findings related to research on the political role of women in pidie and pidie jaya districts. they found the low acquisition of women’s seats in both the executive and legislative branches. aceh party (pa), as a political transformation of the free aceh movement, is expected to increase women’s role in peacetime. however, the victory of the aceh party majority has not encouraged women at the policymakers level (the globe journal. 2010.). the acquisition of seats for pa is significant at the district level. still, seats for women are smaller than in other districts where the pa seats are not dominant. whereas in pidie jaya, a division district from pidie, pa seats are 50 percent smaller than pidie, but the pa women’s seats are more significant than pidie. in addition, the results showed no clear policy on how to involve women in organizations and the inconsistency of the organization. one of which is the experience at the election where women in the nomination only meet the act’s requirements alone. at the same time, women’s obstacles organizing are divided into two, namely internal, such as hr and self-concept, and external, namely the strength of patriarchal views, policies that do not favor women, and an undemocratic environment. t h e i r rol e d r am at i c a l ly influences women’s role in the legislature and with constituents in organizations and parties. however, so far, women in the legislature and constituents are still weak because their capacity and numbers are still minimal. in the legislature, women council members have not influenced policy and its relationship with constituents. women councilors have not explained the strategic plans that will be carried out relating to handling conflict victims, especially women in their regions. the dynamics of women’s representation in politics in the aceh party the movement to increase women’s representation in parlirezki satris the role of ex-combatants party against the advocacy of political ... 111 ament has become an exciting phenomenon in indonesia due to the small number of women in parliament and the need for women to be more involved in decisionmaking. however, until the 2009 elections, women’s representation in the dpr and dprd at the provincial level had not yet reached the expected results, only 30 percent. even though this number is quite significant, women’s voices or interests can likely be considered in every policymaking. therefore, as part of the democratic movement, the struggle to increase women’s representation in the indonesian parliament should ideally be carried out in democratic ways, namely through honest and fair elections. therefore, political parties and the electoral system should contribute to the plan of women’s representation in parliament, especially at the regional level such as aceh. aceh, one of indonesia’s regions, has a long history of conflict with the central government, directly impacting women. women inevitably become one of the conflict victims’ groups traumatized by the violence. they experienced personally or with others becoming a trauma that made a group of acehnese women felt lost selfesteem, lack of confidence, fear, hysterical, and neurotic. as a result, they became a losing and marginalized group. the defeat is a stigma that becomes an obstacle for women in aceh in fulfilling their regular role in society (rosnani sahardin. 2012). hence, an institutional system that can provide services to the needs of women is needed, political parties as a forum in developing political policies related to women’s interests. therefore, political parties, national and local political parties, should strongly influence political change. the political parties might have a specific political agenda for women cadres who can be monitored through these local political parties’ cadre formation patterns and recruitment patterns. in addition, both national and regional political parties can be strategic media for carrying out and implementing policies related to women’s needs. table.1 number of obtained female seats at the 2009 dpra/provincial level political party result pan 1 golkar 3 result 4/69 sears 112 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 during 2014-2019, there is an increase in women’s representation in parliament from the previous year, 12 people from 81 seats. these 12 people come from national parties, as seen in table 2. table.2 number of obtained female seats at the 2014 dpra / provincial level political party result nasdem 1 golkar 4 pan 2 gerindra 1 pna 1 pa 3 result 12/81 seats in 2019-2024, women’s representation in parliament only reaches eight (8) seats lower than the previous year. thus, there is a decrease in the quantity of representation of women in parliament, as seen in table 3. table.3 amount of obtaining women chairs in dpra / provincial level 2019 political party result pna 1 golkar 3 pa 2 gerindra 1 demokrat 1 result 12/81 seats likewise, women in parliament at the regional / city level in pa have not yet reached satisfactory results even though there are no women representatives from pa, as seen in the following figure. 90 political party result nasdem 1 golkar 4 pan 2 gerindra 1 pna 1 pa 3 result 12/81 seats in 2019-2024, women's representation in parliament only reaches eight (8) seats lower than the previous year. thus, there is a decrease in the quantity of representation of women in parliament, as seen in table 3. table.3 amount of obtaining women chairs in dpra / provincial level 2019 political party result pna 1 golkar 3 pa 2 gerindra 1 demokrat 1 result 12/81 seats likewise, women in parliament at the regional / city level in pa have not yet reached satisfactory results even though there are no women representatives from pa, as seen in the following figure. figure.1 percentage of women's representation in aceh dpra 2009-2019 based on the figure.1, during 2009-2019, women's representation has declined. women in local political parties, such as the aceh party, which is part of the ex-combatant party, have also not provided the best service for women's representation from the party system or party delegation of women to parliamentary institutions. regarding quantity, 2009 2014 2019 laki-laki 65 69 73 perempuan 4 12 8 65 69 73 4 12 8 0 20 40 60 80 representasion of women in parliament dpra aceh 2009-2019 years figure.1 percentage of women’s representation in aceh dpra 2009-2019 man women rezki satris the role of ex-combatants party against the advocacy of political ... 113 based on the figure.1, during 2009-2019, women’s representation has declined. women in local political parties, such as the aceh party, which is part of the excombatant party, have also not provided the best service for women’s representation from the party system or party delegation of women to parliamentar y institutions. regarding quantity, female legislative members in the provincial dprd are still far from expectations. only four women out of 69 members, or 5.8 percent, have succeeded in sitting in the provincial dprd based on the 2009-2014 election results. whereas in 20142019, only 12 women succeed in parliament from 81 members of the legislature. the decrease occurs in 2019-2024, with 8 women from 81 legislative members. it is only from national parties dominated to place their delegates in the provincial dprd. therefore, there needs to be a shared awareness to be more concerned with the interests and representation of women in parliament, especially from former combatant parties. conclusion as part of the ex-combatant party, the aceh party has not encouraged women on the political stage. masculinity in the party is still a serious situation within the party. political conditions dominated by such a masculine political model will certainly hamper women in their political activities. dismissing women as politicians will only prevent them from being selected. even if specified, women are only included in the winning party as they tend to be placed at the highest number. in the context of democratization in aceh, women in aceh do have the right to vote. however, with the dominance of the masculine political model, women tend not to have adequate opportunities to be elected in the competition to occupy various strategic positions in the public sphere, such as the regional legislative institutions. ideally, the right to run in elections, become candidates, and vote is based on democratic voting. as part of the ex-combatant party, the aceh party should provide the best service to women as part of the peacebuilding process while proving that commitment to the ideals of peace has not led lead there. women are more used as a complement to party administration than real women’s empowerment. 114 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 bibliography ottaway, m. 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(2004). pengantar advokasi panduan latihan. yayasan obor indonesia. jakarta sigarto a santoso dan ferry yuniver s. perempuan dan perdamaan di aceh. mispi (mitra sejati perempuan indonesia) dan u n dp ( un ite d nat i ons development programme) hal.5 shadia marhaban. women in postconflict aceh: participation in socioeconomic and political processes. wcfia research paper tabrani yunis. (2006). tabrani yunis adalah pendiri lsm center for community development and education (ccde). the globe journal. (2010). peran perempuan dalam perdamaian semakin kecil. diakses di http:// theglobejournal.com/feature/ s t u d i p e r a n p e r e m p u a n dalam-perdamaian-semakinkecil/index.php pada 18 juni 2013 zubaidah djohar. pendiri timang research center banda aceh. p e r e m p u a n p e r e m p u a n inpsirasional aceh. diakses di http://www.ccde.or.id/index. php?option=com_content&v iew=article&id=492:perempu an-perempuan-inpsirasionala c e h & c a t i d = 2 : s o r o t a n & itemid=3 pada 18 juni 2013 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 issn: 2614-0535 survival etnik: kuasa kosmologi dan posisi etnik kajang ammatoa dalam pembangunan sampean mahasiswa pascasarjana program master sosiologi pedesaan institut pertanian bogor abstrak sikap yang cenderung ajek terhadap nilai dasar memunculkan tantangan tersendiri, terlebih ketika bersentuhan dengan suatu kondisi yang benarbenar baru, yaitu modernitas. tak terkecuali beberapa etnik di dunia seperti etnik amish di amerika-serikat dengan mempertahankan sistem penghidupannya berdasarkan sistem kepercayaannya. di indonesia terdapat komunitas adat ammatoa kajang, di kabupaten bulukumba sulawesi selatan yang masih mempertahankan budaya leluhurnya. etnik kajang berhadapan dengan gempuran politik pembangunan baik berupa regulasi maupun kebijakan yang mau tidak mau mendorong reformasi. dasar persoalan ini dijadikan alat analisis untuk melihat bagaimana posisi etnik kajang ammatoa dalam membangun desa, serta bagaimana idealisme dan keberlangsungan (survival) etnik kajang ammatoa dalam arus pembangunan? tulisan ini menggunakan kerangka teori w.f wertheim, yaknitransisi perubahan masyarakat dan teori arturo escobar mengenai pascapembangunan. tesis tersebut menunjukkan suatu gejala bahwa posisi etnik dalam arus modernitas berada pada araskontrapunk sebagai keberterimaan sekaligus penolakan (resisten)sebagai strategi surviveterhadap perubahan sosial (modernitas).sementara, posisi etnik kajang dalam modernitas berada pada posisi subjek dan objek pembangunan. kondisi ini membuat etnik ini beradadalamtekanan. kata kunci: survival etnik, kontrapunk, pembangunan, ammatoa sampean survival etnik: kuasa kosmologi dan posisi etnik 141 tinjauan kasus kebertahanan etnik dan kosmologi nya harus diperhadapkan dengan gempuran modernitas. di belahan amerika serikat hidup suatu komunitas etnik amish yang melakukan perlawanan dengan modernitas yang menjadi karakteristik dasar amerika serikat. etnik amish menurut anderson dan autry (2011) bertahan di tengah arus modernitas dengan berlandaskan pada kepercayaan atas hidup keseder hanaan dan kebersamaan. dari kepercayaan tersebut etnik amish mengatur perilaku konsumtif dengan menolak teknologi (televisi, mobil, gawai, dan lain-lain) dan mereka juga menolak bantuan dari pemerintah, yang mendorong kemalasan bagi komunitas mereka. blake et al (2008) menganggap bahwa amish merupakan simbol kesederhanaan, di mana kebutuhan dan kepraktisan menjadi dasar pengambilan keputusan serta gaya hidup dalam membentuk budaya ke m a s y ar a k at an ny a . pe n e l it i an blake et al (2008) menunjukkan bahwa corak pertanian mereka adalah representasi sustainable development, yang tidak menggunakan pestisida dan agrokimia. kesederhanaan dan keunikan yang dimiliki etnik amish yang merepresentasikan eropa tiga abad lalu dan hidup terisolasi dari arus utama masyarakat amerika. keberadaan mereka kian tergerus dan ditekan proses modernisasi dengan menerima berbagai tawaran modernitas termasuk perawatan di rumah sakit dan kerja di luar komunitas amish (andersondan autry 2011). amish pun ber kompromi dengan modernitas dengan sejumlah penolakan ter masuk terhadap determinasi pengaturan (manajemen birokratis dan khususnya prinsip komando), yang tidak menunjukkan keber samaan. penekanan dilakukan karena amish mengintegrasikan hidupnya dengan kehidupan yang selaras dengan keluarga, masyarakat, dan alam (blake et al 2008). di tengah arus modernitas amerika serikat dengan gemerlap kota megapolitan, keberadaan suku amish yang terisolir dianggap sebagai terbelakang dan orangorang masa lalu. nasib serupa juga dialami oleh etnik kajang ( ko mu n it a s a m m at o a ) 1 d i 1 pe nye but an komu n it a s kaj ang ammatoa sebagai bagian dari etnik didasari dari definisi syaf (2014) yang menyatakan bahwa identitas etnik adalah produk sosial yang berhubungan dengan konsep relasional dan identifikasi diri (subjektivitas) dan asal-usul sosial (objektivitas). sehingga identitas etnik dipahami sebagai proses penciptaan batas-batas formasi dan 142 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 kabupaten bulukumba, sulawesi selatan. keberadaan etnik kajang disegmentasikan dan diisolasi dalam ruang teritorial yang terbatas dan bahkan bagian wilayah hutannya diekspansi perkebunan karet sekitar 1000 hektar pascareformasi (sampean, 2014). wilayah desa tana toa yang di dalamnya komunitas ammatoa bermukim wilayahnya disegmen tasikan menjadi dua yakni wilayah kajang dalam dihuni komunitas ammatoa (tertutup dengan perubahan) sedangkan kajang luar dihuni kajang komunitas adat ammatoa (terbuka dengan perubahan) (hijjang 2014, dan ahriyani, 2017). ditegakkan dalam kondisi sosio-historis yang spesifik. kemudian, ferris dan stein (2016) memspesifikkan dengan mengaju pada kelompok etnik sebagai kumpulan orang yang dibedakan, oleh orang lain [objektivikasi] atau oleh dirinya sendiri [subjektivikasi], terutama berdasarkan karakteristik budaya atau kebangsaan. (setiap orang tidak harus mengidentifikasi dengan kelompok etnis tertentu) tapi bisa diidentifikasi melalui sifat budaya yang unik, sense community [sadar atas keberadaan komunitas], perasaan etnosentrisme, menganggap berasal keanggotaan sejak lahir, dan cenderung m e n e mp at i w i l ay a h ge o g r af i s . karakteristik tersebut menempatkan komunitas kajang ammatoa sebagai etnik. keberadaan etnik kajang ammatoa sebagai representasi keber tahanan etnik minoritas yang tetap gigih mempertahankan tradisi dan kep ercayaannya. abdullah et al (2014) menganggap keb e r t a hanan et n i k kaj ang ammatoa sangat dipengaruhi oleh prinsip kosmologinya sebagai benteng terakhir dari arus infor masi dan komunikasi. prinsip ter sebut berdasar dari leluhur mereka (kajang:bohe) sebagai to manurung. prinsip ini diwariskan secara turun-temurun (tradisi lisan) disebut dengan pasangri kajang (pesan di kajang). pasang ini memegang prinsip to kamase-mase (kesederhanaan) dan kekeluargaan (hijjang 2005) (murdiati 2012, abdullah et al, 2014, dan ahriyani 2017). eksistensi keberadaan etnik kajang ammatoa mulai tertekan dengan perkembangan dinamika masyarakat modern terlihat dari hasil penelitian ahriyani (2017) yang menunjukkan penerimaan etnik kajang ammatoa lantaran keberadaan struktural negara modern. secara administratif, etnik kajang ammatoa berada di desa tanah toa yang terdiri dari sepuluh dusun. delapan di antaranya terletak di kajang dalam (bongkina, balangbina, pangi, sobbu, benteng sampean survival etnik: kuasa kosmologi dan posisi etnik 143 luraya, dan tombolo sedangkan kajang luar terdiri dari dua dusun [balangan dan jannayya). kajang luar dianggapsebagai penanda hadirnya modernitas. wilayah tersebut dijadikan tempat administratif pemerintahan desa dan penerimaan teknologi (listrik, rumah batu, dan kendaraan) (ahriyani, 2017). abdullah et al (2014) juga mengungkapkan bahwa pola komunikasi mereka mulai menunjukkan perubahan yang cukup signifikan yang di tunjukkan dengan penggunaan telepon genggam sebagai kebutuhan komunikasi dari luar dan kajang luar. pada aspek lain mereka juga mulai membuka diri dengan menerima pendidikan bagi anak-anaknya. pengujian kebertahanan etnik kajang ammatoa terhadap pengaruh modernitas dihadapkan pada proses reorganisasi diri dan kom promistis terhadap pengaruh modernitas sebagaimana dengan etnik amish amerika serikat. wujud kebertahanan mereka terhadap kosmologi akan dipertegas dengan hadirnya undang-undang desa no. 6 tahun 2014 dan peraturan daerah pemerintah bulukumba no. 5 tahun 2015. keberadaan regulasi ini memberikan keluasan kepada masyarakat adat untuk mengatur dirinya dan membangun berdasarkan asal-usulnya [rekognisi-subsidiaritas].tidak bisa dielakkan bahwa undang-undang ini membawa spirit modernitas lewat program pembangunan dan pemberdayaan terhadap wilayahwilayah yang tertinggal. etnik kajang ammatoa dalam perjalanannya banyak diperhadapkan pada persoalan problematis. keberadaan mereka dianggap sebagai etnik terbelakang berdasarkan definisi departemen sosial yang konservatif, misterius, dan tertutup (hijjang, 2005). kondisi ini membuat komunitas inirentan dan menjadi sasaran pembangunan. abdullah (2014) mengungkapkan bahwa komunitas ini telah banyak menerima tawaran program dari pemerintah. tapi,tetap mental karena penolakan dari pihak komunitas ammatoa. berdasarkan undang-undang [uu] desa no. 6 tahun 2014, desa memiliki kewenangan mengembangkan dirinya dan melakukan transformasi berdasarkan hak asalusulnya. persoalannya adalah posisi komunitas adat dalam posisi dilema dalam uu desa karena komunitas adat sebagai bagian dari struktural pemerintahan desa dan di bawah pimpinan desa sebagai lembaga kemasyarakatan (komunitas adat) akan menjadi sasaran pembangunan 144 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 baik sebagai subjek maupun sebagai objek. posisi masyarakat adat sebenarnya tidak disebutkan dalam literatur pedoman undang-undang desa yang hanya menekankan desa sebagai subjek [pelaku] pembangunan dan masyarakat dengan prinsip keberwakilan, par tisipasi dan kontrol (eko et al 2014) (silahuddin 2015) (amanulloh 2015). meskipun, undang-undang ini menggunakan asas rekognisisubsidiaritas sebagai pengakuan hak asal usul dan kewenangan lokal mereka tetap menggunakan paradigma pembangunisme (develop mentalism) pro-growt (pertumbuhan) dalam membangun desa yang awalnya dikontrol negara. kemudian, kewenangan tersebut dilimpahkan ke desa sebagai negara lokal (negara semu). pertanyaan mendasar terkait keberadaan etnik kajang ammatoa serta kaitannya dengan undang-undang desa adalah bagaimana posisi etnik kajang ammatoa dalam membangun desa? serta bagaimana kebertahanan dan keberlangsungan (survival) etnik kajang ammatoa dalam arus pembangunan? posisi keberlanjutan dan kebertahanan etnik berhadapan dengan arus pembangunan merupa kan konsekuensi dari keterbelakangan mereka. pembangunan sebagai upaya emansipasi masyarakat dari berbagai ketertinggalan dan keterbelakangan yang mereka harus diperhadapkan pada proses reorganisasi diri dan transformasi sosial. transformasi sosial dilakukan menurut eko et al(2014) untuk mengubah secara menyeluruh dan berkelanjutan untuk menjawab berbagai pro blem ekonomi-politik desa yang bermartabat sesuai basis ekologis, sosial, kultur masyarakat. trans formasi dilakukan melalui gerakan sosial dengan tiga pilar ( jaring komunitas wiradesa, lumbung ekonomi desa, dan lingkar budaya). ketiga pilar tersebut lalu diukur menggunakan tiga indeks desa membangun (idm): ketahanan sosial, ketahanan ekonomi, dan ketahanan ekologi dengan 52 indikator. dari beragam indikator yang diterangkan tidak satu pun menunjukkan perlakuan khusus terhadap desa adat ataupun komunitas adat. mengacu dari indeks tersebut masyarakat adat berada pada posisi yang tertinggal. ketiga pilar dan idm tersebut berorientasi pada peningkatan ekonomi dengan prinsip kolektivitas (hamidi, 2015). ketiga aspek menjadi titik kunci dari perlawanan (resistensi) etnik terhadap modernitas. wertheim (1976) menyebutnya sebagai gejala kontrapunk sebagai sumber sampean survival etnik: kuasa kosmologi dan posisi etnik 145 dari semua gerakan dan evolusi kemasyarakatan dalam menentukan posisinya terhadap perubahan sosial termasuk dalam pembangunan. kerangka analisis ide modernitas pada hakikatnya lahir di barat dengan menyajikan prinsip dasar yakni, institusionalisasi lembaga politik (konstitusilisasi, demokratisasi), perubahan moda produksi dari agraris menjadi industri, rasionalisasi kehidupan ber masyarakat dari naturalisme (kosmologi) ke teosentris (kebertuhanan) lalu antroposentris (rasio nalitas dan knowledge). aspek ketiga tersebut yang mem bawa spir it mo der nit as dan membawa ide kemajuan (sztompka 1993). kemajuan menurut sztompka (1993) adalah trans formasi yang direncanakan ke dalam satu versi paham perkembangan pembangunisme (developmentalisme). serta, kemajuan mengacu pada konsep pertumbuhan ekonomi dan teknologi yang tidak terhalangi dengan perkembangan manusia yang tak terbatas. paradigma developmentalisme hadir sebagai gagasan emansipasi dari keterbelakangan dan pembebasan dari ekonomi primitif yang stagnan (escobar 1995). pernyataan ini keluar dari presiden amerika serikat harry truman tahun 1946, ia juga menandaskan bahwa solusi dari keterbelakangan tersebut adalah teknikalisasi (mekanisasi) pengetahuan dan demokratisasi yang disebut sebagai konsep fier deal (truman, 1964, danescobar, 1995). kemunculan i d e d e v el opm e ntali sm e m e nu r ut escobar (parfitt, 2012) mengandung tiga prinsip utama yang selalu melekat pada dirinya yakni; pertama kebutuhan pembentukan modal dan mengacu pada industrialisasi, teknologi, perdagangan; kedua, kebutuhan akan perubahan budaya dan modernisasi; ketiga, kebutuhan untuk menciptakan basis kelembagaan dan penuntutan inisiatif pembangunan. dalam uu desa no. 6 tahun 2014 mencakup semua prasyarat ini untuk desa membangun indonesia2. 2 definisi desa dalam uu desa no.6/2014 adalah desa dan desa adat atau yang disebut dengan nama lain, selanjutnya disebut desa, adalah kesatuan masyarakat hukum yang memiliki batas wilayah yang berwenang untuk mengatur dan mengurus urusan pemerintahan, kepentingan masyarakat s etemp at b erdas arkan pra kars a masyarakat, hak asal usul, dan/atau hak tradisional yang diakui dan dihormati dalam sistem pemerintahan negara kesatuan republik indonesia. dalam definisi ini tidak ada pembagian antara desa sebagai organisasi adat dan desa otonom sebagaimana desa 146 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 desa diarahkan pada pencapaian kemajuan dari pemberian insentif anggaran desa. dana desa tersebut digunakan untuk menyelenggarakan pemerintahan dan pembangunan. wujud dari transformasi undangundang desa tersebut adalah pen capaian pem bangunan, yang disebut dengan desa mandiri. kemandirian menurut eko et al (2014) dimaknai sebagai emansipasi lokal. seturut dengan pernyataan ini parfitt (2012) mendefinisikan pembangunan sebagai emansipasi. kehadiran pembangunan mungkin dipertimbangkan sebagai pencapaian kebebasan (freedom) komunitas, kelompok, dan negara dengan mengejar atau mengutamakan proyek pereali sasian kehidupan yang layak tanpa merugikan pihak lain (parfitt yang memiliki struktur pemerintahan modern. konsekuensi dari pembagian ini adalah perlakuan khusus bagi organisasi adat untuk menjalankan a m a n a h u n d a n g u n d a n g d a n p e ng a d a an org an i s a s i m o d e r n seperti badan usaha milik desa atau lembaga menganut prinsip legal formal. kehadiran sistem legal formal dan pembangunan desa mengantar desa-desa indonesia menjadi punah [pernyataan ini disampaikan prof. endriatmo sutarto dalam gulir diskusi reforma agraria pada tanggal 07-062017 di auditorium silva pertamina fakultas kehutanan institut pertanian bogor] 2012). konsep pem bangunan ini posisi masyarakat adat (komunitas a m m at o a ) s e b a g a i s u b j e k pembangunan sekaligus objek jadi ber masalah dengan pertimbangan bahwa pembangunan dalam posisi ini merugikan pihak ammatoa d e ng an pro s e s re org an i s a s i struktural dan kompromistis terhadap pembangunan. fukuyama (2004) juga menegaskan bahwa pembangunan selalu menyangkut penciptaan dan penghilangan struktural masyarakat terhadap penataan masyarakat modern. pendekatan developmentalisme cukup kuat dalam undangundang desa melihat pilar utama desa membangun yakni jaring komunitas wiradesa sebagai wujud rantai perdagangan dan pembukaan pasar bagi masyarakat desa; lumbung ekonomi merujuk pada konversi sumber daya menjadi nilai ekonomi; danlingkar budaya sebagai spirit lokalitas sebagai daya dukung pembangunan3. ketiga pilar ini dikonversi ke dalam indeks pem bangunan yang berorientasi kemajuan dari lima 52 butir dengan inti pokok pembangunan 3 definisi pembangunan desa uu desa no.6/2014 sebagai upaya peningkatan kualitas hidup dan kehidupan untuk s e b e s a rb e s a r ny a k e s e j a ht e r a a n masyarakat desa. sampean survival etnik: kuasa kosmologi dan posisi etnik 147 keberdayaan sumber daya manusia (kemajuan dan pengetahuan), infrastruktur (teknologi dan sarana), pemaksimalan potensi sumber daya (eksploitatif dan berorientasi pertumbuhan) dan pelayanan publik. jika aspek ini tidak tercapai maka desa tidak dianggap mandiri. ketakberdayaan desa harus mem formulasikan dirinya ke dalam bentuk reorganisasi dan aktif melakukan pembangunan. pemberian insentif dan anggaran tiada lain dari pemaksaan desa untuk berubah. pemberian kewenangan desa membangun sebagai wujud negara lokal yang menyelenggarakan tanggung jawab negara dan mengeksploitasi desa untuk maju dan berdasarkan orientasi kemajuan ekonomi pertumbuhan. posisi komunitas adat pada keadaan ini akan dilematis. gejala penolakan terhadap bantuan, insentif, dan pembangunan sebagai gejala kontrapunk terhadap modernitas. kontrapunk hadir sebagai sistem nilai yang bertentangan (wertheim 1978). pertentangan nilai tersebut hadir dari dua sisi yakni penerima dan penolak pembangunan. tetapi, gejala kontrapunk yang ber langsung dalam masyarakat etnik kajang sebagai bentuk strategi survive menahan arus modernitas dengan tiga cara yakni reorganisasi etnik, kompromistis, dan resisten. reorganisasi etnik terjadi ketika etnis minoritas mengalami reorganisasi struktur sosialnya, redefinisi batas-batas kelompok etnis, atau beberapa perubahan lain dalam menanggapi tekanan atau tuntutan yang dipaksakan oleh budaya dominan ataupun dalam bentuk proyek pembangunan (nagel dan snipp, 1993). kompromistis adalah penerimaan nilai modernitas b er up a wujud p enget a hu an [rasionalitas] dan teknologi (mekanisasi) dengan catatan tertentu seperti yang dilakukan etnik amish. amish menerima modernitas seperti pelayanan kesehatan di rumah sakit tapi biaya dibebankan ke gereja amish dan menikmati transportasi dengan catatan tidak boleh jadi pengemudi dan memilikinya (anderson dan autry, 2011). sementara, resisten (reaktif) sebagai upaya penolakan terhadap ide gagasan kemajuan dan pembangunan dengan mempertahankan nilai-nilai yang dipegang teguh dalam suatu komunitas. posisi komunitas etnik kajang ammatoa dalam desa membangun posisi komunitas adat dalam desa membangun merujuk status, peran, dan kewenangan dalam desa membangun. berdasarkan 148 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 uu desa no. 6/2014 mengakui hak asal-usul (rekognisi), subsidiaritas (kewenangan lokal dan keputusan lokal), dan demokratis (partisipasi, pemberdayaan, dan pendampingan). ketiga asas tersebut untuk menopang desa membangun atau desa pelak sana pembangunan. posisi ini me nunjukkan bahwa desa sebagai pelaksana pembangunan berperan sebagai subjek dan dibangun adalah desa berperan sebagai objek (sumber daya alam (sda), sumber daya manusia (sdm), dan penguatan kelembagaan). status uu desa tersebut penyelenggara dan perpanjangan negara dan memiliki kewenangan melaksanakan pembangunan di aras mikro (desa). kewenangan tersebut ditopang dengan pemberian anggaran dari apbn dan apbd. tujuan utama dari pembangunan desa adalah transformasi hasil implementasi kebijakan usaha ekonomi desa dalam praksis kewenangan lokal berskala desa maupun kawasan perdesaan (eko et al, 2014, dan silahuddin, 2015). keberhasilan dari transformasi tersebut diukur berdasarkan indeks desa membangun indonesia untuk mencapai kemandirian desa yang bertenaga secara sosial dan berdaulat secara politik sebagai fondasi demokrasi desa, serta berdaya secara ekonomi, dan bermartabat secara budaya sebagai wajah kemandirian desa dan pembangunan desa (eko et al, 2014, dansilahuddin, 2015). prinsip ini dijalankan sebagai village driving development dengan sistem pemerintahan kemasyarakatan yang hybrid antara (self governing community dan local self government). keberhasilan tersebut diukur berdasarkan tiga dimensi ekonomi, sosial, dan ekologi dengan desa dengan 52 butir indikator (akses pelayanan publik, kegiatan sosial dan kegiatan pendidikan, dan pemeliharaan fasilitas umum [rincian akan dilampirkan). dari indikator-indikator tersebut merujuk pada referensi modernitas seperti akses penduduk ke kredit, terdapat sektor perdagangan seperti minimarket, pertokoan, warung, terdapat akses internet, dan televisi, terdapat kendaraan bermotor dan mobil, dan transportasi umum, dan lain-lain. indikator-indikator tersebut tidak ada dalam organisasi masyarakat adat kajang. dari indikator tersebut indeks desa membangun mengacu pada esensi pembangunan yang disebutkan escobar yakni kebutuhan pembentukan modal dapat dilihat dari pemberian kredit dan bpr kepada masyarakat, penyediaan perbankan, sampean survival etnik: kuasa kosmologi dan posisi etnik 149 pusat perdagangan, dan modal asing dan nasional. kedua, kebutuhan akan perubahan budaya dan modernisasi seperti yang termaktub indiktor tersebut sebagai berikut yakni pengadaan internet, jumlah pengguna seluler, aliran listrik, terdapat siaran televisi lokal, ketiga, kebutuhan untuk menciptakan basis kelembagaan seperti pada pembuatan badan usaha milik desa [bumdes], penyediaan lembaga pendidikan modern dan pelayanan kesehatan. ketiga aspek sangat tercermin dalam indikator desa membangun. pada hakikatnya desa membangun sangat kuat dengan ekonomi pertumbuhan. posisi masyarakat adat berdasar kan asal-usul oleh dan pengakuan eksistensi desa menurut perreault (2005) patut dicurigai k are n a org an i s a s i org an i s a s i masya rakat adat tidak lebih dari p e r s i m p a n g a n p e r s i m p a n g a n institusional tempat bertemunya proses sosial berlangsung dan saling berkontradiksi, ia bertumpang tindih satu sama lain atas pemberlakuan kekuasaan. pandangan ini hanya menganggap bahwa komunitas adat hanya akan menjadi perpanjangan tangan dari negara dan melakukan politisasi kebudayaan adat. li (2000) dan yudice (1998) menganggap bahwa proses persentuhan pembangunan (modernisme) dengan tradisi masyarakat adat dan lokal adalah upaya hibridisasi budaya untuk meng_artikulasikan transisi kebudayaan untuk memperoleh manfaat darinya (perreault, 2005). proses hibridisasi kebudayaan ini untuk mendorong masyarakat adat maupun untuk meng adopsi prinsip-prinsip modernitas untuk mengonsolidasikan dan memobilisasi diri di ranah politik termasuk dalam praktek demokratisasi desa. pernyataan ini diperkuat oleh pandangan fukuyama (2004) bahwa pembangunan dan penataan masyarakat adalah proses penciptaan dan penghapusan lembaga desa. r e l e v a n s i p e r n y a t a a n fukuyama dapat dilihat dari penga daan lumbung ekonomi yakni p engonversian sumb er daya menjadi nilai ekonomi termasuk penciptaan ruang perdagangan. basis ekonomi masyarakat desa pada umumnya ekonomi substantif,4 pemenuhan kebutuhan etnik kajang ammatoa berdasarkan pemenuhan rumah tangga dan komunitas kajang melalui pertanian 4 makna substantif menurut polanyi (2003) adalah ketergantungan mata pencaharian manusia pada alam dan sesamanya. 150 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 (sawah dan kebun). dalam desa membangun sumber daya harus dinilai berdasarkan nilai ekonomi (hamidi et al, 2015). perubahan ekonomi masyarakat dari substantif ke nilai ekonomi merupakan gerak dari wujud pembangunan yang berorientasi pada pertumbuhan atau pro-pasar. hamidi (2015) mengatakan bahwa potensi sumber daya di desa bisadikonversi menjadi ekonomi termasuk modal, organisasi ekonomi, ada nilai tambah dan menyejahterakan secara ekonomi. lumbung ekonomi desa bukan hanya soal dan untukproduksi, tapi dikapitalisasi dengan nilai tambah. pernyataan ini sungguh miris jika diletakkan pada konteks masyarakat adat atau komunitas adat. program ini akan menghancurkan basis ekologis masyarakat etnik kajang ammatoa yang berbasis substantif. masyarakat adat dipaksa untuk membuka diri dan bersentuhan dengan ekonomi pasar. desa membangun memiliki basis yang kuat terhadap modernisasi desa dan praktik pembangunan yang pro-growt. asas rekognisi dan subsidiaritas hanyalah topeng untuk melaksanakan pembangunan propertumbuhan berdasarkan hak asalusul dan kearifan lokal. nilai budaya dan komunitas lokal hanyalah tempat persinggahan politik mengakumulasi modal dan eksploitasi terhadap sumber daya alam.nilai emansipasi dan pencapaian yang dalam desa mandiri dan maju adalah pencapaian ekonomi. pencapaian tersebut bukanlah menurut parfitt (2012) bukanlah pembebasan masyarakat tapi pengungkungan komunitas. kungkungan akan memicu gejala kontrapunk. dari hasil indeks pembangunan desa, hasilnya indeks tersebut di luar dari dugaan menempatkan komunitas ammatoa sebagai daerah tertinggal tidak koheren dengan indeks pembangunan desa. indikator tersebut memenuhi desa tanah toa, yang di dalamnya terdapat komunitas etnik ammatoa mendapat predikat desa berkembang bahkan secara infrastruktur dan pembangunan lebih maju dari pada yang lain. lihat grafik 1.0 berikut: sampean survival etnik: kuasa kosmologi dan posisi etnik 151 grafik 1.0 indeks pembangunan desa tahun 2015 di kecamatan kajang kabupaten bulukumba 68,86 67,85 53,18 65,82 57,34 60,69 55,73 55,31 54,9 56,4 57,9954,11 60,6 59,7 64,01 54,02 63,3 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 ipd ipd sumber : data diolah dari (kemendesa.go.id 2015) dari data idp grafik 1.0, desa tana toa lebih maju dari pada yang lain, pencapaian desa tana toa menduduki posisi ketiga tertinggi setelah desa tambangan dan lembanna sebagai desa berkembang. desa pen capaian terendah diduduki oleh desa possi tanah di kajang. secara administratif dari hasil penelitian (ahriyani, 2017) menggambarkan bahwa hanya dua dusun (balangan dan jannayya) yang terbuka terhadap modernitas dan kedua dusun ini menjadi wilayah administratif desa karena keterpaksaan menerima str uktur p emerintahan yang modern. sementara, dusun-dusun yang lain tetap bertahan di bawah naungan pimpinan ammatoa. data grafik 1.0 menunjukkan penggambaran yang lain, tana tao sebagai desa adat tak ada bedanya dengan desa yang lain. dari penggambaran data ini juga memperlihat kan bahwa asas rekognisisubsidiaritas tidak melindungi desa adat dari laju modernitas akibat pembangunan. pencapaian tersebut dilihat dari data kemedesa.go.id (2017) dari indikator aksesibilitas dan transportasi memiliki poin 94, 14 sudah hampir mencapai indikator yang sempurna dalam kemandirian. dari data-data ini desa tanah toa jauh dari komunitas organisasi adat yang tertinggal dan tidak menggunakan transportasi mobil dan teknologi yang lain. data ini cukup kontras dengan penelitian (murdiati, 2012, hijjang, 2014, dan ahriyani, 2017) bahwa desa ini masih sangat menjaga kearifan pasangri kajang yang mengutamakan prinsip kamase-mase(kesederhanaan) dan 152 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 kekeluargaan. penelitian mereka juga menunjukkan bahwa prinsip pasang digunakan untuk menjaga kelestarian lingkungan dan memperlakukan hutang sebagai tempat asal-usul mereka. penelitian yang berbeda dilaku kan abdullah et al (2014) bahwa beberapa aspek kehidupan komunitas etnik kajang ammatoa telah dimodifikasi barang-barang modernitas, mereka sudah menerima telekomunikasi dan informasi serta merawat keluarga nya di posyandu. ini bukti bahwa keber tahanan mereka telah diterobos oleh arus modernitas melalui pembangunan dan pembukaan wilayah administratif desa yang birokratis dan masyarakat rasionalitas. strategi survive abdullah et al (2014) mengatakan bahwa benteng terakhir dari resistensi terhadap proyek modernitas (komunikasi dan in formasi) dan pem bangunan adalah kepercayaan atau prinsip kosmogoni. istilah kosmogoni merujuk pada prinsip kosmologi yang bermakna penjelasan asalusul alam semesta yang bersumber dari pengisahan penciptaan dan kebutuhan pertolongan terhadap dari yang sebermula (mattulada, 1 9 9 5 , d a n s i s w a nt o, 2 0 0 5 ) . pengisahan ini didapatkan dari to manurung turun di hutan adat yang dijaga oleh ammatoa tersebut dan kesangsian keberlangsungan hidup mereka yang didasarkan pada to riara’na (dirujuk kepada tuhan) (murdiati, 2012, dan ahriyani, 2017). dari prinsip kosmogoni ini dipertahankan dengan menangkal berbagai proyek perubahan yang ditawarkan oleh modernitas baik dalam bentuk pemberdayaan (penge tahuan) dan pembangunan (infrastruktur dan teknologi). modernitas juga meletakkan kebenaran yang sesungguhnya pada rational subject (pengetahuan individu) yang menolak kebenaran dari alam maupun dari tuhan. keyakinan kebenaran modernitas dilawan dengan kebenaran yang punya berbasis pada alam oleh komunitas etnik kajang ammatoa maupun dengan etnik amish yang bersandar pada kebenaran tuhan. gejala kontrapunk akan tetap berlangsung selama etnik amish dan etnik kajang ammatoa bertahan dengan keyakinannya. penerimaan etnik ammatoa juga tidak bisa dielakkan dengan reorganisasi diri dan kompromistis dengan penerimaan beberapa aspek modernisasi. reorganisasi diri yang paling menonjol adalah ke lenturan mereka membelah sampean survival etnik: kuasa kosmologi dan posisi etnik 153 wilayahnya menjadi dua segmentasi yakni kajang dalam sebagai wilayah komunitas ammatoa dengan sistem nilai yang mereka yakini dan kajang luar dibiarkan menerima segala berbagai pembangunan termasuk pemasukan listrik, pembangunan kantor desa, dan fasilitas yang lain. reorganisasi diri juga berlangsung pada penerimaan struktur pemerintahan desa yang legal formal. berdasarkan struktur pemerintahan uu desa no.6/2014 komunitas adat di bawah naungan pemerintahan desa sebagai lembaga kemasyarakatan. secara otomatis bahwa komunitas adat sebagai bagian dari pemerintahan desa bukan berdiri sebagai pemerintahan tersendiri. maka, dalam posisi ini etnik kajang ammatoa bukanlah desa adat yang digam barkan uu desa pasal 97 yang punya pemerintahan sendiri, yang memiliki hak tradisionalnya secara nyata masih hidup, baik yang bersifat teritorial, genealogis, maupun yang bersifat fungsional. ketika undang-undang ini dijalankan setidaknya seharusnya desa tana toa dikembalikan ke asalnya sebagai pimpinan tertinggi kepada ammatoa tanpa embelembel pemerintahan legal-formal. wujud kompromi etnik kajang ammatoa terhadap modernitas adalah pengobatan yang bagi anggota komunitas di rawat di klinik posyandu dan pemakaian alat telekomunikasi dalam berkomunikasi terhadap dunia luar. penerimaan ini terlihat dicatatan abdullah et al (2014). di beberapa aspek kehidupan kajang sudah mulai meluruh karena tantangan dari termasuk pariwisata. dari situs iccas.or.id menggambarkan bahwa beberapa penduduk mulai tersentuh dengan pendidikan dan beberapa warga keluar untuk menempuh pendidikan. keberadaan mereka sebagai etnik kajang ammatoa sebagai representasi desa masa lalu sudah mulai goyah. penutup posisi etnik kajang ammatoa dalam desa membangun adalah sebagai subjek sekaligus objek dari pembangunan. selain itu, posisi etnik kajang sebagai organisasiorg an i s a s i m a s y ar a k at a d at tidak lebih dari persimpanganp e r s i m p a n g a n i n s t i t u s i o n a l tempat bertemunya proses sosial berlangsung dan saling berkontradiksi, ia 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[permendesa] peraturan menteri desa, pembangunan daerah tertinggal, dan transmigrasi republik indonesia nomor 02 tahun 2016 tentang indeks desa membangun. jakarta. polanyi, karl. 2003. tranformasi besar: asal-usul dan ekonomi zaman sekarang, m. taufik r a h m a n , p e n e r j e m a h . yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. s amp e an . 2 0 1 4 . ketimp ang an struktur sosial di masyarakat kajang, skripsi. makassar (id): universitas negeri makassar. silahuddin m. 2005. kewenangan desa dan regulasi desa. jakarta: kementerian desa, p e m b a n g u n a n d a e r a h tertinggal, dan transmigrasi republik indonesia. 156 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 siswanto j. 2005. or ientasi kosmologi. yogyakarta (id): ugm press. sjaf,sofyan. 2012. pembentukan identitas etnik dalam arena ekonomi politik lokal di era d es e ntrali s ai ( pe rg ulatan identitas etnik di kendari sulawesi selatan), disertasi. bogor (id): ipb. sztompka, pieter. 2004. sosiologi perubahan sosial. jakarta (id): prenada media. wertheim, w.f. 1976. gelombang pasang emansipasi. jakarta (id): garba budaya, kitlv, isai. journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 china’s policy to close borders to prevent the spread of the second wave of covid-19 virus elyta universitas tanjungpura e-mail: elyta@fisip.untan.ac.id syarifah ema rahmaniah universitas tanjungpura e-mail: syf.ema@fisip.untan.ac.id hendra ramdani universitas tanjungpura e-mail: ramdanihendra83@gmail.com abstract at the end of 2019, the world was taken aback by the outbreak of the covid-19 virus, which first emerged from wuhan. the increase in cases of local transmission in china’s border region with russia has sparked new concerns. in this paper, data were collected by literature study from journals and electronic books, including data from trusted websites through internet searches in the form of soft files as a method supporting the paper’s explanation. from this paper’s results, the readers can see several essential points explaining how china’s policy to close the border in russia to stave off the spread of covid-19. first is how the procedures are carried out by china in tightening surveillance on russian borders, and second, knowing how china monitors its citizens using cellphones. keywords: covid-19, border, china, russia abstrak pada akhir tahun 2019, dunia dibuat terkejut dengan mewabahnya virus covid-19 yang pertama kali mucul dari wuhan. meningkatnya kasus penularan lokal di wilayah perbatasan china dengan rusia telah memicu kekhawatiran baru. pada tulisan ini, data dikumpulkan dengan 164 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 studi pustaka dari jurnal dan buku elektronik termasuk data dari website terpercaya melalui pencarian internet dalam bentuk soft file sebagai metode yang dapat mendukung penjelasan makalah. dari hasil tulisan ini, pembaca dapat melihat terbagi menjadi beberapa poin penting yang menjelaskan bagaimana kebijakan china menutup perbatasan di rusia untuk mencegah penyebaran virus covid-19 di negaranya, pertama, bagaimana prosedur yang dilakukan. oleh china dalam memperketat pemeriksaan di perbatasan rusia. dan kedua, mengetahui bagaimana china memantau warganya dengan menggunakan telepon seluler. kata kunci: covid-19, perbatasan, china, russia introduction in early 2020, the world was shocked by the outbreak of a new virus, namely a new type of coronavirus (severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2 or sars-cov-2), and the name of the disease is called coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19). at first, this virus was known to have originated from wuhan, china, and this virus was discovered at the end of december 2019 (yuliana, 2020). in the maintenance of human security globally, the pandemic became an opponent (elyta et al., 2020). china reported a case of this mysterious virus on january 5, 2020. the virus infected 41 people, and one person was declared dead. the world health organization (who) finally identified this mysterious virus as a new virus called novel coronavirus, known as 2019-nov (zhahrina, 2020). this incident began in wuhan, where 27 people were reported to have suffered from pneumonia-like illness, fever, difficulty breathing, and abnormal lungs. infection of 1,700 people cases of this transmission occurred from december 8, 2019, to january 2, 2020; the number continued to increase until it infected 59 people. the spread of this virus originated from one of the seafood markets in wuhan city. apart from food and sea animals, this market also sells rabbits, snakes, and other poultry. therefore, experts initially suspected that this virus was related to the sars and mers cases that had plagued saudi arabia and china. a 55-year-old person from elyta, syarifah ema rahmaniah, hendra ramdani china’s policy to close borders to prevent the spread of the second wave... 165 hubei province, china, was the first to contract of new coronavirus that has spread worldwide. the search found that the initial case was detected on november 17, 2019, which found that after the november 17 case, around one to five new points were reported each day, and as of december 15, total infections hit 27. daily issues appeared to have increased since then, with the number of cases reaching 60 on december 20. on december 27, dr. zhang jixian, the head of the respiratory department at the hubei provincial hospital, reported to health officials in china that the new coronavirus was causing the disease covid-19; on that day, it infected more than 180 people. authorities had so far identified at least 266 people who were infected last year. several cases were confirmed after health authorities tested specimens from suspected covid-19 patients. the head of the respiratory department at the hubei provincial hospital reported to health officials in china that the new coronavirus causes the disease covid-19; on that day, it infected more than 180 people. authorities have so far identified at least 266 people who were infected last year. several cases were confirmed after health authorities tested specimens from suspected covid-19 patients. the respiratory’s head department of hubei provincial hospital said that the new coronavirus causes the disease covid-19; it infected more than 180 people on that day. authorities have so far identified at least 266 people who were infected last year. several cases were confirmed after health authorities tested specimens from suspected covid-19 patients. the discovery was a month earlier than a doctor’s note in wuhan, china, which said the coronavirus’s spread occurred at the end of december 2019. at that time, the authorities suspected that covid-19 originated from something sold in the wuhan wet market. however, it is now clear that some of the infected people have no connections or have never been to the market, one of which was a patient who was sick on december 1, 2019. the pandemic era has strengthened people’s sense of unity to fight the virus and support each other in tough times (elyta & kartikasari, 2020). researchers have suspect that sars-cov-2, which originated in bats, jumped on another animal. the doctors and the experts are trying to track down the virus’s 166 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 origin to learn more about its spread (azizah, 2020). coronavirus (cov) is a large family of viruses that cause disease in humans and animals. in humans, it usually causes respiratory tract infections, from the common cold to severe illnesses such as middle east respiratory syndrome (mers) and severe acute respiratory syndrome (sars). a new type of coronavirus discovered in humans since the outbreak occurred in wuhan, china, in december 2019, was then given the name severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (sarscov2) and caused disease with the name coronavirus disease-2019 or covid-19. coronaviruses are zoonotic (transmitted between animals and humans). research stated that sars-cov is transmitted from civet cats (civet cats) to humans and mers-cov from camels towards humans. on the other hand, the border area is the gateway to a country. the border area is a meeting area between two administrative regions. still, natural resources and the people can be a complementary part of a functional system unit to develop a supported site (budianta, 2010). state border areas are the primary manifestation of a country’s territorial sovereignty. problems with borders have very complex dimensions. the definition of a border, in general, is also a demarcation line between two sovereign states. at first, they formed the edge of a country or state border with the state’s birth. previously, residents who lived in certain areas did not feel the difference, even though they often came from the same ethnicity. regarding the issue of the coronavirus, it is currently rife in various parts of the world. even the coronavirus is no longer an epidemic that is just ordinary but has become a pandemic of disease that is extremely dangerous to people in various countries. of course, it has a significant impact on the welfare of the country. in response to the ongoing coronavirus pandemic, many countries are more intensive in increasing security in their border areas. it is undoubtedly a government effort to minimize the coronavirus’s chain to enter the country. in this case, the chinese method of recovering from covid-19 uses three strategies, namely: (1). shut down and hold. in january, china effectively shut down wuhan, putting its 11 million people under strict quarantine. other cities followed this in hubei province. elyta, syarifah ema rahmaniah, hendra ramdani china’s policy to close borders to prevent the spread of the second wave... 167 meanwhile, in different regions throughout china, the local government insisted on prohibiting its citizens from going out and staying at home. since then, extreme social distancing and self-quarantine have been followed by other countries in europe, including several us states. nevertheless, a study presented by imperial college london showed the strategy could have economic and social implications. in published studies, the main challenge with these measures is that they must maintain them until the vaccine is ready in 18 months. (2). mass mobilization. the central government moved swiftly to deploy 42,000 doctors and nurses to hubei to help the local medical team become overwhelmed. the government also sent health experts from the chinese red cross to italy, countries with the highest death rates due to covid-19. beijing’s decision to dispatch the medical team was not without victims, referring to the health ministry’s march figures. based on these data, more than 3,300 doctors and nurses have tested positive for covid-19, with 13 of them dying. apart from that, they were also doing something extraordinary, namely, building a hospital within two weeks to accommodate thousands of patients. the central authorities’ efforts were reinforced by repeated propaganda weapons, where people were asked to live hygienically and stay at home. also, read chinese researchers: coronavirus can infect faster and longer than sars. (3). masks and checks in cities throughout china. residents are asked to wear masks. they are not allowed to enter the apartment or office if they are not wearing them. the widespread use of masks can reduce the spread of the epidemic, especially for those who do not show symptoms (ahmad naufal dzulfaroh, 2020). one of the countries that have implemented increased bor der security to anticipate the coronavirus’s spread is china. china, which is currently a country that has managed to get through the tough times of the covid-19 pandemic, has increased its strict surveillance of its country’s borders. however, as china gradually passes through the pandemic, the neighboring countries are threatened with an increased spread of the coronavirus. one country that poses a threat to china is russia because both of them directly share a land border. previously, china had experienced 168 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 an increase in cases at the beginning of the year, but the government quickly acted to address the rise cases. the decline in the number of new cases of the coronavirus (covid-19) in china, as reported by the chinese authorities, is good news. the number of infection cases in china decreased to 202 new topics, from the usual number of thousands per day. the drop in the number of new infections in the “bamboo curtain” country was based on a decline in the number of cases in hubei province, where this deadly virus emerged. central hubei province reported less than 200 cases of covid-19 infection, to be particular 196 new cases. this figure dropped dramatically from the previous day, which reached 570 new topics. this number was also the lowest since january 24, 2020. this decline was triggered by the shrinking number of new cases in wuhan, where the deadly virus emerged last december. the reuters news agency revealed that there were 193 new coronavirus cases in wuhan on sunday, the lowest since january 24, 2020 (zhahrina, 2020). moreover, the increase in local transmission cases in the border region with russia has sparked new concerns for china. of the several new patients whose numbers have decreased, a small proportion of cases were local transmission or domestic issues. these cases were in heilongjiang province and guangdong province. heilongjiang province has been at the forefront of china’s battle to prevent imported cases. many chinese citizens returned from russia through the border region, mostly after russian authorities stopped international flights. chinese authorities have closed the border crossing with russia in suifenhe, a city in heilongjiang province. additional cases involving travelers arriving from russia were also found in other mainland chinese areas, including inner mongolia and shanghai (christiastuti, 2020). due to the increase in new cases, suifenhe and harbin, the capital of heilongjiang province, imposed a quarantine rule for 28 days for those arriving from abroad. also, these people returning from abroad were required to undergo antibody tests. the increase in cases prompted the chinese consulate office in vladivostok to appeal to chinese citizens not to use the moscowvl a d i v o s t o k su i f e n h e ro ut e . meanwhile, for suifenhe residents, the coronavirus case brought by chinese citizens who returned elyta, syarifah ema rahmaniah, hendra ramdani china’s policy to close borders to prevent the spread of the second wave... 169 from russia made several residents afraid. it is a concern for the country because of the coronavirus’s threat spread through china’s land border. the city of suifenhe has become an area that now seems to be a new battleground against china’s coronavirus outbreak. c onceptual frame work and research methods the theoretical approach in the concept of non-traditional security assumes that the safety of all political entities is under the state (state actors), apart from pressure originating from the international environment. it also comes from the domestic background in the sense that the state can become a source of threats to the security of citizens. then, the nature of the security threat itself is multidimensional and complex because today’s security threats do not only come from the military but also come from other factors, such as piracy, ethnic conflicts, environmental problems, international crimes, and so on (perwita & yadi, 2006). based on this non-traditional approach, the conception of security is emphasized in safety interests, whose actors are not stated (non-state actors). non t r a d it i on a l s e c u r it y issues are widely spread in various but interrelated and sometimes overlapping areas such as threats to the environment, nourishment, economy, energy, human security, maritime, and so on. these issues are considered to have a severe impact on all levels, be it human security, national security, regional security, or international security. the development in terms of international actors and security issues makes new global security interactions more complex and varied (sagena, 2013). security is one focus of attention that all parties, both state entities and individuals, want to achieve. in contrast to the traditional discourse, which emphasizes the security of a particular state, region, or government, the concept of human security focuses on the safety of individuals and communities (sudiar, 2018). the efforts to protect human security open opportunities for border areas to accelerate the development process, with a close link between economic development and social development. in the scope of border studies, the concept of human security offers an alternative idea of state development that focuses on human orientation and in the context of borders (kester, 2017)the natural gas extraction in the netherlands has 170 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 experienced an increasing number of ever stronger gasquakes (induced earthquakes due to gas extraction. this concept helps to formulate border development policies that are more human-oriented. non-traditional security (nts) issues require inclusive diplomacy involving both state and nonstate actors. the government’s limited capacity to deal with nts issues has made the role of ngos such as media, academics, local communities, and business actors increasingly significant. the contemporary global issue, a non-traditional security threat, is not focused on one particular country. thus, threats that are part of contemporary global issues are not only faced by one country but have threatened many countries at once. this involvement can be maximized to reach non-state actors by opening space for dialogue between the government and these actors through public diplomacy (amaritasari, 2017). in viewed as a security concept, human security results in various interpretations that can be seen from multiple perspectives of the interests of power and order itself. both these interests are carried out by state actors and non-state institutions, even individuals (hidayat, 2017). it is obtained from the history of human security that has been previously mentioned as a result of the shift in post-cold war security issues, which non-state actors currently dominate. as can be seen, the protection of a country’s people is at stake in the spread of the covid-19 virus. through this, a policy that benefits its citizens is urgently needed in overcoming this pandemic virus problem. therefore, this research aims to analyze how a country’s policies protect its people from outside interference, such as the covid-19 virus. through mass media reports and official reports from the russian state, the researchers try to analyze how the development of the spread of the covid-19 virus from before closing the two countries’ borders until the implementation of the closure of the border between the two countries. to analyze this, the researchers used descriptive research and a qualitative approach. this approach was carried out by comparing how many victims and recoveries were reported by the mass media each month. the research technique used was a literature study. researchers collected various sources that had a relationship with the problem being discussed. the sources could be in the form of elyta, syarifah ema rahmaniah, hendra ramdani china’s policy to close borders to prevent the spread of the second wave... 171 news, newspapers, and journals with similarities, both in theory and from a case perspective. china tightens inspections at russian border in the case of the very rapid spread of the coronavirus, of course, all countries are worried that the government is doing various ways to stop the spread of this pandemic. in this case, the chinese government has agreed that there will be tests on humans, amid cases in the spread of the coronavirus, especially from its neighbor, russia. this step was carried out by tightening checks on russia’s border (laoli, 2020). in russia, it was recorded that 409 people infected china came from the red bear country. the province that borders china’s northeast with russia, heilongjiang, was infected with 79 new coronavirus cases imported from russia on monday. these new instances currently came from chinese nationals traveling to and returning from russia (laoli, 2020). the coronavirus spread was not only imported from china itself; what the chinese government did not expect is that the majority of those who returned from russia had contracted the coronavirus. in this case, the chinese government has tightened surveillance at the border, especially the land route at the heilongjiang border (wu & tian, 2020). it would help to suppress the coronavirus pandemic in the border area. also, citizens who returned from abroad to china, such as chinese people who wanted to return to their country from russia, had to be tightened by imposing a quarantine rule for 28 days for those who came from abroad and those who returned from abroad. it was mandatory to undergo an antibody test (bbc world, 2020). the increase in cases prompted the chinese consulate office in vladivostok to appeal to chinese citizens not to use the moscow-vladivostok-suifenhe route. figure 1. russia and china are connected with the train line through suifenhe. source: (bbc world, 2020) several cases that have recently emerged in mainland china, especially in the border area 172 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 between china-russia, have been reported asymptomatic. chinese health authorities said 57 new asymptomatic patients. in total, 1,023 asymptomatic cases were still under medical supervision (bbc world, 2020). however, it is known that chinese authorities did not include asymptomatic cases in their official tally. later, chinese authorities recently launched an epidemiological survey of nine regions to determine the scale of transmission of asymptomatic patients and the overall rate of immunity. when viewed from the increase in the coronavirus pandemic spread, it will undoubtedly worry china’s economy itself. therefore, the chinese government made a new policy of tightening the border area because it was in the border area between china and russia that made the spread of this virus rise again from previously, china succeeded in suppressing the spread level of this coronavirus pandemic. based on data, the increasing number of covid-19 instances has been a single-digit percentage since last march 30. most recently, on april 10, there was an increase in cases of 5.92%, bringing the total to 1.52 million cases (pransuamitra, 2020). figure 2. increase per day of covid-19 cases globally (%) source: (pransuamitra, 2020) elyta, syarifah ema rahmaniah, hendra ramdani china’s policy to close borders to prevent the spread of the second wave... 173 the heilongjiang provincial government has started roundthe-clock patrols along its border with russia. the two countries have agreed to close the suifen river port on the wall, which is the main checkpoint for land transit. with this in mind, this 3,218 km-long border with russia is effectively closed; heilongjiang province is stepping up its efforts to secure the region. china has also turned an office building near the edge into an emergency hospital, ready to accommodate a new spike in infections (nugroho, 2020). until now, this policy has been continued, with the hope that china can again reduce the spread of the coronavirus pandemic. china is concerned that a second wave will occur, which is predicted to have a more severe space than the coronavirus pandemic’s first spread (cnn indonesia, 2020). the chinese government’s measures make every effort to suppress its spread. also, china has become a reference for other countries to prevent the spread of the virus. china closes suifenhe port to reduce spread of covid-19 with the covid-19 outbreak, heilongjiang province has become a province that significantly influences the entry of the covid-19 virus. it is known that about 160,000 chinese citizens were living and working in russia, where the virus was increasing (rfi, 2020). china closed the suifenhe border port in heilongjiang province to overcome the entry of the covid-19 virus into china that came from abroad. the chinese consulate in vladivostok city, the primorsky region’s capital, shares a direct border with heilongjiang province. it has led the chinese consulate to warn chinese citizens not to return through city ports (yang, 2020). this closure was carried out because of covid-19 cases in suifenhe, china’s northeastern heilongjiang province. residents infected with the virus were those returning from a road trip through the eastern russian city of vladivostok, returning from moscow. it was followed by russia closing all flights to china and closing all of its land borders for incoming traffic from china, including routes that pass through suifenhe (wu & tian, 2020). in the past, residents of suinfenhe in heilongjiang had to stay at home, except to buy essential things for supplies, which was limited to once every three days. the 174 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 government has also announced to close the suinfenhe border for one week. it was because the city at the district level has exceeded the capacity to carry out quarantine and isolation of new arrivals (sixth tone, 2020). previously, all of these cases involved chinese nationals who had returned from russia. (yang, 2020). also, china implemented mandatory isolation for cities along china’s northeastern border and even closed all transportation to and from neighboring russia. it was done because of concerns about chinese citizens’ return who could bring the covid-19 virus home and the chinese government’s closure of transportation from wuhan city. for them, such decisive actions would control the outbreak in the country and minimize the possibility of the attack spreading internationally. since the first case was discovered in wuhan on december 31, 2019, hundreds of people have been infected with the coronavirus, and 17 people have died. with hundreds of millions of people traveling across china for the lunar new year holiday this week, the national health commission has also announced measures to combat this disease. these include airport sterilization and ventilation, as well as planes and trains (iswara, 2020). as with many other cities, the increase in coronavirus cases was overwhelming healthcare in suifenhe. local authorities have requested financial assistance, surgical masks, n95 masks, and personal protective equipment. the government in beijing dispatched equipment and a team of infectious disease experts, which among other things, was tasked with conducting tests. the heilongjiang provincial government also sent more than 200 medical personnel to assist medical personnel in suifenhe. a 13-story building has been converted into a hospital that can treat 600 patients. russia closes border and stops electronic visas with china after china closed its borders to russia, russia was doing the same. russia closed its borders to anticipate the spread of covid-19 from china. mikhail mishutin, as the prime minister of russia, said that he had held a cabinet meeting and had signed an order to close the chinese border. mikhail mishutin said that the border’s closure was carried out to protect its citizens from the increasing spread of the covid-19 virus. in addition to closing the wall, there was an elyta, syarifah ema rahmaniah, hendra ramdani china’s policy to close borders to prevent the spread of the second wave... 175 order from the president of russia, vladimir putin, for its citizens not to visit or travel to china for a while. moreover, citizens in china were asked to contact the embassy in beijing (cnn indonesia, 2020). through an official statement that has been published, the russian foreign ministry would suspend the receipt of electronic visas for chinese citizens who wished to visit russia. the suspension was carried out through border checkpoints located far away in the east and kaliningrad region, as well as through land, sea, road, and pedestrian checkpoints located in the area of st. petersburg and those in the leningrad region (teslova, 2020). the russian foreign ministry also said it was stopping granting electronic visas. electronic visas are commonly used for chinese citizens to cross at several far east and western border points. the ministry also warned its citizens not to travel to china. deputy prime minister tatyana golikova also said that russia had closed its border with china to pedestrian and vehicle traffic. also, he said he would impose restrictions on rail services and would only operate between moscow and beijing. as for air traffic, it was still a consideration for russia. many chinese citizens were being screened for the virus at airports around the world. several airlines have made flight arrangements destined for wuhan. china monitors citizens using cell phones in areas under quarantine, phone location data is used to monitor human movement and enforce curfews. if a patient must b e quarantined, their phone’s geolocation will alert the government if this person leaves quarantine. telephone location data are also used to map the exact places a person has visited during the last two weeks of diagnosis. the combination of human analysis and computer analysis can determine who may be infected by them. if this patient gets on the train and has a chance to infect people, text messages will be sent via an app used by many to warn of the risk of transmission. each person is given a colored qr code, depending on the risks they have. of course, the chinese government’s policy in dealing with the spread of the coronavirus pandemic will not be optimal if it is not accompanied by the quarantine system implemented in the country. the quarantine system helps the government supervise its 176 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 community and supervision carried out on cell phones. furthermore, this c ybersur veillance would be useless without a strict quarantine team in china. police and volunteers guard are in every doorway in and out of apartment blocks to ensure a quarantine occurs. china managed to reduce the rate of new infections from thousands a day at the outbreak’s peak to zero within five weeks. however, in countries where surveillance is being used to deal with the coronavirus, many fear the long-term impact. conclusion china’s best option for halting the spread of the covid-19 chain, which includes russia, is to tighten the border area. according to chinese authorities, the decline in covid-19 cases is already a good start. citizens returning from abroad must be tightened by implementing quarantine regulations for 28 days and undergoing antibody tests. also, in monitoring its citizens, china makes use of cell phones. through telephone location data, the government can monitor human movement and enforce a curfew. it, of course, will be in vain if it is not supported by a strict quarantine implementation team in china. there is assistance from the police and community volunteers to guard every doorway in and out of apartment blocks. the country, which is the leading cause of the emergence of the covid-19 virus, has become a reference for other countries. it is because china can reduce the spread of the covid-19 virus in 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(2020). kronologi virus corona di china, dari pasar hingga korea selatan. kompas. sosiologi islam : refleksi atas keberagamaan umat islam di indonesia antara dogma, ajaran, dan realitas sampean mahasiswa pascasarjana program master sosiologi pedesaan, institut perta-nian bogor sampean_pian@apps.ipb.ac.id abstrak sosiologi islam adalah disiplin keilmuan yang membekukan kajiannya di ranah kelompok masyarakat islam. sosiologi islam berupaya memotret kelompok masyarakat islam yang memiliki sistem budaya kemasyarakatan yang terbangun atas sistem nilai, keyakinan, historis, dan moralitas sendiri. sosiologi islam merefleksikan sikap keberagamaan umat islam di indonesia yang menunjukkan pola hubungan tiga fase historis dan simbolis dapat disimpulkan menjadi empat hal yakni ketegangan perumusan dasar negara, ketegangan ideologis, kediktatoran negara, dominasi mayoritas. pola hubungan yang terbentuk menunjukkan bias dari objektivitas dogma agama islam. kata kunci : sosiologi islam, keberagamaan, kuntowijoyo, isp pendahuluan persoalan keberagamaan umat islam di indonesia dapat ditinjau dalam perspektif teologis maupun sosiologis. pada aspek teologis, islam dipahami sebagai ajaran paripurna, pedoman hidup, dan laku baik. sedangkan, perspektif sosiologi memfokuskan pada realitas sosial yang menunjukkan bentuk – bentuk penyimpangan nilai dan tata laku yang tidak sesuai dengan ajaran islam. pada konteks ini, disiplin keilmuan sosiologi hadir sebagai pengurai kenyataan atau menghadirkan kenyataan islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 issn: 2614-0535 e-issn: 2655-1330 sampean 403 sosiologi islam : refleksi atas keberagamaan umat islam sosial sebagai pembelajaran yang ditinjau dari aspek kelembagaan, struktural, kontrol, dan diskursus yang berlangsung dalam kelompok masyarakat. sebab, fenomena keberagamaanbukan hanya sebagai persoalan individu tetapi juga persoalan kelompok atau bukan hanya persoalan teologis, pengetahuan, dan kesadaran. tapi juga, persoalan struktural dimana penguasa atau negara terlibat dalam mengontrol keberagamaan. dalam konteks indonesia, persoalan keberagamaan ber banding lurus dengan keberagaman masyarakat indonesia. dimensi keberagaman digambarkan dari aras lokal ke aras nasional. persoalan keberagamaan dimulai dari dimensi konflik teologis, radikalisme, dan terorisme, konflik antaragama, antarsuku, dan konflik politik agama. relung – relung konflik tersebut mencuat ke publik sebagai isu pemecah kebangsaan negara kesatuan republik indonesia [nkri]. dalam pandangan kusumadewi (2012) bahwa ketidakharmonisan yang berlangsung berdasarkan agama menyebabkan praktik eksklusi sosial melalui proses pengabaian, pengasingan, dan pencabutan hak atas orang atau kelompok atas agamanya. ketidakharmonisan atas agama menunjukkan bahaya laten atas disintegrasi sebuah bangsa. oleh karena itu, agama harus diposisikan sebagai faktor penyokong keberlangsungan masyarakat atau sebuah bangsa. distribusi populasi enam agama di indonesia di dominasi agama islam sebesar 87,18 atau sekitar 207.176.162 juta jiwa. setelah itu diikuti agama kristen sebesar 6,96 % atau 16.528.513 juta jiwa. sedangkan, agama kristen katolik sebesar 2,91% atau 6.907.873 juta jiwa, agama hindu sebesar 1,69 % atau 4.012.116 juta jiwa, agama budha sebesar 0,72 % atau 1.703.254 juta jiwa, konghucu sebesar 0,05 % atau 117.091 juta jiwa dan agama lainlain 0,41 % atau 1.196.317 juta jiwa. data ini didasarkan dari pola distribusi populasi agama yang dirilis data badan pusat statistik [bps] indonesia tahun 2010 menunjukkan bahwa fenomena keberagamaan didominasi oleh keberadaan agama islam. data bps 2010 juga me nunjukkan keberadaan islam di posisi minoritas hanya empat dari tiga puluh tiga provinsi di antaranya nusa tenggara timur [ntt] hanya sebesar 9,05 % selebihnya agama katolik sebesar 54,14 %, dan kristen 34,74 %. ketiga ini sebagai agama dominan di ntt. selanjutnya, 404 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 sulawesi utara, di dominasi agama kristen 63,60 dan islam 30,90 %, papua didominasi agama kristen 65,48% dan islam 15,89%, dan di papua barat agama kristen sebesar 53,77 % dan islam 38,40% dari distribusi populasi ke beragamaan dapat disimpulkan enam hal yakni pertama, dibalik pluralitas agama di indonesia, islam adalah agama mayoritas penduduk indonesia kedua, determinasi pola relasi antaragama didominasi dengan penganut agama islam; ketiga potensi kediktatoran mayoritas islam atas klaim kebenaran; keempat, dominasi struktural; kelima, ketimpangan atas nama agama mayoritas; keenam, dominasi kriminalitas atas agama mayoritas. fenomena ini menjadi titik krusial bagi keberlangsungan kebangsaan indonesia. masalah ini tidak bisa dijelaskan secara teologis bahwa persoalan agama hanya persoalan keyakinan antara penganutnya dan pencapaian hidup sebagai realitas politis. tapi, fenomena tersebut adalah fenomena sosiologis. gejala sosiologis yang berlang sung ini dapat ditinjau dalam pendekatan sosiologi, khususnya sosiologi islam. penyebutan sosiologi islam dalam dunia akademik belum cukup lazim dan kontroversial. penggabungan kata sosiologi dan islam adalah dua hal yang sangat berjauhan di mana sosiologi sebagai disiplin keilmuan yang bertugas melihat gejala dan fenomena sosial dan islam sendiri adalah konsepsi teologis dan fenomena sosial. jika, islam sebagai fenomena sosial maka, islam tidak bisa dilepaskan sebagai fakta sosiologis yang di dalamnya mengandung kontrol dan perekat sosial dan islam realitas kemasyarakatan. maka, tugas utama dari sosiologi islam adalah menyingkap pola relasi keberagamaan umat islam di indonesia yang berkaitan erat dengan hubungan antara agama islam dengan non islam dan islam dengan islam, islam dengan kearifan lokal, dan islam sebagai realitas fenomena teologis. maka, menurut berger (1985) tugas seorang sosiolog harus melakukan pembongkaran [debungkin] atau mengurai tirai yang menghalangi kenyataan yang sesungguhnya dan mengutamakan netralitas dalam memotret sebuah persoalan. sosiologi islam sosiologi islam sebagai disiplin keilmuan dalam menganalisis konteks masyarakat di indonesia belum berakar kuat. pengenalan sampean 405 sosiologi islam : refleksi atas keberagamaan umat islam kajian sosial berbasiskan islam dilakukan oleh kuntowijoyo mengenai ilmu sosial profetik [isp]7. kajian isp adalah upaya mengilmukan islam dalam melihat fenomena sosial, bukan proses islamisasi ilmu (jurdi 2010). pengilmuan islam adalah upaya membangun disiplin keilmuan yang utuh dalam mengkaji fenomena kemasyarakatan dari islam itu sendiri. pengilmuan islam adalah tawaran dari kuntowijoyo untuk kebaikan umat manusia dengan nilai – nilai keislaman dan menjawab kebutuhan islam itu sendiri pengaruh isp dari kuntowijoyo dalam perkembangan kelahiran sosiologi islam cukup kuat di indonesia. misalnya, lahirnya karya syarifuddin jurdi tahun 2014, sosiologi islam dan masyarakat modern dan sosiosophologi: sosiologi islam berbasiskan hikma dari abidin, zainal, agus ahmad 7 pengenalan kajian ilmu sosial profetik sebagai bentuk paradigma keilmuan dalam aspek ontologi, epistemologi, dan aksiologi diperkenalkan dalam karya kuntowijoyo. 2007. islam sebagai ilmu: epistemologi, metodologi, dan etika yang didalamnya mengandung nilai – nilai humanisasi dimaknai penegakan kebajikan, liberasi dimaknai pembebasan dan atau emansipasi, dan transendensi yakni penegakan nilai – nilai keagamaan sebagai dasar pengetahuan. safei, and maman abdul djaliel di tahun 20038. dari kedua karya menjadi rujukan utama kajian sosiologi islam. meskipun, peng aruh secara pemikiran isp tidak cukup. isp sebagai kerangka pemikiran dan teori belum menjadi kajian analisis sosial dalam kedua buku ini. mereka masih berdiri di kaki masing – masing. tulisan lain yang mengarahkan isp ke dalam bentuk satu disiplin keilmuan dan rumusan pemikiran adalah muttaqin (2015) dan dan abidin (2016).9 semantara, di artikel ini, 8 dalam karya syarifuddin jurdi meletakkan dasar pemikiran teoritis dan analitis sosiologi islam dalam melihat konteks masyarakat. pemikiran syarifuddin jurdi sangat dipengaruhi dengan pemikiran ilmu khaldun sedangkan sosiophologi abidin, zainal, agus ahmad safei, and maman abdul djaliel membangun paradigmanya berdasarkan hikma keislaman. 9 di tulisan husnul muttaqin. 2015. menuju sosiologi profetik hanya menarasikan kembali gagasan kuntowijoyo dengan memaksakan pendisiplin sosiologi profetik. muh. zaenal abidin.2016. paradigma islam: dalam pembangunan ilmu integralistik membaca pemikiran kuntowijoyo adalah upaya menggali kembali pemikiran kuntowijoyo secara kritis dengan merumuskan kembali sistem gagasan integralisasi keilmuan. di mana kuntowijoyo memandan antar barat dan timur suatu yang oposisi biner. keilmuan barat yang imperialis/ superior dan timur yang imperior. 406 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 sosiologi islam menjadi alat analisis [analysis tool] dalam melihat fenomena keberagamaan islam di indonesia. tinjauan sosiologi islam dalam artikel tidak melepaskan analisis ilmuwan barat dan isp kuntowijoyo dalam meletakkan sosiologi islam sebagai alat analisis membedah keberagamaan islam di indonesia.10 dalam kerangka pemikiran isp, kuntowijoyo berupaya mendirikan suatu disiplin keilmuan yang tidak meniadakan wahyu sebagai sumber dan dasar pengetahuan. dalam konteks keberagamaan wahyu dan ajaran, tata laku, tindakan, kontrol, dan kohesivitas adalah bagian integral dari realitas sosial. gagasan kewahyuan dalam pemikiran kuntowijoyo disebut strukturalisme transendental. strukturalisme transendental menjadi kunci utama penegakan pilar – pilar keilmuan dalam pengimplementasian humanisasi, liberasi, dan transendensi. dimensi lain dari 10 dalam dimensi kajian sosiologi yang di dominasi ilmuwan barat tidak bisa dilepaskan dari pengembangan kajian keilmuan. pemisahan antara ilmuwan barat dan timur sudah tidak lagi relevan dalam pengembangan ilmu sosiologi. sebab, setiap pemikiran atau teori menemukan konteksnya masing– masing dalam masyarakat. maka, tokoh – tokoh barat dalam analisis sosiologi islam di artikel ini. gagasan kuntowijoyo (2006) dalam memandang kehidupan masyarakat bahwa masyarakat adalah semesta simbolis. semesta simbolik ini yang mengonstruksi kategori – kategori sosial yang terbentuk di masyarakat. sedangkan, secara metodologi isp menggunakan integralisasi dan objektivikasi. asumsi dasar peletakan isp sebagai bentuk pengilmuan islam adalah bukan islam sebagai agama tapi islam sebagai kesadaran kolektif yang memiliki sistem pengetahuan dan bentuk kemasyarakatan. perbedaan islam sebagai ilmu dan agama sebagai berikut : tabel 1.0 perbedaan islam sebagai ilmu dan agama islam islam keterangan sebagai sebagai ilmu agama interpretasi subjektivitas objektivitas teks kesadaran kesadaran kesadaran aktor subjektif kolektivitas kesadaran normatif teoritis teks analisa ahistoris historis teks kewahyuan general dan spesifik dan mistik demistifikasi doktrin dogma ajaran dan empirik sumber : kuntowijoyo (2006) (2007) sampean 407 sosiologi islam : refleksi atas keberagamaan umat islam islam dalam konteks keyakinan dan islam sebagai ilmu memiliki perbedaan yang cukup signifikan dan memiliki relevansinya di masyarakat. islam sebagai dasar keyakinan bertumpu pada kesadaran subjektivitas baik dalam memahami teks maupun dalam menjalankan syariatnya. konsekuensi dari kesadaran subjektifnya adalah tindakan subjektivitas memahami islam secara subjektif dan golongan. sedangkan, islam sebagai ilmu bertumpu pada islam sebagai kesadaran kolektif dan sistem pengetahuan yang objektif. dari dua konsepsi ini dibangun konstruksi disiplin keilmuan yang baru yakni sosiologi islam. sosiologi islam tidak hanya mengupas islam sebagai agama. tapi, islam adalah konsep keilmuan yang menganalisis dan memahami islam itu sendiri dan relasinya terhadap agama lain. kebutuhan sosiologi islam adalah menganalisis konteks ke masyarakatan dan pola relasi keagamaan dibutuhkan untuk memetakan persoalan yang dihadapi umat itu sendiri. titik kelemahan dari teori isp dari kuntowijoyo mengesampingkan aspek struktur sebagai aspek pembentukan tindakan sosial dan terjebak pada pengarusutamaan struktur transendental dalam memahami masyarakat. kuntowijoyo juga terjebak di ranah idealitas atau masyarakat utopis yakni masyarakat tanpa penyimpangan dan bertumpu pada ajaran dan dogma agama sebagai alat kontrol dari keilmuan dan laku masyarakat. pemahaman keagamaan dan keilmuan tidak selamanya berbanding lurus dengan sebuah tindakan sosial ataupun laku sosial. dimensi penyimpangan tersebut menjadi objek kajian dari sosiologi islam sebagai bentuk dari fenomena kemasyarakatan dan juga pola relasinya terhadap non islam. islam tidak bisa dimungkiri sebagai kelompok masyarakat yang tidak tunggal dalam sistem sosial di indonesia. dalam perspektif sosiologi islam dimensi pola relasi sosial dalam fenomena keberagamaan islam dapat dilihat dalam dua hal yakni islam dengan islam, islam dengan non islam, islam dan lokalitas. pola hubungan dibentuk berdasarkan hubungan struktur yang statik dan dinamis dari ikatan keagamaan. sifat kedua hal dalam hubungan ini berdasarkan dari garis pemikiran aguste comte sebagai bapak sosiologi. perbedaan kedua dimensi kemasyarakatan tersebut menjadi penekanan pola hubungan keagamaan. pola hubungan tersebut dapat dilihat dalam tabel 1.1 berikut 408 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 tabel 1.1 pola hubungan dalam keagamaan keagamaan dalam struktur statik keagamaan dalam struktur dinamik status dan peran intensitas relasi antar agama model hubungan patron – klien, pola struktur dalam rentan waktu kasta, dan jamaah – ustad, ulama – tertentu santri, nabi dan rasulumat, allah hamba skematik dinamik dapat dikuantifikasi deskriptif dapat di kuantifikasi isu relasi adaptasi dan akomodasi dogma, pedoman hidup dan ajaran dan realitas sosial struktur transendental aspek sosial yang harus terserap dalam analisis sosiologi islam dalam pola hubungan keagamaan adalah analisis rasionalisasi instrumental weberian yang tidak terdapat dalam pemikiran kuntowijoyo. weber (2009) memandang bahwa pola hubungan masyarakat didorong pola hubungan kekuasaan dengan pertimbangan kalkulasi rasional [untung dan rugi]. pola hubungan ini turut menjadi bagian dari interaksi hubungan sosial kemasyarakatan dalam basis keagamaan. penyerapan pemikiran weberian ke dalam sosiologi islam bukanlah hal yang oportunis dalam konteks ke masyarakatansaat ini. salvatore (2016) memandang rasionalisasi instrumental kekuasaan harus dilakukan perlawanan [encounter]. model encounter dilakukan melalui encounter elite budaya dan ilmuwan. elite budaya dan ilmuwan bertanggung jawab dalam memproduksi pengetahuan dan kategori sosial berdasarkan nilainilai strukturalisme transendental kuntowijoyo dan rasionalitas transendental tanpa melepaskan pemikiran ilmuwan barat. rasionalitas transendental tidak hanya memandang bahwa kewahyuan bersifat spesifik, empirik, demistifikasi. tapi, juga sebagai bentuk kesadaran, perekat, instrumen interaksi sosial. bahaya dari hasil produksi pengetahuan dan kategori sosial elite budaya dan ilmuwan adalah sampean 409 sosiologi islam : refleksi atas keberagamaan umat islam determinasi elite kekuasaan. mereka telah melegitimasi diri dan memperoleh senjata legitimasi bersyarat dari penguasa (salvatore 2016). legitimasi bersyarat tersebut menjadi alat kekuasaan bekerja. kekuasaan bekerja dapat dilihat dari konstruksi pengetahuan peter l berger. teori konstruksi sosial berger dan luckmann (1991), hubungan dialektis antar manusia dan masyarakat adalah yakni eksternalisasi, objektivasi, dan internalisasi. eksternalisasi adalah pembentukandunia yang objektif melalui repetisi atau tindakan manusia yang berulang -ulang. repetisi tindakan manusia menye babkan pembentukan pola, aturan, peran yang dilakukan manusia. pembentukan repetisi berangkat dari ajaran dan dogma yang terbentuk dalam sebuah kelompok sosial. relevansi agama dalam sebuah tindakan repetitif bersumber dari kewahyuan men jadi alat analisis sosiologi islam. melewati tahap ini adalah proses institusionaliasi tindakan sebagai proses objektivasi di mana institusi telah menjadi realitas objektif. proses objektivasi merupakan bagian dari proses legitimasi dan pembenaran atas tindakan sosial yang berulang pada manusia. pada level objektivikasi, negara sebagai alat kekuasaan bekerja melegitimasi pengetahuan maupun alat ke jahatan sosial. sedangkan, tahap institusionalisasi menjadi mediator proses internalisasi atau penyerapan nilai-nilai dari masyarakat yang terintitusi dalam masyarakat yang sudah terobjektivasi (poloma 1992; riyanto 2009; samuel 2012; friedman 2016). dalam kajian sosiologi islam penting mengadopsi dan mem formulasikan kembali pemikiran berger dalam menganalisiskonteks masyarakat islam dengan memadukan pemikiran kuntowijoyo. berger dan kuntowijoyo (2007) meyakini kehidupan kemasyarakatan sebagai semesta simbolis dan agama memiliki hukumnya masing – masing. perbedaan kedua pemikir tersebut adalah kuntowijoyo rasionalitas dan realitas keagamaan adalah bagian integral dari ke sadaran penganutnya antara pemahaman agama dan ritual memiliki konsekuensi sosial yang ideal sesuai visi kenabian [profetik]. kuntowijoyo menghindari proses sekularisasi dalam pengilmuan islam. sementara, berger mem bedakan kesadaran pada level individual dan level kemasyarakatan dalam penyerapan nilai – nilai 410 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 sekularisasi. di level individu sekularisasi berlangsung di tingkat kesadaran pemisahan logika dunia dan logika agama sedangkan di level masyarakat, sekularisasi berlangsung melalui penyingkiran urusan agama dalam urusan legalformal yang harus diurus dengan pihak netral (riyanto 2009). pemikiran berger mengenai fenomena keberagamaan meng utamakan rasionalisasi atau formulasi ajaran keagamaan untuk menyesuaikan kondisi sosialnya (riyanto 2009). prinsip ini diadopsi bagi agama – agama yang minoritas berupaya melakukan adaptasi terhadap agama dominan di sekitarnya. sementara, agama mayoritas bertindak akomodatif terhadap minoritas. dalam disiplin kajian sosiologi islam membangun model evaluatif realitas keberagamaan dan meruntuhkan ajaran dogma agama sebagai basis radikalisme dan pemikiran fundamentalisme. dalam perumusan kerangka pemikiran sosiologi islam sebagai sistem kemasyarakatan sebagai berikut : bagan 1.0 model evaluasi realitas sosiologi islam dimensi struktur sosial [masyarakat dan elit kekuasaan] keteraturanrealitas objektif re a lita si eksternalisasi dan objektivasi dan dialektis transendensi liberasi dimensi manusia [aktor] [strukturalisme transendental] rasionalitas-transendensi – realitas subjektf internalisasi dan humanisasi r e a lita s i d ia le ktis sumber : bagan diformulasikan dari riyanto (2009) dalam bagan 1.0 menunjukkan dua dimensi kemasyarakatan dimensi struktur sosial yakni masyarakat dan kekuasaan sebagai model keteraturan dan realitas objektif. struktur sosial dalam dimensi ini bisa dimaknai sebagai relasi sosial, wacana, aturan, tindakan, stratifikasi, sumber daya, kekuasaan, rekayasa sosial, dan keterlekatan sosial [etnik dan jenis kelamin] (kingseng 2017). dimensi manusia [aktor] sebagai realitas subjektif yang menjadi sampean 411 sosiologi islam : refleksi atas keberagamaan umat islam bagian dari kualitas aktor dalam membangun relasi sosial. realitas subjektif tidak lepas kesadaran aktor atau struktur kognitif yang dimilik aktor dalam memahami dunia di sekitarnya. realitas subjektif ini terbentuk berdasarkan pada realitas objektif atau dalam dimensi agama realitas kewahyuan. realitas kewahyuan adalah bagian dimensi rasionalitas transendensi. rasionalitas transendensi adalah kualitas hubungan yang dibangun berdasarkan nilai – nilai kewahyuan. kewahyuan adalah realitas subjektif yang didapatkan dari pengalaman mistik atau pengalaman rohani sang aktor. nilai – nilai kewahyuan melekat dalam suatu agama atau ajaran tertentu. hubungan antara dimensi struktur dan dimensi manusia [aktor] adalah realitas dialektis dalam sistem kemasyarakatan atau realitas sosiologis yang terbentuk berdasarkan hubungan keagamaan melalui mekanisme eksternalisasi [repetisi nilai] atau penanaman nilai dari kualitas aktor. dalam proses eksternalisasi, sosiologi menjadi alat evaluasi dalam memahami agama sebagai ajaran, ilmu, dan dogma. objektivasi adalah institusionalisasi nilai atau pelegitimasian nilai baik sebagai realitas subjektif maupun realitas objektif. objektivasi menjadi bagian paling krusial dalam melihat hubungan antara dimensi struktur dan dimensi aktor dalam perebutan atau rekonsiliasi nilai – nilai dalam memandang dunia. pengaruh dominasi dari dimensi ini bisa dilihat dari kualitas pengaruh dari satu antara dimensi aktor atau struktur atau realitas subjektif atau objektif dalam proses liberasi atau emansipasi. sementara, internalisasi adalah penyerapan nilai dari realitas objektif dan penegakan nilai – nilai kebajikan [nilai keagamaan] dalam melangsungkan penghidupan aktor. dalam kajian sosiologi islam dalam makalah ini yakni : pertama, analisis pola hubungan keberagamaan islam dengan dengan non islam. kedua, evaluasi keberagamaan islam sebagai dimensi dogma, ajaran, dan sistem kemasyarakatan. pengkajian sosiologi islam dalam dua aspek upaya refleksi atas realitas kemayoritasan umat islam sebagai sistem nilai dan sistem kemasyarakatan di indonesia. dalam pengkajian sosiologi islam menurut salvatore (2016) adalah upaya pemadatan pengkajian realitas sosial bahwa islam adalah kelompok sosial yang memiliki sistem nilai dan sistem kemasyarakatan sendiri. meskipun, sosiologi islam sebagai hibridisasi keilmuan etik sosiologis 412 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 harus dijaga11. fenomena keberagamaan islam penggunaan istilah keberaga maan umat islam adalah frase yang janggal dalam penggunaannya. penggunaan keberagamaan umat islam merujuk pada kelompok sosial yang memiliki sistem budaya kemasyarakatan [societal culture]. budaya kemasyarakatan adalah bangunan kelompok sosial yang memiliki perangkat keyakinan, historis, tata nilai, dan institusi. alternatif lain pengganti frase keberagamaan umat islam adalah penganut islam. sementara, peng gunaan frase penganut islam tidak mewakili islam sebagai sistem kemasyarakatan. tapi, kelompok sosial yang meyakini islam sebagai penganut doktrin agama islam. 11 etik yang harus dipegang bagi sosiolog menurut peter l berger. 1985. humanisme sosiologi. sebagai bentuk kesadaran sosiologis adalah : pertama, motif pembongkaran/penelanjangan [debungking], motif ketidakhormatan [motif penghargaan terhadap berbagai profesi dalam masyarakat], ketiga, motif penisbian [peluruhan nilai – nilai dan identitas yang melekat dalam diri aktor dalam mengamati objek sosial; keempat, motif kosmopolitan [keterbukaan terhadap cakrawala baru dan pemaknaan baru terhadap lingkungan sekitar. dalam fenomena keberagama an sebagai perangkat pemikiran, keyakinan, historis, tata nilai, dan institusi. maka, realitas sosial keberagamaan islam indonesia memiliki realitas historis yang panjang dalam pembentukan ke bangsaan indonesia. fakta historis bisa ditinjau dari perangkat pemikiran sebagai pengetahuan dan ideologi, keyakinan sebagai doktrin, ajaran sebagai agama, sistem nilai sebagai wujud fakta sosial, dan institusi sebagai wujud dari pelembagaan. fakta historis tidak bisa dilepaskan dari konteks masyarakat baik secara faktual maupun secara simbolis. secara faktual islam diperhadapkan berbagai macam konflik dan ketegangan antara pemeluk agama yang lain. selain itu, dalam internal islam sendiri memiliki persinggungan antara golongan mengenai klaim kebenaran. sementara, secara simbolis fenomena keberagamaan diperhadapkan perangkat kelem bagaan, simbol, nila terhadap sistem kehidupan yang diperjuangkan. problem – problem keberagamaan umat islam sebagai fakta historis dalam mewarnai perjalanan kebang saan indonesia sebagai berikut : sampean 413 sosiologi islam : refleksi atas keberagamaan umat islam tabel 1.3. fenomena keberagamaan umat islam di indonesia periode peristiwa waktu proses simbolis waktu lembaga simbol norma piagam jakarta 22 juni negara realisme dasar hukum, 1945 demistifikasi orde pemberontakan 1949 militer, negara pseudo mistifikasi di/tii 1965 islam mistik dasar hukum lama pembubaran 17 partai, pseudo nasionalisme, masyumi dan agustus profesional, realisme modifikasi, psi 1960 kontra revolusi perilaku perang suci 1965 partai, pseudo mistifikasi, [pki vs -1966 profesionalisme, mistik ajaran, dan muhammadiya organisasi dogma dan nu masyarakat penerapan 1985 negara, perintah psedo nasionalisme, asas tunggal -1998 realisme sekularisme, orde baru otoritarian tanjung priok 1984 negara, pseudo nasionalisme, birokrasi realisme sekularisme, asas tunggal otoritarian talangsari 1989 negara, pseudo nasionalisme, birokrasi realisme sekularisme, asas tunggal otoritarian konflik 1999 etnisitas pseudo kontra nilai, ambon dan mistik kesadaran sambas ektnisitas konflik poso 1998 agama pseudo eksklusivitas, 2001 mistik klaim otoritas orde gereja yasmin 2010 agama pseudo eksklusivitas, bogor mistik klaim otoritas reformasi demonstrasi 2017 organisasi pseudo eksklusivitas, penistaan -2018 masyarakat, mistik klaim otoritas agama massa pembubaran 2018 partai, birokrasi pseudo nasionalisme, hti kontra kontra mistik eksklusivitas, pancasila sumber : kuntowijoyo (2006a), ricklefs (2008) maarif (2009), akmalia (2016) suwirta (2018) 414 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 berdasarkan peristiwa ke beragamaan umat islam di indonesia dalam tiga periode memiliki ciri masing – masing sebagai peristiwa simbolik dan historis. di masa orde baru relasi keagamaan umat islam lebih dominan bersinggungan dengan negara dalam perumusan dasar hukum negara mulai dari piagam jakarta, pemberontakan darul islam/tentara islam indonesia [di/tii], dan pembubaran organisasi kemasyarakatan partai serikat islam [psi] dan partai majelis syuro muslimin indonesia [masyumi]. ketiga peristiwa sejarah menunjukkan ketegangan simbolis antara pendukung hukum sekuler dan hukum agama. pendukung hukum sekuler bersikukuh menghilangkan kalimat ketuhanan, dengan kewajiban menjalankan syariat islam bagi pemeluk – pemeluknya. konsekuensi kalimat ini di piagam jakarta sebagai upaya demistifikasi islam sebagai hukum sekuler yang mengatur keberagaman penduduk indonesia. sementara, para penggagas hukum sekuler pada terjebak piagam jakarta cara berpikir realisme.12 bias dari penghilangan 12 realisme adalah cara berpikir yang bertumpu pada karakter objektivitas dan common sense [pengetahuan umum] dari pengalaman indrawi. dalam politik realisme, negara menjadi tujuh kata dalam piagam jakarta adalah pemberontakan di/tii yang berlangsung di beberapa daerah 1946 – 1965, jawa barat, aceh, kalimantan, dan sulawesi selatan. pada periode orde baru, bentuk relasi umat islam dan negara adalah intimidasi. negara dikontrol oleh aparatus negara yakni elite, birokrasi, dan militer. norma yang mendominasi mereka adalah nasionalisme, sekularisme, dan otoritarianisme. sekularisme yakni pemisahan hukum agama dan politik dalam menyelenggarakan pemerintahan negara. wujud penyelenggaraan negara yang mengedepankannasionalisme dan sekularisme berwujud otorita rianisme dengan penerapan asas tunggal. para penyelenggara negara terjebak pseudo realisme13 yakni negara adalah kekuatan tunggal dalam mengendalikan keamanan dan ketertiban dalam menjalankan pembangunan. di masa orde reformasi pola hubungan ketegangan dan intimidasi otoritas penuh mengendalikan atau mengontrol kehidupan warganya. dalam upcher, james. 2009. christian reus-smit and duncan snidal (eds). the oxford handbook of international relations. 13 pseudo realisme adalah cara berpikir dan bersikap pragmatis dalam idealitas moral dan tatanan sosial. sampean 415 sosiologi islam : refleksi atas keberagamaan umat islam negara terhadap berangsur – angsur menghilang. tapi, konflik antara pemeluk agama lain makin mencuat dengan munculnya berbagai isu sara antara berbagai pemeluk agama. sikap eksklusivitas muncul di beberapa agama dengan menguatnya sentimen etnisitas [kesadaran etnisitas] untuk menyingkirkan dan memarjinalkan kelompok tertentu. ketegangan yang muncul antara agama disebabkan hubungan yang klise antara penganut agama dominan dengan penganut minoritas terkait klaim otoritas kebenaran. dominasi mayoritas tergambar pada peris tiwa penutupan gereja yasmin bogor dan beberapa kasus serupa pernah terjadi. munculnya sikap eksklusivitas dan klaim otoritas kebenaran terbentuk karena cara pandang yang diselimuti pseudo mistik.14 pola hubungan keberagamaan umat islam dari tiga fase historis dan simbolis dapat disimpulkan menjadi empat hal yakni ketegangan perumusan dasar negara, ketegang an ideologis, kediktatoran negara, dominasi mayoritas. pola hubungan 14 pseodu mistik adalah cara berpikir dan bersikap mengagunkan otoritas kewahyuan dan menanggalkan sumber-sumber kebenaran selain dari golongannya. satu ciri dari pseodu mistik adalah berpikir dogmatis. tersebut merupakan bias dari objektivitas dogma agama yang terlihat dari sikap moral yang ditunjukkan yakni eksklusivitas, klaim otoritas kebenaran, perumusan hukum tuhan, dan modifikasi perilaku berdasarkan ajaran keagamaan. bias objektivitas dogma agama sebagai wujud dari kesadaran palsu yang dimiliki oleh para penganutnya. bentuk kesadaran palsu dalam keseharian menurut mennheim (1991) adalah kecurigaan yang bercokol dalam jiwa manusia. kecurigaan tersebut menurut mennheim (1991) berasal dari sikap religius. bias objektivitas, ajaran, dan dogma islam karl mannheim (1991) mem pertanyakankembali rumusan masalah objektivitas dalam kaidah ilmiah sebagai kaidah kebenaran. kaidah ilmiah yang selama ini kita akui sebagai klaim metodologis dan pembuktian ilmiah. tiada lain adalah tradisi keagamaan yang di dalamnya ada metode pembuktian dan metode yang memperlihatkan kesesatan pandangan yang berlainan. bahkan, bisa dikuantifikasi. pandangan ini menjadi titik tolak lahirnya sebuah ajaran yang terikat dengan dogma. ukuran objektivitas dalam pengetahuan adalah ukuran 416 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 dogmatis dalam agama. pembuktian ilmiah yang dilakukan para ilmuwan harus diterima sebagai kebenaran. begitupun, dogma agama. prinsip dasar ini menjadi titik nadir sebuah ajaran keagamaan dalam mengaktualkan nilai–nilai dogmatis di lingkungan masyarakat yang beragam. objektivitas dogma agama sebagai nilai kebenaran, diyakini tanpa gugatan dan dilakukan tanpa prasangka. ikatan kuat ini dibangun di atas doktrin keagamaan yang kuat. kebenaran dalam agama tidak perlu dipertanyakan lagi dan digalih berdasarkan metode ilmiah. pandangan ini adalah bias objektivitas dogma yang harus dikesampingkan. sebab, meyakini objektivitas dogma sebagai kebe naran sama halnya melahirkan eksklusivitas dan marginaliasi ter hadap kebenaran yang lain. ruang dialog pengetahuan maupun interaksi sosial terhambat. bias objektivitas dogma sangat terlihat dalam pola hubungan keberagamaan umat islam di indonesia dari masa ke masa. bias objektivitas dogma agama dalam pandangan kuntowijoyo (2006) yakni involutif dan ekspansif. bias involusi merupakan wujud pendangkalan keilmuan dan ajaran keagamaan. bias involusi ini adalah meyakini kebenaran para pendahulu sebagai kebenaran yang objektif dan standar pengetahuan yang baru. dalam pandangan geerzt (1983) involusi adalah, kemandekan dan kemacetan.15 sedangkan, bias ekspansif dalam pandangan kuntowijoyo (2006) meyakini bukan agama sebagai agama. bias ekspansif memberikan pendikotomian masa lalu antara kaum modernis dan tradisionalis. bias ekspansif menyebabkan sikap ekslusi [penyingkiran] terhadap golongan lain yang bukan sebagai golongannya. bahaya laten dari bias objek tivitas dogma adalah konfliktual ketika berhadapan dengan sikap ekslusivitas yang lain. periode ini berlangsung di awal – awal periode reformasi sebagai imbas konflik laten di masa orde baru. di masa orde baru, agama lokalitas tidak memiliki tempat sebagai bentuk kepercayaan dan dilegitimasi oleh undang – undang. di balik itu, ada pertarungan pengaruh untuk merebut simpatisan lokalitas menerima agama yang diakui negara 15 istilah involusi digunakan clifford gertz untuk menggambarkan suatu kemacetan dan kemandekan pertanian di jawa. istilah involusi merujuk pada istilah perubahan sosial yang menunjukkan gerak yang tidak berarti atau pergerakan yang lamban. sampean 417 sosiologi islam : refleksi atas keberagamaan umat islam [islam, hindu, budha, kristen [protestan dan katolik]. validasi sejarah membuktikan bahwa terdapat bahaya bias objektivitas dogma antar agama. penutup sosiologi islam adalah disiplin keilmuan yang membekukan kajiannya di ranah kelompok masyarakat islam. sosiologi islam berupaya memotret kelompok masyarakat islam yang memiliki sistem budaya kemasyarakatan yang terbangun atas sistem nilai, keyakinan, historis, dan moralitas sendiri. dalam lingkup kajian sosiologi islam dalam tulisan ini merefleksikan sikap keberagamaan umat islam di indonesia yang menunjukkan pola hubungan keberagamaan yang kompleks bukan hanya fakta demografi sebagai masyarakat mayoritas di indonesia. selain itu, pola relasi yang terbentuk adalah determinasi negara terhadap umat, ketegangan konfliktual antara pemeluk agama islam dengan yang lain. pola hubungan tersebut disebabkan karena keyakinan terhadap bias objektivitas dogma agama sebagai bagian dari kebenaran. bias dogma agama menyebabkan sikap eksklusivitas dan klaim otoritas kebenaran satu sama lain. wujud kesadaran sosiologi harus dibangun dengan mengakui, yang lain [pihak lain] sebagai kekuatan sosial. dalam ruang yang terbatas dalam makalah ini, kajian sosiologi islam perlu diperluas kembali. sosiologi islam harus mencakup sebagai alat analisis evaluasi kemasyarakatan dan bukan hanya keilmuan teoritis maupun diskripsi sosiologis. pengkajian sosiologi islam harus mencapai tepi akhir dari keilmuan dalam melihat budaya kemasyarakatan umat islam. pengembangan lain dari sosiologi islam adalah penggabungan berbagai disiplin keilmuan maupun berbagai paradigma dalam sosiologi, misalnya paradigma konstruksi pengetahuan, fakta sosial, definisi sosial, dan paradigma yang lain berdasarkan metateori yang dibangun para sosiologi barat maupun ilmuwan islam. daftar pustaka abidin, zainal. 2016. paradigma islam dalam pembangunan ilmu integralistik : membaca pemikiran kuntowijoyo. banjarmasin : iain antasari press. abidin, zainal, agus ahmad safei, and maman abdul djaliel. 2003. sosiosophologi: sosiologi 418 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 islam berbasis hikmah. bandung : pustaka setia. akmaliah, wahyudi. 2016. indonesian muslim killings: revisiting the forgotten talang sari tragedy (1989) and its impact in post authoritarian regime. indonesian journal of islam and muslim societies. 6.(1) : 1-34. alqadrie, syarif. 2014. konflik etnis di ambon dan sambas: suatu tijauan sosiologis. antropologi indonesia. berger, peter l. 1985. humanisme sosiologi. jakarta : inti sarana aksara. berger, peter l, frans m. parera, and thomas luckman.1990. tafsir sosial atas kenyataan: risalah tentang sosiologi pengetahuan. yogyakarta : lp3es. friedman, asia m. 2016. perceptual construction: rereading the social construction of reality through the sociology of the senses. cultural sociology 10(1):77-92. geertz, clifford. 1976. involusi pertanian: proses perubahan ekologi di indonesia, diterjemahkan oleh s. supomo. jakarta : bhratara. jurdi, syarifuddin. 2010. sosiologi islam & masyarakat modern. yogyakarta : prenada media. kuntowijoyo. 2006. budaya dan masyarakat. yogyakarta : tiara wacana. kinseng, rilus a. 2017. structugency: a theory of action. sodality: jurnal sosiologi pedesaan 5.(2). kuntowijoyo. 2007. islam sebagai ilmu: epistemologi, metodologi, dan etika. yogyakarta : tiara wacana. kusumadewi, lucia ratih. 2012. relasi sosial antar kelompok agama di indonesia : integrasi atau disintegrasi. di dalam wirutomo, paulus. sistem sosial indonesia. depok : lab sosio-ui. maarif, ahmad syafii. 2009. islam dalam bingkai keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan: sebuah refleksi sejarah. jakarta : mizan. mannheim, karl. 1991. ideologi dan utopia: menyingkap kaitan pikiran dan politik. yogyakarta : kanisius. muttaqin, husnul. 2006. menuju sosiologi profetik. jurnal sosiologi reflektif. 10(1). poloma, margaret m. 1987. sosiologi kontemporer. jakarta : rajawali pers. sampean 419 sosiologi islam : refleksi atas keberagamaan umat islam riyanto, geger. 2009. peter l. berger: perspektif metateori pemikiran. yogyakarta : lp3es. ricklefs, merle calvin. 2008. a history of modern indonesia since c. 1200. macmillan international higher education. salvatore, armando. 2005. religion, social practice, and contested hegemonies: reconstructing the public sphere in muslim majority societies. london [uk]. springer. samuel, hanneman. 2012. peter berger: sebuah pengantar ringkas. depok [id]: penerbit kepik. suwirta, andi. 2018. pers dan kritik sosial pada masa orde baru: kasus peristiwa tanjung priok tahun 1984 dalam pandangan surat kabar merdeka dan kompas di jakarta. insancita 2(2) upcher, james. 2009. christian reus-smit and duncan snidal (eds). the oxford handbook of international relations. weber, max. 2009. sosiologi, terj., noorkholish, dkk., yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. indonesia cyber security: urgency to establish cyber army in the middle of global terrorist threat rangga setiawan indonesia international studies academic utilization community email: ranggasetiawan13@gmail.com abstract this research focused on how on the year of 2030 indonesia will gain better governance in order to countermeasures terrorist threats, fairer human rights in terms of privacy and security in information and technology, also stronger indonesia’s national cyber security. cases are taken firstly from nowadays indonesia social conflict which started from the internet as society’s first source of information regardless the validity of information and secondly from indonesia’s foreign policies towards private technology deals. by using the concept of cyber power and national security as paradigm, this research described how indonesia going securely, equally, rapidly forward in line with globalization opportunities and technology dependencies. while minimizing invalid and provocative information as terrorist threat to indonesia’s sovereignty and integrity by improving the security of intellectual and on-field assets by integrating academia, military aspects and people’s contribution to accelerate indonesia’s national potential in cyber security. keywords: cyber security, national security, human security 1. introduction cyberspace is the digital, the invisible, the intangible frontier between human and the greatest possibilities towards the transformation of the human way of life. cyberspace provides unlimited space to constructed new world system along with its every single information network. intellectual and financial assets, the map of land, islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 issn: 2614-0535 158 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 sea, and outer space, and human interaction transformed into data that interconnected one another around the world. the cyberspace provides major enhancement on the speed of information exchange, yet the security issues in the physical world also engaged the cyberspace. regarding the level of de pendencies over cyberspace, each stakeholder (i.e. individuals, industries, governments) improves their cyber security in a different level. most individuals as cybercitizen used free or paid antivirus to improve their security. on a wider network, industries which required protecting their databases decided to improve their main portal (e.g. satellites, servers, etc.) to ensure the access to their databases are visibly clear and highly controllable. other than both actors, a government that wields the widest network in a cyberspace mostly concerning cyber security and cyber-attack capability to ensure national cyber security. national cyberspace, it might be protected, but the question of “what to protect?” explained the value of cyber dependencies, which aligned with cyber security threat (clarke & knake, 2010). indonesia in this regard possesses high rate in cyber dependencies by more than a half of indonesia‟s populations (asosiasi penyelenggara jasa internet indonesia, 2016) connected to the internet. the number of internet users comes along with the number of vulnerabilities; in this case, the 132.7 million internet users also brought the same number of the possibilities of threat source towards indonesia cyberspace. the threats might in form of minor disruption such as malware up to exploitation by a hacker or foreign cyber army. in order to protect indonesia cyberspace, ministry of communi cation and informatics of the republic of indonesia protected indonesia cyberspace by adding proxy called “internet positive” in national internet service provider (isp). the main function of internet positive is to „move‟ the user who using internet access from indonesia isp and domain name system (dns) who tried to access certain websites that blocked by internet positive into “internetpositif.org”. however, there are also indonesian isp(s) owned by private or multinational companies, even though the regulation to blocked several types of websites were directed to all indonesia isp(s), but the list and quantity of websites that blocked by each isp(s) are different. the implementation differences between rangga setiawan 159 indonesia cyber security: urgency to establish cyber army private and government-owned isp make the national interest regarding cyber security become ineffective. on terms of direct cyber-attack analysis and protection, on 4th may 2007, ministry of communication and informatics of republic of indonesia, established an agency called “indonesia security incident response team on internet infrastructure / coordination centre” (id sirtii/cc). the agency has its main role to educate public and strategic sectors and on how to utilize correctly the internet to prevent any „incident‟ happens inside indonesia cyberspace (id-sirtii/cc, 2013a). however, the agency‟s lack of functions to directly intervene indonesia‟s cyberspace, and to directly control, manage and counter-attack towards incoming cyber-attack makes id-sirtii/ cc only cover small part to fully established strong indonesia cyber defence system. the lack of indonesia‟s cyber defence also threatened the security of information that affected national security. in the end of 2016, indonesia was faced one of crucial protest in jakarta; the issues are mainly about the blasphemy (budiari, 2016). the main point is the issue was not coming from the mass media; it started from the social media. only by uploading the edited video in order to create propaganda, the suspect does not need to have a specific background to do so (the jakarta post news desk, 2016). by that approach, it shows that indonesia still required a lot of protection in cyberspace to filter and executed preventive and penetrative actions towards propaganda. therefore, indonesia‟s national cyber security agency (nca) initiative announced in 2015 (parameswaran, indonesia‟s cyber challenge under jokowi, 2015). a year after the announcement of the initiative of nca, on september 2016 indonesia announced its plan regarding nca function to be established and expanded separately on ministries and industries that have cyber security function (parameswaran, does indonesia need a new cyber agency?, 2016). the 2016 announcement showed backwardness in the establishment of strong national cyber security, as when each institution and ministries has their own cyber security sections, each institution will only defending their sectors, but not indonesia as a whole cyberspace. though indonesia faced the uncertainties in the past two years, on february 2017 indonesia‟s government 160 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 reaffirmed the establishment of nca along with readiness on infrastructures and human resources (parameswaran, is indonesia ready for new cyber agency?, 2017a) which had previously became the main obstacles to the nca‟s establishment. in accordance with the issues of the establishment of nca, this paper described how indonesia reduced its vulnerabilities by the establishment of nca. 2. results 2.1 indonesia cyberspace the internet in indonesia mainly used to broaden users‟ knowledge, proven by 132 million cybercitizens, 25.3% of them are using the internet by the reason to be up-to-date towards newest issues. however, differentiate between valid and invalid information has become ignored matter for the most of the users, proven by 129.2 million cybercitizen preferred social media as their main source to gather the information (asosiasi penyelenggara jasa internet indonesia, 2016). to be noted that most social media are using crowdsourcing system, a system to ask and solve a problem using information gathered by public (hsu, 2013). indeed not all sources from social media and crowdsourcing system are invalid, yet the number of invalid information also cannot be underestimated. furthermore, social media becomes the information conflict zone, it may be regarded as „psyops‟ or psychological operation, it has the role to shape an idea to construct preferred outcome through the spread of information (clarke & knake, 2010). e.g. crowdsourcing system that becomes the major information‟s source for indonesian students; the wikipedia (asosiasi penyelenggara jasa internet indonesia, 2016). anyone regardless the intention might use wikipedia as the vessel to spread the information. without strong cyber defence, indonesia cannot prevent the spread of invalid information that possibly contains propaganda content that might threaten indonesia‟s national security. by the number of cyber-attack happened in indonesia cyberspace, in 2013 indonesia has been attacked by 42 million intrusions (id-sirtii, 2013b) that make indonesia marked by the diplomat news as “one of the world‟s most vulnerable countries to cyber-attacks” (parameswaran, what will a new indonesia cyber agency mean?, 2017b). while the rangga setiawan 161 indonesia cyber security: urgency to establish cyber army indonesia‟s cyber security is still close to zero in minimizing the number of cyber-attack, the number of internet user in indonesia grows rapidly from the number of telecommunication devices, which „easily‟ enter indonesia‟s market (widiartanto, 2016). in the beginning of the establishment of nca, indonesia will begin to enter the realm of the cyber warfare. nation‟s cyberwar strength might be regarded from three sectors; cyber offensive, cyber dependence, and cyber defence (clarke & knake, 2010). indonesia cyber offensive capability ranked close to zero as the capability and capacity to deliver coordinated nation-based cyber-attack will only available with the establishment of nca. indonesia cyber dependence with 132 million users who are depending on cyberspace makes indonesia assigned in the lowest mark in the middle of south-east asia countries (kemp, 2017). indonesia cyber defence marked with a middle score as the high number of cyber-attack addressed to indonesia cyberspace (parameswaran, does indonesia need a new cyber agency?, 2016) should provide indonesia‟s nca with various framework to improved indonesia cyber defence system. yet, to obtain a higher mark on cyber defence, indonesia‟s nca should able to „control‟ (clarke & knake, 2010) all internet network across indonesia cyberspace under government authorization. 2.2 indonesia’s cyberspace threat cyberspace not only has the capability to create more space than physical world, but also have the capability to „renew‟ the relation between government, organization, and individual regarding the security dilemma. the traditional concept of security dilemma by robert jervis (jervis, 1978) shows the dominance of state-level relation in a security dilemma. on his writing, jervis showed a clear border between state and non-state actor regarding their role in national security. however, the border become blurry when the concept of security dilemma applied to observed security dilemma in cyberspace. figure 1 shows the possibilities of threat just from two domain name systems (dns) which one domain normally represent one state‟s cyberspace, each actor might carry the threat to any other actors, and the limitation to carrying any threats only limited by the capability of the actor itself. 162 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 figure 1: threats possibilities that delivered and possessed by each actor the complexity of security dilemma in cyberspace also affected by new security‟s dispositions that exclusively appear in cyberspace: 1. the smaller actor might have the same or more cyber power than the bigger actor (nye, 2010). 2. the actor who brings the threat might not appear in the physical world. 3. threat level also might be kept hidden until the software has been delivered and activated (clarke & knake, 2010). 4. the attackers also able to use other actor internet protocol (ip) address to deceive their native address (lee, 2013). 5. each actor may use other actors‟ infrastructures willingly or by force, a single unit or multiple units simultaneously in order to deliver the threat (syverson, 2013). 6. physical infrastructure that have the possibility to be control from cyberspace, possess the same threat level as the insecurity of databases. 7. the complexity will increase in corresponding to the appearance of new ip address in a dns. one of the major threats to current indonesia‟s cyberspace is the global terrorist organization, which utilizes internet to attack indonesia‟s cyberspace. in cyberspace, terrorism might be in the form of information and or system disruption. despite the fact that terrorist organization already constructed a strong digital network, their network and capability improve as the computing, information, and communication technologies improved (hsu, 2013). the improvement of cyberspace‟s infrastructure will affect every actor in it who able to access the facilities both legally and illegally. in facing terrorist group that grows in a cyberspace, a country without cyber security sector will gain disadvantages. the integration between a terrorist group, high economy capacity, and cyberspace capability cannot be underestimated. in some cases, terrorist groups might have lack in infrastructures and capabilities regarding networking, information and communication technologies (nict) (hsu, 2013); however, as long as they have high economy capacity, they might rent hacker or a team of hacker as mercenaries to deliver cyber-attack (clarke & rangga setiawan 163 indonesia cyber security: urgency to establish cyber army knake, 2010). a year before the announcement of the nca initiative; in 2014, indonesia‟s cyberspace already become the „nest‟ of global islamicstate (is) terrorist network, led by santoso, the terrorist‟s recruitment, and threats were spread through indonesia‟s cyberspace via video and terrorist‟s websites (sangadji, 2016). a year after the first video, santoso sent another threat via a voice-record file which spread through indonesia‟s cyberspace (hawley, 2015). that insecurity provide clear overview over how global terrorist threat disrupt national security through cyberspace, also shows the lack of cyber security might decreasing national security. as the capability to deliver the cyber-attack come into consideration, indonesia requires more than a secure cyberspace to claim strong cyber security. the function to penetrate suspected attack sources and the function to counterattack the source of threat become the crucial functions of nca. yet, regardless the cyber offensive capability, indonesia‟s nca expected to be able to deliver effectively what so called cyber power (nye, 2010). 2.3 cyber power and authorizations cyber power defined as the ability to obtain preferred outcomes through cyber domain. the capability of cyber power rest upon a set of resources that relate to the creation, control, and communication of infrastructure, network, software and human skill, yet the behaviour of the implementation of cyber power rest upon the government‟s policy and nca‟s functions. through cyberspace, nca expected to be able to produce preferred outcomes within cyberspace and other domains (nye, 2010), while interconnected with the physical instrument. by the aim and range of protections, there are three objectives to implemented cyber power: 1. to change the outcome of an action, 2. to change the action, 3. to construct ideas to produce the preferred outcome (nye, 2010). for example of the first objective, when indonesia disrupted by provocative information, indonesia‟s nca able to make a decision to penetrate the source and implemented new cyberspace restriction. for the second objective, indonesia‟s nca must able to deliver system disruption and physiological operation to the suspected websites 164 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 and or network with the objective to minimize and or eliminate the threat. for the third objective; indonesia‟s nca able to used cyberspace to trigger an idea to raise nationalism in order to lower the idea that might threaten national security. as mentioned before, one of the factors that affected cyber power implementation is the human skill (nye, 2010) which also becoming one of the obstacles in the establishment of indonesia‟s nca (parameswaran, does indonesia need a new cyber agency?, 2016). by the fact that the cyber power capacity cannot make up for a bad intellectual (clarke & knake, 2010), therefore, understanding regarding cyber security become necessities for every actors. furthermore, the construction in behaviour and characteristic of indonesia‟s nca in terms of cyber offensive and defence become crucial. the cyber defence policy might decide either to restrict indonesia‟s cyberspace to protect their cybercitizen like china and it‟s “great fire wall of china” (clarke & knake, 2010) or to set cyber security and defence as the main sector to be developed like u.k and it‟s national cyber security centre (ncsc) (corera, 2017). in terms of cyber offensive policy, it might decide either to fully assigned cyber power into a military sector like u.s. and their cyber warriors, or to utilize hacker and cybercrime network like russia and it is every single nongovernmental and cybercrime enterprises (clarke & knake, 2010). yet, to decide the best behaviour for indonesia‟s nca might come from the combination thereof. to obtain what so called “optimum security” (baldwin, 1997), the establishment of nca should form by every single stakeholder which have a correlation with indonesia‟s cyber security. this paper merged the stakeholders into several sector classifications: scholars, military, intelligence service, law, government and public sector. scholars have the main role as offense system programmer and defence system developer, to make a system for “zero-day-exploit” and “zero-day-update” (clarke & knake, 2010). the military has the main role to consider the strategic plan to implemented nca‟s cyber power. under military‟s command and their cyber army, the team of field operation should able to operate any smart weapon and used it as a whole interconnected operation between cyber and field operation. rangga setiawan 165 indonesia cyber security: urgency to establish cyber army intelligence services needed to analyse and provide information in any physical and physiological threats towards indonesia‟s national security. law hereby expected to provide the diplomatic act to cover the need of each cyber operation both domestically and internationally. the widest role assigned to the government and public sector, which expected to provide clear and quick access related to vertical authorization while providing cooperative response horizontally. as explained in figure 1, the range of protection and cyber operation of indonesia‟s nca covered domestic dns and foreign dns as the area of response to cyber threats. the figure 2 shows how the indonesia‟s nca expected to response towards cyberattack and implementing hack-back command (clarke & knake, 2010). start from the attacker attributes; the actor-level might be any and the origins of dns and its actual position might be set to hidden. cyber-attack lines of commands are standing still, planted (clarke & knake, 2010) in indonesia cyberspace. the type of intrusion itself depends on the capability of the attacker, most of the foreign cyber warriors are targeting supervisory control and data acquisition (scada) system; a program to control infrastructure such as power plant (clarke & knake, 2010). nca‟s active function started from the diagnostic stage, as the cyber-attack forensic provides several visible data from current incident. less than a day, cyber army expected to be able to update cyber defence system to be „immune‟ to set of command that used in current cyber-attack. in the other hand, strategic command consists of military and its cyber army are executing cyber operation and field operation. cyber operation naturally carried by cyber army using the hack-back command to trace the attacker‟s actual ip address from the intrusion that left by the attacker. field operation team under military will form a strong coordination between cyber and field army. by the data gathered from the diagnostic stage, the field operation might be executed either domestically or internationally depends on the result of diagnostic. other than domestic operation, the international operation must through international law and affairs (sefriani, 2011) which might hamper the operation. 166 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 figure 2: the flow of national cyber security agency‟s response cyberattack does not only bring out the insecurity and disruption in cyberspace, with a good system management and development in each of nca‟s functions, it might become the prime source to prepare strong cyber defence system. the actual implementation of indonesia‟s nca will require a strong communication and fast decision-making process between the related government agencies and nca to authorize such wide range of operation. by the actualization of nca functions, indonesia expected to shape better governance in terms of domestic bureaucracy and national security. 2.4 indonesia and national cyber security agency in summary, the establishment of indonesia‟s nca is greatly enhancing indonesia‟s national security in the cyberspace domain. the full capacity of cyber security might only obtained by establishing both cyber offensive and defence. in order to obtain such wide range protection, indonesia‟s government expected to be able to utilize infrastructures that have established to support nca‟s functions. on the early stage, the contramovement towards nca is the side effect that has to be expected. the most crucial might come from the indonesian or foreign hackers. the government websites and system information might become the primary early target, yet, to prevent such movement happened; indonesia should start building the positive image of nca towards indonesia hacker and programmer communities. need to be noted that the capacity of indonesian hackers was already sufficient to deliver major disturbance in 2008‟s ambalat cyber war (madu, 2008). by empowering indonesia‟s programmer especially hacker communities, nca might rapidly meet the requirement of human resource and smart intelligence rangga setiawan 167 indonesia cyber security: urgency to establish cyber army (clarke & knake, 2010). idsirtii/cc might become the firstline agency in the recruitment of future indonesia‟s cyber army, as one of their agenda is to initiate the competition of hacking, cyber forensics analysis, and computer network defence, called “cyber jawara” (id-sirtii/cc, 2016). other than empowering the society towards indonesia‟s secure cyberspace, nca also expect to be able to contribute to the enhancement of communication towards indonesia‟s archipelago. by covering most of indonesia‟s cyberspace, the lack of communication considered as the main issues in the enhancement of indonesia‟s information technology (it) (wibisono, 2015) might obtain a great leap. not only by the communication that covered indonesia entirely, but also to control and utilize the number of internet user not to become the disadvantage but to become an advantage towards indonesia‟s cyber security. the advantage might also come from the way indonesia utilize nca in order to enhance military and intelligence sectors. therefore, by the establishment of nca, both sectors expected to gain more secure communication and working environment. in addition, both sectors have similar role which is preventing and penetrating threat towards national security (kertopati, 2013), which broaden and strengthen indonesia‟s security scope. there is a major difference between cyber warfare and physical warfare in terms of attack and defence; by obtaining a sword in physical warfare zone, a warrior might defence their territory while having the capability to attack. however, in cyber warfare zone a cyber-army who only developing cyber-attack capability does not make it able to defence their territory (clarke & knake, 2010). therefore, in order to obtain the optimal cyber security, nca expected to possess a balance cyber capability in defence and offensive. 3. discussion 3.1 cyber attack and law enforcement one of several issues of cyberspace following the establish ment of cyber security agency is the law enforcement that might face several new cases regarding cybercrime and human rights. in some states that already established the cyber security agency commonly faced those issues i.e. united states (keck, 2013) and china (austin, 168 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 2014). the issues about law enforcement regarding cyberspace are not only questioning cybercrime, but also the improvement of cyber security which affecting cybercitizen‟s privacy rights. the law enforcement issue in cyberspace might appear from the intellectual and monetary assets thievery. in the physical world to enforce a law regarding thievery might done clearly and easily. yet, the terms of thievery in cyberspace might become more complicated issues, as to steal in cyberspace is only by making an identical copy of the assets without taking the original one from the first place (clarke & knake, 2010). therefore, the national‟s assets and or confidential information might have stolen without any alarm ringing; in this case, without any proves that something is missing inside the databases, the law enforcement will found difficulties in the advocacy process. other than direct cybercrime issues, the law enforcement also faced the difficulty on internationallevel cybercrime. the internationallevel cybercrime will required a precise attacker‟s ip address. yet, even a country‟s cyber army able to track down the suspected foreign ip address, the denial towards cybercrime accusation might become the most common statement to directly hid the action (bbc, 2017). which mean the cybercrime law enforcement in the international-level will found a „dead end‟ in terms of direct problem solving. despite the issues of law enforcement in cyberspace, the needs to establish indonesia‟s nca become urgently necessary regarding it produces much stronger and independent cyber security environment. however, the establishment of nca makes indonesia‟s cyberspace closely watched by the authorities, which aligned with the reduction of digital privacy of indonesia‟s cybercitizen. yet, it required securing cybercitizen‟s intellectual and monetary assets from the exploitation of foreign cybercriminal and cyber army. 3.2 indonesia collaboration challenge in the process of the establish ment of indonesia‟s nca, the government should take into account the value of national interest and the cooperation between the institutions and agencies. remembering tight cyber security regulations must enforced towards communication companies in order rangga setiawan 169 indonesia cyber security: urgency to establish cyber army to completely protecting indonesia‟s cyberspace. the establishment of indonesia‟s cyber army might bring major development in strengthening national security, yet few major changes in infrastructure, military aspects, and national budget are required in order to establish indonesia‟s cyber army. firstly, the infrastructure, the establishment of new agency somehow required the cooperation of other agencies and industries both private and public. it seems easy to formed cooperation between stakeholders, however, to „let‟ nca inspected their cyber databases will require more than trust and higher authorization. secondly, the military aspect, indonesian national army, and police required to start securing and put the cyberspace as the fifth domain of defence and warfare (hsu, 2013) to the national security main agenda. thirdly, the national budget stability, like the other countries with cyber army capability (i.e. china and united states), indonesia also expected to encounter national budget issues in the early day of establishment of national cyber security agency (subcommittee on intelligence, emerging threat and capabilities, 2014). in terms of collaboration, the issues occurred on how to increase cyber security while minimally decreases the digital privacy. the question is left with the options of “which risk to take” as when digital privacy rights sharply increase, that will make cyberspace more vulnerable to the hidden terrorist threat like mentioned before. yet, when cyber security highly increased, the digital privacy might be disturbed due to the deep intervention from the cyber army in order to track down a suspect or to investigate emerging threats. by crucial early obstacles mentioned above, the solution might come from the cooperation between higher authorities such as ministries, industries and nca itself. learning from initiatives of united states‟ department of defence (dod), which established a specific cyber environment, called joint information environment (jie) (subcommittee on intelligence, emerging threat and capabilities, 2014), jie are mainly about reducing data centres that regarded as blind spot of cyber security. by merging connection-pipe in a dns, it expected to sharpen the nca‟s role in filtering information (clarke & knake, 2010). in this case, jie is the initiative which carried by u.s. 170 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 which in a condition of owning several data centres. indonesia in the other hand, have the opportunity to not encounter the same problem, by paying close attention to the number of data centres owned by a private or public company or even by ministerial departments. 4. conclusions the establishment of indonesia‟s national cyber security agency (nca) might encounter major issues in terms of resources both human and budget, and the adjustment of indonesia‟s cyberspace by the presence of nca. yet, the urgent condition of global terrorist threat cannot be underestimated; therefore, the establishment of a cyber-army under nca become urgently needed. the establishment of nca expected to cover the function of protection and penetration by producing unique cyber defence system and by providing a necessary cyber-attack capability in order to achieve indonesia‟s national interest through cyberspace. following the establishment of indonesia‟s nca, to put cyber security, as one of the state‟s major agenda might become a strategic policy, it is because a decision to improve cyber security will indirectly improve other sectors. as in order to provide nca with the future cyber-army, it might begin from basic and higher education to start concerning computerization as a major subject. in addition, to improve indonesia‟s cyber defence it might approached from the development of infrastructures (e.g. cctv, satellites, communication tower, etc.). in terms of synergy between nca and military, by establishing nca close with the military sector will enhance the manoeuvre of nca both physically and digitally. by then, nca possess the capabilities to response to current cyber-attack, to prevent the upcoming cyberattack and to eliminate the threat before it delivered major cyberattack into indonesia‟s cyberspace. by 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(2016). 2016, pengguna internet di indonesia capai 132 juta. retrieved 04 03, 2017, from kompas.com: http://tekno.kompas.com/ read/2016/10/24/15064727 /2016.pengguna.internet. di.indonesia.capai.132.juta. journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 psychological empowerment and job satisfaction: insights from libyan banking sector mohamed alhadi khalil department of business administration, istanbul okan university email: mohamed.a.khalil71@gmail.com uğur yozgat faculty of economics, administrative and social sciences, istanbul okan university, turkey email: ugur.yozgat@nisantasi.edu.tr abstract this study investigates the four psychological empowerment dimensions (competence, impact, meaning, and self-determination) and how they impact job satisfaction. employee empowerment innovatively boosts the performance and capabilities of the organizations. this study is significant in the background of the libyan banking sector working under uncertain conditions since the start of the libyan civil war. this study proposed a theoretical framework with four hypotheses that established a relationship between competence, impact, meaning, self-determination, and job satisfaction. the study used a quantitative design to test the theoretical model using the psychological empowerment model of spreitzer (1995) and job satisfaction with the minnesota satisfaction questionnaire (msq). five hundred thirty (530) questionnaires were distributed to 25 branches of banks in libya and received 333 responses, out of which 327 were valid for the analysis. the data analysis was conducted using structural equation modelling (sem) using partial least squares (pls), aided by smartpls 3 software. the results indicated that competence was insignificant with job satisfaction and all other three dimensions were positive and significant with job satisfaction even in the bureaucratic organizational structures. it is also interesting to note that lower and middle-level managers have the self-belief to contribute despite influencing the strategies. 180 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 keywords: psychological empowerment; job satisfaction; empowerment dimensions. abstrak studi ini menyelidiki empat dimensi pemberdayaan psikologis (kompetensi, dampak, makna, dan penentuan nasib sendiri) dan bagaimana pengaruhnya terhadap kepuasan kerja. pemberdayaan karyawan secara inovatif meningkatkan kinerja dan kapabilitas organisasi. studi ini penting dilakukan dengan latar belakang sektor perbankan libya yang bekerja dalam kondisi tidak pasti sejak dimulainya perang saudara libya. penelitian ini mengusulkan kerangka teori yang terdiri dari empat hipotesis yang menetapkan hubungan kompetensi, dampak, makna, dan penentuan nasib sendiri dengan kepuasan kerja. penelitian ini menggunakan desain kuantitatif dengan menguji model teoritis menggunakan model pemberdayaan psikologis dari spreitzer (1995) dan kepuasan kerja dengan minnesota satisfaction questionnaire (msq). 530 kuesioner dibagikan ke 25 cabang bank di libya dan menerima 333 tanggapan dari 327 valid untuk analisis. analisis data dilakukan dengan structural equation modeling (sem) menggunakan partial least squares (pls) berbantuan software smartpls 3. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kompetensi tidak signifikan dengan kepuasan kerja dan ketiga dimensi lainnya positif dan signifikan dengan kepuasan kerja bahkan dalam struktur organisasi birokrasi. menarik juga untuk dicatat bahwa manajer tingkat bawah dan menengah, meskipun memiliki kekuatan untuk mempengaruhi strategi, memiliki kepercayaan diri untuk berkontribusi. keywords: pemberdayaan psikologis, kepuasan kerja, dimensi pemberdayaan, introduction the continuous improvement in human capital is vital for organizations to aggressively and effectively produce outcomes. the rapidly changing business environment further cha l lenges the organizations’ coping abilities (fernandez & moldogaziev, 2013). one of the significant aspects is employee empowerment that innovatively boosts the performance and capabilities of the organizations (ornelas & maroco, 2015). over the mohamed alhadi khalil, uğur yozgat psychological empowerment and job satisfaction ... 181 years, the concept of empowerment is evolved and successfully incorporated into the organizational policies to empower the workforce (jain & jain, 2014). moreover, it helps employees effectively achieve the job tasks, power distribution, access to information, knowledge creation, rewards, and required training (spreitzer, 1995). further, employee empowerment enhances the optimization of the workforce, efficacy, organizational commitment, productivity, and performance (sahoo, behera, tripathy, 2010; spreitzer, 1995). organizational structure plays an important role in implementing emp owerment programs—for instance, the bureaucratic structures limit the initiatives, self-efficacy, organizational commitment, and employees’ satisfaction (conger & kanungo, 1998). the banking sector, for example, emphasizes the adoption of formal policies, prescribed procedures to complete the job, and technical skills (imran, maqbool, & shafique, 2014). therefore, the practice of employee empowerment is limited. hence, the concept is still developing in the context of organizational development and psychological empowerment that has been addressing the cognition aspects of the job. scholars have been exploring psychological empowerment in different managerial contexts (fernandez & modogalviez, 2013), motivational aspects (spreitzer, 1995), job satisfaction effectiveness (spreitzer, kizilos, & nason, 1997), customer relationship (corsun & enz, 1999), job enrichment (liden, wayne, & sparrowe, 2000), psychological climate (carless, 2004), empowerment climate (seibert, silver, & randolph, 2004), and conflict (janssen & van yperen, 2004). however, the relationship among these constructs still needs further research (peterson, 2014). moreover, the role of context is significant to explore the relationship between psychological empowerment and job satisfaction. the context is not limited to the managerial or organizational setting but the external environment (the organization exists, e.g., countries). moreover, the changing industry trends and the social norms offer different meanings and experiences of psychological empowerment (mitchell, 2016). these constructs are hardly studied in the libyan context, particularly the libyan banking sector. moreover, this study is significant in the background of the libyan civil started in 2011. 182 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 therefore, this study investigates the four psychological empowerment dimensions how they impact job satisfaction. in what follows, the authors first describe the concepts of psychological empowerment and job satisfaction, hypothesizing the four independent constructs, i.e., meaning, competence, impact, and self-determination, increase job satisfaction in employees of libyan banks. next, the authors tested the proposed theoretical framework with a sample of 327 employees from eight banks (multiple branches) in tripoli and misurata, libya. the study has made significant contributions to theory development about insights from a unique context. theoretical framework psychological empowerment and job satisfaction psychological empowerment has been evolving over the years, and it is defined as a process that provides control to individuals (zimmerman, 1995; peterson & zimmerman, 2004). it is an inter p ers ona l p ercept ion of empowerment and interaction of individuals with the environment (zimmerman, 1995). moreover, psychological empowerment is a process of an individual’s cognitions that induce the interpersonal sense of empowerment (conger & kanungo, 1988; thomas & velthouse, 1990). the interpretations of the organizational climate shapes the employee’s perceptions about empowerment, which leads to positive outcomes—it is the result of psychological empowerment and not entirely of structural empowerment (thomas & velthouse, 1990). the concept of psychological empowerment represents four constructs and is defined as “a motivational construct manifested in four cognitions: meaning, competence, self-determination, and impact” (spreitzer, 1995, p. 1444). this study used four independent variables since these characterize active orientation, denoted as “orientation in which an individual wish and feels able to shape his or her work role and context” (spreitzer, 1995; p. 1444). the four dimensions are distinct and together make the empowerment experience of individuals. the psychologically empowered employees feel the enlarged intrinsic motivation that leads to proactive behavior rather than a passive orientation (spretizer, 1996). further, spreitzer (1995, p.1455) suggested that “psychological empowerment is a psychological mohamed alhadi khalil, uğur yozgat psychological empowerment and job satisfaction ... 183 state that employees must experience for empowerment interventions to be successful”. the construct of psychological empowerment has been consistently evolving, and researchers have been incorporating new combinations of dimensions. for instance, menon (2001, p. 161) defined “the psychologically empowered state as a cognitive state characterized by a sense of perceived control, competence, and goal internalization”. the multidimensionality of the constructs also integrates the state of perception and behavior is based on how supervisors empower the subordinates, and it affects meaningfulness, self-determination, impact, and competence (thomas and velthouse, 1990). empowerment is a complex concept that combines several elements such as delegation, participation, and the role of context is vital in which subordinate and supervisor’s interaction. particularly, p s ych ol o g i c a l e mp owe r m e nt depends on the feelings, emotions, and cognitive process of an individual that changes over time (koberg, boss, senjem, & goodman, 1999). therefore, the structural aspects of the organization are important even for psychological empowerment because it depends on how the leadership and management of the organization lead the workforce. on the other hand, job satisfaction is “a pleasurable emotional state resulting from the appraisal of one’s job or job experience” (locke, 1976, p. 86). the construct subjectively measures the employees’ attitude towards their jobs (robbins, odendaal, & roodt, 2003). therefore, if individuals feel psychologically empowered, they will have a positive attitude towards the job and vice versa. vroom’s (1964) expectancy theory is an in teresting example that predicts that employees’ perception of efforts, performance, reward and personal goals is strong and will maximize the performance (robbins, 2001). another way of psychologically empowering the employees is to change their job characteristics and tasks— the challenge of new tasks improves job satisfaction (boswell, boudreau, & tichy, 2005; herzberg, 1987). there is a logical relationship between psychological empowerment and job satisfaction because how employees feel empowered and motivated impacts satisfaction. the constructs of attitude and behavior serve as antecedents that shape the particular initiative for improvement in job satisfaction (saari & judge, 2004). for instance, judge and bono (2001) conducted a meta-analysis of 301 research studies that suggested 184 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 a significant relationship between performance and job satisfaction in professional and complex jobs. the organizational hierarchy and complexity are important determinants of job satisfaction. therefore, the challenges in the job coupled with the level of autonomy and variety of tasks improve job satisfaction. the intrinsic satisfaction in the work significantly motivates the employees. particularly, the meaningful work will offer a certain level of motivation to perform (oldham & hackman, 2010). the job characteristics theory is based on five characteristics: various skills, identification of task, task significance, autonomy, and feedback (oldham & hackman, 2010). these characteristics are drawn from the early research to form a theory. further, it also der ive d t hre e psycholog ic a l cognitions: meaningful experience, responsibility, and knowledge of the task (oldam & hackman, 2010). therefore, the psychological states indeed contribute to the motivation of the employees to perform better— and ultimately job satisfaction. oldam and hackman’s (2010) job characteristics theor y has used spreitzer’s (1995) concepts. for instance, spreitzer’s (1995) dimension of self-determination is used as autonomy and responsibility feelings. similarly, the cognitions such as knowledge and task significance are derived from the dimensions of competence and impact of spreitzer’s (1995) model of psychological empowerment. thomas and velthouse (1990) identified the four widely used p s yc h o l o g i c a l e mp owe r m e nt dimensions, i.e., competence, meaning, self-determination, and impact. spreitzer (1995) further defined and developed measurement tools for these dimensions. the feelings and cognitions of the employees form the level of job satisfaction (saari & judge, 2004), and early theories of motivation provided the foundation to the construct (herzberg, 1966). the early empirical evidence on dimensions of psychological empowerment and job satisfaction suggested that ‘meaning’ is strongly significant compared to the other three dimensions (spreitzer, kizilos, & nason, 1997). in line with the early research findings that indicated the professional and complex jobs induce ‘meaning’ for employees. moreover, there is empirical e v i d e n c e t h at prove s t h at psychological dimensions of ‘meaning’ and ‘impact’ are related mohamed alhadi khalil, uğur yozgat psychological empowerment and job satisfaction ... 185 to job satisfaction—whereas the two other dimensions that are ‘self determination’ and ‘competence’ are negatively related to job satisfaction (carless, 2004). therefore, the relation of psychological dimensions with job satisfaction is interesting. particularly, the organization and the external environment also influence this relationship. the theoretical model is illustrated in figure 1. xxx islamic world and politics vol.x. no.x january-june 2019 competence impact job satisfa ction meaning self determination similarly, the cognitions such as knowledge and task significance are derived from the dimensions of competence and impact of spreitzer’s (1995) model of psychological empowerment. thomas and velthouse (1990) identified the four widely used psychological empowerment dimensions, i.e., competence, meaning, selfdetermination, and impact. spreitzer (1995) further defined and developed measurement tools for these dimensions. the feelings and cognitions of the employees form the level of job satisfaction (saari & judge, 2004), and early theories of motivation provided the foundation to the construct (herzberg, 1966). the early empirical evidence on dimensions of psychological empowerment and job satisfaction suggested that ‘meaning’ is strongly significant compared to the other three dimensions (spreitzer, kizilos, & nason, 1997). in line with the early research findings that indicated the professional and complex jobs induce ‘meaning’ for employees. moreover, there is empirical evidence that proves that psychological dimensions of ‘meaning’ and ‘impact’ are related to job satisfaction—whereas the two other dimensions that are ‘self determination’ and ‘competence’ are negatively related to job satisfaction (carless, 2004). therefore, the relation of psychological dimensions with job satisfaction is interesting. particularly, the organization and the external environment also influence this relationship. the theoretical model is illustrated in figure 1. competence the dimension of competence suggests one’s belief in the capacity to perform a particular task (spreitzer, 1995). the competence construct depends on several independent factors such as the nature of the job, manager, working environment, and reward. if an individual feels a lack of confidence in the skills and capability, it leads to a lack of empowerment resulting in low satisfaction. further competence characteristics include how difficult a task is, e.g., simple, moderate, or complex. the generalizability of the situations—for instance, some tasks are repetitive while others can be specific. moreover, how an individual believes themselves to complete the given task. low competence of an employee will lead to avoidance and put in fear, distant capacity building, and lack of confidence to perceive competence (bandura, 1977). therefore, the dimension of competence is related to job satisfaction. h1: the competence dimension of psychological empowerment will influence job satisfaction. impact the impact is a belief that one can make a difference in an organization, i.e., by influencing the strategies, administration, and operational outcomes (ashforth, 1989). moreover, the impact is defined as the perception of the behavior that can achieve a task and affects the environment (thomas & velthouse, 1990). the perception of impact depends on several other factors such as power, participation, and autonomy—for instance, lack of autonomy limits the individual’s participation, leading to 186 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 powerlessness. the psychologically motivated employee when marginalized feel unempowered (ashforth, 1989). the bank employees usually follow the set procedures and are not allowed to participate in the administrative and operational decisions— thus, job satisfaction diminishes and endup in static roles. the perception of impact only arises with the participation opportunities and autonomy to contribute to strategic decisions. literature indicated a positive relationship between impact and job satisfaction, while the lack of opportunity negatively turns this relationship (ashforth, 1989; thomas & tymon, 1994). therefore, the second hypothesis is as follows: h2: the competence dimension of psychological empowerment will influence job satisfaction. meaning meaning is defined as “a fit between the requirements of a work role and beliefs, values, and behaviors”(spreitzer, 1995, p. 1443). the construct is based on the meaningfulness of work of the model of job characteristics (oldham & hackman, 2010). it indicates that the motivating potential of an individual depends on the nature of the task, diversity of skills, significance of the task, autonomy, and feedback. further, it predicts the psychological states of an individual that are meaningful work, outcomes responsibility, and knowledge (hackman & oldham, 1980). therefore, the meaningfulness of work and other characteristics motivate the employees to perform, feel empowered, and be satisfied with their jobs. however, the personal ideas and standards of an individual depict the work goal. there is an intrinsic value in meaningful work, and it motivates an individual to experience an emotional attachment with the work (spreitzer et al., 1997). further, there is an emphasis on the personal view of an individual to complete the task and the respective outcomes. the personal opinion consists of three factors that are expectancy, valence, and instrument. the individual belief to achieve the task refers to expectancy, while the individual’s belief whether the task completion will result in benefit or hard is referred to as valence. further, the probability of completing the desired outcome is instrumentality. therefore, the dimension of meaning is the personal perspective of an individual. the employees in the banking sector who perceive mohamed alhadi khalil, uğur yozgat psychological empowerment and job satisfaction ... 187 that their beliefs are aligned with their jobs will be more satisfied. h3: the meaning dimension of psychological empowerment will influence job satisfaction. self-determination the autonomy to initiate and regulate the actions to “making decisions about work methods, pace, and effort” (spreitzer, 1995, p.1445). moreover, it is also defined as “the capacity to choose and to have those choices, rather than reinforcement contingencies, drives, or other forces or pressures, be the determinants of one’s actions” (deci & ryan, 1985, p.38). therefore, the perception of self-determination at the workplace allows one to take the initiative and regulate those actions. there is, however, flexibility to control the job accomplishment, new initiatives in the context of opportunities and problems, and sustain motivation to tackle the challenges (thomas & velthouse, 1990). thus, selfdetermination is related to job satisfaction. however, the working condition in banks allows a little autonomy. h4: the s elf-determination dimension of psycholog ic al empo werment will influence job satisfaction. research method the study has us e d a quantitative design to test the theoretical model. the constructs of competence, meaning, impact, selfdetermination, and job satisfaction are widely tested in the literature. there are well-tested instruments available in the literature. therefore, the authors have conceptualized the four dimensions of psychological empowerment using spreitzer’s (1995) model. the authors used the same instrument tested by spreitzer (1995) and later validated by kraimer, seibert, & liden (1999). there are three items in each of the four dimensions of psychological empowerment. moreover, the study used minnesota satisfaction questionnaire (msq) to measure job satisfaction (vocational psychology research, 2019). the scale is useful for a wide range of occupational groups and consists of ten items. the authors used the sur vey method to measure the perceptions of the employees from the libyan banking sector about psychological empowerment. the study has used purposive sampling and chosen lower and middle-level managers to be the respondents. moreover, there were two cities selected that are tripoli and misurata, in libya. 188 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 there were 530 questionnaires distributed to 25 branches of different banks. we received 333 responses. however, only 327 were valid for the analysis. result and discussion the final 327 responses were analyzed using structural equation modelling (sem) using partial least squares (pls) aided by smartpls 3 software. the sample size for our study was moderate. however, pls path modeling is most suitable when there are no assumptions about the population and measurement scales. sem-pls evaluates the measurement (outer) and structural (inner) models to interpret the results (henseler, hubona, & ray, 2014). the measurement model evaluates the constructs and their relationships with the indicators, validity, and reliability. the structural model tests the path relationships among the constructs. the measurement model the measurement model examined the cronbach’s alpha values for all the constructs. the constructs of competence, impact, and job satisfaction meet the threshold of 0.7. however, the construct of meaning and selfdetermination have values close to 0.7. therefore, all the constructs are accepted to proceed with the analysis. average variance extracted (ave) is used to establish the convergent validity, and the results indicated that all the ave values are above the threshold of 0.5—it indicated that convergency validity is confirmed (henseler et al., 2014). the composite reliability in table 1 confirms the reliability of the construct. it is preferred over cronbach’s alpha because it considers the outer loadings of the particular construct (hair, hult, ringle, & sarstedt, 2016). table 1 results of the measurement model author title... xx table 1 results of the measurement model the structural model hypothesis testing the structural model tested the hypothesized relationships among the variables using path coefficients and t-statistics. the pls used bootstrapping procedures to test the hypotheses. all four hypotheses were tested, and the results are illustrated in figure 1. findings revealed that competence is not associated with job satisfaction (beta = 0.059, t statistics = 1.127, p-value = 0.260). therefore, hypothesis 1 is rejected. the nature of the construct depends on external factors such as the working environment, rewards, difficulty of the task, and static or repetition. an individual, cronbach's alpha composite reliability average mu variance to extracted (ave) of competence 0.703 0.833 0.626 impact 0.748 0.854 0.662 job satisfaction 0.892 0.912 0.509 meaning 0.67 0.819 0.601 self determination 0.696 0.828 0.617 mohamed alhadi khalil, uğur yozgat psychological empowerment and job satisfaction ... 189 the structural model hypothesis testing the structural model tested the hypothesized relationships among the variables using path coefficients and t-statistics. the pls used bootstrapping procedures to test the hypotheses. all four hypotheses were tested, and the results are illustrated in figure 1. f i n d i n g s r e v e a l e d t h at competence is not associated with job satisfaction (beta = 0.059, t statistics = 1.127, p-value = 0.260). therefore, hypothesis 1 is rejected. the nature of the construct depends on external factors such as the working environment, rewards, difficulty of the task, and static or repetition. an individual, based on these factors, realizes how ch belief they have in their abilities perform. thus, the variable nature of the construct generates different results. figure 2 structural model hypothesestesting further, the second hypothesis that stated impact influence the job satisfaction is accepted as (beta = 0.175, t statistics = 2.893, p-value = 0.004). therefore, perception of the behavior that can achieve a task makes a difference in an organization. the perception of impact arises with the participation opportunities and autonomy to contribute to strategic decisions. the employees in libyan banks follow the set procedures and have limited participation in the administrative and operational decisions—however, they believe in impacting the organization, and they feel satisfied with their jobs. furthermore, results indicate that there is a significantly positive relationship between meaning and job satisfaction (beta = 0.125, t statistics = 1.982, p-value = 0.048). thus, hypothesis 3 was supported. the meaning of work and other characteristics motivate the employees to perform, feel empowered, and be satisfied with their jobs. there is an intrinsic value in meaningful work, and it motivates an individual to experience an emotional attachment to the work. the employees in the banking sector who perceive that their beliefs are aligned with their jobs will be more satisfied. in addition, results show that self-determination is positively 190 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 and significantly related to job satisfaction (beta = 0.303, t statistics = 5.704, p-value = 0.000). hypothesis 4 was accepted with the highest beta value in all four relationships. the working condition in banks allows a little autonomy. however, the perception of self-determination at the workplace allows one to take the initiative and regulate those actions. the flexibility to control the job accomplishment, new initiatives in the context of opportunities and problems, and sustain motivation to tackle the challenges. thus, selfdetermination is related to job satisfaction. b u r e a u c r a t i c s t r u c t u r e s of organizations are naturally disadvantaged because the rule and procedures overturn the initiatives, creativity, empowerment, and job satisfaction. moreover, the organizations like banks promote the embracement of formal p olicies, st andard op erating procedures, formal job completion, and technical skills. similarly, t he prac tices t hat promote psychological empowerment are limited. interestingly, results have suggested that the three dimensions of psychological empowerment, i.e., impact, meaning, and selfdetermination, are positively and significantly related to job satisfaction. the insights from the libyan banking sector (strict organizational structures and the procedures) indicated that even the jobs are monotonous and demanding, the three dimensions of psychological empowerment significantly advocate the employees’ perception and its effect on job satisfaction. the results also advocate that job satisfaction depends not only on the rewards, promotions, organization support, and leadership but also on the construct’s selfbeliefs. pertinently, the absence of traditional autonomy in tasks cannot always negatively impact job satisfaction. the results from lower and middle-level employees from the banking sector suggested that they found meaning in their work, determination to accomplish the task, self-motivation, and belief to create organizational impact positively affect job satisfaction. the concept of psychological empowerment is not fixed since factors such as context, environment, nature of organization, structure, leadership, intrinsic motivation of employees, self-belief, and organization culture are important to determine whether employees feel empowered or not. for instance, the strategies to make employees mohamed alhadi khalil, uğur yozgat psychological empowerment and job satisfaction ... 191 owners of the companies by offering them stock ownership. however, such tactics can provide a sense of ownership to the employees, but they have limited success in empowering them. moreover, the concept of empowerment is related to the freedom in the organizational decision making and taking control of activities and the access to information, resources, and training opportunities may not represent the whole concept of empowerment. prior researches from different countries indicated mixed results on the psychological empowerment construct and its relationship with job satisfaction. moreover, how empowerment is interpreted and experienced is subject to the contexts, industry, and social norms—that might change over time (mitchell, 2016). however, like international banks, the libyan banking sector suffers from the empowerment’s planning and implementation. therefore, it is necessary to evaluate and understand the culture and processes to initiate the respective empowerment plan. it is pertinent to note that employee empowerment is an internal organizational construct that hardly impacts external factors. thus, the culture of the organization, leadership, and mindset mainly matters for empowerment initiatives. conclusion the study aims to test the relationship of the four dimensions of psychological empowerment: competence, impact, meaning, and self-determination with job satisfaction. the results suggested that three dimensions of impact, meaning, and self-determination were positive and significant about job satisfaction. however, the dimension of competence was found insignificant in relationship to job satisfaction. psychological empowerment dimensions are related to job satisfaction even in bureaucratic organizational structures. it is also interesting to note that lower and middle-level managers have the self-belief to contribute despite influencing the strategies. the banking industry is challenging in terms of highstress levels, long working hours, retention of employees, and lack of empowerment. similarly, the financial sector is booming and tackling the personal and commercial needs of the customers. therefore, there is a need for a psychologically empowered workforce. the results indicated that a conducive environment where employees perceive the fit between the job demand and their selfbeliefs about identity, performance, 192 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 task meaningfulness, autonomy, and value contribution is vital for job satisfaction. the perception of psychological empowerment led to job satisfaction. the study results propose some implications for future research, practice, and policymaking. from the practical perspective, the study provides insights to the policymakers and administrators to create a healthy working environment in the context of employees’ perception of psychological empowerment. the dimension of impact, for instance, lower and middle-level managers must be trained and develop their skills to participate in the decision making. the baking sector is already structured top to down, and it provides more opportunities for collaborative relationships. however, the self-determination perspective that is significant and positive with job satisfaction can only provide a limited autonomy in banking operations—though, employees’ perception about this dimension is fundamental t o p e r c e i v e p s y c h o l o g i c a l empowerment. the reason behind high self-determination is the confidence in technical skills, expertise to handle operations, and task accomplishment. however, the lower and middle-level managers have a certain level of autonomy to handle the operations and a choice to perform the task. future research for psychological empowerment and job satisfaction in the banking sector can be undertaken based on public and private banks—how these constructs provide different results for these sectors. also, the context is an important aspect of psychological empowerment research. therefore, the differentiating of banks based on geographies, states, or countries can provide interesting insights. future studies can incorporate other constructs to check for mediation, such as intrinsic motivation. this study has several limitations. first, 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(1990). taking aim on empowerment research: on the distinction between individual and psychological conceptions. american journal of community psychology, 18(1), 169-177. journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 recruitment and use of child soldiers in afghanistan: cultural traits as pivotal factor ghulam mohammad qanet public law department, faculty of law and political science, herat university. email: ghulammohammadqanet@gmail.com mohammad shekaib alam department of political science, international islamic university malaysia. email: ibnqj3@gmail.com mohammad naqib ishan jan civil law department, ahmad ibrahim kulliyyah of laws, i nternational islamic university malaysia. email: naqib@iium.edu.my abstract this paper explores the cultural values that prevailed in afghanistan to understand the recruitment and use of underage soldiers in the long-lasting armed conflict while comparing the existing domestic and international law. the study analyzed the effect of the traditions of afghans on child soldiering. the method was doctrinal, and therefore, the collected and analyzed data was qualitative. the analysis was thematical, where each related idea was subjected to review and evaluation. the research found that since time immemorial, the afghan culture traditions were conducive to underage soldiering for various reasons, including peace and justice where male and female child warriors are treated as heroes, perhaps more than any other member of the afghan society. due to the stated reasonings, the study established that more underage soldiers were used and recruited during the period of the british empire, soviet invasion of afghanistan, and the civil war that caused the taliban and northern alliance to resume control and in the post 9/11 phase of armed conflict in afghanistan irrespective of domestic and international law that prohibited the recruitment and use of underage soldiers as it violated their basic fundamental rights of childhood. ghulam mohammad qanet, mohammad shekaib alam, mohammad naqib ishan jan recruitment and use of child soldiers in afghanistan: ... 253 keywords: recruitment of child soldiers, use of child soldiers, afghan culture, honour, hospitality, revenge. abstrak artikel ini mengeksplorasi nilai-nilai budaya yang berlaku di afghanistan untuk memahami perekrutan dan penggunaan tentara di bawah umur dalam konflik bersenjata yang berlangsung lama sambil membandingkan hukum domestik dan internasional yang ada. studi ini menganalisis pengaruh tradisi afghanistan pada tentara anak. metodenya bersifat doktrinal, sehingga data yang dikumpulkan dan dianalisis bersifat kualitatif. analisisnya bersifat tematis, di mana setiap gagasan yang terkait menjadi sasaran tinjauan dan evaluasi. penelitian tersebut menemukan bahwa sejak dahulu kala, tradisi budaya afghanistan kondusif untuk tentara di bawah umur karena berbagai alasan, termasuk perdamaian dan keadilan di mana pejuang anak laki-laki dan perempuan diperlakukan sebagai pahlawan, mungkin lebih dari anggota masyarakat afghanistan lainnya. karena alasan yang disebutkan, penelitian ini menetapkan bahwa lebih banyak tentara di bawah umur digunakan dan direkrut selama periode kerajaan inggris, invasi soviet ke afghanistan, dan perang saudara yang menyebabkan taliban dan aliansi utara untuk melanjutkan kontrol dan di pos 9/ 11 fase konflik bersenjata di afghanistan terlepas dari hukum domestik dan internasional yang melarang perekrutan dan penggunaan tentara di bawah umur karena melanggar hak-hak dasar dasar mereka di masa kanak-kanak. kata kunci: rekrutmen prajurit anak, penggunaan prajurit anak, budaya afghanistan, kehormatan, keramahan, balas dendam. introduction this study focuses on and addresses the recruitment and use of child soldiers in afghan culture. the research on child recruitment suggests that scrutiny of the afghan culture provides a satisfactory answer without reference to the implementation process, country’s histor y, culture, and custom (norway: landinfo, 2017). the modern afghan history of struggle against powerful foreign invaders has undoubtedly contributed to the readiness of afghan people to take to arms and fight for their dignity 254 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 and freedom (saikal, 2004). the heroic struggle of the afghan people and victories against the british imperial army (m., 2015)1 and the soviets have been recorded in the memory of every living afghan and on paper by the afghan intellectuals. they have been shared with the new generation orally and are being passed out to them through books in institutions of formal learning (dowling, 2015). both of these sources, the orally-transmitted epics, and s cholarly-p enned historical accounts have contributed to the image of undefeated and undefeatable afghan hero, ever ready to rise against oppression, tyranny, and assault on its dignity and honor, to defend its corpus from anyone who might dare to threaten these values and opt to go down the spiral of the armed conflict (hassan, 2006). these circumstances ought to be considered to grasp the discrepancy between the legal ideal’s mechanisms against child soldiering and realities on the ground. hence, seen from the perspective of culture, 1 towards the end of the 19th century, the british army had a regulation that boys as young as fourteen could enlist into the army. thus, during the second anglo-afghan war (18781880) and the boer wars (1880-1881; 1899-1902), there were around 3,000 boys serving in the british army. child soldiering is not considered a violation of norm and custom, and as such, it is not deemed a reprehensible practice. the issue is, however, not innocuous in other fields of knowledge, such as law. within the perspective of law, both national (qanet & jan, 2019) and international (qanet1 & jan1, 2019); (steinl, 2017); (ann, robinson, & i’anson, 2018); (jha, 2018); (vautravers, 2008) child soldiering is studied to the extent it violates legal standards and particular laws (christine, 2007). child soldiers, their recruitment and use are complex. similarly, the interrelated cluster of terms requires a closer investigation as separate terms and expressions when us ed together. when international treaties and local legal laws of afghanistan and practice are considered, no uniform, universally accepted definition of a child is observed (elisabeth & elbert, 2010). the afghan culture does have a clear view of what a child is, but when this view is placed in the socio-historical context, the clarity becomes somewhat diluted. the terms recruitment and use of child soldiers are perhaps less complex, particularly if seen from the perspective of recent international treaties and documents (qanet1 & ghulam mohammad qanet, mohammad shekaib alam, mohammad naqib ishan jan recruitment and use of child soldiers in afghanistan: ... 255 jan1, 2019). child soldiers are used in multiple capacities (steinl, 2017), including as on high-ranking armed group soldiers, but their capacity or service do not affect their status (achvarina & reich, 2006), since the latest treaties of international law and opinions of legal experts have clarified that all recruited child serving in the armed force or armed group in any capacity are uniformly treated as child soldiers (qanet1 & jan1, 2019). th e problem of child combatant conscription and use in armed struggle in afghanistan calls for consideration of two features relevant to the subject. the first feature is the position of afghan culture and the second position of the domestic legal framework on the subject. the research has implied descriptive, comparative, analytical, and synthetic methods, including field techniques and archival research methods. the descriptive approach proved useful in analyzing numerous definitions of the key terms found in culture and afghan national legal references. the comparative approach was necessary to compare the views of various cultural factors and juxtapose them with national sources, laws, and practices. the entire discussion has been made in four subtopics; the first offers a detailed perception and custom of recruitment and use of child soldiers in afghan culture, secondly presents the understanding of adulthood and its responsibility in afghan culture, thirdly deliberates factors that allowed and accepted child soldering in afghanistan and lastly, it concludes the research. recruitment and use of child soldiers under afghan culture any attempt at f inding a conclusive link between a particular culture and violence, or more specifically, the propensity of underage persons to enlist as child soldiers, requires a great deal of research because the term culture comprises many aspects of a community. yet, afghanistan’s recent past and the notion of masculinity prevalent among the afghans are filled with violence and ever-readiness to protect one’s dignity and sovereignty (zyck, 2011; fog, 2017). afghanistan’s long and eventful history has been a replete heroic struggle of its people for survival and self-determination (zyck, 2011). in modern times, the afghans had to fight against several powerful foreign invaders, i.e., mighty british, the soviet ‘red army’ etc., where they emerged victorious, though with huge 256 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 casualties (angelo, 2005; hassan, 2006; fog, 2017). the history of struggle against foreign invaders has certainly contributed to the readiness of afghan people to take to arms and fight for their dignity and freedom (william, 2010; william b., 2012; greenberg research, inc., 1999). all these turmoils have left an indelible mark on nearly two generations of the youth who have not seen a peaceful country, as the author puts it forward: “today, afghanistan is faced with the consequences of decades of violence, mass exodus, and displacements: it is insecure, intolerant of diversity of views, and home to nearly two generations that have grown up surrounded by conflict and war. violent and aggressive behavior—particularly from young men—has become an accepted norm of afghan society” (ahmadi & stanikzai, 2018). the ideas summarized in the above quotation indicate the effects of long-lasting armed conflict on youth in afghanistan. the underlying problem operates in a vicious circle, where protracted violence generates more negative traits and intolerance towards others (ahmadi & stanikzai, 2018). this feature alone explains why there is a tendency towards violence in a country whose population is largely young or below the age limit for soldiering seen as an adult. to recap, an extended period of armed conflict triggers more dissatisfaction and serves as a cause of renewed armed conflict among the afghan population (ahmadi & stanikzai, 2018). perception of adulthood in afghan society the definition of a child or the period of childhood as opposed to the stages of adulthood in the major treaties of international law overemphasizes the chronological aspect of humanity without giving much room for other factors such as culture, religion, and a host of other aspects that shape our individual and social self (dupree, 1980; ewan & hatch, 1990; aisling, 2013). this definition is based on premises relevant to the western countries and societies where most young persons can comfortably live and rely on their parents and state welfare to satisfy their needs (dupree, 1980). in contrast, an afghan child from rural areas enters the adult world where great duties and responsibilities are associated with him directly from pre-adolescent years (ahmadi w., 2008). a renowned western scholar into the history and culture of afghanistan observed that “sub teen boys begin to assist their fathers ghulam mohammad qanet, mohammad shekaib alam, mohammad naqib ishan jan recruitment and use of child soldiers in afghanistan: ... 257 in the fields, or, if nomadic, learn to ride, shoot, and herd. they can no longer play freely with their female counterparts. childhood is over; adulthood begins. one major feature of child socialization in the afghan non-urban society is that children have no adolescence, no transitional, educational period among their contemporaries away from their families to prepare them for the world they enter as adults. the young afghan boy from 10 to 12 (or even younger) moves directly into an adult world” (dupree, 1980) and is expected to assume the full responsibility as adults do (andvig & gates, 2010). chronic persistence of war and the availability of combat weapons within most, if not all, families in afghanistan have certainly affected the course of the childhood of at least two generations. even before the beginning of the armed conflicts starting with the soviet invasion of afghanistan, many afghans had the habit of carrying arms in some areas (brett & specht, 2004).2 according to dupree, when an average western 2 all afghani families have always had guns. from a long time before the recent wars, afghans carried guns with themselves. because afghanistan has never been secure, child would get his first toy gun present by his father in afghanistan, the child receives training in handling a real gun. this contrast, too, aids in understanding the gap between a child’s perception within society and the time when they have presented toys or real weapons (dupree, 1980). due to loyalty to family and concern for its survival, afghan children and adolescents are also, in many instances, expected to aid in the financial needs of a household. this aspect has come about not only because of society’s cultural norms and customs but also due to the synergic effect of long-lasting armed conflict, a devastated economy, and scarcity of funds, whether in the form of aid or investment. thus, much before their eighteenth birthday, young boys can be seen as street sellers, artisans involved in carpet weaving and pursuing other traditional crafts that can be a source of income (lee, 2009). the stated circumstances combined, cultural, economic, and political ones, force the afghan boys to skip the stage of adolescence and leap into adulthood directly from childhood (lee, 2009). people had to be armed to keep and defend themselves. 258 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 factors c ontributing to normalize child soldiering in afghan culture being situated in the strategically important crossroads wedged between large nations, afghanistan has long been the battleground of military campaigns and various efforts to assimilate its people and win their hearts and minds. three major campaigns mentioned before in the modern history of afghanistan have greatly impacted the culture and character of the afghans (monsutti, 2013). apart from being the object of military campaigns and resultant battles for self-defense and protection of their sovereignty, some traditional customs of the afghans also contributed to everreadiness to fight and defend their dignity and cultural identity. two of these features that researchers and scholars have recognized in the history and culture of afghanistan are honor and hospitality (poulton, 2003). the paramount importance of honor for the afghans and how it can be brought into connection with the recruitment of the young and old to fight against alien forces is well illustrated by poulton in an account that goes back to the mid-15th century (poulton, 2003). according to the author, when sultan muhammad shah from delhi tried to conquer one of the villages in afghanistan, his forces met with ferocious resistance. ultimately, the sultan conquered the place and took an old and frail man named malik feroz as a prisoner. the sultan and his guards then asked him to recognize the heads of the slain villagers who had been decapitated upon the conquest (poulton, 2003). the older adult recognized all of them except one, whom he initially pretended not to know. when one of the sultan’s officers said that the unrecognized head was of the soldier who had fought bravely until his last breath and killed a dozen of sultan’s soldiers, the captive malik feroz proudly admitted that the head was of his young son. he was initially hesitant to recognize the soldier as he was unsure if he had fought bravely or not. the account attests that the older adult’s honor is preponderant over his son’s fatherly love and emotion (poulton, 2003). poulton further adds similar accounts where brothers are told and reminded by their sisters to fulfill their duty to fight against foreign attempts that encroach afghan’s honor and cultural identity (poulton, 2003). a traditional culture that devotes a great deal of importance ghulam mohammad qanet, mohammad shekaib alam, mohammad naqib ishan jan recruitment and use of child soldiers in afghanistan: ... 259 to the aspect of honor is also bound to cherish revenge or vendetta against intentional killing and what is perceived as an insult or dishonorable act against an individual, family, or clan (anders, 2010). the vendetta or badal (retaliation) in the pashto language is applied in the following: “… from intrigue over women, murder of one of the family members or their hamsayas (close neighbors), violation of badragga (peace delegation), slight personal injury or insult or damage to property. the urge for badal does not mean that he is savage, bloodthirsty, or devoid of humane qualities. he is kind, affectionate, friendly, and magnanimous and forgives anyone who kills his relatives by mistake, but he will not allow any deliberate murder to go unavenged” (noorzai, 1998; khan, 1998). another cultural trait of the afghans that is revered and safeguarded is hospitality and the perceived duty to provide the best possible treatment to a guest. this feature played a major role in the refusal of the taliban leadership to surrender osama bin laden after he was declared one of the most wanted terrorists following the claim of responsibility for the 9/11 attacks (jonathan, 2009). to clarify the reason why none of the taliban soldiers dared to betray bin laden and accept the reward of $25 million, a pakistani army colonel muhammad effendi commented that the high reward money was considered far inferior to the possibility of disgrace that would certainly be earned by anyone who could have betrayed bin laden. the life of the possible traitor, and the lives of people from family, clan, and tribe, as colonel effendi concluded, “…wouldn’t be worth an onion” (jonathan, 2009). a similar attitude towards jihad resurfaced in afghanistan. it was exercised successfully to end the anglo-afghan wars (nawid, 1997) and the soviet invasion, which attempted to establish a marxistsocialist state with the help of a weak central government (cohn & goodwin-gill, 1994). jihad was used throughout the resistance against the soviets, mobilizing adults and many underage soldiers, particularly those who found refuge in the neighboring countries (greenberg research, inc., 1999). greenberg research mentions that the phenomenon of child combatants – teenagers, to be exact – has been a feature of the afghan war from the moment the soviet invasion began. they were recruited with promises of glory for 260 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 their role in the jihad.” (greenberg research, inc., 1999). once the soviets were defeated, the mujaheddin soon split into several factions, bitterly fighting among themselves for power. one of the factions that turned to prevail over others is the taliban, which also rallied support for their authority under the guise of jihad (shaista & youngerman, 2007). the taliban intentionally recruited younger and underage persons to advance their cause because older fighters who had taken part in the resistance against the soviets could not get easily convinced that this phase of the fratricidal armed conflict, an armed conflict between muslims, could be justified as jihad. thus, the taliban claimed they were fighting for the true version of islamic teaching over the corrupt and infidel groups (barfield, 2010). similar to the taliban in afghanistan, the northern alliance has been reported to use underage fighters both; voluntarily and apathetically by beating them or destroying homes and property (rohde, 2001; fonseka, 2001; hrw, 2008; arai-takahashi, 2009) to take revenge against the taliban who had assassinated or severely victimized their family members before and for a host of other causes (kona, 2007; takahashi, 2009). according to a survey conducted by m. bhatia on 237 respondents, the proportion of child fighters under eighteen was 59%, while 49% of them took part in battles earlier than sixteen (bhatia, 2008). the united nations sources also reported that the northern alliance had no document or rule that forbids its enlistment and use of juvenile combatants, though the allegations of such practice were faithfully refuted by the then afghan representative in the united nations, who was loyal to the northern alliance (unsc, 1999). the northern alliance continued to enlist and use children for battle throughout their armed struggle against the taliban until the collapse of the taliban regime in late 2001 (www.child-soldiers.org, 2002). underage fighters with more extensive combat experience and military prowess have been in elite units with higher recognition among their adult counterparts and civilians. when asked by the reporters and journalists as to the causes for their conscription, the bulk of child soldiers mentioned the lack of economic and education opportunities in the state that had been in armed conflict by then for twenty years (rohde1, 2001). another factor connected with the ghulam mohammad qanet, mohammad shekaib alam, mohammad naqib ishan jan recruitment and use of child soldiers in afghanistan: ... 261 conscription of children for combat has been the juxtaposition of the non-state actors to dwellings, towns, and towns where the children were recruited (stohl, 2002; chrobok, 2005). the taliban have used the same jihadi strategy for justification of the taliban insurgency. it was easier after the 9/11 attacks as the newlyformed government of afghanistan has worked together with some non-muslim countries to rebuild the country (arai-takahashi, 2009). the taliban controlled certain provinces and districts, particularly religious schools to recruit underage soldiers for their anti-government struggle. as testified by many parents, only in the district of chadarhara in kunduz province in 2015, the taliban recruited one hundred children whom they could easily convince to risk their lives and fight in jihad against infidels what the taliban consider foreign forces and local aides who betrayed the religion and culture of the afghans (araitakahashi, 2009). patricia gossman state: “farhad joined the taliban over his father’s objections. he is currently a fighter in commander b’s group. his parents and local elders went to the taliban several times and asked another commander in the group, commander c, to free qari [an honorific title bestowed on someone who has learned to read the quran] farhad. commander c then asked farhad if he wanted to go back to his family, but as qari farhad wanted to stay, commander c told his parents and other local elders that “your sons are better muslims than yourselves. they don’t leave jihad” (gossman, 2016). the taliban have repeatedly invoked jihad as their mobilization calls for their supporters to take arms against foreign soldiers in afghanistan (weigand, 2017). one of the websites that serve as the mouthpiece of the taliban renewed calls for jihad against foreign troops and their local supporters who were likened to the pro-communist soviet supporters during the sovietafghan war in july 2018, stating that jihad against american invaders in afghanistan is a defensive struggle similar to the invasion of infidels that is obligatory as far as islamic view is concerned. all books of fiqh (jurisprudence) agree upon jihad against the invasion of infidels becomes obligatory on every man and woman. it is a clear command of allah almighty, and it is a faith of every believer. those who support american invaders in afghanistan fight against their religion, country, 262 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 and national values (mohmand, 2018; marit & sosdal, 2018). conclusion the afghan and the international legal framework both have prohibited enlistment and use in combat of any person younger than eighteen, but the afghan culture has not always been adopted the ‘straighteighteen’ position. therefore, it can be concluded, however, from the legal perspective, there has not been a permissive stance on persons younger than eighteen to participate in armed struggle. on the other hand, despite the clear position of law on child soldiers in afghanistan, this conspicuous stance has been continually scorned by the presence of a large number of child soldiers under the afghan culture, many of whom well below the age of fifteen, in the ranks of various state actors and non-state actors from the outset of the armed struggle to the present day. as afore s ai d , t h e l aw, particularly the national one, has always been firmly against child soldiers. however, the severity of the punishment and the enforcement or implementation of the afghan culture and law have never been executed adequately to keep children away from active participation in combat. undoubtedly, the discussed cultural factors, including honor, hospitality, and porous unstable institutions, have contributed to the participation of child combatants in afghan battlegrounds. this only calls for a set of precise recommendations and remedies that would target the root causes to do away with the vile cultural perspective. the fact is people are not well aware of the legal perspective of afghanistan on child soldiers as well as they lack a true understanding of islam as it also prohibits child soldiering. afghan intellectuals and scholars have to craft some strategy to reach, teach and convince them that child soldiering is an illegal, unacceptable, and intolerable crime whether one looks at it from the perspective of national laws, international legal instruments, or islamic teaching. the children soldiering must not be considered a matter of ethnic honor and pride as it has disastrous effects on them and society. consequently, people whose influence stems from culture and relies on culture urgently need to realize these effects and stop the practice of glorifying child soldiers as heroes and thus should break this vicious circle and the multitude of negative effects that it carries with itself. ghulam mohammad qanet, mohammad shekaib alam, mohammad naqib ishan jan recruitment and use of child soldiers in afghanistan: ... 263 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(2002). coalition to stop the use of child soldiers. retrieved from https://www.child-soldiers.org zyck, s. a. (2011). but i’m a man: the imposition of childhood on and denial of identity and economic opportunity to afghanistan’s child soldiers. in a. özerdem, & s. podder, child soldiers: from recruitment to reintegration. london: palgrave macmillan. journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 cybernorms: analysis of international norms in france’s paris call for trust and security in cyberspace diko catur novanto students in department of international relations diponegoro university email : dikocn@students.undip.ac.aid ika riswanti putranti lecturer in department of international relations diponegoro university andi akhmad basith dir lecturer in department of international relations diponegoro university abstract cybercrime is a crime involving computers and networks that began to develop after the cold war. international politics also have developed through computer networks or cyberspace, especially in communication and diplomacy. many actors who have different interests make the cyber sphere unstable. several state and non-state actors themselves have collaborated and conventions in the cyber realm. in 2018, france made a high-level declaration called the paris call for trust and security in cyberspace to maintain stability in cyberspace. through the paris call, france tries to establish an international norm in the cyber domain known as cybernorms. this norm has been supported by several state and non-state actors. this study seeks to see the importance of the paris call that has been made by the french government which aims to remind the general norms of cyber that are not popular or see the formation of international norms in the cyber sphere. this study uses a qualitative method with the process-tracing data analysis method used to explain change and cause-and-effect. this research argues that cyber norms are very important for state or non-state actors in diko catur novanto, ika riswanti putranti, andi akhmad basith dir cybernorms: analysis of international norms in france’s paris call ... 327 maintaining the stability of the cyber world. key words : france, cybercrime, cybernorms, cyber, cybersecurity, norms abstrak kejahatan siber (cybercrime) adalah kejahatan yang melibatkan komputer dan jaringan yang mulai berkembang pasca perang dingin. politik internasional juga telah berkembang melalui jaringan komputer atau ranah siber (cyberspace) khususnya dalam komunikasi maupun diplomasi. banyaknya aktor yang mempunyai kepentingan yang berbeda-beda membuat ranah siber tidak stabil. beberapa aktor negara maupun non-negara sendiri telah melakukan kerjasama dan konvensi atas ranah siber. pada tahun 2018, prancis membuat deklarasi tingkat tinggi bernama paris call for trust and security in cyberspace untuk menjaga kestabilan didalam ranah siber. melalui paris call, prancis mencoba untuk menetapkan sebuah norma internasional dalam ranah siber yang disebut sebagai cybernorms. norma ini sendiri telah didukung oleh beberapa aktor negara dan non-negara. penelitian ini berusaha untuk melihat pentingnya paris call yang telah dibuat oleh pemerintah prancis yang bertujuan untuk mengingatkan kembali norma-norma umum siber yang tidak populer maupun melihat tentang terbentuknya norma internasional di ranah siber. penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan metode analisis data process-tracing yang digunakan untuk menjelaskan perubahan dan sebab-akibat. penelitian ini berargumen bahwasannya norma siber ini sangat penting bagi aktor-aktor negara maupun non-negara dalam menjaga kestabilan dunia siber. kata kunci : prancis, cybercrime, cybernorms, cyber, cybersecurity, norma introduction in the development of the globalization era, technology is one aspect that is developing rapidly. one of the developments that occurred is the development in the field of internet or cyberspace. cyberspace was originally developed for military technology that is used as a distribution network for sending information (buzan & hansen, 2009). over time, the internet has begun to be widely used by several countries in the world. 328 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 the paris call for trust and security in cyberspace is a highlevel declaration supporting the development of general principles for securing cyberspace and related key principles: the practicality of international law, the responsible behavior of state actors, the specific responsibilities of private stakeholders, especially in terms of preventing security failures and preventing the use of certain practices that could destabilize cyberspace. there are nine principles in the paris call, namely: (1) protecting individuals and infrastructure; (2) protect the internet; (3) defend electoral process; (4) defend intellectual property; (5) nonproliferation; (6) lifecycle security; (7) cyber hygiene; (8) no private hack back; (9) international norms (paris call, 2018). in the paris call, the ninth principle, international norms, contains two norms, namely the norms of resilience and trust which was made by french foreign minister jean-yves le drian. the making of the paris call took place because of a threat that occurred in the cyber space. where the attack is carried out by individuals or even supported by a state actor or the influence of a nonstate actor. the awareness by france arose in june 2010, as evidenced by the emergence of stuxnet at the time, which attacks the systems of uranium enrichment sites. in natanz, iran (baumard, 2017; falliere, murchu, & chien, 2011)such as a gas pipeline or power plant. the ultimate goal of stuxnet is to sabotage that facility by reprogramming programmable logic controllers (plcs created by the united states and israel. some other examples are the events in estonia in 2007, where the distributed denial of service (ddos) was carried out by “patriotic hackers” from russia who were offended by the world war ii monument to the soviets. something similar happened in 2008 in georgia, which was hit by ddos in its information system before the russian army invaded. the assumption is that the russian government is in cahoots with hackers, and rejects their links to hacking (nye, 2018). external interference with elections is also a threat to democracy, as was the case in the country of mexico in 2018, which was seen from the large number of entrants to voting websites, especially from russia (rozak, 2018). then in 2017, in kenya there was influences from cambridge analytica during the election (crabtree, 2018). then the attack on critical infrastructure, such as the attack on the french diko catur novanto, ika riswanti putranti, andi akhmad basith dir cybernorms: analysis of international norms in france’s paris call ... 329 tv network tv5 monde in 2015 (melvin & botelho, 2015). these cyber threats to france have made the cyber sspace unstable and insecure, not only threatening state actors and the industrial sector, but also threats to democracy and human rights. ac c o r d i n g t o fa b r i z i o hochschild as assistant secretary g e n e r a l for u n st r at e g i c coordination, the establishment of a norm is crucial. norms in this cyber domain are called cybernorms. however, it needs to be seen again that some of the principles made by france are general principles that have existed in several cybersecurity treaties, such as enisa which focuses on cyberspace in the european union, and the budapest international convention which they have signed. in addition, there are also previous cyber norm creation frameworks such as the cybersecurity tech accord, charter of trust, and for the web. so what differentiates paris call from the others? paris call is not the first in wanting to create cybernorms. in its history, there are several documents on cooperation in the cyber realm. enisa and the budapest convention are one of them. the budapest convention is the first international treaty on crimes committed via the internet and other computer networks, specifically addressing copyright infringement, computer-related fraud, child pornography, hate crimes, and network security breaches. its main objective is to pursue a common criminal policy to protect the public from cybercrime, particularly by adopting appropriate legislation and encouraging international cooperation (council of europe, n.d.). then, enisa focuses on dealing with cybersecurity in the european union. the main objective of enisa is to strengthen the cybersecurity act in the european union (enisa, n.d.). both enisa and the budapest convention have a lot of support including france. however, the problem with the budapest convention is that this convention is only a framework to fight cybercrime. this convention does not try to regulate a state actor, but aims to fight and punish individuals who commit cybercrime. then, enisa is only trying to improve the cybersecurity act in the european union. according to the authors both agreements are only a framework for cyberspace, and do not try to create a set of norms that try to regulate a country. 330 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 the concept of cybernorms also has already been echoed. in april 2018 microsoft created a “digital peace” campaign together with the “cybersecurity tech accord” aimed at the internet and technology industry to better protect the privacy and security of their customers from cyber-attacks. likewise, siemens in may 2018 launched a “charter of trust” which seeks to develop compliance with security principles and processes, with the aim of developing a “global standard” for cybersecurity. for the web, focuses on the openness of the internet to individuals. even in 2015, the united nations group of governmental experts (gge) recognized that international humanitarian law must also be applied in cyberspace, but met a stalemate in 2017. likewise, two blocks, one led by the united states and the other is led by china and russia, which have also achieved a stalemate. macron sees that there are two types of internet “we are seeing two types of internet emerge: as i said earlier, there is a californian form of internet, and a chinese internet.” the contestation that is taking place in the cyber space can be seen clearly from the many actors who are trying to get the spotlight. it can be explained that the engagement that occurred also caused the forgetting of norms that should have been common, so that france tried to pave the way and overshadowed many actors in it. based on the arguments above, this article will attempt to discuss on how did how france created a new norm and reminded the general norm through the paris call. this article will use constructivism approach regarding the process of making norm and how actors promotes their norm. the difference between paris call and general norm the cooperation carried out by france on cybersecurity such as the enisa organization and the budapest convention is concrete evidence that cybersecurity is urgently needed. the problem of the two organizations is how this collaboration only focuses and aims to deal with cybersecurity within the organization. enisa, which emerged from the european union, focuses on critical infrastructures in the european union and especially on e st abl ish i ng appropr i ate network and information security practices, policies, organizations and capacities. the budapest convention has a wider range of actors, this can be seen from several actors who participated in it, such as the united states, canada, japan, diko catur novanto, ika riswanti putranti, andi akhmad basith dir cybernorms: analysis of international norms in france’s paris call ... 331 and south africa. budapest also focuses on dealing with copyright infringement, computer-related fraud, and child pornography and network security breaches. both of these are more aimed at maintaining national security for each country and protecting cybercrime crimes committed by individuals. the creation of cybernorms also does not come from state actors alone, non-state actors such as microsoft created the “tech accord” which aims to make the internet and the technology industry better protect the privacy and security of their customers from cyber-attacks. likewise, the creation of the siemens company “charter of trust” seeks to establish a cyber-norm that seeks to develop compliance with security principles and processes, with the aim of developing a “global standard” for cybersecurity. however, france views that cybernorms are too narrow and industry-oriented. finally, for the web, which focuses on individual rights to have access to the internet and makes the internet more open. making the paris call with nine points, especially in the 9th point on international norms. where paris wants to set the norm in a new realm. this is different from the two collaborations which only improve cybersecurity and tackle cybercrime. paris call aims to bring together all stakeholders, state and non-state, private and public, so that they can play their part in maintaining a safe cyber space. charter of trust budapest convention enisa paris call name ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ 1st principle nine principles (1) protecting individuals and infrastructure; (2) protect the internet; (3) defend electoral process; (4) defend intellectual property; (5) non-proliferation; (6) lifecycle security; (7) cyber hygiene; (8) no private hack back; (9) international norms ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ 2nd principle ✗ ✓ ✓ ✓ 3rd principle ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ 4th principle ✗ ✓ ✗ ✓ 5th principle ✓ ✗ ✓ ✓ 6th principle ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ 7th principle ✗ ✗ ✗ ✓ 8th principle ✓ ✗ ✗ ✓ 9th principle 332 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 how norm is created and promoted different from realists who explain that norms as an interest, and liberalism which explain that norms as a basis. constructivism explains how a norm is spread and adopted by the state (rosyidin, 2020). finnemore and sikkink have developed the idea of norms, how norms emerge, are approved, and the adoption in the domestic realm occurs. the extension of the concept of norms has three main forms. first, the concept of the emergence of new norms, namely norm emergence from an issue or problem that occurs in a country internationally or domestically, the emergence of norms comes from norm entrepreneur. then the second stage is the norm cascade, in which the debate about norms is explained in the political sphere to get mutual agreement. finally, norm internalization is how the adoption occurs in the domestic sphere in other countries. to analyze paris call, the author focuses on the concept of norm emergence. researchers tend to view norm emergencies as the result of persuasion, without formal characteristics or things that usually happen. however, this normmaking is made on several bases such as individuals, uncertainties, coincidences, and fortunate events. this norm creation uses processtracing as a method to find cause and effect of norm creation (finnemore & sikkink, 1998; kowert & legro, 1996). norm emergence actors norm entrepreneurs with organizational platforms motives altruism, empathy, ideational commitment dominant mechanism persuasion in the process, there is a “framing” of an issue or problem from the norm entrepreneur (snow, rochford, worden, & benford, 1986). norm entrepreneurs are very important for the emergence of norms because they pay attention to problems or even “create” problems by using language that mentions, interprets, and dramatizes them. to explain norm entrepreneurship, the author uses the concept of “transnational moral entrepreneurs” who are involved in “moral proselytism” from nadelmann. this group mobilizes popular opinion and political support both at home and abroad; they stimulate and assist the formation of like-minded diko catur novanto, ika riswanti putranti, andi akhmad basith dir cybernorms: analysis of international norms in france’s paris call ... 333 organizations in other countries; and they play an important role in advancing their objectives beyond the national interests of their governments (nadelmann, 1990). of course there are many motivations carried out by norm entrepreneurs, but for norm researchers, it will be very difficult to explain norm entrepreneurial motivations without referring to empathy, altruism, and ideational commitment. empathy arises when actors have the capacity to participate in other people’s feelings or ideas. such empathy can lead to an interdependence of empathy, in which actors “are attracted to the welfare of others for their own sake, even if this has no effect on their own material well-being or security” (keohane, 2005). altruism exists when actors actually take “actions designed to benefit others even at the risk of significant harm to the actor’s own well-being” (monroe, 2014). ideational commitment becomes the main motivation when entrepreneurs put forward norms or ideas because they believe in the ideals and values contained in the norms, although pursuing these norms may have no effect on their well-being (monroe, 2014). in their mechanism, norm entrepreneurs do not oppose the interests of other actors, but they act with a redefined understanding of the interests of other actors (finnemore & sikkink, 1998). development of promoting the norm incentives strong actors mainly states persuasion encouragement without coercion socialization inclusivity the process of a norm that has already occurred, the norm will be disseminated, norms have three main strategic tools to further develop norms: incentives, persuasion, and socialization (finnemore & hollis, 2016; goodman & jinks, 2014). incentives come from strong actors, or rather strong states often have enormous resources to spread their preferred norms through various incentives. they can offer positive persuasion; persuasion, which means causing someone to do or believe something by asking, arguing, or giving reasons. this is primarily a cognitive process of exchanging information and arguments that changes thoughts, opinions, and attitudes about causality and effects without coercion (ratner, 2011) and, socialization, which refers to the process in which newcomers 334 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 are included or integrated into organized patterns of social interaction (stryker & statham, 1977). the creation of paris call one of the main focuses of the author’s research is the norm entrepreneurial actor who influences the paris call. in the process of forming norms, the entrepreneur’s norm is an important actor. there are two actors that will be analyzed, domestic actors and transnational m or a l e nt re pre n e u r a c tors . according to nadelmann, what explains moral views, especially foreign policy, comes from the political influence of domestic and transnational moral entrepreneurs as well as strong individual support in government. moreover, in almost every case the relevant moral outlook is “cosmopolitan”, not concerned with how states treat one another, but more about how states and individuals treat their fellow human beings (nadelmann, 1990). there are three domestic actors who are analyzed in the process of paris call by the author, french president emmanuel macron and french foreign minister, jean yvesle drian and microsoft president brad smith. in a speech made by macron at igf 2018, he explained that the cyber space that is used by us is under threat. he explained that there are three threats, namely the structure itself, as well as the content and services provided, and values. the structural issue explained by macron, explained that if it does not ensure the stability, trust and security of the cyber system. then cyberspace security will be questioned. for the second threat, look at the threat to democracy. which is used for hate speech or the spread of terrorist content than anything else. finally, values and ideas, macron explained that the neutral principle of the internet is starting to be questioned, because the content provided tends to be biased (internet governance forum, 2018). brad smith explained that in 2017, there were 1 billion victims of cybercrime worldwide. so that le drian, along with microsoft president brad smith, is trying to create an international arena that works towards ‘digital peace’, this is how the paris call initiative emerged. in achieving ‘la paix digitale’, le drian emphasizes the norms of trust and resilience. he called on both at the national and international levels to strengthen the global belief system. explaining, both at the national and international levels, to strengthen the global belief system, diko catur novanto, ika riswanti putranti, andi akhmad basith dir cybernorms: analysis of international norms in france’s paris call ... 335 whose security is described as “as strong as its weakest link”. countries must prove that they can apply ‘le droite national’ to cyberspace and at the international level, where entities such as the eu, nato and the g7 can develop and promote good practices and norms in cyberspace (paris peace forum, 2018). the individual actors conducted a framing in which they tried to tell how serious the issue of cyber issues was. they are norm entrepreneurs, which encourages paris call as a cybernorms. the invitation made by macron, le drian and brad smith, was not only for state actors, but non-actor actors. regarding transnational moral entrepreneurs they tend to have moral views. their efforts are in the form of framing an issue or problem. the creation of cybernorms is not unique, microsoft itself has approached france for support for the tech accord, however, for france, the tech accord is industryoriented (untersinger, 2018). transnational moral entrepreneurs have an important role, especially in providing “framed” issues as a problem. these problems, push the issues in the creation of cybernorms. for example, france is working with microsoft and the alliance for securing democracy which is building a community of partners to fight election interference, which will bring together representatives from government, industry and civil society to strengthen capacities to prevent malicious interference by foreign actors in the electoral process. then, seguros en la red (“secure on the net”) is the 7th principle effort of cyber hygiene which comes from the equatorian cybersecurity association. this group seeks to teach children about the responsible use of technology and information and its risks. france is trying to create a paris call to tackle global issues by involving countries, companies and wider civil society in a bottom-up approach. according to sikkink, it was explained that norm relations correlate with human rights violations. sikkink argues that there is human rights prosecution and a ‘justice cascade’ that can be traced within a norm, which is also supported by an alliance of countries and ngos that want change (sikkink, 2011). motivation for norm entrepreneurs is based on empathy, altruism, and ideational commitment. this motivation could be seen in macron speech on paris peace forum. the idea of combating illegal content from terrorism to child pornography could be seen 336 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 as an empathy; altruistic value could also be seen, which macron believe that democracy should be upheld. there’s no materialistic value for france to help other states in protecting their own general election, which is why this could be seen as altruism of france; ideational commitments are also on the paris call. the principles in the paris call are based on the norms of resilience and trust echoed by le drian. france believes in this norm, which the paris call encourages nationally and internationally. although there were some actors who didn’t follow the paris call. this commitment to the idea is what makes france appear ambitious in the creation of cybernorms. dominant mechanism that is being used by actors to push the cybernorms is persuasion. the persuasion here is how norm entrepreneur actors see that these issues are an important problem, not only domestically but globally. persuasion refers to the basic meaning of the term, urging other actors to take action. the european emergency number association (eena) believes that, for the safety of citizens, it is important to ensure that public safety services remain uninterrupted. to protect critical infrastructure and sensitive i n for m at i on , s e r v i c e s mu s t implement appropriate and effective safeguards. the transatlantic commission on election integrity (tcei), strives to share best practices between decision-makers and institutions around the world of democracy, raising public awareness of the risks of disruption while applying it in the field to new models and technologies to empower civil society and governments to defend democracy. the actors’ persuasion is needed, because they see, or have even been affected by, a problem in cyberspace. so that this persuasion, urged actors like france to create cybernorms. promoting paris call and their international norms academics of international law and international relations have studied the mechanisms for the creation and implementation of international norms carefully. whether emerging from habit or entrepreneurship, there are at least three separate tools for promoting progressive development and norm dissemination: (1) incentives, (2) persuasion, and (3) socialization (finnemore & hollis, 2016; goodman & jinks, 2014) diko catur novanto, ika riswanti putranti, andi akhmad basith dir cybernorms: analysis of international norms in france’s paris call ... 337 incentives are created based on how strong the actors who carry them are, especially when normmaking is done by strong state actors. because they can provide positive persuasion, for example trade regulations between actors or arms deals, which allow other countries to like and abide by the norm (goodman & jinks, 2014). incentives by france could be analyzed by their soft power. in 2019, france is one of the strongest countries in the soft power they provide to other countries. soft power is the ability to encourage collaboration and build networks and relationships, according to portland communications, the uk-based public relations agency behind the index. france is in the number 1 position in it (mcclory, 2019), this shows the strength of france that believes it can create an international norm in cyberspace. international norms academics of international law and international relations have studied the mechanisms for the creation and implementation of international norms carefully. whether emerging from habit or entrepreneurship, there are at least three separate tools for promoting progressive development and norm dissemination: (1) incentives, (2) persuasion, and (3) socialization (finnemore & hollis, 2016; goodman & jinks, 2014) incentives are created based on how strong the actors who carry them are, especially when norm-making is done by strong state actors. because they can provide positive persuasion, for example trade regulations between actors or arms deals, which allow other countries to like and abide by the norm (goodman & jinks, 2014). incentives by france could be analyzed by their soft power. in 2019, france is one of the strongest countries in the soft power they provide to other countries. soft power is the ability to encourage collaboration and build networks and relationships, according to portland communications, the uk-based public relations agency behind the index. france is in the number 1 position in it (mcclory, 2019), this shows the strength of france that believes it can create an international norm in cyberspace. the diplomacy carried out by france is also related to digital aspects, which they call digital diplomacy. digital diplomacy is one of the priorities for french ministry for europe and foreign affairs. soft power is aimed primarily at promoting the image of france and for the benefit of the french economy, language and culture. for france, in cyberspace, diplomacy is no longer just a matter of state-state relations, but also state-civil society relations. the cyber space serves to promote democracy and freedom of expression. in action, france supports freedom of expression and human rights in all media. framing is the most important thing in persuading other actors to follow norms (finnemore & hollis, 2016). however, framing in cyberspace is not a single issue. this is due to the emergence of various contexts by various other actors as well. so that when an actor wants to do framing, it must focus on an issue that occurs. an important aspect in framing an issue is 80,28 79,47 78,62 77,41 77,4 77,04 75,89 75,71 73,16 72,03 65 70 75 80 85 score 10 netherlands 9 australia 8 japan 7 canada 6 switzerland 5 united states 4 sweden 3 germany 2 united kingdom 1 france the diplomacy carried out by france is also related to digital aspects, which they call digital diplomacy. digital diplomacy is one of the priorities for french ministry for europe and foreign affairs. soft power is aimed primarily at promoting the image of france and for the benefit of the french economy, language and culture. for france, in cyberspace, diplomacy is no longer just a matter of state-state relations, but also state-civil society relations. the cyber space serves to promote democracy and freedom of expression. in action, france supports freedom of expression and human rights in all media. framing is the most important thing in persuading other actors to follow norms (finnemore & hollis, 2016). however, framing in 338 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 cyberspace is not a single issue. this is due to the emergence of various contexts by various other actors as well. so that when an actor wants to do framing, it must focus on an issue that occurs. an important aspect in framing an issue is linking. link a cybersecurity issue to a larger problem or global security problem. macron persuades state actors, ngos, transnational companies, and others. macron uses two tools for persuasion, namely framing and linking. in his speech at the internet governance forum in 2018, macron explained that “... that the internet we take for granted is under threat.” in his speech. macron discusses more about cyber issues that are beginning to be threatened. he explained that there are three things that are threatened; the first is the structure on the internet. he saw that if there were no regulations in place, the cyber domain would collapse. macron sees the need for the formation of trust between actors to maintain the stability of the cyber space. because not only state actors, but individuals, organizations, companies and ngos are also integrated with the internet; the second threat comes from the content and services on the internet. even though the internet has become a matter of climate protests, women’s rights, and others, at present the internet also provides hate speech, as well as the spread of terrorist content compared to many others; and finally, the threat that occurs is to values and ideas. macron explained that the neutral principle of the internet is starting to be questioned, because the content provided tends to be biased. framing that occurs as if cyber threat is a global threat and requires shared responsibility is something that is needed for this norm to be made. the problems in the frame seem as if the problems in the cyber space are a careful responsibility, and not only for the actors with an interest. macron connects cyber issues such as threats to the corporate sector, individuals, to democracy. this reinforces the significance of the issue, much like macron’s speech at the 2018 igf. usually the norms propagated also instill a larger ‘narrative’ about security or identity. macron uses the word ‘we’, which suggests that cybersecurity is shared security. this becomes a persuasive force encouragement to invite other actors. socialization refers to the process by which newcomers are incorporated into organized patterns of social interaction (stryker & statham, 1977). this relationship diko catur novanto, ika riswanti putranti, andi akhmad basith dir cybernorms: analysis of international norms in france’s paris call ... 339 rests on social relations and the elemental identity of the concept of norms: an actor who wants to build or maintain a relationship with another actor or group of actors will conform to a norm, not because of its content but because doing so is expected because it is in a valuable relationship between actors. france has high democratic and human rights values, so it can be explained that the support made to the paris call is also support for human rights in the cyber space, but it is not only state actors who need to support the paris call. macron explained that “we need to invent innovate new forms of multilateral cooperation that involve not only states, but also all of the stakeholders you represent. this is what i want for us; this is what i want us to work towards. these issues are a huge responsibility for the internet community, for you and for us.” so this invitation tries to embrace the actors, for universal purposes such as human rights. this universal invitation is also the basis for the actors supporting the paris call. the actors believed it was appropriate to follow the paris call. french behavior towards human rights is a reference for actors to follow the norms enforced by france. this is because imitation can occur because actors perceive that this is the way a successful state behaves. according to finnemore and hollis, explaining that support for prevailing norms is a socialization process of wanting to imitate, “to get to where they are now, i have to do what they do,” but it can also be a more affective response such as “to be a part of of this group and respected by its members, i have to imitate their behavior.” (finnemore & hollis, 2016). conclusion the paris call document presented by france should be welcomed by various actors. in cyberspace, companies and other non-governmental organizations are playing a role. but states remain the main regulators in their jurisdictions and in international institutions. the creation of norms in cyberspace is manifold. the initiatives carried out in cybernorm also tend to be fragmented. macron is trying to get away from the international deadlock in cyberspace. although paris call avoids the most sensitive activities such as espionage and offensive operations, this makes it more likely that paris call will receive support from a wider range of actors. 340 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 references baumard, p. 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(2018, november 8). la france veut relancer les négociations sur la paix dans le cyberespace. retrieved februar y 10, 2021, from https://www.lemonde.fr/pixels/ article/2018/11/08/la-franceveut-relancer-lesnegociations -sur-la-paix-dans-le-c y berespace_5380571_4408996. html penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil menengah di indonesia: studi kasus kabupaten bone (implementation of developmental state in small medium industry sector in indonesia: case study of bone regency) andi amytia resty dwiyanti universitas teknologi yogyakarta email: andiamitya@uty.ac.id m najeri al syahrin universitas muhammadiyah kalimantan timur email: najeri.alsyahrin@umkt.ac.id abstrak kegagalan pertumbuhan ekonomi merupakan masalah utama perekonomian jangka panjang suatu negara. salah satu bentuk upaya pemerintah untuk mengatasi permasalahan tersebut adalah dengan memperbaiki iklim investasi asing melalui sektor industri kecil menengah. tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan peran pemerintah kabupaten bone dalam proses pembangunan perekonomian sektor industri kecil menengah melalui penerapan strategi developmental state. perkembangan sektor industri kecil menengah sebagai sektor usaha yang mampu menyerap tenaga kerja serta peluang investasi yang akhirnya akan dapat berpengaruh pada percepatan proses pembangunan di kabupaten bone. metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan telaah dari berbagai data pustaka dan wawancara. teori yang digunakan adalah developmental state untuk menjelaskan keterkaitan peningkatan ekonomi daerah kabupaten bone melalui sektor industri kecil menengah. penelitian ini menemukan bahwa terdapat intervensi pemerintah kabupaten bone dalam proses pembangunan perekonomian yang ditandai dengan kuatnya kontrol pemerintah atas sektor industri kecil menengah dengan meningkatkan iklim investasi asing dan kerja islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 issn: 2614-0535 206 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 sama internasional. hal tersebut menjadikan local government sebagai aktor utama dalam menjalankan kebijakan pengembangan ekonomi daerah. kata kunci: peningkatan perekonomian, industri kecil menengah, developmental state, peran pemerintah kabupaten bone. investasi asing. abstract the failure of economic growth is a major problem of a country’s long-term economy. the effort of government to overcome these problems is to improve the athmosfere of foreign investment through the sector of small and medium industries. this paper aims to describe the role of bone regency government in the process of developing the economy of small and medium industry sector through the implementation of developmental state strategy. the development of small and medium industrial sector as a business sector that is able to absorb labor and investment opportunities that will eventually affect the acceleration of the development process in bone district. the research method used is qualitative descriptive method with the study of various bibliography data and interview. the theory used is developmental state to explain the correlation of economic improvement of bone regency region through small industry sector. the study found that there is bone district government intervention in the economic development process which is marked by strong government control over small and medium industry sector by improving foreign investment atmosphere and international cooperation. this makes local government as the main actor in running the policy of regional economic development. keywords: economic growth, small and medium industry, developmental state, bone goverments role, foreign investment. a. pendahuluan mencermati peranan penanaman modal yang cukup signifikan dalam membangun p e re k o n o m i a n , t i d a k l a h mengherankan jika kemudian dalam beberapa dekade terakhir ini, negara dan pemerintah berusaha secara optimal agar dapat menjadi tujuan investasi asing. implikasi atas tumbuh kembangnya penanaman modal yang tinggi akan mempengaruhi proses pembangunan serta pertumbuhan ekonomi. dalam upaya untuk menumbuhkan andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 207 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil m enengah perekonomian, setiap negara senantiasa berusaha menciptkan iklim dan kondisi yang dapat mendukung serta menciptakan gairah investasi. iklim investasi yang baik akan menciptakan investasi yang produktif, yang akhirnya akan berpengaruh pada peningkatan kebutuhan lapangan kerja dan perluasan kegiatan usaha dalam sektor lainnya. investasi selalu memainkan peran dan menjadi katalisator penting dalam peningkatan pertumbuhan ekonomi secara umum. memperbaiki iklim investasi adalah permasalahan utama dihadapi pemerintah di negara berkembang, termasuk juga di indonesia (world bank report, 2005). upaya perbaikan pertumbuhan ekonomi yang dilakukan pemerintah adalah dengan melirik sektor industri kecil menengah (ikm) yang memiliki peran strategis dalam perekonomian nasional. peran tersebut dapat dilihat dari beberapa hal. pertama, jumlah ikm yang sangat besar dan menjadi tulang punggung perekonomian nasional. menurut data biro pusat statistik yang dikutip dari suci (2017), jumlah ikm di indonesia pada tahun 2012 sebanyak 56.534.592 unit atau sebesar 99,99%. sisanya sekitar 0,01% atau sebesar 4.968 unit adalah usaha berskala besar. jumlah yang demikian besar tersebut telah menjadikan ikm sebagai pelaku utama dalam ekonomi nasional. kedua, dalam aneka dimensinya, ikm telah menciptakan lapangan kerja yang luas bagi masyarakat. menurut angka bps tahun 2012, total tenaga kerja yang diserap sektor usaha ini sebesar 85 juta orang hingga 107 juta orang tenaga kerja (suci, 2017). kegiatan yang dilakukan ikm di wilayah di kabupaten bone, berperan besar dalam penyerapan tenaga kerja dan pembentukan produk domestik regional bruto (pdrb). karena pada dasarnya masyarakat lebih banyak berperan sebagai pelaku usaha baik usaha kecil, menengah, maupun besar (rkpd kabupaten bone, 2015). peranan yang ketiga dari ikm untuk perekonomian nasional adalah peranan dalam pembentukan produk domestik bruto (pdb). jumlah total kalkulasi perhitungan usaha kecil dan menengah adalah 63,54% dan sisanya 36,46% adalah usaha besar. data ini mengkonfirmasi adanya ketimpangan, sebab ikm yang jumlahnya mencapai lebih dari 99,9% ternyata hanya mengkontribusi atau menerima produk nasional sebesar 63,54% sementara usaha besar 208 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 yang jumlahnya kurang dari 1% menerima produk nasional sebesar 36,46%. ketimpangan ekonomi ini menjadi permasalahan penting pembangunan ekonomi indonesia di masa mendatang. keempat, ikm adalah pelaku ekonomi utama dalam pelayanan kegiatan ekonomi yang berinteraksi langsung dengan masyarakat lapisan bawah. interaksi tersebut dicapai baik lewat kegiatan produksi di sektor-sektor pertanian, perdagangan dan industri pengolahan maupun dalam kegiatan distribusi. dimana ujung tombak distribusi yang bersentuhan langsung dengan konsumen akhir adalah pedagang eceran. kelima, kegiatan ekonomi yang dilakukan oleh ikm mempunyai implikasi langsung dalam kegiatan ekonomi perbankan nasional. hal ini terbukti hampir 30% usaha ikm mengunakan modal operasional dari perbankan. oleh karena itu, ikm memberikan implikasi yang positif bagi tumbuh kembang perbankan nasional secara umum (suci, 2017). dalam hal kemampuan ber integrasi di dalam ekonomi global, sangat jelas juga bahwa sektor yang masih mengalami kesulitan adalah industri kecil dan menengah. penelitian yang dilakukan oleh organization for economic cooperation and development (oecd) pada tahun 2007, mengindikasi terdapat empat hambatan terbesar dalam internasionalisasi ikm di beberapa negara terutama negara berkembang yaitu pertama, keterbatasan modal finansial untuk melakukan ekspor. kedua, kesulitan dalam mengidentifikasi kesempatan bisnis luar negeri dan ketiga, keterbatasan informasi untuk mengalokasikan dan menganalisa pasar. keempat, yaitu ketidakmampuan dalam melakukan kontak dengan potensial overseas costumer. perkembangan sektor industri sebagai sektor usaha yang mampu menyerap tenaga kerja dan peluang investasi dapat mempengaruhi percepatan proses pembangunan suatu wilayah khususnya di kabupaten bone, dimana sektor industri unggulan akan lebih cepat berkembang dan mendorong tumbuhnya jenis industri baru. ikm berjumlah 62 unit usaha yang tersebar diseluruh wilayah kabupaten bone pada umumnya telah membentuk kelompok (sentra) komoditas. berdasarkan data pdrb kabupatenbone atas dasar harga berlaku, sektor industri selama kurun waktu 2008-2011 memberikan kontribusi terhadap ekonomi daerah berkisar antara andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 209 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri keci l menengah 6,85% 7,61%. kontribusi sektor industri ini dari tahun ke tahun sejak 2008 sampai dengan tahun 2011 mengalami penurunan. pada tahun 2008 kontribusi sektor industri sebesar 7,61% menurun pada tahun 2011 menjadi 6,85%. sektor industri ini terdiri dari industri besar, industri, menengah dan kecil. sektor industri kecil memberikan sumbangan terbesar pada pencapaian kontribusi sektor industri, yaitu antara 3%-4%. per kembangan ikm dari tahun 20082012 bersifat fluktuatif. rekapitulasi data yang dilakukan penulis sejak tahun 2008 sampai tahun 2015 di kabupaten bone, terdapat peningkatan jumlah ikm sebanyak 3.450 unit pada tahun 2010 menjadi 5.609 unit yang kemudian menurun pada tahun 2012 menjadi 3.550 unit. jumlah ikm terbanyak pada tahun 2010 yaitu sebesar 5.609 unit. penurunan jumlah ikm terbesar terjadi pada tahun 2009 ke tahun 2010. ikm mampu menyerap tenaga kerja antara 15.000 -17.000 tenaga kerja. penyerapan tenaga kerja terbesar terjadi pada tahun 2010 yaitu mencapai 17.955 orang. ikm memiliki nilai produksi yang cukup besar. nilai produksi ikm tertinggi terjadi pada tahun 2010 yaitu sebesar rp 517.220.943.000 dengan nilai investasi sebesar rp 126.438.170.000. di kabupaten bone, data terbaru juga menunjukan terdapat tren yang cenderung stagnan dalam pertumbuhan ikm. pada tahun 2015, jumlah ikm non bpr/lkm di kabupaten bone adalah sebanyak 4570 unit. dengan perincian sebagai berikut, usaha mikro sebesar 3000 unit, usaha kecil 1500 unit dan usaha menengah 70 unit dengan jumlah total keseluruhan pegawai ikm sebesar 16.000 orang. pertumbuhan asset ikm pada tahun 2015 berkisar diangka 125 milyar/tahun, sementara untuk pertumbuhan omzet ikm sebesar 900 milyar/tahun (rkpd kabupaten bone, 2015). di sisi lain, pemerintah ditantang untuk menyiapkan dan mengembangkan sarana dan prasarana pemenuhan investasi serta membangun ke siapan dunia usaha pada tingkat wilayah lokal. kelemahan investasi juga sangat dipengaruhi oleh rendahnya kegiatan pengkajian atau penelitian yang berkaitan dengan pengembangan investasi dan penanaman modal, termasuk belum terwujudnya kerja sama yang sinergis antar satuan kerja perangkat daerah (skpd), dunia usaha maupun stakeholder terkait lainnya dalam pengembangan investasi dan penanaman modal. 210 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 berdasarkan dengan perma salahan di atas, dapat dilihat bahwa pengembangan industri kecil dan menengah di kabupaten bone masih sangat kurang, dalam pengertian bahwa pertumbuhan ikm tidak stabil dan sering meng alami pasang surut. sehingga menjadi suatu hal yang menarik untuk diteliti dan didalami lebih lanjut, secara khusus sejauh mana pengembangan dan faktor-faktor apa saja yang mempengaruhi kebijakan pengambangan industri kecil tersebut. oleh karena itu, agar tercipta suatu bentuk pengem bangan yang lebih baik untuk mendukung perkembangan dan pertumbuhan industri kecil di kabupaten bone yang tentunya dapat memperkuat ekonomi daerah maka perlu adanya penelitian yang mendalam mengenai kebijakan penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil dan menengah di kabupaten bone. tulisan ini bertujuan men diskripsikan peranan pemerintah kabupaten bone dalam proses pembangunan perekonomian dan sektor industri kecil menengah melalui penerapan developmental state. dalam deskripsi tersebut, penelitian ini menyajikan argumen utama bahwa developmental state merupakan strategi yang sangat diperlukan bagi pemerintah daerah untuk mendukung perkembangan dan pertumbuhan industri kecil di kabupaten bone. urgensi penelitian ini terlihat dalam upaya yang dilakukan dengan menekankan pada strategi developmental state yang cenderung abai dilakukan oleh pemerintah lokal di daerah lain di indonesia, padahal potensi dari penerapan kebijakan ini sangat besar dalam membantu peningkatan perekonomian nasional. pembangunan di bidang ikm menjadi salah satu agenda penting dan prioritas bagi pemerintah kabupaten bone. oleh karena itu, dalam kebijakan umum apbd kabupaten bone tahun 2014, mencantumkan pengembangan perekonomian daerah yang terfokus pada program dan ke giatan yang dapat meningkatkan kemandirian dan kesejahteraan masyarakat melalui sektor ikm (rkpd kabupaten bone, 2015). dalam penelitian ini, penulis menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif. metode deskriptif bertujuan untuk menggambarkan bentuk kebijakan yang dilakukan pemerintah daerah untuk me ningkatkan ekonomi daerah me lalui sektor industri kecil dan menengah. metode pengumpulan data yang penulis gunakan dalam andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 211 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil menengah penelitian ini adalah telaah pustaka (library research) yaitu dengan cara mengumpulkan data dari literatur yang berhubungan dengan permasalahan yang akan dibahas, dan kemudian menganalisanya dan indepth-interview dengan kepala bidang industri dinas perindustrian kabupaten bone untuk memperoleh info yang valid. b. konsep developmental state: peran sentral pemerintah dalam kegiatan ekonomi untuk menjawab permasalahan terkait pengembangan industri kecil di kabupaten bone, penulis akan menggunakan konsep developmental state. gagasan bahwa negara harus memainkan peran sentral dalam pembangunan ekonomi kembali mencuat beberapa tahun terakhir. secara umum, realitas kegagalan ekonomi telah lama diidentifikasi sebagai justifikasi utama intervensi negara kedalam pasar. negara atau pemerintah dianggap sebagai agen esensial pembangunan khususnya di negara-negara berkembang. peran negara dianggap primer dalam melakukan intervensi pasar untuk melindungi ekonomi domestiknya dari dominasi asing. konsep developmental state didasarkan pada peran negara untuk memfasilitasi transisi struktural dari masyarakat primitif/agraria menuju masyarakat modern/manufaktur. developmental state memainkan peran rekayasa sosial yaitu peran restrukturisasi sistem ekonomi nasional untuk mempromosikan pembangunan industri jangka panjang. inti utama dari kebijakan ini adalah untuk memelihara sektor industri yang kompetitif dan dinamis. peran pemerintah yang sangat besar dilakukan dengan peraturan administratif, subsidi, proteksi, hingga peninjauan pasar. negara secara langsung terlibat dalam pembangunan ekonomi dan memiliki pengaruh yang besar dalam kebijakan ekonomi publik (kasahara, 2013). dalam sebuah studi yang ber beda, weis dan thurbon (2016), mengungkapkan bahwa melesat- nya ekonomi jepang, taiwan dan korea selatan, adalah karena pemerintahnya mengambil peranan proaktif dalam perubahan struktural ekonomi dan peningkatan teknologi khususnya dalam sektor-sektor industri yang memiliki potensi besar untuk mendukung pertumbuhan ekonomi nasional. pembangunan ekonomi merupakan tujuan utama yang harus dicapai oleh negara. berbagai hal yang menghambat tercapainya tujuan tersebut berusaha untuk dihindari. 212 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 pasar diatur melalui instrumen kebijakan yang dirumuskan oleh birokrasi dan elite ekonomi yang merumuskan dan menerapkan kebijakan dalam sektor manufaktur. sektor manufaktur merupakan sektor dengan tingkat produktivitas yang tinggi. developmental state juga berkomitmen untuk menyelesaikan konflik ekonomi dan berbagai hambatan dalam proses restrukturisasi sosial. dengan demikian, negara diharapkan dapat memfasilitasi proses restrukturisasi sehingga tidak berdampak negatif terhadap efisiensi dan produktivitas ekonomi (kasahara, 2013). model developmental state merupakan salah satu model ekonomi dari perspektif merkantilis. perspektif ini memandang negara sebagai aktor utama yang memiliki tujuan untuk memaksimalkan kekuasaan dengan peningkatan ekonomi. model pembangunan developmental state menempatkan negara dan pemerintah di posisi terpenting dalam formulasi aktivitas ekonomi. fokus developmental state dalam liberalisasi ekonomi adalah untuk mengkombinasikan antara orientasi pasar dengan intervensi pemerintah secara efisien dan efektif. kombinasi ini diharapkan akan membawa stimulasi positif pada percepatan pembangunan ekonomi (fritz & menocal, 2007). pembangunan ekonomi tentu membutuhkan peran serta pemerintah yang dapat men ciptakan dan mengatur hubungan ekonomi yang akhirnya bisa mampu mendukung kelanjutan industrialisasi (bolesta, 2007). dalam strategi pembangunan tersebut, pemerintah akan menaruh perhatian pada peningkatan kerja sama internasional dari industri domestiknya. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan ekonomi dalam pelaksanaannya akan diserahkan kepada sistem birokrasi, melalui proses konsultasi dan kerja sama antara pihak swasta dan pemerintah (sagenal, 2005). namun, idealnya konsep developmental state bisa dikatakan efektif adalah ketika sektor swasta dalam ekonomi domestik mampu mendapatkan keuntungan maksimal dalam kerjasama internasional (bolesta, 2007). ciri lain dari efektivitas model developmental state adalah rencana pembangunan akan dipertimbangkan secara rasional. menurut johnson yang dikutip dari tun (2011), rasionalitas tersebut berarti bahwa proses pembangunan ekonomi akan dipandu oleh negara dalam arah yang dinginkan sesuai andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 213 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil menengah dengan kepentingan negara. disisi lain tentu negara akan memiliki tanggung jawab yang besar atas prestasi dan kegagalan rencana ekonomi dan pembangunan ter sebut. maka dari itu, pemerintah harus mampu untuk bisa me mainkan peran sebagai embedded outonomy. embedded outonomy yaitu otonomi dan otoritas khusus yang diberikan kepada pemerintah dalam kebijakan pembangunan negara dengan melibatkan sistem birokrasi secara efektif ke dalam sektor swasta dan harus bersifat otonom dari kepentingan partikular birokrasi tersebut, sehingga dapat mencapai transformasi industri dan keberhasilan ekonomi jangka panjang. penjelasan konsep develop mental state di atas tentu akan berhubungan dengan teori pem buatan kebijakan publik. michael kraft dan scott furlong (2009), mendeskripsikan bahwa dalam teori pembuatan kebijakan publik aktoraktor dan faktor-faktor penting yang berkaitan akan memberikan efek bagi pemerintah saat menetapkan kebijakan (decision making effect). dimana dalam penelitian ini akan melihat apa saja faktor penting yang mendorong pembuatan kebijakan pemerintah daerah dalam melakukan kerja sama baik secara nasional maupun internasional untuk meningkatkan ekonomi daerah melalui pengelolaan industri kecil dan menengah. faktor pemerintah dan kebijakan yang dihasilkan akan sangat mempengaruhi sinergi dan aktivitas produksi. pengambilan kebijakan sangat dipengaruhi juga oleh peran kelompok-kelompok kepentingan (aktor) yang berada di sekitar pembuat kebijakan. thomas oatley (2013) mengatakan juga bahwa pengambilan kebijakan ekonomi politik internasional selalu terdapat dua aspek utama, yaitu pertama aspek kepentingan (interest) yang muncul dari masyarakat. dan yang kedua adalah aspek institusi politik, yaitu bagaimana institusi politik dalam sebuah negara menampung, memandu serta mewujudkan kepentingan yang ada di masyarakat menjadi sebuah kebijakan. sementara menurut kuncoro (2007), faktor yang sangat mem pengaruhi dalam kebijakan industri kecil adalah visi dari pembuat kebijakan. visi pembuat kebijakan sangat berperan dalam merumuskan dan menetapkan suatu kebijakan. bila visi dari pembuat kebijakan adalah untuk mengembangkan ekonomi daerah maka kebijakannya pasti diarahkan maksimal agar bisa mencapai target. munculnya 214 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 aktor baru pemerintah daerah mempengaruhi pengembangan model hubungan yang bersifat transnasional. peran sebagai aktor diplomasi tersebut memberi kesempatan kepada pemerintah daerah untuk terlibat langsung dalam investasi dan perdagangan internasional. dengan demikian, pemerintah daerah, seharusnya bisa berperan aktif dalam memanfaatkan potensi pembangunannya. secara langsung hal tersebut juga dapat dianggap sebagai sebuah per panjangan tangan pemerintah pusat dalam memajukan ekonomi masya rakatnya (fathun, 2016). perilaku dan kapasitas untuk melakukan hubungan luar negeri dengan pihak internasional yang dilakukan oleh entitas „sub-state’, pemerintah lokal, regional ataupun pemerintah daerah, dalam rangka kepentingan mereka secara spesifik dalam era globalisasi fenomena ini begitu kuat seiring dengan ter bukanya akses dan meningkatnya peran dan pengaruh aktor non negara dalam fora internasional. daerah memiliki kesempatan untuk mempromosikan perdagangan, investasi, dan berbagai potensi kerjasama dengan pihak-pihak yang berada di luar batas yurisdiksi negara (wolf & stefan, 2009). c. kebijakan ekonomi industri kecil menengah di kabupaten bone secara umum, investasi dapat diartikan sebagai suatu kegiatan yang dilakukan oleh orang pribadi (natural person) maupun badan hukum (furidical person), dalam upaya meningkatkan atau mempertahankan nilai modalnya, baik yang berbentuk uang tunai (cash money), peralatan (equipment), aset tak bergerak, hak atas kekayaan intelektual, maupun keahlian. dalam konteks ketentuan undang-undang penanaman modal, pengertian penanaman modal hanya mencakup penanaman modal secara langsung (harjono, 2007). secara empiris kebijakan pemerintah mampu mendorong industri untuk berkembang. seperti dikemukakan oleh pangestu dalam wie (1996), bahwa kebijakan pemerintah telah mendorong secara siginifikan perkembangan industri, seperti kebijakan pemerintah yang dilakukan pada tahun 1930-an yaitu proteksi, subsidi, bantuan teknis dan sistem lisensi telah mendorong berkembangnya berbagai industri, misalnya perakit mobil, tekstil, ban dan rokok untuk memenuhi kebutuhan luar negeri. menurut pangabean dalam infokop (2012), untuk kebijakan pengembangan andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 215 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil menengah ikm harus mengacu kepada permasalahan yang dihadapi ikm dan pengalaman negara yang sukses membangun ikm. industri kecil dan menengah tergolong batasan usaha kecil dan menengah menurut undang-undang no 20 tahun 2009 tentang usaha mikro, kecil dan didefinisikan sebagai berikut, industri kecil adalah kegiatan ekonomi produktif yang berdiri sendiri, yang dilakukan oleh perorangan atau badan usaha yang bukan merupakan anak perusahaan atau bukan cabang perusahaan yang dimiliki, dikuasai, atau menjadi bagian baik langsung maupun tidak langsung dari usaha menengah atau usaha besar yang memiliki kekayaan bersih lebih dari rp 50.000.000 sampai dengan paling banyak rp500.000.000 tidak termasuk tanah dan bangunan tempat usaha atau memiliki hasil penjualan tahunan lebih dari rp 300.000.000 sampai dengan paling banyak rp2.500.000.000. batasan mengenai skala usaha menurut bps, yaitu berdasarkan kriteria jumlah tenaga kerja industri kecil yaitu 5 sampai 19 orang dan industri menengah berkisar antara 20 sampai 99 orang (muhyi &zaenal, 2016). dengan menjadi salah satu negara dengan populasi terbanyak dan potensi industri yang menjanjikan, indonesia harus segera melakukan pengembangan. kaitannya dengan otonomi dan komposisi pemerintahan yang terdiri dari banyak partai serta sistem pemerintahan yang ter desentralisasi membuat pencapaian stabilisasi kepentingan politik indonesia serta kekuatan negara di berbagai aspek kemudian menjadi tantangan tersendiri. berbeda dengan cina yang memiliki otonomi kekuasaan dengan sistem pemerintahan satu partai, sehingga pencapaian stabilisasi politik lebih mudah dilakukan. keberadaan mp3ei sebagai pilot agency untuk pengembangan ekonomi indonesia, dan diharapkan dapat menjadi basis penguatan industri indonesia, terutama industri kecil yang baru tumbuh. ini juga dapat menjadi acuan bagi menteri dan pimpinan lembaga pemerintah nonkementerian untuk menetapkan kebijakan sektoral dalam rangka pelaksanaan percepatan dan pem bangunan di bidang masing-masing serta acuan pengembangan ditingkat provinsi dan kabupaten terkait (lipi, 2008). salah satu perwujudan misi pemerintah yang dijabarkan dalam rencana pembangunan jangka menengah daerah (rpjmd) pemerintah kabupaten bone tahun 216 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 2013-2019 adalah meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat melalui peningkatan kualitas hidup yang layak, bermatabat serta ter penuhinya kebutuhan dasar yaitu pangan,sandang, papan, kesehatan, pendidikan, lapangan pekerjaan, pemberdayaanmasyarakat dan seluruh kekuatan ekonomi daerah terutama pengusaha kecil, me nengah, dan koperasi dengan mengembangkansistem ekonomi kerakyatan yang bertumpu pada mekanisme pasar yang berkeadilan, berbasis sumberdaya manusia yang produktif, mandiri, maju dan berwawasan lingkungan. kebijakan tersebut nantinya diarahkan pada upaya penanggulangan kemiskinan daerah dengan tetap mempertimbangkan kemampuan dan keunggulan lokal yang dimiliki oleh masyarakat. berikut dilampirkan peta administratif kabupaten bone: sumber: pemerintah kabupaten bone, 2017. kabupaten bone merupakan salah satu kabupaten yang terletak di pesisir timur provinsi sulawesi selatan dan berjarak sekitar 174 km dari kota makassar. luas wilayahnya sekitar 4.559 km2 atau 9,78 % dari luas provinsi sulawesi selatan. wilayah yang besar ini terbagi menjadi 27 kecamatan dan 372 desa/kelurahan andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 217 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil menengah (pemerintah kabupaten bone, 2013). kabupaten bone merupakan salah satu kabupaten di provinsi sulawesi selatan yang memiliki berbagai sentra bisnis industri kecil dan menengah. berdasarkan data badan pusat statistik (bps) tahun 2012, sentra industri mengalami peningkatan dari tahun 2008-2012. pada tahun 2008, sentra industri kecil sebanyak 5 sentra meningkat pada tahun 2012 menjadi kelompok usaha bersama (kub) dengan total 18 unit. sampai dengan tahun 2012, kub yang yang dibina juga mengalami peningkatan. pada tahun 2008, jumlah kub yang dibina sebanyak 6 unit meningkat pada tahun 2012 menjadi 17 unit. namun demikian, jumlah ini masih relatif kecil apabila dibandingkan dengan jumlah desa yang di seluruh kabupaten bone. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa minat masyarakat untuk berwirausaha masih relatif kecil. sebagian besar pelaku usaha ikm dan kub masih memiliki banyak permasalahan antara lain ketrampilan produksi, manajemen pengelolaan usaha, permodalan dan penguasaan ketrampilan. disebutkan dalam rpjmd tahun 2013-2018 bahwa peluang investasi cukup besar, hal ini ditandai dengan adanya kawasan-kawasan investasi dan lingkup organisasi bisnis di berbagai wilayah yang semakin bertumbuh pesat serta mudah dijangkau melalui jaringan komunikasi dan teknologi informasi yang semakin meluas dan berperan besar dalam peningkatan ecommerce dan bisnis investasi. d. developmental state sebagai model pertumbuhan ekonomi daerah konsep developmental state merupakan suatu konsep yang memiliki indikator utama, yaitu kuatnya peran pemerintah dalam perekonomian suatu daerah. peranan tersebut dapat di-identifikasi melalui insentif yang diberikan kepada masyarakat maupun sektor bisnis melalui peraturan administratif, subsidi, proteksi, hingga peninjauan pasar dan kegiatan ekonomi (woo, 1991). ciri-ciri model pembangunan developmental state adalah kuat dalam penegakan hukum, bersifat rigid dan tidak mudah mendapatkan intervensi politik. selain itu, struktur politik sangat mendukung sistem perekonomian dengan adanya hubungan yang erat antara pebisnis dengan pemerintahnya, sehingga tercipta hubungan yang saling menguntungkan diantara keduanya yang bertujuan untuk mencapai kepentingan negara 218 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 baik secara domestik atau di dunia internasional (weiss, 2000). untuk kabupaten bone, pemerintah daerah melakukan peninjauan langsung ke lapangan untuk melihat kondisi dan potensi daerah mana yang harus dikembangkan untuk meningkatkan pembangunan ekonomi daerah. disamping itu, pemerintah daerah kabupaten bone juga melakukan upaya pendekatan melalui pelatihan yang diberikan oleh penyuluh dari dinas per industrian dan pemberian bantuan modal dan pencarian investor baik lokal maupun asing, untuk memastikan potensi tersebut benar berkembang serta agar dapat melakukan proteksi terhadap industri kecil dan menengah maupun pelaku industri tersebut. pemerintah memang melakukan intervensi hampir di segala sektor ekonomi, namun terdapat pemisahan tegas antara sistem birokrasi dan kepentingan politik. sistem politiknya dapat dikatakan bersih, walaupun tidak sepenuhnya karena hubungan antar pebisnis atau sektor swasta dan pemerintah tidak berdasar atas hubungan keluarga sehingga hubungan yang terjadi adalah hubungan yang saling menguntungkan dan tujuan politiknya bisa sejalan dengan kepentingan ekonomi negara (winanti, 2003). intervensi pemerintah dalam proses pem bangunan yang ditandai dengan kuatnya kontrol pemerintah atas sektor swasta dan dominasinya dalam perumusan kebijakan struktur politiknya. salah satu upaya pemerintah untuk meningkatkan perekonomian ikm adalah melalui proses developmental state yang berperan penting dalam pertumbuhan kerjasama dan meningkatnya desentralisasi sistem produksi ekonomi. otonomi daerah merupakan salah satu cara untuk mewujudkan hal tersebut. pelimpahan hak, wewenang, dan kewajiban yang diberikan oleh pemerintah pusat kepada pemerintah-pemerintah daerah ditiap provinsi dan kota untuk mengelola daerahnya masing-masing dengan tetap berpegang teguh terhadap undangundang dasar negara. dimana hal ini pada akhirnya diharapkan dapat mewujudkan penyelenggaraan pemerintahan yang efektif efisien dan berwibawa demi mewujudkan pemberian pelayanan kepada masyarakat. munculnya “aktor baru” pemerintah daerah (local goverment) dalam kegiatan ekonomi diharapkan akan dapat andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 219 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil menengah mempengaruhi pengembangan ekonomi secara nasional. selama ini, pertumbuhan dan kontribusi pdrb sektor perdagangan di kabupaten bone secara umum mengalami pening katan yaitu dari kontribusi rp. 821.678,46 milyar pada tahun 2012, meningkat menjadi rp. 937.158,81 milyar pada tahun 2013. sedangkan pertumbuhan dan kontribusi pdrb sektor perindustrian juga mengalami peningkatan yaitu dari rp. 691.259,08 milyar pada tahun 2012 meningkat menjadi rp. 784.247,77 milyar pada tahun 2013. berikut tabel indikator pencapain dari sektor perindustrian dan perdagangan di kabupaten bone selama kurun waktu 2012-2014: no tahun kegiatan 2012 2013 2014 1 unit usaha (unit) 5.803 5.816 5.829 2 tenaga kerja 19.081 19.135 19.199 (orang) 3 nila investasi (rp 136.079.461 138.760.461 142.089.461 000) 4 nilai produksi (rp 286.959.238 292.182.765 293.078.138 000) sumber: rkpd kab bone tahun 2016 dari tabel di atas terlihat bahwa selama kurun waktu 2012-2014 terjadi pertumbuhan untuk unit usaha ratarata 0,20%, tenaga kerja 0,24%, nilai investasi 1,85% dan nilai produksi 1,03% pada sektor perindustrian memiliki potensi yang besar dan strategis dalam meningkatkan aktifitas ekonomi daerah sekaligus mendorong pemerataan pendapatan yang lebih baik. kegiatan ikm yang terdapat beberapa wilayah, berperan besar dalam penyerapan tenaga kerja dan pembentukan pdrb. karena pada dasarnya masyarakat akan lebih banyak berperan sebagai pelaku usaha baik usaha kecil, menengah maupun besar. kemampuan usaha kecil dan menengah dalam menghadapi krisis perlu mendapat dorongan dan pengarahan terutama dalam meningkatkan kemampuan permodalan, inovasi, kreativitas usaha serta perluasan pasar melalui promosi. berdasarkan hal tersebut, pemerintah melakukan pengem 220 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 bangan lembaga dan asosiasi usaha kecil menengah yang diharapkan mampu menjadi wadah untuk lebih mengembangkan dan saling tukar informasi, pengetahuan dalam rangka meningkatkan usaha dan permodalan. ikm ini perlu mendapatkan dorongan dalam mengembangkan dan meningkatkan kemampuan daya saing pasar bebas dan persaingan global. misalnya saja, para pelaku industri di sektor rumput laut. pemerintah kabupaten bone mengetahui komoditi ini yang paling banyak diminati, karena tidak membutuhkan modal besar dengan harga yang cukup bersaing, sehingga masih terbuka luas untuk pengembangan dalam rangka memenuhi kebutuhan industri nasional dan pasar dunia. begitu juga dengan industri udang dan kepiting yang juga menjadi komoditi utama yang diunggulkan, mengingat komoditi ini telah memiliki pangsa pasar khusus di luar negeri (rkpd kabupaten bone, 2016). dipaparkan pula bahwa kabu paten bone merupakan wilayah dengan potensi tambang emas yang besar di sulawesi selatan. pemerintah provinsi dan peme rintah kabupaten sudah mulai menjaga dan mengawasi potensi ini agar dapat diolah menjadi industri yang menjanjikan kehidupan yang layak bagi masyarakat lokal. upaya tersebut dilakukan dengan meningkatkan kerjasama dengan australia. pemanfaatan dan pengelolaan sumber daya alam ini harus dibangun melalui kegiatan industri dengan investasi yang cukup besar, termasuk di dalamnya desain lokasi, survey lapangan dan studi kelayakan baik secara ekonomi maupun sosial. menurut hasil pengamatan ahli pertambangan australia, edward bernard menyatakan bahwa di kawasan hutan daerah bone terdapat potensi kandungan emas yang besar (kompas, 27 oktober 2008). segala kebijakan dan upaya pembangunan yang telah dilakukan telah menunjukkan hasil yang menggembirakan hal tersebut dapat dilihat dari besarnya nilai pdrb atas dasar harga berlaku tahun 2014 telah mencapai 19.739.118,2 juta rupiah. salah satu manfaat hasil perhitungan pdrb atas dasar harga berlaku yaitu dapat digunakan untuk melihat gambaran struktur perekonomian suatu daerah atau wilayah. dalam sektor perikanan dan kelautan, pemerintah kabupaten bone melakukan kerja sama dan kolaborasi kebijakan dengan badan pengembangan sumber daya andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 221 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil menengah manusia kelautan dan perikanan (bpsdm kp), kementerian ke lautan dan perikanan (kkp). upaya tersebut berwujud perjanjian kerja sama (pks) dengan pemerintah kabupaten bone tentang pem bangunan dan pengembangan sumber daya manusia kelautan dan perikanan (sdm kp) di kabupaten bone. kerja sama ini merupakan wujud dari upaya pengutan beberapa sektor diantaranya meliputi peningkatan kapasitas sdm kp, peningkatan kegiatan pengabdian masyarakat di bidang kelautan dan perikanan, pemanfaatan sarana dan prasarana, serta perluasan informasi dan kesempatan kerja sektor kelautan dan perikanan diharapkan bisa membantu sektor sektor usaha kecil dan menengah. sebagai upaya pengembangan penerapan strategi developmental state kuatnya peranan pemerintah daerah juga di terapkan melalui kegiatan penyelenggaraan pendidikan, pelatihan, dan pe nyuluhan bidang kelautan dan perikanan, advokasi dan sosialisasi kebijakan pemerintah di sektor kelautan dan perikanan dilakukan juga guna mendukung industri kecil dan menengah (ikm). selain itu juga terdapat kerjasama pemanfaatan fasilitas pendukung kegiatan peningkatan kapasitas sdm, serta penciptaan lapangan pekerjaan sektor kelautan dan perikanan di kabupaten bone. kerjasama strategis sebagai upaya penerapan developmental state diperlukan sinergitas antara pemerintah daerah dan pemerintah pusat. kabupaten bone memiliki potensi kelautan dan perikanan yang sangat besar. potensi tersebut terlihat secara geografis bahwa kabupaten bone memiliki garis pantai yang membentang sepanjang 138 km dengan luas 101.638 ha. keuntungan demografis ini memberikan kesempatan kepada kecamatan atau wilayah yang berada di wilayah pesisir pantai untuk mengembangkan potensi tambak sebesar 15.244 ha. pengembangan tersebut kini sudah terealisasi sekitar 11.632 ha. jenis budidaya yang dikembangkan masyarakat pesisir di kabupaten bone adalah budidaya rumput laut, udang, bandeng, serta kepiting jenis bakau. mengenai sdm kp, kabupaten bone juga memiliki kelompok masyarakat kelautan dan perikanan sebanyak 625 kelompok yang terdiri dari kelompok ikm nelayan sebanyak 179 kelompok usaha bersama (kub), pembudidaya ikan sebanyak 287 kelompok pembudidaya ikan (pokdakan), pengolah dan pemasar sebanyak 77 kelompok pengolah dan pemasar 222 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 (poklahsar), serta terdapat 59 kelompok masyarakat pengawas (pokwasmas), dan pembenih ikan sebanyak 6 kelompok. harapan masyarakat sangat tinggi dengan adanya kerjasama ini, implementasi kerja sama juga diharapkan bisa mendapatkan hasil yang maksimal. pemerintah daerah kabupaten bone juga melakukan kerjasama dengan pemerintah pusat guna memperkenalkan tiga pabrik gula (pg) di provinsi sulawesi selatan, salah satunya di kabupaten bone, yaitu pg bone kepada investor asing. upaya kerjasama ini dilakukan agar produktivitas produksi gula semakin meningkat. adapun pg bone memaparkan bahwa produksi gula pg bone setiap tahunnya mengalami peningkatan terus menerus. untuk tahun 2015 mencapai 13.100 ton. kemudian naik menjadi 15.200 ton pada tahun 2016 dan 19 ribu ton tahun 2017. dalam lawatannya ke pg bone, menteri pertanian indonesia, andi amran sulaiman menerangkan bahwa pihak investor dari taiwan tertarik untuk pengembangan pabrik gula di bone dengan total nilai investasi sebesar 1,6 triliun rupiah (dpmptsp, 2014). berdasarkan hasil wawancara dengan kepala bidang industri dinas perindustrian kabupaten bone. melalui perbincangan awal yang dibuka oleh menteri pertanian, juga akan ditindak lanjuti oleh pemerintah daerah kabupaten bone dan diteruskan ke dinas pertanian dan perindustrian untuk menangani hal tersebut dan memorandum of understanding (mou) akan dikeluarkan oleh 2 dinas tersebut (nurhayati, 2015). sebanyak empat lembaga asing yang terdiri dari asia foundation, care internasional, bakti ausaid australia dan unicef juga akan mengucurkan bantuan dana kepada pemerintah kabupaten bone, untuk mewujudkan pembangunan yang ada di kabupaten bone khususnya di sektorsektor usaha kecil masyarakat. selain dukungan dana, keempat lembaga asing ini juga menawarkan pengawalan dalam mewujudkan visi misi bupati bone yang baru dengan penandatanganan kesepakatan mou. kesepakatan ini dalam rangka memberikan dukungan mewujudkan visi misi dan kegiatan pemerintah daerah. selain dukungan dalam bidang anggaran, juga terdapatbeberapa kegiatan yang sesuai dengan fokus lembaga itu sendiriseperti permasalahan sosial dan budaya (badan perencanaan pembangunan daerah, 2013). asia foundation akan menyu andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 223 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil menengah sun anggaran yang diarahkan kepada kepentingan kaum perempuan dan masyarakat lapis bawah di kabupaten bone sedangkan care internasional menawarkan percontohan hasil bumi dan laut seperti usaha ikm rumput laut serta mengundang pemerintah untuk beradaptasi dengan perubahan iklim di thailand pada bulan juli 2018.adapun unicef, lanjut irwan, akan membantu pemerintah dalam bidang pendidikan khususnya perencanaan wajib belajar 12 tahun baik dengan dana maupun pendampingan lainnya (suara bone, 2013). melihat berbagai upaya-upaya yang telah dilakukan oleh pemerin tah kabupaten bone tersebut, hal ini mengindikasikan bahwa terdapat penerapan developmental state yaitu dengan membuka kerjasama dan krankran investasi dari negara lain di beberapa bidang industri kecil menengah, salah satunya dalam bidang budidaya hasil laut dan industri gula yang ada. pemerintah daerah sebagai aktor, mampu memainkan perannya dengan baik dengan melakukan pengontrolan secara berkala terhadap industri kecil menengah, kemudian mencermati potensi yang bisa dikembangkan dan berhasil mendatangkan investorinvestor asing untuk mem bantu berkembangnya industri kecil menengah dari berbagai sektor tersebut. model penerapan developmental state yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah, menjadi contoh pergerakan nyata untuk menjaga perekonomian daerah. meng hadirkan dan melibatkan investor asing untuk meningkatkan sektor industri kecil menengah dapat membantu pemerintah dalam menghadapi berbagai persoalan ekonomi yang terjadi di daerah. e. kesimpulan bentuk pergerakan dan strategi dari pemerintah dalam upaya perbaikan pertumbuhan ekonomi adalah dengan melirik sektor industri kecil menengah yang memilikiperan strategis dalam perekonomian nasional. dalam hal kemampuan berintegrasi di dalam ekonomi nasional maupun global, sangat jelas bahwa sektor yang masih mengalami kesulitan adalah industri kecil dan menengah. melihat hal tersebut, salah satu upaya yang dilakukan pemerintah daerah dalam rangka meningkatkan perekonomian melalui sektor industri kecil menengah adalah dengan menjalankan kebijakan developmental state. sedikitnya terdapat dua hal yang dapat diambil dari penerapan 224 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 developmental state di kabupaten bone, sebagaimana yang dianalisis dalam tulisan ini. pertama, proses liberalisasi dan ekonomi yang lebih terbuka serta penguatan intervensi pemerintah daerah dalam aktivitas ekonomi, telah banyak membantu meningkatkan pertumbuhan industri kecil menengah. perubahan paling signifikan terjadi adalah adanya peningkatan dan pertumbuhan untuk unit usaha pada tahun 20102016 sebesar ratarata 0,20%, peningkatan tenaga kerja 0,24%, dan peningkatan nilai investasi 1,85% serta nilai produksi 1,03% pada sektor perindustrian yang mana hal tersebut juga secara langsung akan meningkatkan pertumbuhan ekonomi daerah. kedua yaitu munculnya kesada ran dari pemerintah kabupaten untuk mengoptimalkan potensi daerah dengan meningkatkan kerja sama luar negeri khususnya dengan negaranegara industri maju serta organisasi internasional seperti asia foundation, care internasional, bakti ausaid australia dan unicef. kebijakan ini bertujuan untuk meningkatkan pertumbuhan ekonomi dan daya saing kabupaten bone tidak hanya untuk kawasan sulawesi saja tetapi juga untuk pasar nasional dan internasional. hal ini menyiratkan liberalisasi tidak hanya dilakukan dalam perdagangan dan industri berskala besar saja tetapi juga industri kecil dan menengah. pengembangan lembaga dan asosiasi usaha kecil menengah diharapkan mampu menjadi wadah untuk lebih mengembangkan system perekonomian dan mampu menjadi tempat saling tukar informasi, pengetahuan dalam rangka meningkatkan usaha dan permodalan sehingga koperasi dan ikm dapat memacu pertumbuhan ekonomi, yang akan memberikan manfaat secara langsung terhadap peningkatan pendapatan masya rakat di kabupaten bone. f. daftar pustaka bolesta, andrzej, 2007, china as a developmental state, montenegrin journal of economics, no 5, pp. 101-120. dinas penanaman modal dan ptsp provinsi sulawesi selatan. 2017. taiwan ingin suntik rp 1,6 triliun ke pabrik gula. selengkapnya di <https:// dpmptsp.sulselprov.go.id/ data198-201-data.html>, diakses pada 1 maret 2018. fritz, verena &menocal, alina rocha, 2007, developmental states in the new millennium: concepts and challenges for a andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 225 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil menengah new aid agenda, development policy review, 25 (5), pp. 531-552. https://bone.go.id/2013/04/26/ geografi-dan-iklim/ diakses pada 9 april 2018. kasahara, shigehisa, 2013, the asian developmental state and the flying geese paradigm. discussion series. united nations conference on trade and development. kraft, michael& furlong, scott, 2009, public policy: politics, analysis and alternatives, sage publishing. washington d.c. kuncoro, mudrajad. 2007. ekonomika industri indonesia menuju negara industri baru 2030? yogyakarta: penerbit andi. pangabean, riana, 2012, mem bangun paradigma baru dalam mengembangkan ukm. infokop. selengkapnya di www.smecda.com /deputi7/ file_infokop/edisi%2025/ pengemb_ukm.pdf>, diakses pada 12 februari 2018. pemerintah kabupaten bone, 2013. geografi dan iklim. selengkapnya di <https://bone. go.id/2013/04/26/geografidan-iklim/ >, diakses pada 19 april 2018. pemerintah kabupaten bone, 2017. tinggi wilayah di atas permukaan laut (dpl) menurut kecamatan di kabupaten bone. selengkapnya di https:// bone.go.id/2017/01/03/tinggiwilayah-di-atas-permukaanlaut-dpl-menurut-kecamatandi-kabupaten-bone/ diakses pada 9 april 2018. pemerintah kabupaten bone. 2013. rpmj tahun 20132018. selengkapnya di <https://sites. google.com/site/pdedokument/ home/download/rpjmd-kabbone tahun 2013 2018>, diakses pada 12 maret 2018. pemerintah kabupaten bone, 2013. geografi dan iklim. selengkapnya di <https://bone. go.id/2013/04/26/geografidan-iklim/>, diakses pada 9 april 2018. pemerintah kabupaten bone. 2015. statistik daerah tahun 2015, selengkapnya di <https:// bonebolangokab.bps.go.id/ publication/2015/11/03/ a7489b13b493ebf70366dedb/ statistik-daerah-bone--2015. html>, diakses pada 1 maret 2018. pemerintah kabupaten bone. 2016. rkpd tahun 2016. selengkapnya di https:// 226 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 bone.go.id/2016/01/26/rkpdkabupaten-bone-tahun-2016/, diakses pada 12 maret 2018. pemerintah kabupaten bone. 2017. kabupaten bone dalam angka 2016. selengkapnya di <https:// b o n e . g o . i d / 2 0 1 7 / 0 2 / 2 1 / kabupaten-bone-dalamangka-tahun-2016/>, diakses pada 12 maret 2018. pemerintah kabupaten bone. 2017. tinggi wilayah di atas permukaan laut (dpl) menurut kecamatan di kabupaten bone. selengkapnya di <https:// bone.go.id/2017/01/03/tinggiwilayah-di-atas-permukaanlaut-dpl-menurut-kecamatan-dikabupaten-bone/>, diakses pada 9 april 2018. sagena, uni, 2005, pergeseran mo d e l pe m b a n g u n a n ekonomidevelopmental state jepang, jurnal sosial politika, vol. 6, no. 12, pp. 59-76. suara bone. 2013. dinas pendidikan kabupaten bone sosialisasi dana pendidikan gratis. selengkapnya di http:// suarabone.co.id/2013/05/ l e m b a g a a s i n g s i a p kucurkan-dana-untuk.html>, diakses pada 20 februari 2018. suci, yuli rahmini, 2017, perkembangan umkm (usaha mikro kecil dan menengah) di indonesia. jurnal ilmiah cano ekonomos. vol. 6, no. 1, pp. 51-58. the world bank, 2005, world development repor: a better climate for everyone. oxford university press. washington, d.c. tun, sai khaing myo, 2011, a comparative study of stateleddevelopment in myanmar (1988–2010) and suharto‟s indonesia: an approach from the developmental state theory. journal of current southeast asian affairs, no 1, pp. 69-94. weiss, linda & thurbon, elizabeth, 2016, the developmental state in the late twentieth centur y. selengkapnya <dihttps://www.researchgate. net/publication/310621129>, diakses pada 12 februari 2018. weiss, linda, 2000, developmental state in transition: adapting, dismantling, innovating, not normalizing. the pacific review, vol. 13, no. 1, pp. 1-21. wie, thee kian, 1994, industrialisasi di indonesia. pustaka lp3s indonesia, jakarta winanti, poppy sulistyaning, 2003. developmental state andi amytia resty dwiyanti & m najeri al syahrin 227 penerapan developmental state dalam sektor industri kecil menengah dan tantangan globalisasi: pengalaman korea selatan, jurnal ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik, vol. 7, no.2, pp 1-15. woo, meredith cumings, 1999, the developmental state, cornell university press, ithaca, new york. wawancara: andi siti nurhayati, kepala bidang industri dinas perindustrian kabupaten bone (periode 2010-2015) peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia nori oktadewi magister ilmu hubungan internasional universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta norioktadewi97@gmail.com khairiyah magister ilmu hubungan internasional universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta khairiyah.zolnedi@gmail.com abstract child trafficking is part of child abuse and one of the global issues. united nation has established organization special for children, the organization is unicef (united nations international children’s emergency fund). unicef defines a system to protect children as a component of law, policy, regime and services needed in all the social sectors for protect the children, indonesia has ratifications convention right of the children, passed on 20 november 1989, and started to have the force of law on 2 september 1990. for overcome child trafficking in indonesia unicef makes a program npas (national plan of action for the elimination of child). this research is descriptive research, which is explaining about the role of unicef regarding to overcome child trafficking especially in indonesia. this research aims o know how the role of unicef to overcome child trafficking of the children in indonesia and what the factor has influenced child trafficking in indonesia still high although indonesia was cooperation with unicef .presented data is secondary data which is collected from various book, article, journals, newspapers and internet related cases. result of this research show us about child trafficking in indonesia still high, this matter influenced by external factors like local government, security agency, geographical, law institution and society (was influenced by proverty, low information and education, low pay attention by parents). islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 issn: 2614-0535 e-issn: 2655-1330 346 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 keyword: unicef, child trafficking, united nation, npas, global issues pendahuluan perdagangan anak atau yang biasa disebut dengan child trafficking merupakan salah satu kejahatan yang telah lama berlangsung di seluruh belahan dunia, hal ini menjadi isu krusial didunia international, kasus perdagangan anak adalah salah satu bentuk pelanggaran ham. perdagangan anak adalah salah satu bentuk perekrutan perpindahan serta pengiriman orang yang bertujuan untuk eksploitasi, dengan cara penipuan, kekerasaan dan pemaksaan, anak-anak dipaksa menjadi pekerja seks, perbudakan serta penjualan organ tubuh. bisnis perdagangan anak dianggap bisnis yang sangat menguntungkan. masalah perdagangan anak (child trafficking) sampai saat ini masih belum bisa terselesaikan secara tepat, baik oleh pemerintah di setiap negara, maupun oleh organisasi-organisasi international yang berwenang dalam menangani perdagangan manusia. child traffficing berhubungan erat dengan gabungan antarnegara, karena perdangan anak biasanya dilakukan di daerah perbatasan negara dengan modus operasi yang dilakukan adalah pengiriman ke berbagai negara penerima seperti malaysia dan singapura. lemahnya penjagaaan dan keamanan daerah perbatasan menjadi faktor utama perdagangan manusia, sehingga dengan mudah seseorang dapat melakukan transaski perdagangan manusia seperti perdagangan perempuan, anak-anak bahkan lakilaki yang berpendidikan rendah. kasus perdagangan banyak terjadi di belahan dunia, terutama di kawasan asia tenggara, seperti indonesia, thailand, kamboja dan vietnam. kawasan asia tenggara dianggap sebagai kawasan yang stategis bagi para pelaku kejahatan lintas batas negara, baik untuk dijual di negara sendiri maupun di luar negeri. indonesia adalah salah satu negara yang berada di kawasan asia tenggara yang terletak sangat strategis dan negara yang merupakan negara maritim karena 2/3 negara indonesia merupakan lautan, di sebelah barat indonesia berbatasan dengan samudera hindia, sebelah timur berbatasan dengan papua new guinea, sebelah utara berbatasan dengan laut cina selatan, singapura, malaysia dan filipina serta sebelah selatan berbatasan dengan australia, nori oktadewi & khairiyah 347 peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia sehingga dapat diketahui bahwa indonesia merupakan sebuah negara yang mempunyai banyak daerah yang langsung berbatatasan dengan negara lain. sehingga dengan banyaknya perbatasan dengan negara lain, terjadi perdagangan manusia di indonesia, terutama perdagangan perempuan dan anakanak, baik dalam negeri maupun di luar negeri (niko, 2017). semakin maraknya kasus perdagngan anak yang terjadi diberapa negara, mengharuskan dunia international memberikan perhatian serius untuk mengatasi masalah ini. untuk menangani masalah-masalah ini pbb telah membentuk sebuah organisasi yang berwenang dalam mengurusi masalah anak, yaitu unicef (united nations chilidren’s fund). dalam menagani perdagangan anak/ child trafficking di indonesia, unicef membuat program npas (national plan of action for the elimination of chilid trafficking). pengimplementasian national plan of action for the elimination of child trafficking (npas) terwujud dengan adanya pelaksanaan program-program yang berkaitan dalam upaya menangani masalah perdagangan anak di indonesia. meskipun unicef telah berperan dalam penanganan kasus child trafficking dengan program npas dan unicef telah menekan pemerintah indonesia untuk melakukan advokasi anak melalui pembuatan uu khusus per lindungan anak namun kasus child trafficking di indonesia mengalami peningkatan dan unicef mempunyai kendala dalam menangani kasus child trafficking. namun upaya unicef dalam menangani kasus child trafficking telah dilakukan sejak dulu, namun kasus child trafficking di beberapa negara bukan menurun tetapi malah meningkat, begitu hal nya di indonesia (ebbe, 2008). rumusan masalah berdasarkan latar belakang masalah di atas, maka dapat di rumuskan suatu pokok per masalahan yaitu: “apa yang menjadi faktor ketidak effektifan unicef dalam menangani kasus child trafficking di indonesia?” studi pustaka untuk menjawab pertanyaan apa yang menjadi faktor ketidak effektifan unicef dalam me nangani kasus child trafficking di indonesia, maka penulis melakukan review terhadap literature-literatur berikut: 348 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 berdasarkan buku child protection: an introduction karya chriss beckett, dijelaskan bahwa sebagian besar negara telah mem perkenalkan undang–undang maupun aturan hukum untuk melindungi dan mencegah anak– anak maupun generasi muda dari ancaman pihak tertentu yang dapat membahayakan maupun merugikan mereka (beckett, 2007). asumsi chriss beckett ini di dukung oleh gagasan besar dalam buku understanding international law yang ditulis oleh conway w. henderson di mana pada bagian human rights juga turut diterangkan bahwa upaya perlindungan terhadap anak telah dibentuk melalui adanya konvensi hak anak yang telah disahkan pada tanggal 20 november 1989 dan mulai memiliki kekuatan mengikat secara penuh pada tanggal 2 september 1990. (henderson, 2010). konvensi hak anak merupakan instrument yang merumuskan prinsip-prinsip universal dan norma hukum mengenai kedudukan anak di mana pbb menyatakan bahwa anakanak berhak atas perawatan dan bantuan khusus serta pengembangan kepribadian secara utuh dan harmonis. anak juga harus dibesarkan dalam lingkungan kekeluargaan, dalam suasana kebahagiaan, kasih sayang dan pengertian. konvensi hak anak disahkan dengan tujuan untuk memberikan perlindungan terhadap anak, dan menegakkan hak–hak anak di seluruh dunia. dilansir dari buku pedoman yang dibentuk oleh unicef dalam unicef child protection strategy disebutkan bahwa sistem perlindungan anak adalah seperangkat layanan yang dijalankan pemerintah dan dirancang untuk melindungi anak–anak dan generasi muda di bawah umur dan mendorong stabilitas di dalam keluarga.unicef mendefinisikan sistem perlindungan anak sebagai suatu komponen hukum, kebijakan, peraturan dan jasa yang dibutuhkan di semua sektor sosial dan kesejahteraan terutama sosial, pendidikan, kesehatan, keamanan dan keadilan dalam rangka mendukung pencegahan dan penanganan resiko terkait perlindungan (unicef, protecting the world‟s children: impact of the convention on the rights of the child in diverse legal system, 2007). pada tingkat pencegahan, tujuan unicef yakni mendukung dan memperkuat keluarga untuk mengurangi pengucilan sosialdan mengurangi resiko pemisahan, kekerasan dan eksploitasi anak. nori oktadewi & khairiyah 349 peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia selain itu, dikutip dari jurnal ilmiah yang ditulis oleh muhammad lutfi chakim yang berjudul perlindungan anak, dipaparkan bahwa di indonesia, anak dari sisi kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara dilihat sebagai masa depan bangsa dan generasi penerus cita-cita bangsa. oleh karena itu, negara berkewajiban memenuhi hak setiap anak atas kelangsungan hidup, tumbuh kembang, partisipasi maupun perlindungan dari tindak kekerasan dan diskriminasi. selain itu, baik pemerintah, masyarakat, keluarga, dan khususnya orang tua anak berkewajiban dan bertanggung jawab terhadap penyelenggaraan perlindungan anak.untuk itu pemerintah mengeluarkan dan mengesahkan undang-undang tentang perlindungan anak yaitu uu no. 23 tahun 2002. (chakim, 2012) selain itu, terkait dengan per lindungan anak, berdasarkan penelitian yang dilakukan oleh irwanto dari lembaga penelitian universitas atmajaya jakarta, ditemukan bahwa tingkat kekerasan terhadap anak mengalami pening katan setiap tahunnya dengan berbagai kondisi yang berbeda-beda. kekerasan domestik atau kekerasan yang terjadi di dalam lingkungan keluarga menduduki porsi terbesar dalam kasus kekerasan anak-anak usia 3 – 18 tahun (irwanto, 1995). sebanyak 80 persen kekerasan yang menimpa anak-anak dilakukan oleh keluarga mereka, dan 10 persen terjadi di lingkungan pen didikan.seharusnya keluarga menjadi lembaga sosial pertama dan utama yang memiliki peranan sangat penting dalam memberikan perlindungan terhadap anak.angka kekerasan ini terus meningkat secara drastis setiap tahunnya sehingga diperlukan perhatian besar dari pemerintah dalam hal upaya penegakan hukum terkait dengan perlindungan anak di indonesia. rezim-rezim perlindungan anak di indonesia harus diimplementasikan secara optimal sehingga dapat dicapai hasil yang memuaskan demi mewujudkan tercapainya hak-hak anak. berbeda dengan beberapa literature review di atas, tulisan ini memiliki sudut pandang lain dalam menanggapi permasalahan child traffickingdi indonesia. di mana tulisan ini lebih menitikberatkan tentang peranan unicef dalam mengatasi child traffickingdi indonesia. kerangka teori 1. hubungan internasional pada umumnya studi hubungan 350 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 internasional merupakan suatu pola hubungan atau interaksi antaraktor yang melintasi suatu batas negara. hubungan internasional juga berkaitan dengan politik, sosial, ekonomi, budaya dan interaksi lainnya di antara state actor dan non state actor. menurut mc. clelland, dalam perwita, mendefinisikan bahwa hubungan internasional sebagai berikut: “hubungan internasional sebagai studi tentang interaksi antara jenis-jenis kesatuankesatuan sosial tertentu, termasuk studi tentang keadaan -keadaan relevan yang mengelilingi interaksi” (charles a. mcclelland, 1981). menurut starke dalam bukunya “an introduction to international law” juga tidak memberikan batasan yang khusus mengenai pengertian organisasi internasional. ia hanya membandingkan fungsi, hak, dan kewajiban serta wewenang berbagai organ lembaga internasional dengan negara yang modern. pada awalnya seperti fungsi suatu negara moderns mempunyai hak, kewajiban, dan kekuasaan yang dimiliki beserta alat perlengkapannya, semua itu diatur oleh hukum nasional yang dinamakan hukum konstitusi negara sehingga dengan demikian organisasi internasional sama halnya dengan alat perlengkapan negara modern yang diatur oleh hukum konstitusi internasional (starke, 1989). 2. organisasi internasional organisasi internasional adalah organisasi antar negara yang diikat oleh perjanjian untuk menjamin tujuan bersama. mengacu pada fungsi (roles) organisasi internasional menurut karen mingst adalah organisasi internasional seperti pbb, bank dunia, dan unicef dapat memainkan peran kunci di setiap level analisisnya, ada beberapa fungsi organisasi internasional menurut tingkat analisisnya. pertama, di tingkat sistem internasionalyaitu organisasi internasional mempunyai fungsi untuk berkontribusi bersama dengan unicef sebagai salah satu lembaga pbb yang berkonsentrasi dalam meningkatkan kesejahteraan anak dan perlindungan anak dari kekerasan dan pelanggaran hak anak termasuk perdagangan anak yang terjadi di seluruh dunia. unicef mempunyai aturan yang harus dimainkan untuk mencapai kesuksesan.unicef ada di setiap sudut dunia ini telah diketahui di manapun dan mempunyai pengetahuan track record yang telah diakui kredibilitasnya (mingst, 1999). nori oktadewi & khairiyah 351 peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia menurut teuku may rudy dalam bukunya “administrasi dan organisasi internasional” menegaskan bahwa peran organisasi internasional adalah sebagai berikut: (teuku may rudy) 1. wadah atau forum untuk menggalang kerja sama serta untuk mengurangi intensitas konflik antar sesama anggota. 2. sebagai sarana perundingan untuk menghasilkan ke putusan bersama yang saling menguntungkan. 3. dan ada kalanya bertindak sebagai lembaga yang mandiri untuk melaksanakan kegiatan yang diperlukan (antara lain kegiatan sosial kemanusiaan, bantuan untuk pelestarian lingkungan hidup, pemugaran monumen bersejarah, peace keeping, operation dll). adapun hambatan organisasi internasional dalam menjalankan fungsinya sebagai berikut: 1. hambatan regulasi yang meliputi kerangka, arah kebijakan, dan peraturan 2. hambatan institusional seperti tidak adanya badan arbitrasi yang menengahi konflik di antara anggota organisasi internasional. 3. hambatan lingkungan, yaitu lingkungan internal dan eksternal suatu organisasi internasional serta situasi dan kondisi lingkungan masyarakat internasional. 4. hambatan birokrasi adalah struktur organisasi yang ditandai dengan kepatuhan terhadap prosedur standar. 5. hambatan politis yang seringkali dihadapi oleh suatu organisasi internasional: terbatasnya kedaulatan setiap negara anggota organisasi internasional. 6. hambatan keuangan terdiri dari, terbatasnya waktu, terbatasnya pendanaan, dan terbatasnya sumber daya dalam mengoperasionalkan organisasi internasional guna mencapai tujuan bersama. setiap organisasi internasional dibentuk untuk menjalankan fungsi fungsi danperan-peran sesuai dengan tujuan pendirian organisasi internasional.adapun fungsi organisasi internasional menurut harold k. jacobson digolongkan dalam 5 kategori, di antaranya (jacobson, 1979). 1. fungsi informasi fungsi ini berkenaan dengan fungsi organisasi sebagai wadah 352 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 informasi.organisasi internasional mengumpulkan data sekaligus menganalisanya, lalu mengadakan pertukaran data menyebarkan data serta menginformasikan sudut pandangnya atau pendapatnya. 2. fungsi normatif fungsi ini berkaitan erat dengan pembentukan norma-norma atau prinsip-prinsip, baik yang berupa deklarasi ataupun pernyataan-pernyataan yang dapat memeng aruhi lingkungan domestik atau dunia. fungsi ini tidak mengikat instrument-instrumen yang terlibat, tetapi lebih pada suatu pernyataan yang diakui umum. 3. fungsi pembuatan peraturan fungsi ini berkaitan dengan peranan sebuah organisasi inter nasional untuk membuat sebuah peraturan baru atau mengupayakan agar peraturan, perjanjian yang telah disepakati dan ditandatangani serta diratifikasi dapat mengikat pihakpihak yang terlibat langsung. 4. fungsi pengawasan fungsi ini yang berhubungan dengan pengawasan atau peng ambilan tindakan untuk menjamin penegakan berlakunya sebuah peraturan oleh para aktor inter nasional. 5. fungsi operasional fungsi ini meliputi pemanfaatan dan pengoperasian segala sumber daya di dalam sebuah organisasi internasional, baik berupa pen danaan, pengoperasian sub organisasi atau juga perkembangan dan pembangunan kekuatan militer. klasifikasi organisasi inter nasional yang terdiri dari organisasi negara maupun organisasi non negara memiliki peran sebagai wadah dalam memecahkan masalahmasalah bersama.unicef tergolong sebagai organisasi internasional antarpemerintahan (inter govermental organization) yang sering disingkat menjadi igo. anggota-anggotanya adalah pemerintah, atau wakil instansi yang mewakili pemerintahan suatu negara secara resmi. kegiatan administrasinya diatur berlandas kan hukum publik (rudy, 2005). dengan menggunakan kedua teori ini, penulis menggunakan teori hubungan international dan organisasi internasional untuk landasan analisa permasalahan dalam fenomena hubungan international. teori ini adalah teori pengenalan dasar dalam penulisan jurnal ini. defenisi konsepsional dalam pemahaman mengenai masalah yang diteliti, maka perlu untuk dikemukakan makna dari nori oktadewi & khairiyah 353 peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia konsep-konsep yang dipergunakan. defenisi konsepsional merupakan defenisi yang menggambarkan konsep dengan menggunakan konsep-konsep lain. defenisi anak menurut konvensi perserikatan bangsa-bangsa mengenai hak anakanak (united nations convention on the rights of the child 1989), “seorang anak berarti setiap manusia yang berusia di bawah 18 tahun.anak adalah manusia yang belum matang, didefinisikan dalam hukum internasional adalah mereka yang berusia di bawah 18 tahun1 masa kanak-kanak adalah suatu tahapan dalam siklus kehidupan anak sebelum mereka mendapat peran dan bertanggung jawab penuh sebagai orang dewasa. masa anak masih memerlukan perhatian dan perlindungan khusus, seiring dengan persiapan menuju pada kehidupan mereka menjadi orang dewasa. meskipun demikian, setiap kebudayaan memiliki kata yang berbeda untuk berbagai tahapan dalam masa kanakkanak, dan harapan tentang apa yang dapat dilakukan anak pada masing-masing tahapan. perdagangan anak perdagangan anak merupakan salah satu bentuk tindakan kejahatan yang dapat dilakukan oleh seseorang atau sekelompok orang atau sebuah lembaga terhadap ia belum berusai 18 tahun, maka ia adalah anak termasuk yang masih di dalam kandungan. perdagangan anak didefinisikan oleh odccp (office for grug control and crime prevention) sebagai perekrutan, pemindahan, pengiriman, penempatan atau menerima anak-anak di bawah umur untuk tujuan eksploitasi dan itu menggunakan ancaman, kekerasan, ataupun pemaksaan lainnya seperti penculikan, penipuan, kecurangan, penyalahgunaan wewenang maupun posisi penting. perdagangan anak biasanya bertujuan: eksploitasi untuk pekerjaan, eksploitasi seksual, eksploitasi untuk pekerjaan ilegal perdagangan adopsi, serta penjodohan. hipotesa faktor ketidak effektifan unicef dalam menangani kasus child trafficking di indonesia, karena: 1. indonesia masih dipengaruhi faktor internal seperti kurangnya kepedulian peme rintah daerah, keamanan, letak geogfaris, lembaga hukum dan masyarakat. 354 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 pembahasan a. sejarah unicef di dunia international dan indonesia unicef adalah sebuah orga nisasi international di bawah naungan pbb (perserikatan bangsa-bangsa) yang bergerak dalam kesehatan, air, lingkungan, perlindungan serta pendidikan dan hiv/aid. unicef terbentuk pasca perang dunia ii, di mana pbb mulai mepromosikan perdamaian dunia. kekhawatiran pbb dan masayrakat dunia international terhadap anak-anak yang ada di eropa, sehingga pada tahun 1946, para delegasi untuk pbb menyiapakan dana sementara yang disebut united international children’s fund, dengan tujuan untuk membantu anak-anak yang ada di dunia, bukan hanya untuk anak-anak yang berada dalam perang dunia ii.unicef mempunyai mandat untuk melindungi jiwa anak-anak dan meningkatkan pengembangannya.sidang umum pbb dengan keputusan pada tanggal 11 desember 1946 memutuskan berdirinya unicef atau united nations international children’s emergency fund (dana darurat anak internasional pbb). sidang umum pbb mengubah mandat unicef untuk menanggapi kebutuhan-kebutuhan yang tidak diungkapkan tetapi sangat mendesak dari sekian banyak anak yang tidak terhitung jumlahnya di negara berkembang.pada bulan oktober 1953, sidang umum dan tetap pbb. badan ini disebut the united nations children’s fund/ dana pbb untuk anakanak, unicef mulai menjangkau negara terbelakang dalam proyek terutama yang dengan cara saling terkait, menyangkut gizi, pelayanan kesehatan primer dan pendidikan dasar bagi ibu dan anak, yang melibatkan sebanyak mungkin anggota masyarakat (may, 2005) unicef juga mebuat konvensi hak anak, di mana konvensi hak anak disahkan pada tanggal 20 november 1989, dan mulai memiliki kekuatan memaksa pada tanggal 2 september 1990. sebelum disahkan konvensi hak -hak anak, perlindungan dan penegakan hak-hak anak, mengalami sejarah yang panjang dengan melalui usaha perumusan draf hak-hak anak yag dilakukan oleh mrs. eglantyee jebb, yakni pendiri save the children fund. berdasarkan catatan unicef, ada beberapa tahap penting dalam sejarah perkembangan hak-hak anak, antara lain adalah (may, administrasi dan organisasi internasional, 2005) tahun 1923: hak-hak anak disetujui oleh save the children international union nori oktadewi & khairiyah 355 peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia • tahun 1924: hak yang disetujui oleh league nation, karena pada tahun 1924 terjadi kasus pelanggaran dan kekerasan anak pada masa perang dunia pertama. • tahun 1948: majelis umum pbb mengesahkan deklarasi universitas hak assasi manusia, walaupun hak anak sudah termasuk didalam nya, namun banyak yang ber pendapat bahwa kebutuhan khusus anak perlu disusun dalam suatu dokumen secara terpisah. • tahun 1959: majelis pbb mengangkat kembali deklarasi hak anak yang ke dua, sehingga komisi ham pbb memulai mengerjakan konsep konvensi hak-hak anak. • tahun 1989: konsep hak-hak anak disetujui oleh majelis umum pbb. konvensi hak anak merupakan instrument yang merumuskan prinsip-prinsip universal dan norma hukum mengenai kedudukan anak. konvensi hakhak anak merupakan hasil dari konsultasi dan pembicaraan negara-negara, lembaga-lembaga pbb dan 50 lebih dari organisasi international.dan pergerakan ini adalah bukti dari pergerakan global negara di dunia dengan mengesahkan konvensi hak-hak anak sebagai bagian hukum nasional negara. konvensi hak anak tahun 1989 yang disepakati dalam sidang majelis umum (general assembly) pbb ke-44, yang selanjutnya telah dituangkan dalam resolusi pbb no. 44/25 tanggal 5 desember 1989 berisi:penegasan hak anak, perlindungan anak oleh negara, dan peran serta berbagai pihak (pemerintah, swasta dan masya rakat) dalam menjamin peng hormatan terhadap hak anak. konvensi hak-hak anak terdiri dari 54 pasal yang berdasarkan materi hukumnya yang mengatur mengenai hak-hak anak dan mekanisme implementasi hak anak oleh negara peserta yang meratifikasi konvensi hak-hak anak, sehingga dapat dikelompokan dalam 4 katagori hak-hak anak, yaitu hak dalam kelangsungan hidup (survival rights), hak dalam perlindungan (protection rights), ak untuk tumbuh kembang (development rigths) dan hak berpatisipasi (participation rights). prioritas unicef adalah untuk membuat anak lebih baik. kerja unicef dapat dikelompokkan menjadi lima bidang strategis utama. (barus, 2010). kelima bidang ini yaitu kelangsungan 356 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 hidup dan pengembangan anak, pendidikan dasar dan kesetaraan gender, melindungi anak dari hiv/aids, perlindungan anak dan advokasi dan kemitraan untuk anak. unicef memberikan kontribusi efektif untuk mengurangi kemiskinan, melalui advokasi dan kemitraan yang menciptakan investasi berkelanjutan, pengem bangan kelangsungan hidup dan perlindungan anak.unicef mem bantu indonesia pertama kali pada 1948.saat itu terjadi situasi darurat yang memerlukan penanganan cepat akibat kekeringan hebat di lombok. kerja resmi antara unicef dan pemerintah indonesia dijalin pertama kali pada 1950. sejak awal masa kemerdekaan, unicef tetap dianggap mitra indonesia yang berkomitmen untuk memperbaiki hidup anak-anak dan wanita di seluruh nusantara.prioritas awal unicef adalah memberikan pelayanan dan persediaan yang sangat diperlukan untuk memperbaiki kesehatan anak indonesia dan keluarganya. (unicef, 2012) indonesia meratifikasi kon vensi hak anak pada 26 january 1990 dengan keputusan presiden nomor 36 tahun 1990.unicef berkarya di 12 kantor wilayah untuk membantu melaksanakan program di 15 propinsi yang mencakup lebih dari 20 juta orang indonesia. bersama dengan mitramitranya unicef berhasil membantu mengembangkan dan melobi adopsi undang -undang perlindungan anak 2002. undangundang ini akan menjadi landasan hukum bagi perlindungan hak anak di indonesia. berbagai bentuk dukungan mulai dari adanya dukungan terhadap undang-undang, unicef juga membantu dalam bidang pembiayan bagi anak-anak korban eksloitasi seksual komersial yang ingin terlepas dari belenggu keterpurukannya. bagi unicef operasi besarnya ialah program gizi di indonesia yang mencapai 100 desa di delapan provinsi (1959). indonesia yang rejoined ntuk pbb, pada november 1966 setelah keluar dari pbb (1965), oleh menteri luar negeri adam malik , menandatangani “surat perjanjian baru mengenai penangan anak di indonesia”, antara unicef dan indonesia. pada oktober 1953, setelah indonesia resmi bergabung dengan unicef. untuk indonesia salah satunya unicef memberikan bantuan tenda-tenda sekolah gratis ke daerah hiliduho yang terletak di perbukitan yang terletak sangat terpencil, yang mempunyai luas sekitar 221,65 nori oktadewi & khairiyah 357 peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia km2. di daerah ini juga terdapat perubahan struktur permukaan tanah yang diakibatkan oleh gempa. akan tetapi untuk di indonesia unicef telah memperlihatkan bentuk kepedulianya terhadap anak dan wanita korban bencana alam yang terjadi di indonesia.untuk mengatasi masalah anak yang dihadapi oleh indonesia, unicef juga mempunyai program.program unicef di indonesia yaitu kese hatan dan gizi, pendidikan dasar untuk semua, perlindungan anak, mengatasi hiv/aids dan air dan kebersihan. (unicef, www.unicef. org, 2011). masih banyak anak-anak indonesia yang rentan terhadap situasi kekerasan. kondisi ini menjadi tantangan utama unicef dan mitra-mitra lokalnya.ada beberapa fakta yang cukup mem prihatinkan. diperkirakan sekitar 60 persen anak balita indonesia tidak memiliki akte kelahiran. lebih dari 3 juta anak terlibat dalam pekerjaan yang berbahaya. bahkan, sekitar sepertiga pekerja seks komersil berumur di bawah dari 18 tahun. sementara 40.000-70.000 anak lainnya telah menjadi korban eksploitasi seksual. ditambah lagi sekitar 10.000 wanita dan anak-anak diperdagangkan setiap tahunnya. belum lagi 5.000 anak yang ditahan atau dipenjara di mana 84 persen di antaranya ditempatkan di penjara dewasa. masalah lain yang tak kalah memprihatinkan adalah pelecehan terhadap anak terutama anak-anak dan wanita yang tinggal di daerah konflik atau daerah bekas bencana. lebih dari 2.000 anak tidak mempunyai orang tua. secara psikologis anak-anak itu terganggu sesudah bencana tsunami meluluh lantakkan aceh dan sumatra utara pada 26 desember 2004. bekerja sama dengan peme rintah indonesia, unicef merumuskan kebijakan -kebijakan perlindungan anak dan implementasi pengesahan anak secara hukum terutama anak yang tinggal di daerah konflik dan daerah bencana. unicef mendukung perkembangan dan implementasi perundangundangan, kebijakan dan program di tingkat nasional maupun daerah seperti misalnya undang-undang perlindungan anak, rencana aksi nasional terhadap perdagangan anak dan kebijakan nasional bagi anak-anak yang terpisah dari keluarganya. program perlindungan anak unicef juga bermitra dengan masyarakat madani, sektor swasta, aparat penegak hukum, wakil rakyat, pekerja sosial dan anak-anak dalam upaya menciptakan kerangka 358 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 kerja yang komprehensif. di samping itu, pencatatan kelahiran untuk semua juga digalakkan untuk mencegah pelanggaran, kekerasan dan eksploitasi terhadap anak-anak. dalam hal ini, unicef mendukung pengembangan mekanisme pela poran pelecehan terhadap anak-anak di enam kota besar di indonesia dan penelitian-penelitian di kabupaten di indonesia. b. child trafficking di indonesia perdagangan manusia saat ini menjadi perhatian dunia international, karena child trafficking terjadi dari suatu negara ke negara lain, eksploitasi anak dan perempuan terjadi setiap tahunnya, sehingga hal ini harus menjadi perhatian pemerintah maupun masyarakat sendiri. setiap negara memiliki kewajiban untuk memenuhi hak anak atas azas: non diskriminasi, kepentingan yang terbaik bagi anak, hak untuk hidup, kelangsungan hidup dan perkembangan, serta penghargaan tentang pendapat seorang anak. sehingga anak yang diperdagangkan tidak mendapatkan hak-haknya dan tidak bisa menuruti apa yang anak inginkan. perdagangan manusia tentu mencari keuntungan, baik untuk pribadi ataupun kedua belah pihak serta hajat hidup orang banyak. motif utama dari child trafficking adalah ekonomi yang akan berimbas pada kajian hubungan international lainhya. banyaknya kasus child trafficking terjadi secara transnational karena kemudahan bagi para pelaku untuk dilacak dalam gerak-geriknya. era globalisasi cukup meberikan kontribusi terhadap perkembangan child trafficking, di mana untuk memobilitas child trafficking dari satu negara kenegara lain sangat mudah dilakukan. perdagangan anak kadang kala terjadi atas permintaan dan motif bagi pengguna jasa dari tindakan krimininal. adapun beberapa faktor penyebab terjadinya tindakan child trafficking adalah faktor kemiskinan, kurangnya pendidikan dan informasi dan kurangnya kepedulian orang tua.karena banyaknya terjadi perdagangan anak di indonesia, sehingga pemerintah indonesia dibantu oleh unicef membuat upaya-upaya untuk mengurangi child trafficking di indonesia, di mana unicef dan dunia international menekan indonesia untuk mengadopsi konvensi hak anak. upaya-upaya tersebut adalah: • dibuatkannya undang-undang yang relevan untuk memberikan perlindungan kepada nori oktadewi & khairiyah 359 peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia korban trafficking yaitu uu no. 37/1997 tentang hubungan luar negeri. di mana uu ini dapat melindungi orang indonesia yang tertaffick di luar negeri. • undang-undang no. 21 tahun 2007, tentang pemberantasan tindak pidana perdagangan orang. • undang-undang no. 23 tahun 2002 tentang perlindungan anak, termasuk melarang perdagangan anak di mana perlindungan terhadap anak itu sendiri terdapat tujuan dari perlindungan anak sendiri diebut dalam pasal 3 uu no. 23 tahun 2002 yang berisi “perlindungan anak bertujuan untuk menjamin terpenuhnya hakhak anak agar dapat hidup, tumbuh berkembang, dan berpartisipasi secara optimal sesuai dengan harkat dan martabat kemanusiaan, serta mendapatkan perlindungan kekerasan dan diskriminasi, dmi terwujudnya anak indonesia yang sejahterah, berkualitas dan berakhlak mulia. • adanya rpsa (rumah per lindungan sementara anak) yang memilki fungsi: a. memberikan pelayanan segera bagi anak yang menghadapi tindak keke rasan dan perlakuan salah (emergency service) b. perlindungan (protection) c. pengembalian keberfung sian sosial anak agar dapat melaksankan perannya secara wajar (rehabiltasi) d. pemulihan kondisi mental anak akibat tekanan dan trauma. e. advokasi f. penyatuan kembali nak pada keluarga asli, keluarga pengganti serta lembaga lainya (reunifikasi) pengutamaan komitmen pemerintah republik indonesia dalam penghapusan perdagangan orang tercermin dari keputusan presiden republik indonesia nomor 88 tahun 2002, tentang rencana aksi nasional penghapusan perdagangan perempuan dan anak (ran-p3a) dan adanya undangundang penghapusan tindak pidana perdagangan orang (uu ptppo). program legislasi nasioan; 20052009 menegaskan ruu tindak pidana perdagangan orang berada di urutan 22 dari 55 prioritas ruu yang akan dibahas pada tahun 2005. pendikana hukum kepada pelaku (trafficker) digiatkan melalui kapasitas penegak hukum 360 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 serta peningkatan kerja sama dengan pemangku kepentingan yang lain pada pihak penegak hukum negara shabat sehingga kepolisian ri berhasil memproses 23 kasus dari 43 kasus yang terungkap. dengan upayaupaya dia atas dapat dilihat bahwa pemerintah indonesia dan unicef serius dalam menangani kasus childtrafficking , meskipun upaya tersebut masib sangat jauh dari apa yang diharapkan. karena telah diketahui bahwa indonesia berada pada kawasan asia tenggara yang memilki jumlah yang sangat besar dalam prakter perdagangan anak international.oleh karena itu unicef sebagai lembaga atau badan yang menangani masalah perlindungan anak menaruh per htian yang sangat besar terhadap indpnesia. saat ini unicef membuat program, dalam berbagai isu di indonesia yaikni baik dalam kesehatan, pendidikan dasar untuk semua, perlindungan anak, meme rangi hiv/aids serta air dan kebersihan lingkungan. keterlibatan unicef dalam membantu pemerintah indonesia juga terwujud melalui kerja sama yang dijalankan dalam nasional plan of action for the elemnination of child trafficking (naps). pengimplementasian npas terwujud dengan adanya program program yang berkaitan dengan upaya menangani child trafficking yang ada di indonesia. dengan dilandasi deklarasi/ konvensi hakhak anak serta panduan yang sistematis darsi konvensi hak anak tahun 1989 unicef menjalaknan fungsinya menangani child trafficking di seluruh dunia, di indonesia unicef membuat konsep yang bertjuan menciptakan sebuah lingkunagn yang memberikan perlindungan kepada anak. dengan membangun lima komponen yaitu peraturan, budaya, meningkatkan kewaspadaan anak terhadap child trafficking, melibtakan anak-anak melalui forum-forum anak untuk menyuarakan bahaya dari child trafficking, komitmen pemerintah, dan mengkempanyekan masalah perdagangan anak. dengan harapan child trafficking di indonesia akan berkurang serta membuka kesadaran masyarakat akan masalaah child trafficking dan semakin mendorong pemerintah untuk mengurangi child trafficking yang ada di indonesia. c. faktor penghambat unicef dalam menangani kasus child trafficking di indonesia unicef sebagai organisasi internasional yang bergerak dalam melindungi dan menjamin perlindungananak memiliki nori oktadewi & khairiyah 361 peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia fungsi yang sesuai dengan tujuan pendiriannya.dalam mencapai misinya, unicef telah berhasil menjalankan beberapa fungsi organisasi internasional. fungsi organisasi internasional yang telah dijalankan oleh unicef dalam misinya mengatasi perdagangan anak di indonesia adalah fungsi informasi unicef telah menjalankan fungsi ini dengan baik dan benar. unicef mewujudkannya dengan berbagai upaya yaitu dengan meng kampanyekan kepada masyarakat internasional tentang bahayanya perdagangan anak. melalui program naps, unicef melakukan kam panye melalui siaran radio, televisi, seminar ataupun berupa kegiatan atau pelatihan khusus yang ditujukan kepada anak-anak dan remaja. sehingga dengan hal ini diharapkan masyarakat sadar akan bahaya trafficking dan ekploitasi anak. fungsi normatif dalam fungsi ini, unicef berhasil membangun sebuah norma atau prinsip yang berupa deklarasi atau pernyataan, yang telah memengaruhi masyarakat internasional. namun fungsi ini tidak mengikat instrumeninstrumen yang terlibat, tetapi dapat memengaruhi lingkungan domestik. dalam mewujudkan fungsi ini, unicef berupaya untuk melindungi anak-anak dari segala bentuk kekerasan, kekerasan dan eksploitasi.unicef melakukan langkahlangkah meliputi pen cegahan, bantuan langsung dan penuntutan serta penelitian berbasis bukti. pendekatan utama yang dilakukan unicef adalah untuk mengurangi kerentanan anak-anak di daerah yang ditunjuk untuk menghilangkan segala bentuk perdagangan anak (unicef, www. unicef.org, 2006). fungsi pembuatan peraturan fungsi ini berkaitan dengan peranan sebuah organisasi inter nasional untuk membuat dan mengupayakan sebuah peraturan yang telah disepakati dan ditanda tangani serta diratifisir dapat mengikat pihak-pihak yang terlibat langsung. dalam mewujudkan fungsi ini, konvensi hak anak menjadi dasar bagi unicef untuk melindungi hak-hak anak. pada tanggal 20 november 1989, konvensi hak anak telah disahkan oleh pbb, dan mulai mempunyai kekuatan memaksa pada tanggal 2 september 1990. konvensi ini menjelaskan bahwa anak-anak berhak mendapatkan perlindungan dari berbagai pelecehan, 362 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 pengabaian, perdagangan, pekerja anak dan bentuk-bentuk eksploitasi. sehingga, dalam hal ini unicef tidak memiliki wewenang untuk membuat peraturan termasuk dalam proses meratifikasi konvensi hak anak tetapi yang berhak meratifikasi sebuah konvensi adalah pemerintah indonesia. indonesia meratifikasi konvensi hak anak pada tanggal 26 january 1990 dengan keputusan presiden nomor 36 tahun 1990. serta pemerintah indonesia membuatkan uu khusus perlindungan. fungsi pengawasan fungsi ini yang berkaitan dengan pengawasan atau pengambilan tindakan untuk menjamin penegakan berlakunya sebuah peraturan oleh para aktor internasional. serta pemerintah indonesia boleh memberikan sanksi terhadap pelaku pelanggaran sesuai dengan undangundang perlindungan anak yang ada di indonesia. meskipun dalam menjalankan fungsi operasional unicef belum berhasil menjalan kan fungsi ini dengan baik meskipun unicef telah mampu mengalokasikan dana dengan baik, namun unicef memiliki keterbatasan dalam menggunakan sumber daya dan technicalassistance lainnya dalam misi menanggulangi masalah perdagangan anak di indonesia. dalam menjalankan misinya mengatasi perdagangan anak di indonesia unicef telah membentuk proyek atau programprogram kerja. namun dalam praktiknya unicef belum sepenuhnya berhasil dalam mengatasi perdagangan anak di indonesia.hal ini disebabkan oleh adanya faktor-faktor yang menimbulkan terjadinya per dagangan anak yang sulit untuk diberantas sampai saat ini. meskipun unicef telah menjalankan beberapa fungsinya denga baik, namun dalam me nangani kasus childtrafficking di indonesia, unicef memiliki hambatan dalam menjalakan perannya.adapun faktor peng hambat unicef dalam upaya me nurunkan angka childtraffickinhg di indonesia adalah adanya faktor internal di mana faktor internal yang berasal dari ruang lingkup, seperti: 1. pemerintah daerah pemerintah daerah masih kurang tegas dan masih banyak pemerintah daerah yang belum membuat undang-undang perlindungan anak meskipun pemerintah pusat telah lama meratifikasi konvensi hak anak. nori oktadewi & khairiyah 363 peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia 2. aparat keamanan kurangnya tindaka aparat keamanan dalam menang gulangi child trafficking. karena aparat keamanan lebih fokus kepada isu-isu yang terkait dengan korupsi, narkoba dan isu-isu lainnya. 3. letak geografis. telah diketahui indonesia berada di wilayah yang strategis dan indonesia memiliki banyak perbatasan dengan negaranegara lain sehingga hal inilah yang menyebabkan sulitnya unicef melakukan perannya dalam mengurangi angka childtrafficking di indonesia. 4. lembaga hukum indonesia masih disibuk kan dengan kasus-kasus tentang korupsi dan kasus internal lainnya.sehingga masalah yang dihadapi anak masih belum diprioritaskan dan diabaikan oleh hukum di indonesia. 5. masyarakat. dalam hal ini faktor masyarakat sangat memeng aruhi masih banyaknya per dagangan anak di indonesia. faktor-faktor masyarakat dapat berupa a. kemiskinan (permasalahan ekonomi) semenjak terjadinya krisis ekonomi pada tahun 1997 di indonesia, hal ini memberikan dampak yang buruk terhadap kehidupan masyarakat, karena perekonomian semakin sulit, semakin banyak rakyat yang tidak mampu mebiayai keluarganya, khususnya anaknya mulai dari biaya pendidikan, hingga biaya kehidupan sehari-hari. sehingga himpitan ekonomi membuat keluarga khususnya orang tua semakin mudah terbujuk rayuan oleh agen atau perlaku perdagangan anak dengan iming-iming serta janji palsu akan pekerjaan yang mampu mebuat hidup akan lebih baik lagi dengan gaji yang besar. ketidakjelasan pekerjaan membuat orang menjadi pasrah dalam menerima pekerjaan untuk dipekerjakan sebagai apa saja dan hal ini yang membuat para pelaku menargetkan anak menjadi korban. b. kurangnya pendidikan dan informasi. pendidikan yang memadai tentunya akan sangat membantu masyarakat agar tidak terjebak dalam kasus perdagangan anak. kekurangan pengetahuan akan informasi mengenai childtrafficking membuat orangorang lebih mudah terjebak untuk menjadi korban childtrafficking khususnya di 364 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 pedesaan dan terkadang tanpa di sadari pelakuk perdagangan anak tidak menyadari bahwa telah melanggar hukum. para korban perdagangan biasanya susah untuk mencati bantuan dinegara di mana dia diperdagangkan karena mereka tidak memilki kemampuan untuk menggunakan khususnya bahasa di negara tersebut. di sisi lain orang tua yang berada di indonesia, daerah terpencil masih banyak yang mempunyaipendidikan yang rendah dan bekerja sebagai petani, ataupun pekerja domestik, sehingga hal inilah yang membuat kurangnya informasi yang mereka dapatkan tentang bahaya childtrafficking, meskipun unicef telah melakukan kempanye dan penyuluhan melalui forum-forum tentang bahaya childtrafficking. c. kurangnya kepedulian orang tua. di indonesia banyak sekali orang tua tidak membuat akte kelahiran terhadap anaknya dengan berbagai alasan. orang tanpa tanda pengenal yang memadai sangat mudah dijakdikan korban child trafficking, karena tidak terdokumentasi dalam pemerintahan. sehingga pelaku dapat melakukan aksinya tanpa khawatir serta identitas korban tidak mudah terlacak. sehingga faktor eksternal inilah yang membuat pemerintah indonesia dan unicef dalam menangani permasalahan child trafficking di indonesia menjadi tidak maksimal. kesimpulan child trafficking adalah isu global yang sulit untuk diselesaikan baik oleh pemerintah negara-negara yang ada di dunia maupun organisasi yang khusus menangani masalah child trafficking, seperti halnya unicef yang berada di bahwah naungan pbb yang khusus menangani hak-hak anak. child trafficking di indonesia terjadi karena beberapa faktor yaitu ke miskinan, kurangnya pendidikan dan informasi serta penegakan hukum di indonesia yang masih lemah walaupun pemerintah indonesia telah bekerja sama dengan unicef dalam menangani kasus child trafficking serta pemeritah indonesia telah didorong oleh unicef untuk meratifikasi konvensi hak anak dan membuat undang-undang perlindungan hak anak seperti yang tercantum dalam uu nomor 23 tahun 2003, uu nomor 21 tahun 2007 serta adanya rpsa dan unicef telah membuat program naps untuk mengurangi angka trafficking di indonesia, namun kasus child trafficking di indonesia tetap saja tinggi karena nori oktadewi & khairiyah 365 peranan unicef dalam menangani child trafficking di indonesia indonesia masih di pengaruhi faktor eksternal yang berada dalam ruang lingkup pemerintah daerah, aparat keamanan, letak geografis, lembaga hukum dan masyarakat sendiri yang dipengaruhi oleh faktor kemiskinan, kurangnya informasi dan pendidikan serta kurangnya kepedulian orang tua. saran dari penulis adalah pemerintahindonesia harus memberikan ketegasan dalam memberikan izin untuk pergi keluar negeri terutam jika ada yang ingin memalsukan dokumen, menigkatkan ekonomi dan mem buat program dan inisaiatif di luar negeri untuk membantu mengintegritaskan, meintegrasi dan pemulihan para korban, serta para aparat, lembaga hukum juga konsisten dalam menangani kasus perdagangan anak dengan memprioritaskan penanganan dan meberikan hukuman bagi terdakwa. di sisi lain hendaknya memperkuat keterampilan korban dan para keluarga untuk melawan child trafficking lewat pendidikan, organisasi dan advokasi secara indidvidu dan kolektif. bibliography kekerasan terhadap anak timbulkan gangguan mental. 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(2012). www.unicef.org. retrieved juni 4, 2018, from kerja sama unicef dengan indonesia: http://www.unicef. org/indonesia/id/media_6260. html assessing policies, practices and impact of actions and policies in handling covid-19 pandemic: comparative studies of bangladesh and indonesia sherajum munira* postgraduate student, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia. email: bipasha2645@gmail.com sidik jatmika associate professor of universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia. email: sidikjatmika@yahoo.com abstract this article aims to describe how bangladesh and indonesia face problems of good governance, especially aspect accountability, when conduct health diplomacy and communicatian in handle covid-19 issues. this is qualitative research and constructivism approach, which using the content analysis method to find out such of banglkdesh and indonesian government statements, policy and action in handling covid-19 pandemic crisis. by using content analysis, the article found that both of bangldesh and indonesian developed in a “un-smart”, “un-systematic”, “un-objective”, and “unvisionary” way in handle diplomacy and communication in global health crisis. it shows how important of good governance of health diplomacy and communication, including prepareness in health disasster mitigation in a country to handle such of effects of global health crisis. keywords: bangledeshindonesia, good governance, health diplomacy and communication. abstrak artikel ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana bangladesh dan indonesia menghadapi permasalahan good governance, khususnya aspek akuntabilitas, ketika melakukan diplomasi kesehatan dan komunikator dalam menangani isu covid-19. ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dan pendekatan konstruktivisme, yang menggunakan metode analisis isi untuk mengetahui seperti pernyataan, kebijakan dan tindakan banglkdesh dan pemerintah indonesia dalam menangani krisis pandemi covid-19. dengan menggunakan analisis isi, artikel tersebut menemukan bahwa bahasa bangldesh dan bahasa indonesia berkembang dengan cara yang “tidak cerdas”, “tidak sistematis”, “tidak objektif”, dan “tidak visioner” dalam menangani diplomasi dan komunikasi di bidang kesehatan global. krisis. hal ini menunjukkan betapa pentingnya tata kelola diplomasi dan komunikasi kesehatan yang baik, termasuk kesiapsiagaan dalam mitigasi bencana kesehatan di suatu negara untuk menangani dampak krisis kesehatan global tersebut. kata kunci: bangledeshindonesia, good governance, diplomasi dan komunikasi kesehatan. mailto:bipasha2645@gmail.com mailto:sidikjatmika@yahoo.com 47 sherajum munira, sidik jatmika assessing policies, practices and impact of... journal of islamic world and politics vol.6. no.1 june 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 introduction the term “good governance” is unsettled in its meaning (nanda, 2006). through the 1980s and 1990s, donor countries and institutions trended to make aid conditional upon reforms in the recipient country, which was found largely ineffective in encouraging real policy changes. more recently, donors, such as the international monetary fund, the world bank, and the united states, are increasingly insisting upon performance and good governance as a prerequisite for aid, a practice called “selectivity.” this is a means of requiring a recipient state to demonstrate the seriousness of its commitment to economic and social reforms. there are no objective standards for determining good governance: some aspects include political stability, the rule of law, control of corruption, and accountability. high levels of poverty and weak governance are linked, making selectivity difficult to implement. for reforms to succeed, domestic support, ownership, and commitment are crucial, as are the recipient's cultural context and history (kaufmann, kraay, & mastruzzi, 2005). it is proposed that government, being the tangible expression of the legitimate authority within an organised society, has undergone a long transformational journey since its very emergence. the various evolutionary forms and features of the government have been the product of its meaningful and viable responses to the changing expectations of the people as well as to the challenges they faced in an everchanging environment. the exclusive domain of the state over the period became a shared space with inclusion of other actors and stakeholders, and an era of governance was ushered in since the 1980s. however, the universal model of good governance should take into account the national and local constraints of a society. thus, the idea of good governance must face various types of challenges in the developing as well as underdeveloped societies (nag, 2018). at the present time, the burning issue of the world is a new and exceptional infectious virus disease called coronavirus disease 2019 (covid-19). in late january, the steadily spread of coronavirus across the world became a serious health issue and health threat. extreme acute respiratory coronavirus-2 (sars-cov-2) is a virus that constantly attacks the immune system's effectiveness in infected people. bangladesh is the third most affected country in south asia, and the seventeenth most affected country in the world (devi & ahmed, 2021). the total population of bangladesh is 165,971,278 people of the latest united nations data and bangladesh rank number is eighth in the list of most populous country in the world. the first three covid-19 cases were reported in bangladesh on 8 march 2020 in capital city dhaka by the institute of epidemiology disease control and research (iedcr) and first death confirmed on 18 march 2020 (m. h. rahman, zafri, ashik, waliullah, & khan, 2021). within one month, as of april 6, the country has reached 123 confirmed cases, with 12 48 48 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june number of deaths and 33 numbers of recoveries (m. r. rahman, islam, & islam, 2021). as of april 5, 2021, there have been 637 364 confirmed covid-19 cases and 9266 deaths in bangladesh (world health organization, 2020). indonesia, the largest archipelago country in the world. the total population of indonesia is 273,524,000 people (lee, lee, kim, moon, & nam, 2021) and indonesia rank number is fourth in the list of most populous country in the world. the first two covid-19 cases were reported in indonesia on 2 march 2020, then the virus rapidly spread to all 34 providences in this country by april 9, 2020 (caraka et al., 2020). president joko widodo reported the first covid-19 patient in indonesia. the covid-19 virus has spread in indonesia with alarming speed. within one month, as of april 2, the country has reached 1790 confirmed cases, 113 new cases, with 170 number of deaths, and 112 number of recoveries (djalante et al., 2020). as of 5 april 2021, the indonesian government has announced 1,537,967 confirmed cases of covid-19 in all 34 provinces of indonesia with 41,815 deaths (unicef indonesia, 2021). as a country with the highest death toll due to covid-19 in southeast asia, the indonesian government, like other countries around the world, has taken a variety of protective measures to fight the covid-19 pandemic, including widespread social and physical separation, a more hygienic lifestyle, self-quarantine, lock-down, and travel restrictions among area residents (hizbaron, ruslanjari, & mardiatno, 2021). the indonesian government implemented social distancing regulations almost all provinces in indonesia. a huge public awareness initiative was launched to educate and alert people about the emerging epidemic, as well as include guidance about how to prevent it (sulistyawati et al., 2021). therefore, this is important to examine and compare the policy related to the pandemic in bangladesh and indonesia. comparing the two countries is interesting since both countries have experienced a high number of death tolls, especially in the density areas. this topic is also relatively neglected by the scholars of public health as well as international relations. thus, in the subsequence paragraph, the authors would like to review some previous literature in order to understand how some countries handle the pandemic situation. it is expected that this paper would contribute to the body of literature especially related to government and covid-19 policy in the third world. literature review covid-19 is a difficult task for all governments, particularly those with low state capability. it is necessities a coordinated and adaptive strategy from the "whole of government" and "whole of society." the danger of the research done with covid-19 is a concern to public health in this study. as of december 31, the who was notified by the chinese health authority about several instances with no discernable cause. the han seafood market, han and lushan cases originated in wuhan, hubei province, and they were discovered in close proximity to it (hui et al., 2020). no doubt human diseases are highly infectious. when all is said and done, globally, it has been going on for over five decades. but this virus is fundamentally different, and much more severe. in this respect, the case of the pandemic, there is a legislation it was affirmed in the 49 sherajum munira, sidik jatmika assessing policies, practices and impact of... amendment of the epidemic disease act of 1973 that the government should undertake to stop the epidemic and perform the task of determining the extent of the outbreak. the policies implemented by the government have resulted in numerous stapeses having to be seized and removed, thereby hindering the spread of the disease (bhuiyan, 2021). previous research has shown that during the early stages of the epidemic, the indonesian government was concerned about the disease and took several strategies, policies, and diplomacy to avoid the spread of coronavirus disease and overcome the difficult situations. with a population of 272 million, indonesia is the most populous country. because of the poor quality of health facilities and limited health resource, the risk of suffering the most because of the coronavirus pandemic is rising. this is shown by the fact that the number of cases continues to increase, placing it second in the area behind singapore, and the mortality rate of 8,9 to 9% is among the highest in southeast asia and the world. the indonesian government has implemented several initiatives, including quarantine, large-scale social restrictions, travel bans for international tourists to indonesia, and domestic travel restrictions. a stimulus package worth 405 trillion rupiah (usd 26,4 trillion) has also been announced (djalante et al., 2020). the government has taken several steps to minimize the impact on three sectors of the covid-19 pandemic (health, socio-economy, and the business). in the health sector, for example, the government has provided medical personnel with medical support facilities, created emergency hospitals for covid-19 patients seeking referrals (susanto et al., 2021). about two weeks after confirmation of the first two cases, the government established a task force (gugus tugas) to speed up covid-19 handling by means of a president's decree (hidayati, 2020). only on march 31st, 2020, the president issued a large-scale social distancing scheme, allowing local governments to restrict the movement of people and goods in and out of the region unless the health ministry grants permission. in addition, the policy stipulates those schools and workplace will be closed, religious practices will be restricted, and public activities will be restricted. these laws, however, were not strictly enforced. just 14 of indonesia's 34 provinces have adopted this strategy. the president declared the covid-19 outbreak a national catastrophe at the end of the month (rosemary, nur rochimah, & susilawati, 2022). according to a previous report, the number of cases in the western region was higher than in the middle region at the start of the outbreak. since the citizens of the middle east are taking precautionary measures in the midst of the outbreak. people in the western area, on the other hand, will still need to go to school and work. in the beginning, there were no strict rules in place to regulate their social interaction. furthermore, the indonesian government recently ruled out physical distancing orders by the end of march (rosemary et al., 2022). a massive amount of testing is needed to monitor the spread of covid-19. president joko widodo declared on march 19, 2020, that indonesia will perform major testing by conducting rapid detection tests on residents. this test will employ newly created serology-based testing kits. the results will be available in 10–30 minutes, which is significantly faster than the pcr test (djalante et al., 2020). 50 50 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june previous studies have shown that the government of bangladesh takes steps and policies to prevent the rapid spread of coronavirus disease. the government immediately imposed a national curfew, closed schools, and suspended all flights from europe except those from the united kingdom. all travellers who entered the country were subjected to a 14-day mandatory quarantine and self-isolation beginning march 16. the government has been using armed forces to encourage social distance and disease prevention since march 24. all mass gatherings, such as social, political, and religious gatherings, are prohibited (anwar, nasrullah, & hosen, 2020). diplomacy as a concept introduced by europeans and americans in the 20th century continues to be developed in the 21st century as a very important scientific cluster for scientific studies and practitioners in international relations. by definition diplomacy according to diplomacy is the main instrument of a country as an intangible national power. this foreign policy instrument is a peaceful and theoretical tool used by a country to achieve its national interests (ang, isar, & mar, 2015; brown, 2001). diplomacy as the main instrument of foreign policy that represents the broader goals and strategies of the country in the context of state interactions with the international community globally. this usually manifests itself in international agreements, alliances, and foreign policy manifestations which are usually the result of negotiation and diplomatic processes. diplomacy also closely related to communication skills. communication also a very important aspect that every representative of the country (diplomat) must have to convey the interests of a country to the international community (constantinou & sharp, 2016). practical diplomacy is a form of international communication both verbally and non-verbally with the aim of conveying an important message. diplomacy is a combination of science and the art of negotiation or a strategy to convey messages through negotiations that aim to convey the national interests of a country in the fields of politics, economy, trade, social, culture, defence, military, and various other interests in international relations (jönsson & hall, 2003). it can also be said that diplomacy is a process carried out by an actor who represents a country in an international system that is involved in negotiations both personally and publicly to achieve interests in a peaceful manner. from the two definitions above, it can be concluded that the concept of diplomacy in general is communication practices carried out to achieve national interests, be it hard politics or low politics. according to hans j morgenthau, the national interest is closely related to the territory of power and trust. the relationship with power in this context is that every country has the power to influence other countries, so that they can achieve certain goals. every country has its national interests which cannot be achieved without the help of the international community (liu, 2013). global health diplomacy the emergence of the theory of global health diplomacy is influenced by the development of issues experienced by the international community, namely global health issues, especially the issue of the pandemic outbreak. the theory of "medical diplomacy" was introduced in 1978 by peter bourne, the president's 51 sherajum munira, sidik jatmika assessing policies, practices and impact of... special assistant for health issues during the carter administration. the emergence of certain humanitarian problems, especially health, can be the basis for building dialogue and bridging diplomatic barriers globally, because previously the state only focused on overcoming traditional problems (katz, kornblet, arnold, lief, & fischer, 2011). furthermore, governments and international organizations are increasingly embracing global health diplomacy as a tool to simultaneously run programs and improve health and international relations (katz et al., 2011). various countries are starting to realize that threats to health issues can also have an impact on various aspects and pose a global crisis threat, especially on the issue of disease outbreaks that cross national borders. although the term global health diplomacy has entered the mainstream, it has many very different meanings. these generally fall into three different categories of interactions surrounding international public health issues: (1) core diplomacy; formal negotiations between countries, (2) multistakeholder diplomacy; a negotiation between or between states and other actors, does not necessarily lead to a binding agreement; and (3) informal diplomacy; interactions between international public health actors and their counterparts in the field, including officials of host countries, non-governmental organizations, private sector companies, and the public (katz et al., 2011). research method this is qualitative research and constructivism approach, which using the content analysis method to find out and compare to such of bangladeh and indonesian government statements, policy and action to handle coronavirus crisis. comparative study is the act to observe two or more things to discover the relationships or to estimate the differences and similarities. from the logical point of view, an act of comparison implies objects (which can obviously be subjects, groups, institutions, cities, countries, etc. (roigtierno, gonzalez-cruz, & llopismartinez, 2017).comparative study is study analyses which compare two or more objects or ideas. comparative study is the studies to demonstrate ability to examine, compare and contrast subjects or ideas. comparative study shows how two subjects are similar or shows how two subjects are different (zhao & liu, 2020). according to alexander stafford, comparative analysis is a methodology in political science that is often used in political study systems, institutions or processes. this can be done on a local, regional, national and international scale. research aims to develop greater political understanding through scientifically limited methodologies (abou samra, 2021). comparative analysis has several important functions, especially in improving people's understanding by placing structures and routines that are well known to the system (understanding). then build a high level of community awareness of a system, culture, and patterns of thinking and acting (awareness). the existence of comparisons allows for testing of theories in various settings, as well as evaluating the scope of certain phenomena (generalization). 52 52 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june result and disccusion bangladesh case coordination among central – local government during the covid-19 crisis, coordination and accountability are critical aspects in building a successful response. collaboration and coordination between the central and local governments in developing an effective response to the covid-19 problem. bangladesh faces numerous obstacles as a developing country, including a big population, inadequate health resources, and a lack of infrastructure, among others. in bangladesh, health security is a significant concern (m. h. rahman et al., 2021). during the pandemic, the bangladeshi government has already taken a number of precautionary steps, including declaring covid-19 hotspots and enforcing shutdowns. the government has formed a nationwide plan for covid-19 called "the national preparedness and response plan" through committees from the national to the upazila (sub-district) levels as a response and action strategy. in march, the ministry of health and welfare's directorate general of health services created this strategy (biswas, huq, afiaz, & khan, 2020). as a result, effective reactions at the local level are required for the plan's fulfillment from the central level to the local level (tiong, 2004). the government has announced numerous food packages to aid the poor and low-income people as part of its covid-19 reaction. it is critical to ensure the effectiveness of the "stay at home or home quarantine." the municipal government, on the other hand, is incapable of providing adequate service to the citizens. as a result, relief contributions for the destitute rural people have been misappropriated and not distributed. due to a lack of coordination in the local administration, implementation has not been successful. the function of committees in bangladesh to alleviate the impact of the covid-19 pandemic is unsupportive and uncooperative among national and local government agencies (shammi, bodrud-doza, islam, & rahman, 2021). communication of government citizen one of the measures to control the spread of coronavirus is public communication. its role in the government's actions in the handling of covid-19 is important. in march 2020, bangladesh discovered the first three cases. the government then reacted to the major issue, but slowly. the government, however, has taken strategic measures for covid-19 management, including social and physical distance, work from home and social limitations. the effectiveness of such measures depends largely on positive communication with the public. but people do not keep social distance and do not keep the government rules. the government and politicians assess public consciousness to handle the covid-19 outbreak in an emergency (rana et al., 2021). since both the public and government were unaware of the emerging problem. communications on politics and health became a source of dispute. for the government and the person, this transition will be difficult. the government and citizens still have a significant gap and lack of cooperation in their answers to covid-19 (joarder, khaled, & joarder, 2021). 53 sherajum munira, sidik jatmika assessing policies, practices and impact of... indonesian case diplomacy to international communities a country's foreign policy must be geared towards its national interests to achieve its collective goals. indonesia is regarded as a lack of diplomacy by foreign communities. indonesia receives assistance in the face of sufficient problems at home to deal with this crisis from countries such as china and south korea. indonesia is diplomatically trying to alleviate the situation. indonesian reactions so far show, however, that diplomacy is not positive as countries confront new challenges. as a result, diplomacy is more nationalistic than international society. it turns out that diplomacy must learn to react promptly and effectively as a member of the international society, especially in crisis or in tense conditions (triwibowo, 2020). coordination among central – regional government a lot of problems have occurred in indonesia with the corona virus (covid19). the government problem is one of management, especially the relationship between the central government and the regional authorities in the face of covid 19's spread and the decentralized problems in health. the issue began with the approval by president joko widodo of sending 238 indonesians to natuna island for quarantine, from the town of wuhan. the regional government of natuna had nevertheless refused to declare its area a quarantine zone. the next issue was the appearance of a series of perplexing news both by the government and by the regional authorities, which had a host of negative cultural reactions. an example was a failure to react to cov-19 situations by the central government and regional governments (roziqin, mas’udi, & sihidi, 2021). communication of government citizen government contact with the public is crucial to combat the covid-19 pandemic. like china, public communication is an important factor in supporting government action to deal with covid-19. public communication from the government will be a catalyst for community action. the government of indonesia has implemented a range of strategic steps in combating covid-19, including isolation, social and physical separation, work from home and large-scale social restrictions (psbb). there is poor discipline and understanding in society. as a result, the indonesian government has failed to enforce public communication (herman, 2021). table 1. case and policy in bangladesh & indonesia in handling covid-19 (15 november 2020) no aspect bangladesh indonesia 1 total population 165,335,188 274,661,323 2 first case 8 march, 2020 2 march, 2020 3 total cases 432,333 467,113 4 total mortality 6,194 15,211 5 total recovered 349,542 391,991 6 diplomacy to international communities lack of efficiency performance deficit 54 54 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june no aspect bangladesh indonesia 7 coordination among central – local government lack of coordination between central and local government. lack of coordination/miscoordination and mishandling between central and regional government 8 communication of government citizen gap and lack of coordination between government and citizen. gap and lack of coordination between government and citizen. discussion there are several problems that emerged from the findings in the qualitative study because the pandemic situation did not combat and manage. the government of bangladesh and indonesia has not been prepared to react adequately to the covid-19 outbreak due to poor decision-making. various countries have implemented various policies and practices. but bangladesh and indonesia have some similarities. the developing countries are bangladesh and indonesia. the first registered covid-19 cases were confirmed in bangladesh and indonesia, with the highest number of both confirmed cases, at the same time (8 march and 2 march, respectively). however, both the bangladeshi and the indonesian governments had 3 months since the disease first occurred in chinese wuhan, but it failed to develop proper policy and strategies, including the introduction of contact tracking and the introduction of a rapid detection kit (hillier et al., 2020).the indonesian government claimed, up until beginning of march, that in indonesia there was no infection. president jokowi has planned a discount of up to 30% to attract tourists in february when many countries impose strict travel restrictions (lindsey & mann, 2020). diplomacy is a key instrument for implementing the foreign policy of a nation. diplomacy has developed to a system that is not only the leading implementer, the state. the need to act quickly to overcome covid-19 encourages the government to implement international cooperation as an international policy strategy to overcome the global pandemic of covid-19. in order to ensure the access and available health supplies such as medicines and medical devices to deal with covid-19, international coordination and cooperation are carried out in the face of the limitations in health resources available to indonesia and bangladesh (firdaus, 2020). but the diplomacy between bangladesh and indonesia is complicated and inefficient for international communities. low diplomatic and international communications skills. for all governments, particularly those with limited state capacity like bangladesh and indonesia, the covid-19 situation is very difficult and challenging. coordination between "the entire government" and "the whole society" is essential. various countries have adopted various policies, leadership, and structures. bangladesh, without any state or province, has a unitary form of government. indonesia, with 30 provinces, is also a unitary state. this means that the central government in the capital city controls all regions in indonesia and bangladesh. indonesia, however, is the largest country in the world on the island. indonesia has a complicated administrative system. the 55 sherajum munira, sidik jatmika assessing policies, practices and impact of... central government has not cooperated with the local government to address the outbreak of covid-19 and positive responses on understanding complex systems. the government of bangladesh also failed and coordinated poorly with the local government. the fact that public communication management was not efficient by the government of bangladesh and indonesia resulted in poor management of the pandemic including imposition of locking systems. the indonesian government gives the media the free rein to inform the public, which leads to the lack of public discipline and awareness in covid-19 management (herman, 2021). initially, the government of bangladesh did not impose strict protocols, and millions of people were on the streets, particularly in dhaka which is a megacity of 46,000 people per square kilometre. social distance seems to be tough. the government of bangladesh also fails to manage public communication (rana et al., 2021). the article also found that both of bangldesh and indonesian developed in a “unsmart”, “un-systematic”, “unobjective”, and “unvisionary” way in handle diplomacy and communication in global health crisis. both of bangldesh and indonesian government as un-credible communicator. it shows how important of good governance of health diplomacy and communication, including prepareness in health disasster mitigation in a country to handle such of effects of global health crisis. bangladesh and the leadership of indonesia has been divided and the central government, the provincial governments, the militaries and religious leaders have been advocates of various approaches. the case management and monitoring weaknesses of indonesia have been observed. conclusion the aim of this paper was to evaluate the management, including the preparedness of bangladesh and indonesia, of health diplomacy and communication. it shows that because of a lack of infrastructure, bangladesh and indonesia are unwilling to fight the covid-19 outbreak. this pandemic, however, requires proper planning for disaster management by integrating diverse activities at national and local 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(2020). comparative studies of internet use: a review of ssci-indexed journal articles, 1969– 2019. international journal of communication, 14. retrieved from https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/vie w/14551 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 indonesian female police officer’s deployment as international police officers in united nations – african union mission in darfur (unamid) (2016-2018) witri elvianti international relations study program, president university, cikarang indonesia witrielvianti@president.ac.id meilisa rusli international relations study program (alumni), president university, cikarang indonesia meimeilisa97@gmail.com abstract the main purpose is to analyze the role of indonesian female police deployed as individual police officers in the united nations peacekeeping operation in darfur from 2016 to 2018. this research was designed as a qualitative case study that triangulated data from previously published researches, institutional documents, and semi-structured qualitative interviews. previous scholarly publications were used to observe gender deficit – which is the lack of female personnel in un peacekeeping missions. institutional documents, particularly ex-indonesian female police reports, were analyzed to contribute to data enrichment in this research. lastly, the authors conducted semi-structured qualitative interviews with some ex-female police who have completed their deployment in unamid (2016-2018). concerning the gender equality and counterinsurgency concepts, this research figured out that indonesian female police could demonstrate their strategic role to provide skill-building activities, trust-building with refugees, and human rights advocacy. the numbers of indonesian female police in this mission remained higher than other southeast asian contributing countries, but the indonesian female police were also functional in line with the un gendering peace and security agenda. witri elvianti, meilisa rusli indonesian female police officer’s deployment as international police officers ... 217 keywords: gender, peace, international peacekeeping, international police abstrak tujuan utama dari tulisan ini adalah untuk menganalisis peran polisi wanita indonesia yang ditempatkan sebagai individual police officers dalam operasi perdamaian perserikatan bangsa-bangsa di darfur dari tahun 2016 hingga 2018. penelitian ini dirancang sebagai studi kasus kualitatif yang melakukan triangulasi data dari penelitian yang dipublikasikan sebelumnya, kelembagaan. dokumen, dan wawancara kualitatif semi-terstruktur. publikasi ilmiah sebelumnya digunakan untuk mengamati masalah defisit gender saat ini yaitu kurangnya personel wanita dalam misi penjaga perdamaian pbb. dokumen kelembagaan khususnya laporan eks polri dianalisis untuk membantu pengayaan data dalam penelitian ini. terakhir, para analis melakukan wawancara kualitatif semi terstruktur dengan beberapa mantan polisi wanita yang telah menyelesaikan penempatannya di unamid (2016-2018). dengan mengacu pada kesetaraan gender dan konsep kontra-pemberontakan, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa polisi wanita indonesia mampu menunjukkan peran strategis mereka dalam memberikan kegiatan peningkatan keterampilan, membangun kepercayaan dengan pengungsi, dan advokasi hak asasi manusia. meskipun jumlah polisi wanita indonesia dalam misi ini masih terbilang kurang signifikan, tetapi polisi wanita indonesia telah berperan sesuai dengan agenda perdamaian dan keamanan berbasis kesetaraan gender pbb. keywords: gender, perdamaian, penjagaan perdamaian internasional, polisi internasional introduction maintaining public safety and security and ensuring law enforcement is part of police’s minimum essential tasks when a normal situation is met. however, the task performed by the police in conflict areas remains more complicated. it is primarily addressed to guarantee security and prevent the perpetuation of conflict and improve the social foundation in society to reach reconciliation and reconstruction. in the realm of a post-conflict society, social cohesiveness is likely the key 218 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 to attaining productivity after suffering from the deficit of trust towards government accountability. therefore, the police hold, prima facie, a legitimate task to ensure civilians’ security in the conflict areas (loh, 2010). given the strategic position the police employ, united nations peacekeeping missions prioritize this sector as one of the main components in un peacekeeping operations worldwide. united nations police is assigned in areas where un missions are carried out, in which the police are given tasks to assist the government in maintaining public security and increasing local police capacity. the united nations police is divided into three sections, namely professional post (p-post) or specialized police team, formed police unit (fpu), and individual police officer (ipo). each of the units equally shares the same goal to complete the un peacekeeping missions. in such deployments, personnel from various backgrounds and diverse professional ranks and experiences are being challenged to face a wideranging mandated responsibility. the individual police officer, for instance, which also becomes the main focus of this research, covers a complete range of policing tasks, such as developing community police camps for refugees or internally displaced persons, mentoring and training national police officers, providing specialization in different types of investigations and helping law enforcement officers to deal with transnational crimes happened in some countries (united nations, 2017). speaking of which united nations peacekeeping operations that seek to fulfill some golden goals, among other things, maintaining international peace and security based on respect for the principle of equal human rights and selfdetermination of peoples; helping the member states to earn friendly relations through multilateral cooperation coping with global social, cultural, economic and humanities challenges. such normative assertions may not always be retained. in the context of equal human rights in international security, the un police seem to demonstrate its commitment to adopting the gender equality policy as an operational standard to be held throughout its missions as to fulfilling a variety of needs of women, men, girls, and boys emerged in the field. it is supposedly able to “… increase the number of women in the composition of military and police witri elvianti, meilisa rusli indonesian female police officer’s deployment as international police officers ... 219 contingents in un peacekeeping…” to internally gendering the institutions and aiming for “…equal representations of women within the un operation…” (dharmapuri, 2013). accelerating number of women police in un missions enables the global efforts to the pursuit of women empowerment in enhancing law enforcement, public leadership, crisis management and investigations, capacity-building for local police, and communityoriented policy realization and raising awareness of gender equality for the local community (united nations police, 2016). besides, since early 2000, initiatives to incorporate women into the decision-making process at any level in peace processes have been intensified in the un security council report progress. from late october 2000, through its 4213th meeting, the un eventually disqualified masculine superiority, adding that beijing’s commitment to gender mainstreaming was encapsulated in un resolution 1325. this resolution became a stepping stone for the member states to be keen on gender mainstreaming in the security sector domestically and internationally. to continue the commitment, the unsc has adopted resolution 1820 in 2008, resolution 1888 and 1889 in 2009, resolution 1960 in 2010, resolution 2106 and 2122 in 2013. these resolutions intended to strengthen the commitment of member states to adopt the women, peace, and security (wps) agenda in international and national security. such unsc’s agenda galvanizes member states to strengthen their military and police capacity by equipping their personnel with principles of gender equality. the international community witnesses the presence of un peacekeepers in times of militarization and war is presumably exclusive and genderneutral. however, it turns out ironic that the peacekeepers who are taught to be non-gender biased are involved in a series of complaints. the blue helmet units are deployed in conflict zones to continue demilitarization and p e a c e f u l re c onc i l i at i on by mostly resembling malecentric authority. this condition subsequently generates a classic image of what ‘militarization’ can be a symbolic and powerful cultural tool imposed by the government to further its aggressive goals. this masculine concept of peacekeeping operation led women into the least proportion of military and civilian police personnel, where 16 percent of civilian police composed less than 220 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 five percent of female police in un peacekeeping operations. although statistically improvement has been viewed from the mid-1990s, women personnel, however, have been authorized for “…non-professional civilian positions” (mazurana, 2003) hence, the gender equality polic y in un peacekeeping operations should gain more supports from the international community. the purpose is to encourage more female personnel to get involved in “…the building and preserving peace…” as the presence of female peacekeeping personnel remains as “…one of the preconditions for…” emergence of “…sustainable peace and stability in the conflict zones” (odanovic, 2010). the gendering security agenda also continuously sounds in the international police deployment in a series of un peacekeeping operations to empower female police personnel at the frontline of peacekeeping missions by accelerating their leadership capacities in crisis management. one of the un peacekeeping missions that attract scholarly debates upon the arrival of female police personnel in this operation is the un peacekeeping operations in collaboration with african union within the so-called united nations – african union hybrid operation in darfur (unamid, 2017). this case remains worth scholar discussion and rigorous investigation to examine the relevance of female personnel towards attaining effective post-conflict civilian reconciliation. the civil war that emerged in darfur involved two confronting parties between the sudanese government and armed rebel groups – led by the sudan liberation army (sla) and the separate justice and equality movement (jem) that has existed since 2003. these two rebels started attacking north khartoum due to its indifference with the sudanese government by arguing that the people of darfur have long been ethnically and politically marginalized. in response, the government formed the so-called janjaweed, the arab’s militias. this decision worsened the situation in darfur and made the conflict one of the worst humanitarian conflicts in the region. consequently, it has resulted in 300,000 deaths, 2.5 million displaced people, and increased crime rates (unamid, 2017). violence against vulnerable women and children cannot be separated from conflicts or wars, in which civil wars in darfur are not excluded. the violation ranges from rape, sexual abuse, witri elvianti, meilisa rusli indonesian female police officer’s deployment as international police officers ... 221 sexual exploitation, and murder. women and children in darfur are targeted because janjaweed accused them of supporting the armed rebel groups (human rights watch, 2015). violence toward women and children is the most destructive strategy in war and conflicts (united nations police, 2016). in this vein, the conflict demanded inter vention from external parties to end the casualties or minimize power abuse performed by the conflicting parties. although darfur peace agreements were attained, the conflict was rather prolonged. the government and the armed rebel group declared war to pursue military gains, targeting civilians (netabay, 2009). the innocent civilians have suffered a wide range of mistreatments, such as harassment, sexual abuse, rape, beatings, and murderer (u.s.department of state, 2017). hence, the united nations protected them by sending approximately 31.042 personnel to darfur (19.555 soldiers, 3.772 police advisers, and 5.105 civilians) (united nations, 2007). the mission named unamid came into force through the un security council resolution 1769 that was adopted on july 31, 2007 (united nations, 2007). the indonesian government has participated in the united nations african union hybrid operation in darfur (unamid). indonesia is one country that has assigned its national police to participate in the un peacekeeping mission. indonesia’s participation in the mission is in line with one of the country’s national goals, which is to participate in carrying out world order based on independence, peace, and social justice as mentioned in the fourth paragraph of the preamble of the 1945 constitution (the constitution of the republic of indonesia of 1945, 1945). indonesian law no. 2 of 2002 article 41 paragraph 3 also emphasizes the importance of the national police’s participation in peacekeeping missions, which stated that the indonesian national police actively assisted the task of maintaining world peace (undangundang republik indonesia nomor 2 tahun 2002 tentang kepolisian negara republik indonesia, 2002). in its contribution to the un peacekeeping operations in darfur, indonesia has shown consistent, a l b e it qu ant it at ive ly l owe r, performance. albeit indonesian peacekeeping personnel was absent in the first commencement of unamid in 2007, the government of indonesia has continuously been 222 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 active in supporting the gendering peace process by sending higher numbers of police personnel. figure 1. list of top ten troops and police-contributing countries in september 2018 (source: https://peacekeeping. un.org/en/troop-and-policecontributors) based on figure 1, the quantity of indonesian police remains lower than in jordan, nepal, and bangladesh. also, the indonesian government seems to prioritize the deployment of military personnel over the police since the number of police was still below the military troops, with 168 police personnel and 804 military personnel in 2018. however, before the deployment in any un peacekeeping operations, military personnel would have been granted multiple protections in the wider context, making monitoring over dis ciplining p ers onnel affordable. the military contributors would sign the mou with the united nations, ensuring that each military unit could be protected from national military codes of justice. the un code of conduct would also guide its minimum essential task. on the contrary, the police u n it i n u n p e a c e ke e pi ng operations does not earn such protective circumstances since the protection for police is solely the responsibility of the contributing country. consequently, the numbers of police contributions in un peacekeeping operations remain slower than the numbers of military personnel. besides, due to alarming power abuse and weak discipline demonstrated by un police personnel in un peacekeeping operations leads the credibility of un police is underrated (durch & ker, 2013). the government of indonesia should have been able to increase the numbers of its national police deployed in un peacekeeping missions. it has been suggested and mandated by several legal decisions that supervise the participation of the indonesian national police in the peacekeeping mission in darfur. the first legal base is regulation of the chief of the indonesian national police number 01 of witri elvianti, meilisa rusli indonesian female police officer’s deployment as international police officers ... 223 2013 and regulation of the chief of the indonesian national police number 13 of 2014 concerning the assignment of indonesian police officers outside the organizational structure of the national police (wibisono, 2018). the second legal basis is order letter from the chief of the indonesian national police number: spring/301/ii/2017 dated february 8, 2017, which concerns orders to carry out assignments as individual police advisor to the united nations mission area namid-darfur (wibisono, 2018). last but not least, another legal basis is facsimile (fax) from head of international relations division of the indonesian national police number: divhubinter/fax/2271/ xii/2014 dated december 10, 2014, concerning making reports on ipo assignment in the united nations mission area (wibisono, 2018). given such information, this research asked how the indonesian female police could contribute to the peacekeeping operations underneath the unamid authority in darfur. although quantitatively numbers of indonesian national police remain lower than other developing countries, it is worth asking whether or not indonesian female police could perform quality international policing when on the international mission; whether or not indonesian female police deployed in this mission was conscious of how significant their contribution toward peace establishment for local people in darfur and career development for their future career. this research specifically portrayed the gender dimension of indonesian police personnel in unamid to justify that the indonesian government under the indonesian national police unit is likely progressive to welcoming the gender perspective in its commitment to be proactive in the international peace and security arena. specifically, this research focused on individual police officers (ipo) that consisted of police or other law enforcement staff/personnel of different ranks and experience assigned by un member states for deployment (united nations, 2017). ipo covers a complete range of policing tasks, such as developing community police camps for refugees or internally displaced persons, mentoring and training national police officers, providing specialization in different types of investigations, and helping law enforcement officers deal with transnational crimes in some countries (united nations, 2017). the personnel selected to be a member of ipo must be ready to 224 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 be placed anywhere by the un (wibisono, 2018). previous researches attempted to build a positive correlation between the un police and un peacekeeping operations. the scholarly analysis provided by bayley and perito in 2010 investigated the dilemma of establishing legitimate and effective indigenous police forces amid insurgent violence. they focused on police-building in stability operations, intending to create a legitimate and effective government that can provide important services, including the rule of law. as a result of the experience in iraq and afghanistan, the u.s. military has recently developed a new counterinsurgency doctrine (coin) to address the kind of violence encountered in stabilization missions, with the ultimate goal of establishing an effective, sustainable local government (bayley & perito, 2010). in this study, the greater importance of local police presence was also found since there was a huge gap between the local community of darfur and the local police. the civilians remained lacking in trust toward the police credibility. it was also unveiled that the victims of sexual abuse were hindered from reporting the violence simply because they distrusted the institution. a study by fitri bintang timur published in 2016 focused on studying the urgency of female peacekeepers on a comparative basis with selecting three asian countries, such as indonesia, the philippines, and india. comparing t he p er for mance of female military personnel deployed in un peacekeeping missions, this research found that although indonesia’s contribution in terms of security personnel deployed in un peacekeeping missions remained the highest contributor in southeast asia, the number of female personnel deployed remained the lowest. concerning the statistical data from un pko from 2009 to 2014, this research figured out that one to two out of a hundred peacekeepers deployed were female. the study concluded that female peacekeepers’ recruitment mechanisms remained half-hearted, which caused the low performance in numbers and qualities (timur, 2016). therefore, the analyst found the urgency to evaluate the contribution of indonesian female police to un peacekeeping missions, with specific attention being paid to the case of indonesia’s contribution to unamid. by doing so, it is expected witri elvianti, meilisa rusli indonesian female police officer’s deployment as international police officers ... 225 to unveil the direction of indonesian female police performance by exploring whether or not their contribution fulfilled the gendering peace and security agenda and the method of counterinsurgency that emphasizes the urgency of the human security dimension in un peacekeeping operations. theoretical framework and research method to achieve the goal, the analyst employed some concepts and theories as mentioned below: a. gender equality gender not only corresponds to biological identity but is primarily a product of socialization, or cultural, political, and social structure of the masculinity and feminist as the identity of a social character (arsenijevic & flessenkamper, 2013). gender can also be seen to structure power relations and define power relations in society to determine what is expected, allowed, and valued in a given context for women or men (guehenno, 2006). however, it is well-known that violent conflict affects women and girls in gender inequalities and discrimination (united nations, 2015). gender equality itself refers to women’s and men’s equal rights, responsibilities, and opportunities and implies that the interests, needs, and priorities of both men and women are taken into consideration, recognizing the diversity of different groups of men and women (guéhenno, 2006). on the contrary, gender inequality means that women’s and men’s rights, responsibilities, opportunities, and priorities are not equal. the gender equality concept provides a relevant background of why female police are part of un strategic units in this research. united nations has strived to emphasize and incorporate gender equality into its policies and programs. one of the policies applied by the un is the united nations security management system (unsms). the unsms policy on gender considerations in security management was developed to raise awareness and guide security decision-makers in assessing and addressing security-related threats, risks, and vulnerabilities of all united nations personnel, especially those most vulnerable (united nations, 2016). formed police unit and individual police officer can be said as parts of un program which is united nations police concerned 226 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 with gender equality in the security sector. this program is open for all genders to maintain public security in some areas known as war-zone areas. to be part of the formed police unit and individual police officer, every personnel must pass some criteria and tests. after that, the person can become part of the united nations police that are ready to be placed anywhere regarding the areas that need un police and have approval from the local government. a. counter insurgency doctrine coin doctrine emphasizes the need to protect civilians, eliminate insurgent leaders and infrastructure, and help establish a legitimate and accountable host nation government capable of delivering essential human services (eikenberry, 2013). according to a book titled “the police in war: fighting insurgency, terrorism, and violent crime” by david h. bayley and robert m. perito, they shared their thoughts about the role of the police and military commander who are responsible for making decisions immediately to secure peace and human security. in this book, bayley and perito stated that “military victory in war is easier to achieve than peace, although it is equally important that’s why the presence of actors in the field of military security, police security and human security is crucial” (bayley & perito, 2010). this research used qualitative descriptive, which is largely descriptive and analytical, by interpreting the official government’s document as the primary data. the analyst triangulated data to check for data validity by combining information from various secondary and primary sources to validate the data gathered in this research. the data triangulation technique demonstrated in this research covere d re v ie w ing pre v ious scholarly reports, text analysis of official documents, and individual interviews through semi-structured qualitative interviews with the female police who accomplished their one-year (2017-2018) mission in darfur. at the first stage, the researcher identified the problems that emerged to justify why it remains necessary to question the relevance of gender equality in the un peacekeeping missions. in this process, data was required. the variables of sexual abuse victimized women and children, lacking the discipline of un police and military personnel, and masculine militaristic approach in conflict areas, especially in darfur. in the next stage, to ensure data witri elvianti, meilisa rusli indonesian female police officer’s deployment as international police officers ... 227 richness, the researcher subsequently analyzed the text of official documents, including (1) reports from the personnel who have been deployed to the mission area; (2) and united nations security council resolution. the last stage of this data gathering process was retrieved from theoretical propositions that have been explained in previous paragraphs. to check for its validity, through interviewing exfemale peacekeepers (police unit), the authors found relevant data about some variables, which were the realization of gender equality in unamid, the outcome of a female police officer deployment, and the experience of a female police officer facing the challenges resulting from such a crisis zone. this data articulation is relevant to the grand theme brought by this research which was to build a comprehensive conversation on the role and contribution of indonesian female police as individual police officers under the united nations – african union hybrid operation in darfur, since 2017 2018, especially in the protection of women and children from the humanitarian crisis because of darfur conflict. however, when contacting the informants to gain primary data, the researcher should admit the lack of time to conduct individual interviews. the time constraint vastly pushed the researcher to not handle the interview directly but through email correspondence. this circumstance, however, reduced the probability of enriching primary data from the informants. therefore, the analysis generation process most depended on the written interaction through texts and replies via email result and explanation according to ncb-interpol indonesia, indonesian police personnel deployed in un mission can be categorized into three forms, professional post (p. post), individual police officer (ipo), and formed police unit (fpu) that have the same goal which is to complete un’s peacekeeping missions (ncbinterpol indonesia, 2017). individual police officers (ipos) are police officers or other law enforcement personnel of various ranks and experience assigned to serve with the united nations by governments of the member states which have the main task of the physical protection of civilian and the creation of protective environment (united nations, 2017). especially for female police, other main duties are to protect women and children, function as community 228 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 policing, building interaction with local women and children (united nations peacekeeping, 2018). united nations ensures gendersensitive policing throughout the work of united nations police as an operational necessity to overcome the differentiated security needs of women, men, girls, and boys (united nations police, 2016). the participation of women police is important in united nations police activities, such as the promotion of the rule of law, intelligence, planning, leadership, investigations, and public order management, capacity-building of host-state p o l i c e , c o m mu n i t y o r i e nt e d policing, gender awareness-raising, and engaging communities (united nations police, 2016). in addition, women police act as role models for gender equality and inspire women to encourage their rights and pursue careers in law enforcement also to provide a greater sense of security to women and children and improve access and support from law enforcement agencies to local women (united nations police, 2016). women police also help the united nations address and respond to sexual exploitation and abuse (united nations police, 2016). such participation of women police was emphasized through security council resolution on women, peace and security 1325 (2000), 1769 (2007), 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009), 1889 (2009), 1960 (2010), 2106 (2013), 2122 (2013), and 2242 (2015) which talked about the important roles of women in the prevention and resolution of conflict and peace-building and for their equal participation and full involvement at decision-making levels in conflict resolution and maintenance and promotion of international peace and security (united nations police, 2016). given such global normative procedures, it becomes pertinent to ask how the indonesian female police perceive their presence in darfur as delegated by indonesian national police to adopt gender mainstreaming policy. according to the data gained from one of the interviewees, the indonesian government’s policy in international security has gradually reflected the gender mainstreaming agenda. in the case of indonesian peacekeepers deployed in the un peacekeeping mission in darfur, from 2017 to 2018, 9 out of 15 indonesian police personnel deployed in unamid were female (astuti, 2017). furthermore, those nine female police personnel demonstrated their position as individual police officer witri elvianti, meilisa rusli indonesian female police officer’s deployment as international police officers ... 229 in various types of contributions. some were appointed to manage strategic roles as patrol officers, administrative officers, and team leaders in sub-unit at unamid main headquarters. yunik dwi astudi herself managed every individual police officers who departed from many other countries who eventually accomplished their deployment. some soft skills were determinant to the successful accomplishment. facing the pressure from the culturally different local community and handling complaints from other female personnel due to financial miscalculation of their monthly substantial allowance (msa) were other responsibilities facing akbp yunik dwi astuti during her deployment in unamid. the other indonesian women police was kompol rusdiani, sik, msi. getting assigned as internal investigation officer, kompol rusdiani was responsible for investigating various cases in that area, such as harassment, stealing, etc. (syam et al., 2017). the indonesian female police should investigate the roots of the problem and provide traumatic healing for the victims of sexual harassment. another indonesian female police who strategically performed a crucial role in unamid was iptu wastini, assigned to a training officer who had to train all individual police officers from other countries such as tanzania and malawi, rwanda, and south africa. before this position, iptu warsini became a certifiednsaat tester and international trainer from united nations (akbp yunik dwi astuti, sik, msi, 2017). besides, brigadier fraya sadewi; akbp dr. imanta tarigan; bripka aprina pohan; bripka anastasia helena rompas; bripka ni nyoman trisna oktaviani; and bripka lucy veronika were other indonesian female police assigned as ipo in unamid with their unique roles. brigadier fraya sadewi was assigned as protocol officer whose duty was to communicate with the representatives or the president of the sudanese government, the unamid officials, and the delegates who came to visit the mission area. akbp dr. imanta tarigan was assigned as welfare officer in the south sector and responsible for handling stress management. bripka aprina pohan was assigned as a planning officer in the south sector, which must plan the strength of personnel in this sector and the on-site team to support the territorial patrol. bripka anastasia helena rompas 230 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 and bripka ni nyoman trisna oktaviani were appointed as admin officer. however, bripka anastasia helena was assigned in the south sector, and ni nyoman trisna oktaviani was differently assigned in the west sector and responsible for managing given information about the administrative movement to all personnel in their sector, site team, and main headquarter. last but not least, bripka lucy veronika, who was assigned as joint operations center (joc) officer in central sector which had the duty to prepare, collate and disseminate joc products promptly, including regularly scheduled daily and weekly mission situation reports and adhoc reports such as special incident reports (syam et al., 2017). with the specific role as a patrol officer, the personnel had opportunities to interact with local people in refugee camps to maintain public security. direct engagement with local villagers could help the person build trust with the people and track the safety of the people in darfur. patrol officers also monitored the crime potentials in that area, including the cases of sexual gender-based violence, by collecting and analyzing information about the dynamism of the crimes. next, the personnel identified the crime-prone areas and warned local people to stay away from the dangerous area (akbp muhammad nur syam, s.i.k.; akbp dr. sn imanta taringan, sppk; bripka lusy veronika, s.pd., 2017). adding to that, this female ipo also performed other roles: (1) provide several skillsbuilding activities such as teaching about self-security, personal health and the environment, ways of breastfeeding, and children’s education; (2) enhance the local policewomen capacity to take a leading responsibility in providing support to local communities; and (3) ensure the safety of refugees from criminal acts that will happen around mission area (ncb-interpol indonesia, 2017); (4) provide counseling and capacity building at refugee camps; (5) and community policing, human rights education and health. based on the unamid mandates, which are to (1) protect civilians, without prejudice to the responsibility of the government of sudan; (2) facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance and ensure the safety of humanitarian personnel; (3) mediate between the government of sudan and nonsignatory armed movements based on the doha document for peace in darfur; and (4) support the witri elvianti, meilisa rusli indonesian female police officer’s deployment as international police officers ... 231 mediation of community conflict, including through measures to address its root causes (unamid, 2014), indonesian women police as ipo have made significant progress in particular indicators relating to the mandates such as peace, health and education (united nations, 2015). this significant progress can be seen in figure 2. mandates problems activities to protect civilians; without prejudice to the responsibility of the government of sudan rape; violations of the rights to life; violations of the rights to physical integrity doing weekly patrol plan; monitoring the development of crime in that area including the cases of sexual gender-based violence; analyzing information about the development of the crime; warning local people to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance and ensure the safety of humanitarian personnel lack of education about self-security, personal health and the environment, ways of breastfeeding, and children’s education; access to clean water in darfur is very difficult and force people to experience a long-term drought providing skill-building activities, counseling/educating communities; escorts for 11 logistics convoys of the world food program (wfp), which consists of 87 trucks carrying 1,947 tons of food and 46 tons of non-food items; provide daily escort to humanitarian water, hygiene and sanitation partners, and transporting water from kube to the sortony gathering site mediate between the government of sudan and nonsignatory armed movements based on the doha document for peace in darfur a prolonged and violent war between janjaweed and armed rebel groups; conflict between two communities such as the berti and the ma‘aliva conducted a meditation between the government of sudan and armed rebel group to sign a protocol agreement that was finalized at the all darfur stakeholders conference in may 2011, in doha, qatar; conducted a meditation between the berti and the ma‘aliva in april 2017 232 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 through this mission, as shown in figure 2, indonesian female individual police officers also protected women and children from the humanitarian crisis in darfur. they were engaged in advocacies and resilience building for women and children. the advocacy was centered on protecting women and children from sexual abuse and other crimes, empowering women to maintain their physical wellbeing and the growth of their babies by educating proper breastfeeding, outreaching the children by teaching them in classrooms, and teaching them the urgency of protecting the environment. besides, the indonesian female ipo also facilitated the local people by providing counseling/educating communities (capacity building) at refugee camps for the local police to maintain security and order, community policing, human rights, education, and health. the elementary session to socialize the foundation of human rights, for instance, might give incentives for women in darfur to continue postconflict reconstruction by liberating their basic rights. conclusion according to united nations police, individual police officers have duties such as providing skill-building activities, building trust with refugees, and ensuring refugees’ safety from criminal acts around the mission area. besides, indonesian policewomen also have the other duties which are to complete unamid mandates such as to (1) protect civilians, without prejudice to the responsibility of the government of sudan; (2) facilitate the deliver y of humanitarian assistance and ensure the safety of humanitarian personnel; (3) mandates problems activities support the mediation of community conflict, including through measures to address its root causes women and children do not have the right to speak with the government mediate the local women to the signing of the revitalized agreement with its requirement of 35 percent women in the composition of important transitional and governmental structures in darfur, sudan. figure 2. the progress of indonesian female ipo (compiled by the authors) witri elvianti, meilisa rusli indonesian female police officer’s deployment as international police officers ... 233 mediate between the government of sudan and non-signatory armed movements based on the doha document for peace in darfur; and (4) support the mediation of community conflict, including through measures to address its root causes. to complete these duties and mandates, indonesia’s government sends women police to the unamid for the first time for batch 20172018 because indonesia has begun to realize gender equality. these women police are akbp yunik dwi astuti, sik, msi, kompol rusdiani, sik, msi, iptu wastini, brigadir fraya sadewi, akbp dr. imanta tarigan, bripka aprina pohan, bripka anastasia helena rompas, bripka ni nyoman trisna oktaviani, and bripka lucy veronika. the deployment of indonesian female police in unamid has shown that the counterinsurgency measurement also signifies the role of police security to accompany the human security concept in peacekeeping and gendering 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(2018). laporan akhir pelaksanaan tugas pada misi perdamaian pbb unamid di sudan tanggal 29 januari 2017 s/d 28 januari 2018. foreign policy of madagascar under the leadership of andry rajoelina: analysis of domestic determinants krisna silawa department of peace and conflict resolution, faculty of national security, universitas pertahanan ri email: krisna.silawa@gmail.com achmed sukendro department of peace and conflict resolution, faculty of national security, universitas pertahanan ri email: achmed.sukendro@idu.ac.id bayu setiawan department of peace and conflict resolution, faculty of national security, universitas pertahanan ri email: bayu.setiawan1961@gmail.com abstract madagascar is one of the countries with a strategic geographical position by being one of the doors for traders to enter africa and sub-saharan africa from the indian ocean. moreover, madagascar is also directly connected to the mozambique strait which has potential resources and trade routes. with the limitations that madagascar still has to face, the foreign policy that is made can certainly be a strategy in order to articulate the interests of madgascar. in an article, bojang a.s., has explained that one of the foreign policy makers used to see how to influence madagascar's foreign policy was especially under the leadership of andry rajoelina. the purpose of this study is to identify the domestic determinants of madagascar that determine its foreign policy. using a secondary qualitative method, the findings show that there are eight (8) domestic determinants that influence madagascar's foreign policy under the leadership of andry rajoelina. this research is based on that the eight determinants of madagascar's foreign policy are closer to non-african. this research is expected to assist the development of international relations studies in the analysis of a country's foreign policy. keywords: foreign policy, madagascar, rajoelina, domestic determinant abstrak madagaskar merupakan salah satu negara dengan letak geografis strategis dengan menjadi salah satu pintu bagi pedagang memasuki kawasan afrika dan sub-sahara dari samudra hindia. lebih dari itu, madagaskar juga berbatasan langsung dengan selat mozambik yang memiliki potensi sumber daya dan jalur perdagangan. dengan keterbatasan yang masih harus dihadapi madagaskar, kebijakan luar negeri yang dibuat tentu dapat menjadi strategi dalam rangka mengartikulasikan kepentingan madgaskar. dalam sebuah artikel, bojang a.s, telah menjelaskan bahwa salah satu penentu kebijakan luar negeri adalah determinan domestik yang digunakan untuk melihat bagaimana itu mempengaruhi kebijakan luar negeri madagaskar terutama di bawah kepemimpinan andry rajoelina. tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengidentifikasi determinan domestik madagaskar yang menentukan kebijakan luar negerinya. dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif sekunder, temuan menunjukkan bahwa mailto:krisna.silawa@gmail.com mailto:achmed.sukendro@idu.ac.id mailto:bayu.setiawan1961@gmail.com 33 krisna silawa, achmed sukendro, bayu setiawan foreign policy of madagascar under the... terdapat delapan (8) determinan domestik yang mempengaruhi politik luar negeri madagaskar di bawah kepemimpinan andry rajoelina. penelitian ini berpendapat bahwa berdasarkan delapan determinan domestik kebijakan luar negeri madagaskar lebih dekat kearah nonafrika. penelitian ini diharapkan dapat membantu pengembangan studi hubungan internasional dalam kajian analisis kebijakan luar negeri suatu negara. keywords: kebijakan luar negeri, madagaskar, rajoelina, determinan domestik journal of islamic world and politics vol.6. no.1 june 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 introduction africa and sub-saharan africa’s vast natural resource potential and the fact that these areas tend to be unable to fully harness their potential, worldwide attention has long been paid to these regions. when it comes to developing influence in africa and subsaharan africa, some nations apply both low and high politics. the enormous potential of the resources held explains the employment of supporting tools in high politics. threats to global security may be posed by these developments, as well. because of such, these areas are often used as a proxy for conflicts involving other nations’ security and defense industries. non-state dangers, such as radicalism and terrorism, have been increasingly worrying for a long time, particularly in africa and sub-saharan africa, making other nations want to demonstrate their might in these areas (attaasamoah, 2019; neethling, 2020; tafotie & idahosa, 2016). for instance, madagascar is depicted on the map above as receiving increasing international attention. geopolitical future data unveil that mozambique, india, russia, and the united states are all looking for ‘luck’ in madagascar. a policy-making figure 1: armed forces presence in africa source: geopolitical futures (https://geopoliticalfutures.com/state-andnonstate-forces-in-africa/) 34 34 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june process that includes logic and the role of psychology is, definitely, the best way to make big choices in general. domestic (policy) choices and international interactions, referred to as foreign policy, are handled the same way by the state. the domestic policy of a nation is strongly influenced by its foreign policy. relations between nations have become increasingly complicated in today’s volatile world of uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (vuca). moreover, an effective response to the acts of other nations is dependent on a country’s foreign policy (atta-asamoah, 2019; codreanu, 2016; neethling, 2020; tafotie & idahosa, 2016). mozambique’s interest in and influence over madagascar may be traced back to its proximity to mozambique strait. the northern mozambique strait has become a new security hotspot in the indian ocean and a location for gas sector expansion. about 30% of the world’s tanker traffic passes through the 1800km mozambique strait canal between madagascar and east africa (brewster, 2021). on the other hands united states has established a presence in this area, by sustaining us global leadership: priorities for 21st century defense. among the global commons prioritized by the united states is cyberspace as well as international water and airspace. access to the global commons must be safeguarded for the sake of economic development and commerce in the international system, which is crucial to the united states (us department of defense, 2012). meanwhile russia’s approach to the african continent is political, including the deployment of military and political advisors with sway over the media. russia’s presence in the african region is aimed not only to gain military advantages but also to reduce the influence of the united states and former colonial powers france and britain through energy and mining concessions and infrastructure development agreements (arbuniés, 2020). in addition, india has expanded its presence in africa due to china’s belt road initiatives (bri) development in the indian ocean, india is building a network of military bases throughout the area to counter the chinese military’s increasing presence in the region (neethling, 2020). a regular security presence was then maintained throughout the area by india. there are regular cooperative patrols between the indian and french navies, as well as an indian air and naval facility on the island of agalega mauritius, located close to the mozambique channel and madagascar (mishra, 2021; roche, 2021). china itself related to madagascar began a four-decade-long bond. yet, chinese government does not meddle in the country’s political decisions and does not pay too much attention to the issue of politics (democracy) (andriamampiandra et al., 2021). due to its ‘isolation’ from asia, america, and europe, as well as its lack of ties to africa, the nation has been able to build ties with the world by its policy. the discussion on foreign policy becomes important by referring to several experts such as joseph frankel who in his view, it can be interpreted that foreign policy is related to actions within national boundaries aimed at forces outside the national boundaries and consists of the formulation and implementation of ideas. which regulates the behavior of the state when interacting with other countries to maintain and enhance the national interest of that country. in addition, norman j. padelford and george a. lincoln link foreign policy with external environmental affairs from the results of a country translating its goals and 35 krisna silawa, achmed sukendro, bayu setiawan foreign policy of madagascar under the... interests (domestic) which are understood in certain actions to achieve goals and defend interests. meanwhile, hill considers that foreign policy is the axis of domestic and international politics (frankel, 1968; li, 2008; padelford & lincoln, 1967). after all we can interpret that foreign policy is a tangent line between domestic politics and international politics. unfortunately, the discussion about these two parts of foreign policy making is still divided, whether the factors of foreign policy making stand-alone (independent) or are intertwined/ influence each other (dependent). therefore, we can understand that the study or analysis of a country's foreign policy consists of two important things, namely the internal (domestic) and the external (non-domestic). bojang a.s’s on his study ‘the study of foreign policy in international relations’ has broken it down into two parts: external and internal (domestic) factors. the domestic factor itself is important despite which of the factors appears first. in the end, the product of foreign policy returns to the interests and policies within each country itself (domestic policy). hence, it is important to look at the capabilities of the country itself before discussing the impact or influence from outside on the country. research method determinant in foreign policy to understand better madagascar’s foreign policy, we use eight factors (domestic determinant) where culture influences humans or society in the way they think, see and interpret things in their environment. a nation's approach to foreign affairs is determined by its traditional values and beliefs that have emerged or existed over the past years. in general, countries with the same culture and history find it easier to formulate effective and consistent foreign policies (bojang, 2018). as geographically a country with sea or not, mountainous areas, and others, the policies will be different and adjust the advantages and disadvantages from the geographical side (bojang, 2018). in addition, economic development and national resources that are influenced by industrialized countries (in other words, countries with good economies) dominate in world politics and form foreign policies that maintain their ‘power. moreover, natural resources affect the bargaining position of a country in the global contest (bojang, 2018). furthermore, military capability is also a determining which the ability of the state to defend its territory or power from armed aggression plays a big role in internal and external policies. along with this military capability, the state may change the form of its political policy from peaceful or peaceful to aggressive (bojang, 2018). as well, with political systems that related to the form of government which authoritarian or totalitarian form of government is quicker and easier to determine policies. on the other hand, countries with democratic systems of making and implementing foreign policies are more difficult and slower (bojang, 2018). the personality and character of the leader also have a major role in formulating foreign policy that included a cognitive process and assumes that policy making is a product of ‘human agency’ which is purely an individual, not a state. the types of leaders are those who are like ‘hawks’ or aggressive foreign policy, based on a capable military force. others are ‘doves’, known as conciliators and seek to resolve international conflicts without threats (bojang, 2018). political parties and interest groups have a role in forming a representative group in a country. in the context of foreign policy, these parties can 36 36 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june vocalize their interests and affect the policy in a good and bad way (bojang, 2018). mass media indeed can shape public opinion, and public opinion can shape policy outcomes, where this tends to be especially influential in democracies where the leader of the country usually considers opinion polls before deciding on crucial or important policies (bojang, 2018). based on bojang's research above, it can then be compared how the conditions of madagascar, especially under the leadership of rajoelina, afterwards see how the dynamics in these determinants can influence madagascar's foreign policy. result and discussion madagascar’s foreign policy as most other nations, madagascar’s foreign policy is subject to shifts based on current events. according to a tally by the united nations, madagascar has had at least twelve presidents since gaining its independence in 1960. madagascar’s foreign policy swung toward china and the former soviet union shortly after independence and the breakup with france in the 1970s. malagasy support for the non-aligned movement and africa’s liberation struggle has been long-standing. madagascar was a vocal opponent of apartheid in south africa throughout the 1980s. madagascar likewise left the franc zone and the francophone common african and malagasy organization (ocam). while contemplating joining the southern africa development community (sadc) and entering the common market for eastern and southern africa (comesa) in 1994, madagascar’s ties with south africa strengthened (us library of congress, 2021; nations encyclopedia, 2021). as a result, madagascar established diplomatic connections with a wide range of bilateral or regional nations. since 1990, the world bank and the imf have provided financial support for national environmental initiatives. american funding has also been provided via the world bank. despite its membership in the indian ocean community (ioc), the port management association of eastern and southern africa (pmaesa), and the southern african development community (sadc) since 2004, madagascar has remained outside the mainstream of african relations due to its rejection of african state policy (especially apartheid south africa). madagascar established strong relations with europe, particularly the united kingdom, france, italy, switzerland, and those in asia-pacific, such as russia, japan, south korea, and china. madagascar also maintains good relations with the united states. the presence of international organizations in madagascar allows them to respond more promptly to disasters like food shortages (ford et al., 2017). to improve ties with the united states during marc ravalomanana’s time as president from 2002 to 2009, he sought to restore excellent relations with france. the new partnership for africa’s development (nepad) offers a framework for development and commitment to good governance in return for foreign funding. due to the african union’s unwillingness to recognize madagascar’s ravalomanana administration, its ties with madagascar were once again tense (nations encyclopedia, 2021). as a result, under the administration of president andry rajoelina, madagascar’s economy was refocused. to attract international investment, rajoelina has a propensity to focus on infrastructure development and improvement, particularly in the transportation and energy sectors, as well as anti-corruption efforts in the country. 37 krisna silawa, achmed sukendro, bayu setiawan foreign policy of madagascar under the... to enhance the investment environment and boost exports, he focuses on fighting corruption (pem, 2019). the madagascar government under rajoelina demonstrated its efforts on plan d'emergence (pem) by promoting madagascar as an attractive investment destination. malagasy delegations have been spread across the continent to convey madagascar's new goals as well as to organize the famous trade fairs in madagascar. unfortunately, some investors skeptical toward madagascar's condition, for bad transportation infrastructure, high-cost electricity, and water supplies yet unreliable, corruption itself and other regulations are weak, impressed hinder foreign investment and the domestic sector (krishnan, 2020). therefore, the madagascar government then re-discussed the investment law, where the aim was to allow foreign ownership of businesses and not to discriminate against foreign-owned companies. there are no legal requirements that citizens own foreign investment shares, or restrictions on the mobility of foreign investors. the regime for visas, residence permits, and work permits is not discriminatory or unduly onerous (krishnan, 2020). broadly address, the madagascar government already does not set broad constraints on foreign ownership or control of investment in its nation. investors and businesses from any nation, local or foreign, may do so with no restrictions other than those imposed by the country’s laws and regulations. a wide range of commercial activities is permitted for both foreign and local private organizations, including the establishment and ownership of businesses. however, the government restricts foreign ownership to 66% in the telecoms industry (krishnan, 2020). madagascar also has or signed an interim economic partnership agreement (apei) in 2013 to facilitate eu market access and secure progressive tariff reductions. madagascar, as well already have trade relations with the united states and is still madagascar's largest export market despite they have not yet create separate free trade agreement or a bilateral investment treaty (bit). although madagascar does not have a bilateral tax treaty with the united states but has made agreements with france, mauritius, canada in 2017 and morocco in 2016. in 2017, madagascar also joined the tripartite free trade agreement (tffa) linking the east african community (eac), common market for eastern and southern africa (comesa), and the south african development community (sadc). although this a liaison in africa and the subsaharan region, america's role is very large in this community (krishnan, 2020). in addition, based on the united nations conference trade and development (unctad), madagascar has signed nine bilateral investment agreements with belgium-luxemburg-economic union, china, france, germany, mauritius, norway, switzerland, sweden, and south africa. as well as five other agreements with comesa eu epa, comesa investment agreement, comesa us tifa, cotonou agreement, comesa treaty (krishnan, 2020). in this way, it is considered that rajoelina has really moved to fulfill the promises in the pem made by his administration to focus on investment to improve the structure of his country. rajoelina himself has served as leader of madagascar in two periods, 2009-2014 and re-elected in 2019. looking at the dynamics of madagascar's foreign policy, we can ‘arbitrarily conclude’ that madagascar has close ties to non-african countries. in fact, these policies seem incredibly open without 38 38 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june rajoelina's strict rules for incoming investment. therefore, it is necessary to know how madagascar came to this decision, especially under the leadership of president rajoelina. domestic-determinant of madagascar’s foreign policy as already mentioned, the views on the analysis of foreign policy determinants are divided, however in this study there is no 'separation' between each variable on domestic determinant, or in other words the eight points are interrelated. in fact, from each of the variables that make up these domestic determinants, some variables are superior or influential compared to others. as convinced that there is interrelationships between variables, it is easier to combine several variables at once to have better image or big map of madagascar's foreign policy. in this section, eight points are grouped into several clusters, first cluster is economic development and national resources as long geography, size, and location; second cluster is political parties and interest groups as long a political system; cluster three, culture and history as well personality and character of the leader. unfortunately, the rest of variable (press and public opinion; military capability) not yet be explained in more detail in reason they have not a significant influence. cluster 1 madagascar is the world’s fourthlargest island, despite its remote location in the indian ocean, some 350 kilometers (about 217.48 mi) from mozambique’s coast. the sea area is 5,501 square kilometers of 587.041 square kilometers of land. the tsaratanana massif, where madagascar’s tallest mountain, mount tsaratanana, is located at the northern tip of the island, is divided into five geographic regions: the east coast, the wettest region and home to the rain forest; the central highlands, where rice is cultivated at an elevation of 800-1800 meters; the west coast, is deciduous forest; the south coast; and little vegetation in the southern section of madagascar, which is mostly desert. madagascar has a constantly shifting climate due to its location and geography, yet it normally has two distinct seasons. the rainy season begins in november and lasts until october, with the driest months being from may to october. tropical storms and hurricanes often strike the eastern area, which is unfortunate (wild madagascar, 2020a). considering these circumstances, madagascar’s foreign policy naturally concentrates on exploiting its resources, where places a high value on agriculture and fishing. consequently, these industries will work with other nations, such as indonesia. agricultural equipment and agricultural goods are being exported and processed in copious quantities by indonesia. in addition, madagascar imports fishing gear (aldila, 2021). even while geography is a factor in determining economic development and national resources, it also determines a country’s potential. agriculture, fishing, and forestry account for most of the country’s revenue. madagascar has a lot of land area. sapphire and substantial oil and gas deposits were found on land and territorial seas in 2005, but it does not mean that madagascar is a wealthy country (minority rights group, 2020). at the end of 2019, 92% of madagascar’s population was living on less than us$2 per day, according to the united nations (un) (australian government department of foreign affairs and trade, n.d.). 39 krisna silawa, achmed sukendro, bayu setiawan foreign policy of madagascar under the... with the help of international donors, the administration has been focusing on economic reforms since 2014. after it, the country’s gdp grew from 2.3% in 2013 to 4% in 2017 and 5% in 2018. infrastructure projects such as roads, airports, electricity, and toamasina port building have fueled this enhancement. consequently, textiles, vanilla, and essential oils all have seen an uptick in demand (bertelsmann stiftung’s transformation index (bti), 2020). geography, size, and location are concerned, they impact both policymaking and execution. as the country’s geography changes, so do the implemented policies to take advantage of and minimize the drawbacks. hence madagascar prioritizes economic relations through trade in agricultural and marine products. alongside by observe at the figure above, we can see that geographically madagascar is close to africa and sub-saharan africa however exports and imports are mostly to non-african and sub-saharan regions. with this condition, rajoelina made a strategy ‘using’ madagascar’s emergence initiative from 2018-2023 (economic sector especially), focused on four main goals: first, a growth acceleration rate of 7%; second, improving the efficiency of growth by creating jobs; third, achieving full employment in 10 years; and fourth, involving madagascar in the process of ecological resilience (bertelsmann stiftung’s transformation index (bti), 2020). cluster 2 government of madagascar has a republican system with two legislative chambers and parliament is divided into two chambers as well (us library of congress, 2021). rajoelina, however, disbanded the previous senate and parliament and established a new council for economic and social improvement when he became president in 2010 (bachelard & marcus, 2011). when it comes to making foreign policy, the political system as another domestic variable tied to the type of government has the same influence. authoritarian governments are nimbler and more efficient in making policy decisions, on the other hand democratic institutions are more complicated and take longer. by establishing a new council for economic and social improvement, indeed the policy (foreign) that made is more focused on economic and social improvement. rajoelina was able to come to this decision, rajoelina's background was different from the previous leaders, some of whom were from the military. madagascar known, was figure 2: madagascar’s trade (exports) statistics source: wto | madagascar and the wto (https://www.wto.org/english/res_e/statis_e/statis _maps_iframe_e.htm?country_selected=mdg&opti onselected=3) figure 3: madagascar’s trade (imports) statistics source: wto | madagascar and the wto (https://www.wto.org/english/res_e/statis_e/st atis_maps_iframe_e.htm?country_selected=md g&optionselected=4) 40 40 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june formerly a military dictatorship or a totalitarian state during the colonial era. madagascar have been 12 presidential elections, 11 parliamentary elections, seven referendums, and four republics since madagascar’s independence from france. the new constitutional order places a high priority on establishing a genuinely free and fair multi-party system. the democratization of the system has led to the growth of political parties of various ideological sorts, in contrast to the ratsiraka era, when political organizations could only operate under the national front for the defense of the revolution (fndr) ideology. it is illegal to create a political party that promotes racial or religious segregation or undermines national cohesion, notwithstanding constitutional protections for this freedom (us library of congress, 2021). these political systems, in fact play a significant role in policy making, which is they are vital on (each sectors/ state aspect) representative, where this kind of political system hinder the emergence of other organizations, communities, agencies, or other interest groups that can provide dynamics in policy. these agencies potentially become thinktanks for the state and other sectors so that they can make effective and efficient policies along with the changes from the government madagascar reached at the point where governmental activities are also intertwined with the other interests' groups. churches and religious organizations, called the council of christian churches in madagascar (ffkm), significantly influence madagascar’s politics. the malagasy lutheran church, the roman catholic apostolic church, the protestant church of jesus christ of madagascar, and the malagasy episcopal church (eem) comprise the ffkm. they significantly impact legal items like restricting abortions and the lgbti community’s struggles with social stigma and prejudice. following the transformation index of the bertelsmann stiftung, madagascar’s most prominent actors and political leaders, mostly protestants and catholics, utilize their religion as a means of mobilization (bti, 2020). interest groups are dedicated to fostering open communication among corporations and working together to influence public policy. according to a madagascar national statistics institute (instat) study, 800 associations and nongovernmental organizations (ngos) were registered and tracked in 2013, according to the madagascar bank central report. sehatra fanaraha-masony fiainam-pirenena (sefafi), a religious-based development organization, has successfully integrated the top-down and bottom-up levels to establish efficient communication. however, religious organizations like the council of christian churches are still active in politics. according to bertelsmann stiftung’s transformation index (bti, 2020), they lead the national reconciliation effort and provide strong presidential election support. in this approach, madagascar’s foreign policy cannot be at odds with the global trends. it is almost hard to reject global principles such as equality for women, freedom, and other similar social norms, not simply because of political standards (democracy). influence on a country’s political system is as significant as that of the media. we all know that the media has the power to influence public opinion and that the public itself has the power to change the process and the consequences of policymaking. in democracies, where leaders often consult polls before making major policy decisions, it has a greater impact. 41 krisna silawa, achmed sukendro, bayu setiawan foreign policy of madagascar under the... cluster 3 a person’s personality and character play an essential role in determining foreign policy’s direction, along with other factors. foreign policymaking relies heavily on this characteristic, which includes cognitive processes and the assumption that ‘human agency,’ and not the state, is the exclusive source of policymaking (bojang, 2018). madagascar has had 12 presidents of varying origins and circumstances. a former french teacher with liberal socialist ideals, philibert tsiranana served as madagascar’s first president from 1960 until 1972. he focused on developing grassroots policy initiatives rather than defending the interests of the wealthy. madagascar was well-known throughout his tenure, a pragmatic socialist state with a quickly growing economy and relatively steady political stability. neoliberalism and governmental intervention are the cornerstones of its economic strategy (presidence.com, n.d.). major general gabriel ramanantsoa, a graduate of saint cyr military school in france, ruling from 1972 to 1975. ramanantsoa is well-known for using ‘to serve’ and ‘for the motherland’, as a result of an authoritarian regime. bring madagascar’s economy and society sidelined. after resignation, richard ratsimandrava took over the triumph and advocated for political and economic decentralization, giving rural residents a voice in government via his revolutionary ideals. although ratsimandrava’s initiatives had the backing of the lower middle class, they had the opposite effect, as the affluent class felt threatened. gilles andraimahazo served after the killing of president ratsimandrava. unlike his two predecessors, he was also a high-ranking military member (presidence.com, n.d.). as madagascar became the second republic didier ratsiraka, became the next president. he comes from the military with a solid record of accomplishment. socialism and malgachization, together with a system of nationalization, evolved in the economic sector under his leadership. due to a lack of funding, the envisaged communist regime did not survive long. however, ratsiraka took office for the second time using the goal of redefining decentralization and implementing privatizations with the state capital. even though madagascar’s political, economic, and social conditions improved during this time, ratsiraka’s families forced him to step down. albert zafy as next leader, was a professor and surgeon in the field of medicine. his rule was marred by political and economic unrest. norbert lala ratsirahonana took over as head of state after zafy failed to govern the country (presidence.com, n.d.). in sum, an entrepreneur marc ravalomanana took over presidential. his milk business has grown significantly and is now one of madagascar’s best-known industrial enterprises. strong legislators support ravalomanana’s leadership. even while it restricts the actions of normal troops, it nonetheless assures that their zone is safe from harm. it harms entrepreneurship and commerce. he urged malagasy to put in the effort and promote multilateral cooperation. ravalomanana implemented several changes during this period, including reviving decentralization and reducing economic, political, and social concentration (presidence.com, n.d.). last, andry rajoelina is businessperson in printing, advertising, radio, television, and event organizer rajoelina was recognized in madagascar before becoming a politician as mayor of atananarivo. rajoelina is the leader of the tangguh malagasy youth movement (tanora malagasy vonoa). it indicates that the military has dominated madagascar for more than two 42 42 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june decades since the colonial era. nevertheless, under rajoelina, the country is more like the conciliator that shuns pressure and friction. it is possible to deduce the motivations behind madagascar’s foreign policy by examining its current state considering the factors identified by bojang earlier in this section. under rajoelina’s leadership, madagascar’s economy has adopted a more liberal policy than other african nations. in order to boost the country’s economy, madagascar has made its natural gas reserves available to outside investors. according to the authors’ earlier explanation of determinants, numerous factors contributed to rajoelina’s decision to implement this strategy. the first is madagascar’s lack of human, technological, and infrastructural resources. indeed, improvements in human resources, such as rising levels of education and literacy, are occurring every year. rajoelina inherits a better-built city due to his forebears’ hard work. even yet, madagascar still has a long way to go before it can become selfsufficient in processing its natural resources, particularly natural gas. however, this closeness and distance does not seem to have been built only because of the background of the leader as well as the facts on madagascar conditions and the calculation of profit and loss from the socio-economic sector. in fact, massive migration occupied most of madagascar prior to the early 16th century. malagasy, the native name of madagascar, is descended from a mix of asian and african ancestry (the indigenous peoples of madagascar), asian customs and characteristics prevail in this area. malagasy is spoken throughout the asia-pacific area because madagascarans are related to malaysians in terms of ethnicity (isnaeni, 2012; kent, 2021; media indonesia, 2016). over this latest year, due to french colonial madagascar is a developing nation since its economy relies mainly on natural industries like forestry, farming, and fishing, which are frequently less promising for long-term economic development than other sectors. in terms of this variable, the history has also had an impact on how the country (madagascar) is much closer to non-african countries conclusion by ‘bargaining’ madagascar’s economy to the largest potential international investment by pem, rajoelina aims to improve the country’s economy. to improve his country’s economy, he has been influenced by his past as a businessperson/ entrepreneur. the aim is adopted by rajoelina, who sees madagascar’s natural potential and strategic position as a commerce route and judges it to be favorable. however, he also understands that they do not yet have the needed human and technological resources. furthermore, because of the area’s crime problem and lack of defenses, rajoelina has come to understand the need to develop strong connections with numerous nations rather than concentrate his efforts on a few. united state, russia, china, india, mozambique, and so forth, are present in madagascar, due to madagascar’s strengths and limitations, these nations. they have lofty goals to ensure the safety of their international business partners. in rajoelina’s leadership, numerous investments enter madagascar without ‘disrupting’ his country’s political system, which is different if the united states enters, this connection is even better. in addition, china’s belt road initiatives (bri) need a broader international outreach to complete the project. a country’s foreign policy is not just 43 krisna silawa, achmed sukendro, bayu setiawan foreign policy of madagascar under the... dependent on how other nations’ interests and policies, on the other hand rationality and ‘see what we own’, play a role in helping countries’ to shape their foreign policies. in this paper, there are three clusters made from bojang's research on domestic determinants on the making of foreign policy. finally, in the case of madagascar under the leadership of rajoelina, the author concludes that the foreign policy made is strongly influenced by the natural conditions of the state, the background of the leader, as well as the political conditions of the country. naturally, madagascar has strong potential from the agriculture and fisheries sector so that it becomes the main sector in the political policy strategy or in other words puts forward a subtle (social-economic) approach. the subtle approach can also be achieved because rajoelina himself is a former entrepreneur whose psychological impact or the way he leads his country's. lastly, madagascar's changing political conditions in a more liberal direction have made the subtle approach easier. 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(2008, march). domestic vs. international determinants of foreign policy: an empirical investigation of the case of china-taiwan, 1991–2000 [paper persentation]. isa’s 49th annual convention, bridging multiple divides, san francisco, california journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 humanitarian crisis and the arduous path to principled pluralism: a politico-theological analysis on indian and turkish foreign policies (2014-2019) hadza min fadhli robby department of international relations, faculty of psychology and socio-cultural sciences islamic university of indonesia, yogyakarta email: hadza.fadhli@uii.ac.id abstract this research aims to analyze the influence of political theology in the foreign policy of indian and turkish from 2014 to 2019. india and turkey used political theology as one of the essential considerations for the conduct of foreign policies during the humanitarian crisis. both countries were trying to conduct “politics of salvation” to protect their fellow faithful from the oppression in the neighboring regions. while conducting its politics of salvation in their foreign policies, india and turkey were trying to protect their fellow faithful from the oppression from the constructed others. this research argues that the politics of salvation in its foreign policy will influence both countries’ religious freedom and secularism. this research would like to utilize the concept of “politics of principled pluralism” that robert joustra developed. in its analysis, this research engages with several articles from news outlets and research journals to construct arguments on the conduct of the foreign policy of india and turkey in times of humanitarian crisis. this research found that india and turkey had tried to implement their version of “politics of salvation” that deteriorate religious freedom and inclusive democracy. keywords: humanitarian crisis, india, turkey, political theology in international relations, politics of principled pluralism 294 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 introduction haynes argued at least two types of interactions between religion and foreign policy (haynes, 2014). the first interaction which haynes identified is that religious values could consistently drive foreign policy. this interaction could be seen mostly in countries established under par ticular religious values or principles. the second interaction is the recurrent centrality of religious concerns in the foreign policies of several countries. with the categorization explained above, this paper would like to discuss the foreign policies of two separate countries, india and abstrak riset ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji pengaruh pemahaman teologi politik pada politik luar negeri india dan turki. india dan turki telah dipiilh sebagai studi kasus dalam riset ini karena kedua negara telah mengalami sekularisme dalam waktu yang cukup lama. proses sekularisme itu diikuti oleh adanya kebangkitan politik keagamaan sebagai sebuah upaya untuk melawan sekularisasi. india dan turki menggunakan pemahaman teologi politik sebagai salah satu pertimbangan esensial dalam menjalankan politik luar negeri, terutama saat menghadapi krisis kemanusiaan. kedua negara menjalankan apa yang disebut sebagai ‘politik penyelamatan’ untuk melindungi sesama pemeluk agama dari tindakan opresif para “liyan” di kawasan sekitar. saat menerapkan ‘politik penyelamatan’ tersebut, india dan turki mencoba untuk melindungi sesama pemeluk agamanya dari kezaliman liyan yang dikonstruksi oleh india dan turki. riset ini berargumen bahwa praktik politik penyelamatan di dalam politik luar negeri india dan turki akan mempengaruhi posisi kedua negara dalam isu kebebasan agama serta sekularisme. riset ini akan menggunakan konsep politik pluralisme berprinsip yang dikembangkan oleh robert joustra. riset ini menemukan bahwa india dan turki telah mencoba untuk menerapkan politik penyelamatan sesuai dengan versi masing-masing, namun penerapan politik penyelamatan tersebut berdampak buruk terhadap kebebasan beragama dan demokrasi inklusif. kata kunci: krisis kemanusiaan, india, turki, teologi politik dalam hubungan internasional, politik pluralisme berprinsip hadza min fadhli robby humanitarian crisis and the arduous path to principled pluralism: ... 295 turkey, in the humanitarian crisis and how it would have affected the effort of both countries to construct principled pluralism. india and turkey were used as case studies in this paper because both countries are well-known for their adherence to the secular political system. while turkey has seen the ascent of the ak party in turkey contribute to the resurgence of conservative ideas amid neoliberal authoritarianism, india witnessed the rise of bjp in india, eventually leading to a re-interpretation and re-reading of the principle of secularism that was already enshrined in the constitution of the republic of india since 1976. while developing their new narratives on secularism, both countries are also trying to strengthen their selfidentity. this effort to strengthen self-identity influenced the foreign policies of both india and turkey. india and turkey used religious pretexts and principles to strengthen their self-identity when faced with a humanitarian crisis. in the case of turkey, turkey is facing a hostile engagement with its closest neighbor, syria. during the implementation of an opendoor policy to welcome refugees and political oppositions from syria. during the syrian civil war, by accepting the pro-democratic sunni muslim refugees, turkey is trying to build a straightforward narrative to become a savior for (pro-democratic) sunni muslims in syria and the middle east (kloos, 2016, p. 551). in the case of india, india seeks to protect the persecuted hindu, buddha, sikh, parsi and christian adherents from the discriminatory policies implemented by the governments and societies of bangladesh, afghanistan and pakistan (khan, 2020, p.3). in this paper, the case of turkish and indian involvement in the humanitarian crisis will be discussed and compared in detail. this research aims to find the connection between the foreign policies of india and turkey with pretexts and justifications based upon religious values and texts to respond toward imminent dangers of the humanitarian crisis that would affect coreligionists’ lives in neighboring countries regions. looking at how both countries tried to show themselves as the protector of refugees, turkey and india try to conduct their “politics of salvation”. theoretical framework and research method r ob e r t jou st r a , i n h i s monumental work on religion and 296 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 foreign policy, tried to elaborate on the importance of positioning political theology correctly in contemporary international politics. joustra clarified that it is essential to settle the definition of political theology before further analyzing the relations between political theology and foreign policy. according to joustra, political theology is an understanding and practice that political actors have about the meaning of and the relationship between the religious and the secular and what constitutes legitimate political authority. referring to his definition of political theology, joustra made the following table to explain the differing interpretation of the relations between religion and secular affairs in public affairs (joustra, 2018). table 1 rival versions of the religious and the secular in public affairs versions political theology understanding understanding and practice of the religious understanding and practice of the secular relationship between religious and secular what constitutes legitimate political authority? principled secularism/ principled pluralism essentially contested mutual resonance, overlapping consensus (limited by “constitutive values of liberal democracy.” like other reasoning, principled pluralism should be part of the rationale by which political actors agree on secular policy (mutual resonance). the state does not monopolize the logic by which actors arrive at a consensus. legitimate political authority is constituted by secular principles that emerge in overlapping consensus from political actors, not by rationale by which actors arrive at them adopted from joustra with several adjustments (2018, pp. xiii-xiv ) hadza min fadhli robby humanitarian crisis and the arduous path to principled pluralism: ... 297 joustra considered principled pluralism to be a practical framework that could reflect upon the role of foreign affairs in a post-secular global order. joustra also argued that principled pluralism needed to be based upon the advancement of strong public principles that should not be followed by monopolizing public logic. therefore, there is a need for both secular and religious actors to establish their position and ‘full rationales’ to pursue a politics of non-conflictual coexistence, diversity and mutual understanding, especially between groups with opposing worldviews. joustra emphasized the importance of compromise between two extreme choices of ontological exclusivism (as strived by right-wing extremists) and cosmopolitan paralysis (as pursued by liberals) (joustra, 2018, p.86). this paper would engage with joustra’s construction on political pluralism to see whether the humanitarian crisis in india and turkey could strengthen the idea of principled pluralism or otherwise. india and turkey are currently experiencing the conser vative turn and strong homogenization of their society. this paper will also analyze the development of secularism in both countries, how it eventually transformed, and how the transformation would affect public affairs, including the foreign policies of both countries in responding to the humanitarian crisis. this research used two case studies separately in turkey and india to better understand the usage of religious pretexts in global politics. this research also methodologically referred to the qualitative research method. during the analysis process, only data from research journals and news articles were used. the data gathered during the literature research was analyzed with conceptual frameworks that had been thoroughly elaborated in the above paragraphs. the theory will be used in the analytical phase of this research by first explaining the study cases and then correlating the study cases with one of the categories explained in the table above. results and explanation the roots of political theology in modern india and turkey although india was founded formally as a “secular” state, india founded its political foundation upon the heritage of the dharmic (hindu-budd ha) civi lizat ion. during the discussions on which flag and the national symbol should 298 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 india used, the founding fathers of india did agree that the flag and the national symbol of india would be taken from the symbols of the great mauryan dynasty that was ruled by a just king who had united the land of india, ashoka. the constituent assembly of india adopted the swaraj flag used since the era of the independence movement by replacing the charkha (spinning wheel) with ashoka chakra (the wheel of ashoka). according to radhakrishnan, the ashoka chakra represents the commitment of the indian government to always abide by the eternal law of dharma and be able to adapt to peaceful change (mha government of india, 2002). the state emblem of india is also adapted from the lion capital of ashoka. even though india is a nation that consists of many nations and religions, the hindu-buddha philosophical value became india’s political and moral foundation. according to vajpeyi, the political foundations of india are based on six central values. these five values consist of ahimsa, viraha, samvega, dharma, artha and duhkha. these values were reflected by india’s founding fathers and prominent spiritual figures, namely gandhi, the tagore brothers (abanindranath and rabindranath tagore), nehru and ambedkar. these philosophical values were being constructed to find a new way of understanding the true self of india, particularly after india gained its independence. these founding fathers reflected upon the religious texts from the hindu-buddha tradition and contextualized that text into the reality of the 20th century. these five values are instrumental to reaching the eventual goal of true swaraj, which is self-governance by the indian people. swaraj, in this context, could not only be defined as a formalized transfer of power and sovereignty from colonizing power to the colonized. instead, swaraj needs to be understood as a condition in which suffering experienced by a human would be transformed and transcended to have the independence to make themselves (vajpeyi, 2012, p.38). in her book, vajpeyi tried to explain each of these philosophical values. being promoted by gandhi, ahimsa is often being translated equally to the meaning of “doing nothing” or “passivism”. instead of promoting “passivism”, gandhi preached ahimsa as an art of resistance by minimizing any potential of violence. according to vajpeyi, gandhi’s ahimsa belief was originated not from the jain hadza min fadhli robby humanitarian crisis and the arduous path to principled pluralism: ... 299 tradition but instead from gandhi’s interpretation of the bhagavad gita. on the value of viraha, vajpeyi elaborated the thought of rabindranath tagore on the divided self of india. viraha, defined as a self ’s longing, became the origin of conflict and suffering in the indian subcontinent. tagore argued that viraha is caused by the western interpretation of nationalism which is not suitable to indic culture. abanindranath tagore had shown his reflection of this struggle of india’s self through his painting and artworks. mentioning tagore’s well-known artwork on shah jahan, vajpeyi saw that tagore described india’s divided self through samvega – a shock that enables someone to rediscover itself. as a symbol of convergence between hindu and muslim identity, shah jahan was portrayed by tagore to describe a unity of divergent identities (vajpeyi, 2012 pp. 130-134). vajpeyi also reminded the importance of nehru’s thought on indian moral philosophy. it is important to note that nehru’s thought is often related to the idea of secularism. however, this credential did not prevent nehru from reflecting upon the legacies of indian ancient philosophical works written by kautilya. the value of dharma (self-aspiration) and artha (self-purpose) eventually inspired nehru to discover his version of india’s self. his exploration of these two values also became why he chose to adopt the symbols of the ashokan empire. the meditation and reflection of ambedkar on the teaching of buddha drive ambedkar to believe that the essence of political activism in india is to ensure that people’s suffering (duhkha) can be alleviated. thus, as one of the principal drafters of the indian constitution, ambedkar elaborated many principles that provide positive discriminations toward those who have been suffering all their lives, such as religious minorities, backward castes, and backward tribal communities. all these values, according to vajpeyi, have been instrumental in creating modern india. many political groups from various ideologies in india still take these values as principal values in their political conduct (vajpeyi, 2012). the discovery of the indian self has been an arduous and uneasy journey. what constitutes self of india is still being discussed continuously by various political ideologies in india. s everal politicians and political groups, such as indian national congress, 300 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 are still asserting their commitments to the secular credentials. however, many political parties and groups that are affiliating themselves to the idea of hindutva are criticizing secular values. according to clarke (2002), the idea of hindutva seeks to strengthen the political ground of hindu nationalists in india by employing two tactics: first, persuading minorities (particularly christians) as targets to be included as part of the united hindu community and second, applying coercive means to pressurize people who are resisting against movements for the pan-hindu identity (clarke, 2002, p.207). hi n d u t v a g a i n e d m o r e popularity from the indian populace by promoting integral humanism, which was inspired by the principle of sarvarkar’s and golwalkar’s hindu nationalism and the strong tendency of a corporatist socialpolitical philosophy. as a founder of integral humanism, deendayal upadhyaya (an rss member and the founder of jana sangh) argued that india should construct its social order as an organic unity organized under the greater principle of dharma. the dharma will guide people to obtain their needs of artha (political and economic need) and kama (bodily desire) and to finally reach moksha (liberation of the soul from the body) (bhatt & mukta, 2000, p.420). according to upadhyaya, a dharmic society is essential for creating an indian society free of conflict and contradiction (sharma & nain, 2018, p. 18). consequently, hindu nationalists argue that nonhindu minorities must undergo a process of assimilation to the hindu way of life. golwalkar, also known as guruji, even emphasized the importance of adopting and assimilating the hindu culture and language by foreign races in india. golwalkar further argued that the original identities of these “foreign races” must be subordinated to the grander idea of the hindu nation (golwalkar, 1939, pp. 104-105). from the elaboration above, the understanding of the true indian self heavily relies on how the indian politicians see the diverse and divergent nature of the indian self. the tragic episodes of the hindumuslim conflicts, such as the 1947 great partition and the aligarh riots in india, had made the indian selfunderstood as an exclusivist idea that could only be claimed by those who are willing to adopt the hinduness. the true self of india, according to hindu nationalists, could only be explored by hindus. thus, according to this interpretation, it could be hadza min fadhli robby humanitarian crisis and the arduous path to principled pluralism: ... 301 concluded that those who are not willing to understand the true self of india through the reading of hindu philosophy would not be able to claim themselves as a true indian. similar to the context of indian politics, the political history of modern turkey has been marked by a never-ending quest to find the true turkish self, which is trapped between two distinct identities of west and east. the early quest to find the true turkish self in the modern era has begun in ii. meşrutiyet dönemi (second constitutional era), when ottoman turkey was facing several episodes of political crisis. some ottoman turks who were educated with western curriculum tried to re-evaluate the meaning of being a turk and thus tried to create a new conception of turkey (weiker, 1968). after the fall of the ottoman empire in 1923, the modernization efforts continued and brought significant change to turkey’s understanding of religious life. according to çelik (2018), mustafa kemal atatürk to implement the laiklik (laicism a la turkey) does not entirely separate the secular from the religion. atatürk understood that most turkish people at that time considered religion as something dear to their life. instead of imposing a total separation of religion from the daily life of turkish people, atatürk seeks to control the religious life in turkey and reduce the presence of religion in the turkish public sphere. it is under the atatürk regime that sunni islam was controlled under the authority of diyanet i̇şleri reişliği (the presidency of religious affairs, now also known by the name of diyanet i̇şleri başkanlığı). the logic of political theology of atatürk’s secularism is based on the intention of atatürk to modernize the teaching and understanding of islam in turkish society. in this context, turkish secularism could be defined as an effort to change western assumptions about turkish muslims radically and to suit the portrayal of turkish muslims to the standard of a modern western citizen. another essential aspect that needs to be looked upon in the process of secularisation in turkey is the rationalization and turkification of islam (azak, 2008, pp. 166-169). atatürk mentioned that islam should be a rational religion that the general public could easily understand. he also emphasized the importance of indigenizing the religion to ensure that the religion is suitable to the nation-building agenda in turkey. therefore, several policies, such as changing the liturgical language 302 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 from arabic to turkish was pursued by atatürk’s government. it is argued that the indigenization of islam was a project that eventually would help islam be re-interpreted according to the need of modern turkish society (altunışık, 2005 p. 47). thus, it would help turkish people hold firmly to religion while at the same time progressing economically and politically. several parties have initiated the effort to bring religion back to the political stage, but said nursi initiated the effort to rejuvenate religious life in secularised and modernized turkey. said nursi challenged the idea of top-down secularisation enacted by atatürk’s government. nursi thought that islam could and should guide the populace in facing the modern world. the key to facing the modern world, according to nursi, is to have a balanced understanding of secular and religious science (kuru & kuru, 2008). another wave of critics towards secularism also came from various religious and conservative political figures, such as nurettin topçu, zahid kotku and necip fazıl kısakürek, argued that there should be a renewal in the turkish politics and society by returning to the cultural and civilizational heritage of turkey (guida, 2014; mardin, 2005, p. 155). although topçu and kısakürek were mainly educated in a western and secular educational system, they were the ones who drove a new movement of political islam and conservatism that tried to evaluate and even to challenge the dominance of secularism itself. with regards to kotku, as a religious cleric, he emphasized how to provide religious education to the students of the secular institutions so that these religiously educated students would become ranking politicians and change the course of turkish politics (alam, 2009). these thinkers would inspire a new stream of political islamism and change turkey’s thought stream of political theology. under the regime of ak parti, the understanding of political theology was envisioned in a new way, but not by totally forsaking the conception of turkish secularism. according to öztürk (2019)the turkish state and the ruling justice and development party (akp, ak parti had made ethnoreligious desires and power-based conflicts ever more dominant in turkey. as a result, öztürk argued that turkey has transformed into a country with inclusionary and hegemonic-authoritarian political characters. this transformation hadza min fadhli robby humanitarian crisis and the arduous path to principled pluralism: ... 303 has allowed sunni islam to take one of the regime’s critical focal points. öztürk’s argument was also confirmed by tepe (2016), who said that the existence of diyanet as a distinct product of turkish secularism had opened channels for debates and discourse on the understanding of religious and political theology in turkey. at the same time, diyanet in recent times also strengthened the hegemony of ak parti. kaya also brought another argument, robert & tecmen (2020), who argued that populism in turkey under ak parti (as well as in the case of national front in france) had defended the superiority of nativism by reviving the ottoman turkish identity, the suspicions toward the value of multiculturalism, and the skepticism toward the european union. the conduct of politics of salvation in india and turkey in 2019, the indian government started a new debate to amend the existing citizenship act. as stipulated in the citizenship amendment bill, the bill would provide a fast-lane citizenship application process for hindu, buddha, jain, sikh, parsi, and christian refugees from neighboring muslim countries in south asia. narendra modi argued that the bill was being proposed to fulfill nehru’s wishes to amend existing legislation regarding the acceptance of religious minorities from neighboring countries (scroll. in, 2020). this bill aimed to provide more protection to religious minorities persecuted for years in muslim-majority countries of afg hanist an, b ang l adesh and pakistan who shared direct borders with india. the ruling bjp government also repeated the argument that in the early years after the partition, the leaders of india and pakistan had signed the liaquat-nehru pact (also known as the delhi pact). liaquat-nehru pact had agreed-upon rules on the rights of returning refugees and their rights to their property being left during the partition years. liaquat-nehru pact also emphasized the role of the government of india and pakistan to oversee the protection of religious minorities against any persecution and discrimination. ministry of home affairs of the government of india, amit shah also criticized the lack of protection towards the religious minorities by afghanistan, pakistan and bangladesh that causes 20 percent decline in religious minorities in these countries, which eventually propelled the bjp government to expedite the process 304 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 of providing citizenship status (ani, 2020). the citizenship amendment bill was also accompanied by implementing the stricter national registry of citizenship (nrc) policy. this new stricter rule will include preparing a new list of national population registry (npr) projects. based on the new database created under the new npr, the government of india will be able to indicate the legal status of every people living in india. while the caa allows religious minorities to find shelter in india, npr and nrc could consider several communities in india which did not possess any legal status as “illegal”. consequently, these “illegal communities” will be deported back to their “place of origins”. the acceptance of the bill and its subsequent enactment as an act has caused many negative consequences, especially in making muslims ‘other’ and ‘second-class citizens’ in a quasi-secular india (bhat, 2019). the high-ranking politicians from bjp defended that the act would not deliberately discriminate against the rights of indian muslims, as it will only affect those with legal complications relate d to t heir resident ia l status (hindustan times, 2020; venkataramakrishnan, 2020). this claim was then contested by various political oppositions, human rights organizations and experts saying that the caa is intended to exclude indian muslims from public life, especially those who had migrated to india decades before but did not able to acquire legal status due to several administrative obstacles (human rights watch, 2020). these ‘to-be’ expelled muslims would be replaced by ‘potentially loyal’ adherents of indic religions. the underlying motives behind the policy of the indian government to expedite the citizenship process for the religious minorities from a f g h an i st an , pa k i st an , an d bangladesh could be seen as an effort to strengthen its true ‘self ’ against the potential ‘other’ who might be able to disturb the integrity of the ‘self ’. in the perspective of hindu nationalists, a dharma-based stable social order could only be achieved through the realization of viraha (longing of the divided self ) and duhkha (suffering of the self ) as a by-product of the partition. the partition had broken the vision of akhand bharat, of an india united in terms of religious belief and culture. in the perspective of hindu nationalists, the indian self is suffering from longing to unite with the fellow believers of indic religions hadza min fadhli robby humanitarian crisis and the arduous path to principled pluralism: ... 305 who are also experiencing duhkha as religious minorities in muslim majority countries of afghanistan, pakistan and bangladesh. the bjp government is following this logic of hindu political theology to legitimize their policy and action towards religiously persecuted minorities, even in the price of possibly sacrificing the rights of “illegal” indian muslim minorities. unfortunately, the bjp government is still yet to find its moment of samvega (discovery of the self through duality shock), enabling them to empathize and alleviate the sufferings of not only the adherents of indic religions but also of persecuted muslims. however, in the citizenship amendment act (caa)), the indian government has not made significant progress to expedite the citizenship registration process. due to legal and administrative complications, many migrants from the adherents of indic religions still have not acquired legal status. therefore, in the case of the, it can be seen that despite the natural diversity that india currently owns, the current bjp government is unwilling to open an honest discussion on ways to construct a more pluralistic conception of indian citizenship. instead, the bjp government opted for the homogenization of the society based on the hindutva model of an ideal citizen. consequently, this situation closed many possibilities of further dialogues on the concept of citizenship, and eventually, principled pluralism will need more time to be implemented in india. continuous resistance from democratic and religious political forces could be the key to achieving the principled pluralism that will determine india’s democratization course. in contemporar y turkey, as turkey established, it is new that slightly transformed the boundaries between religion and politics in its homeland, many arab countries experienced a wave of democratization brought by the arab spring. arab spring has introduced many arab countries to the turkish model of democratization. in this case, turkey started to show itself as a leader and role model for arab and muslim countries. but, when turkey experienced mass protests during the gezi park movement, many questioned turkish credentials as a democratic country. eventually, turkey finds another way to strengthen its own ‘conservative democracy’ narrative in the middle east by involving the syrian crisis, 306 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 both politically and militarily (keyman, 2016) turkish active involvement in syria was based on not only the security consideration but also political considerations. turkey wanted to expand and exert its geopolitical influences beyond its border by reinforcing the idea of ‘muslim democracy’ throughout the middle east and the larger muslim world. turkey’s ‘open door’ policy was in line with the turkish plan to strengthen its leadership amongst sunni muslim countries in the middle east and the world. by invoking the narratives of ‘bizler ensar, sizler muhacir (we are the guarantor, and you are the persecuted),’ the ak parti government under erdogan’s leadership is trying to position itself as a guarantor (ensar) of the persecuted arab-muslimsunnite populace (muhacir) from the authoritarian syrian regime (sabah, 2014). in this context, the turkish government considered the authoritarian syrian regime could be considered as similar to the quraish community in the era of prophet muhammad. even though syrian (and iraqi) refugees had various ethnic and religious backgrounds, korkut (2016) argued that the ak parti government had maintained a pragmatic and selective approach to treating the incoming refugees. preferential treatments were mostly provided to the arab-muslimsunnite refugee populations, most discriminated against and suffered from assad’s authoritarian regime. howe ver, as g etmansky, sınmazdemir, and zeitzoff (2018) explained, the turkish public (especially turkish citizens of turkic origin) was negatively reacting to a supposedly welcoming attitude of the ak parti government toward the syrian refugees. the negative reactions reached their climax when the ak parti government promised to grant citizenship to the syrian refugee once they had stayed in the countries for a certain period. gülmez (2019) showed that several turkish parties were trying to securitize the syrian refugee issue either by deploying the issue of turkic nationalist identity (in the case of right-wing milliyetci hareket partisi or mhp) and the issue of crime and unemployment (in the case of center-left cumhuriyet halk parrtisi or chp). it is also worth noting that even the acceptance of arab-muslim-sunnite refugees could be recognized as partial. gökarıksel and secor (2020) noted that arab-muslim-sunnite refugees are still experiencing anxiety and hadza min fadhli robby humanitarian crisis and the arduous path to principled pluralism: ... 307 pain in their daily life as a refugee in turkey. this finding is also confirmed by gümüş and eroğlu (2015)they were subsequently granted the official status of ‘temporary protection’. the article also covers efforts to incorporate the syrians into some areas of turkish society (the job market, healthcare, citizenship, the housing market, social prominence and marriage relationships, who argued that the incorporation of syrian in some areas of turkish society had not been addressed improperly due to the legal complexity over the status of syrian migrants in turkey and, subsequently, the domestic political debates in turkey over the syrian migrant’s legal status/ this phenomenon proves that the ak parti government is trying to follow its interpretation of sunni political theology principles based on muslim unity, which will be realized under the turkish leadership. the project to rebuild a new conception of turkish citizenship based on the incorporation of arab-muslimsunnite refugees could not be called successful, as there are still debates among turkish society whether the arab-muslim-sunnite syrian and iraqi migrants could be accepted as a turkish citizens. the rise of nativism and lack of multicultural understanding in turkish society within the existing construct of the new conception of turkish citizenship might be the biggest challenge that inhibits turkey from achieving principled pluralism ideals. conclusion this paper has discussed the influence of political theology on indian and turkish foreign policies, especially in the humanitarian crisis. it can be noted that both india and turkey are two countries that experienced secularisation and modernization, complicating the quest to discover the true self of both countries. once populist regimes that subscribed to rightwing political values were brought to power, india and turkey subsequently constructed a new political understanding that entails the importance of conservatism based on religious values. in the case of india, the hindutva political vision put forward by the bjp government has become one of the main drives of policy-making. even though the influence of hindutva values in the indian foreign policy is still debated, it is clear that in the case of the citizenship amendment act (caa) and subsequent policies are constructed within a vision to enable 308 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 the unity of hindus in the indian subcontinent and the domination of hindu rule. india, under the government bjp, considered itself as a savior for the religiously persecuted minorities. the bjp government also tried to strengthen its true self by emphasizing the suffering of the religious minorities in neighboring countries. ironically, the claim for the true self must sacrifice its commitment to protecting another important part of religious minorities, that is, the muslim community. india’s effort to find its true self is distracted because of the unwillingness to accept the existence of muslim refugees in india. the discovery of the true self of india would be very much dependent on how india would reconcile with its “divided nature” of its self through honest discussions and public deliberations, which are the backbones of principled pluralism. in the case of turkey, the ancien regime of turkish laicism was put under criticism by the ak parti regime, which claimed to carry the popular will to establish a new regime that respects both democracy and turkish conservative values. various research has shown that there is a direct connection between the new orientation of turkish foreign policy. the influence of “conservative democracy” and “moral realism” values in turkish foreign policy could be seen clearly in the syrian refugee crisis. during the crisis, turkey has implemented an open-door policy and tried to show itself as a savior for the persecuted people coming from syria. turkey decided to implement a policy of favoring arab-muslimsunnite syrian refugees. turkey would like to reaffirm its self as the protector and the leader of the sunni muslim world. moreover, the ak parti government was willing to provide turkish citizenship to the arabmuslim-sunnite syrian refugees as part of their actions to strengthen their credentials as leaders of the global sunni muslim community. nevertheless, many turkish political parties were opposed to the plans brought by the ak parti government, 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(1968). the ottoman bureaucracy: modernization and reform. administrative science quarterly, 13(3). the shortcomings of rationalist claims: carbon taxation and political-economy approaches to climate change ardhi arsala rahmani universitas indonesia email: ardhiarsala@gmail.com abstract as the devastating impacts of climate change continue to loom across the world, it comes to a surprise then why responses by nation-states have been too slow and lacking for a supposed destructive, debilitating and critical-to-survival threat. this then negates the rationalist perspectives of the states which assume that playing games of survival are what nationstates do on a day-to-day basis. to that end, this paper proposes an alternative explanation, which uses a political-economy approach to conclude disconnect between the zero-sum understandings of political security perspectives within a liberal-capitalistic world order that thrives of positive-sum narratives. this paper shall exclusively use the case of a possible universal carbon taxation and the typologies thereof to conclude how a political-economy approach should be appropriate for a politicalsecurity end with regards to climate change. keywords: zero-sum game, capitalism, carbon tax, liberal institutionalism 1. introduction by the time of writing this piece, the world held in its hands these grim facts. global fossil fuel emissions as measured in gtco2 (gigatonnes of co2) have approximately increased by 20-percent in the past recorded decade with the people’s republic of china (henceforth referred to as the prc) having had the most dramatic increase of approximately twice its 2005 fossil fuel emissions by 2016 (see table 1 for details). another additional grim fact is islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 issn: 2614-0535 e-issn: 2655-1330 284 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 the apparent rising temperatures of which along the 136-year data gathered, 17 out of 18 world’s warmest year records have been occurring since 2001 (nasa, 2017). conveniently then, greenland and the antartic ice sheets, which accounts for more than 99-percent of the world’s freshwater (nsidc, 2018), are continuously losing mass at 127 gt/yr and 286 gt/yr rate (gigatonnes/year) respectively (nasa, 2017). this then easily translates to the rise of sea levels which, conveniently again, have risen by more than a 100-percent between 2005 and 2017 (nasa, 2017). moreover, the previous grim facts have then been calculably defined to have caused 4.9 million yearly deaths in 2010 according to the latest climate vulnerability monitor report (dara & cvf, 2012). the report also predicts, that if current patterns of carbon use and climate changes continue, the deaths could go as far as 6 million yearly by 2030. deaths of which are caused by the direct consequences of carbon emissions and indirect ones through the damaging climate change effects (such as disasters, drought, and diseases) (dara & cvf, 2012). table 1: author’s compilation from the global carbon atlas interactive time series (global carbon project, 2017) conclusively, should the science remain infallible, the grim facts that have been presented above are all interconnected as man-made climate change. yet, this then begs the question as to why the world of nation-states have made insignificant progress in addressing the issue of climate change (as evident by the continuous increase of emissions globally) despite the overwhelmingly evident scientific consensus on the devastations man-made climate change can and have brought (nasa, 2017) (klein, 2014, p. 12)(klein, 2014:12). in fact, looking all the way back to the first transnational environmental cause that have produced a successful multilateral pledge, i.e. the montreal protocol which have to this date been deemed a success in restoring ozone concentrations (barett, 2009:67), the current failings from ardhi arsala rahmani 285 the shortcomings of rationalist claims: carbon taxation and political-economy the kyoto protocol onwards shall put us on a trajectory as predicted by the climate vulnerability monitor. furthermore, being conducted within the tenets of the international relations (ir) discipline, this paper shall question also the supposed rationality of the states’ actions and responses to the destructive, debilitating and critical-to-survival threat of climate change. this paper shall also establish a priori the following premises: a) although the main questioning argument of this paper begins from a politicalsecurity perspective of which the approaches later discussed are to be traditional security oriented, this paper shall transcend the subdisciplines of ir by bringing the concept of interests as the lead bridging variable to the politicaleconomy approach, hence b) the research of this paper shall for the most part use the term (neo)liberal as a description of the current state of world market-based economic affairs (clapp & dauvergne, 2005:239) , not the dominant ir neoliberalism and or liberal institutionalism of keohane, nye and others (lamy, 2011:114), unless otherwise stated. in other words, this paper contends that climate change is not the same kind of force within the political-security structures that shape state action/inaction to insecurities (caused by critical -tosurvival threats). it is actually the role of political-economic activities that fuel the continuous increase in threat of climate change impacts (therefore fueling insecurities to some, as will be explained later), not power imbalances or disruptions in state affairs. 2. rationalists approach within ir realism and its offshoots. built upon the ashes of the great european wars (i.e. wwi and wwii), the realist ir approaches are credited to the ideas of carr, morgenthau and niebuhr (dunne & schmidt, 2011:84). the approaches of the early realists are based upon the assumptions of people’s motives at the individual level which then translates into state action, and as morgenthau has put it in his wellknown six principles of political realism, the motives of individuals are based upon human nature borne objective laws which then translates into rational human action/ inaction (morgenthau, 1985). the arguments of the classical realists were then brought upon a higher order of analysis by the new realists (neorealists), who posits that it was not the individual human nature that 286 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 causes state action/inaction, but the international structure of constant power and security struggles that shape state behavior (dunne & schmidt, 2011:96). writing in terms of a chronological order, what followed was the advent of the new classical realists (neoclassical realists) started by gideon rose (1998). the neoclassical realist approach brings back the individual unit factor as a variable of state conduct but at the same time acknowledging the power struggle structures put forth by neorealists. in other words, their approach ‘places domestic politics as an intervening variable between the distribution of power and foreign policy behaviour’ (dunne & schmidt, 2011:90). yet, with the understanding of a natural state of affairs, be it the individual, the structures surrounding the state or both at the same time, all approaches within the realist tradition continues upon the path of explaining state action/inaction through the theory of rational choice. the idea of rational choice, which draws upon behavioural economic studies, presupposes a political actor as utility maximizers, wherein self-interests dictates said actors to accrue as much gains with minimal losses (brown & ainley, 2005:31). in effect, as stated by dunne (2011), there is a significant degree of continuity along the evolution of realist thoughts wherein three core elements, known as the 3s (statism, self-help & survival) persists amongst the various realist offshoots. statism is understood as a given due to the anarchic conditions of the world, hence the highest order of exercised authority is only done by states. self-help is the only principle action states adhere to in an anarchical world, due to the fact that there is no higher order to assist their conducts. this is contrasted to how states are responsible for the individual populations within them. survival is what shapes rational action according to realists, the most basic instinct of human nature is that of staying alive, hence any conducts thereof is to satisfy said instinct (dunne & schmidt, 2011:94). liberalism and its offshoots. an understanding of liberalism can go all the way back to the mid-19th century ideas of richard cobden, who contends that the causes of conflict are extensive interventions to the idea of individual liberties which causes disturbances to the natural order of the freedom of human conduct. moreover, the ideas of liberalism founded by ardhi arsala rahmani 287 the shortcomings of rationalist claims: carbon taxation and political-economy woodrow wilson and j.a. hobson then bring in the democratic nature and power balances as variables that, if disturbed, shall cause conflict (dunne, 2011:103). it is also convenient that the liberal approach is in agreement with the realist camp that the world state of affairs is anarchic with the highest order of exercised authority only being done by states (dunne, 2011:103). unlike, the realist’s perspective with its chronologically ordered birth of offshoots, the new liberalism (neoliberalism) grew out of the pluralistic critiques of the realist theories (brown & ainley, 2005:45). the neoliberals or otherwise dubbed as liberal institutionalists suggest that the way towards peace is for states to surrender a portion of their sovereignty as evidenced by the development of the european union (lamy, 2011:121). as complex processes of development continued and the technological processes brought along with it, what became of interdependences, wherein state conduct are increasingly bind together, became the backdrop of further neoliberal theories. the neoliberals, do accept that anarchy exists as well as self-serving interests of the states, but due to the complex interdependences structured, state conduct can be done, if not more beneficial, in cooperation (brown & ainley, 2005:47). one method of cooperative conduct is through international regimes, which is defined as ‘principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actor expectations converge in a given issue-area’ (krasner, 1982:185). international institutions therefore, serve as a platform for said international regimes. however, in effect, even though the leading variables perceived more important by liberals differ to those of realists, the two are in accordance when both their explanation of state action/ inaction is based upon rational choice conduct (brown & ainley, 2005:47). 3. rationalist attempt at climate change considering the proclaimed dominance of the rationalist approaches as supposed explanatory devices to state action/inaction within international relations conduct (brown & ainley, 2005:32), it is then stressed again the apparent disconnect between the overwhelming evidence of criticalto-survival climate change and states’ continuous insignificant action towards addressing it. both 288 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 the realists and liberalists as rational theories agree that actions of state mainly serve survival instincts. that being said, for a realist, an increase of perceived threat from another party towards a state shall create insecurity which then provides an impetus for state actions of minimizing said threat (in the realist camp, through activities such as bandwagoning or balancing) (dunne & schmidt, 2011:84). even the proclaimed realist argument of morgenthau assumes states behave to the point of, for better or for worse, immorality which is driven by that survivalist instinct (tickner, 2009:15). as for the liberalist, a method of averting conflict, or the fear of conflict is done through cooperative conduct (dunne, 2011:106). therefore, a formed threat engenders a rational response. rationality, of course, is the instinctual guide to ensuring survival. however, as evident by the continuous process of climate change, and in addition to that, the severely lacking prescriptions borne out of multilateral arrangements and state action (klein, 2014:123), the question in mind is then, either the states are not rational at all or the theories brought forth trying to explain that states are rational are inappropriate for this issue. despite the already negated rational survival-instinct premise of realism vis-à-vis climate change, heffron (2015) make further attempts at fitting the realist theoretical lens upon climate change action/inaction. in heffron (2015), climate change is defined as a global threat that is indiscriminate of states and state borders. yet, despite being indiscriminate and very real, the various strands of realism only continue to analize ‘war, conflict, geopolitics, alliances and balancing behaviours, and the way states operate in the international system’ and hence ‘realism has very little or nothing to say about possible solutions to climate change’ (heffron, 2015:8). a significant argument put forth in heffron (2015) is the idea of carbon bandwagoning as a signifier of states action/inaction to climate change. the argument follows the idea that as state a pursues rational conduct of reducing carbon emissions through lowering reliance on fossil fuels, another state b may ‘bandwagon off the back of these efforts and burn more fossil fuels’ hence rendering the efforts by state a irrelevant in addition to the relative losses to state a (heffron, 2015:10). heffron (2015) argues that the relative losses become important climate ardhi arsala rahmani 289 the shortcomings of rationalist claims: carbon taxation and political-economy mitigation efforts by state a may not bring much immediate benefits that would counteract the losses ceded to state b—he explains this in terms of resource allocations of military capabilities wherein, state a may reduce resources allocated towards the military to increase climate mitigation efforts, and the resulting behaviour of state b would be taking advantage of state a’s dwindling down military capability hence creating traditional spiral of insecurity (security dilemma, see dunne & schmidt, 2011:95). the argument of carbon bandwagoning posited by heffron (2015), in effect, concludes that state inaction towards climate change is due to fears that climate change action be taken advantage by other states hence stimulating a spiral of insecurity which then averts all attention to the climate issue at the beginning. the problem with the carbon bandwagoning assumption of state inaction is that the realities presented do not follow the same logic. as presented in table 1, there are actors who have seen reductions in fossil fuel emissions amid increases by other actors. at the same time, the increase of fossil fuel emissions by india and the prc for instance is way more than the reductions introduced by other top emitters. additionally, kreft et. al (2017) and verisk maplecroft (2016) reports that the prc and india is significantly more at risk to the effects of climate change than other top emitters. in other words, the facts presented at hand further disproves the rational arguments claim from the realist bandwagoning assumption as posited by heffron (2015) because, the prc and india stands to lose much more, and to that end is more threatened survivalwise by climate change (verisk maplecroft, 2016) (kreft, et al., 2017). moreover, india has actually made considerable losses in the year 2015 due to extreme weathers and disasters attributable to climate change (kreft, et al., 2017) in the run-up to the paris climate accords, which it committed to only slightly by the pledge of greenhouse gases reductions given (mizo, 2016:376). another realist-originated argument have also been proposed by purdon (2017), wherein he specifically addresses the action/ inaction towards climate change by states through the lens of the neoclassical realist perspective. in purdon (2017), the neoclassical realist thought presented, explains that there are ‘systemic concerns on climate change cooperation’ due to 290 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 ‘relative-gains concerns associated with international resource transfers implicit in climate change policy’. the resource transfers which this paper, in agreement with purdon (2017) and klein (2014), also contends as the most significant mode of climate change mitigation, pending significant scientific breakthrough, then becomes a signifier into understanding the political forces that shape state behaviour. in other words, there are conflicting forces domestically in addition to the international structured forces that compels state to act or not to act upon climate change (purdon, 2017:267). purdon (2017), goes further by testing his perspective upon the two forms of international climate finance: carbon markets and climate funds. in short, the two, supposedly forms of resource transfers and trading mechanism are built upon the bedrock of the neoliberal economic order (purdon, 2017:269). the international structures then shape state behaviour by tapping the relative gains concerns as balance and or security have been disturbed by the significant resource transfers, similar to the argument made in heffron (2015). this is evident in canada’s decision to withdraw from the kyoto protocol which gave birth to the clean development mechanism (cdm), the initial multilateral carbon market, due to the notable systematic wealth transfers away from canada the mechanism entails (purdon, 2017:281). as for climate funds being, straightforwardly, a form of wealth transfers, the realities presented has been selfevident with financing pledges not always materialized into deposits and the number of countries actually engaging in climate funds is much lower than those active in the carbon markets (purdon, 2017:282). in addition to that, as domestic politics also shape state behaviour, the neoclassical realist perspective contends that the popularity of carbon markets is due to the perceived ability of continued gains from taking advantage of the cdm and others (such as the eu emissions trading scheme) by domestic actors, and that disengagement is a path taken once the carbon markets appeal no-longer to the self-interested actors within the state. the example of disengagement is evident by canada again, in its critique towards the carbon market as essentially a potential waste taxpayers’ money, which is a domestic actor concern, ardhi arsala rahmani 291 the shortcomings of rationalist claims: carbon taxation and political-economy particularly political constituencies (purdon, 2017:281). yet, despite the compelling case presented with carbon markets and climate funds by purdon (2017) that can be analyzed through the neoclassical realist lens, the relative gains concern from disturbances within international structures have been presented before by heffron (2015), and hence can still be dispelled using the same arguments proposed previously with continuous reductions of emissions by specific emitters and the vulnerability positions that other specific emitters are in. should attention be given then, to the domestic politics, which constitutes of various overlapping and conflicting self-interests, which shape state behaviour, the simple rationalist survival-instinct premise already negates this argument as overwhelming evidence of threat continuously presents itself amid significant state inaction at the same time. this paper shall also concur that the neoclassical realist approach in itself is inherently problematic as, quinn (2013) concludes. as the approach, in its attempt to develop a law-like explanation of state behaviour actually goes beyond the limits of the rational aspect of the realist paradigm as well as sidelining, though not completely, the systemic imperatives of structural realism (quinn, 2013:160). what then, can be made of the liberalist approach to explaining significant state inaction towards climate change is just as straight forward. as the rational argument have been completely dispelled, we can also consider how states have yet made significant action, even cooperatively, in that manner to mitigate climate change and hence maintain survivalist security (clapp & dauvergne, 2005:249). hence, even as liberal institutionalists make an attempt to justify states tendency to push for cooperation based on so called ‘absolute-gains’ and that they shall stand to lose to the impacts of climate change if they do not do so (clapp & dauvergne, 2005:252), the facts of current cooperative arrangements are considerably lacking in both progress and effect (klein, 2014:123). for the most part, explanations given by institutionalists, according to clapp and dauvergne (2005) only refer to the symptoms of state action/ inaction and that improving institutional mechanisms, coor dinating platforms and regimes will give birth to climate change mitigating solutions. the criticism then, is how strong the institutions, 292 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 regimes or coordinating platform must become is a neverending goalpost shifting by the insti tutionalists, as the current state of institutions should be enough for coordinating measures to act against climate change (clapp & dauvergne, 2005:241). to further argue against the institutionalist approach, one can look at declaration at the copenhagen climate change 2009 conference wherein, the scientific consensus of the dangers of a 2-degree celsius average temperature rise, which was determined all the way back prior to the kyoto protocol, was formally recognized. yet, despite the scientific warning of the temperature rise, it was only by the paris agreement of 2015 that the 2degree celsius global temperature target gained legal recognition in the form of an adhered to international treaty (gao, et. al., 2017:274). of course, the 2 -degree celsius target was never a considerably sufficient target to revert or at least fight back climate change as evident by the death-sentence still given to significant coastline populations across the world with sealevel rises (gao, et. al., 2017:273) (jex, 2015) . which then is the reason, that a more scientifically safe level of 1.5-degree celsius average temperature rise is thrown into the mix within the paris agreement of 2015 albeit the 2-degree celsius target, which is more politically convenient, gaining the spotlight (gao, et. al., 2017:274). so in effect, the international realm is not necessarily lacking in comprehensive institutional structures, it is just that the states which cede power to them is signi-ficantly not acting enough on purpose despite the scientific consensus (klein, 2014:20). 4. climate change and the dualistic ideologues to wrap up the rationalist camp attempts at climate change, the theories they’ve proposed only go as far as explain how and what of state action/inaction towards climate change, rather than why. so, even if one presupposes the preordained games of survival that the rationalists claim states are primed to go about naturally (brown & ainley, 2005:91), the presented facts and realities show that there remains significant inaction that would otherwise prove rationality. the explanation this paper proposes then, is through the constructivist paradigm, where one point of critique is towards said assumptions of a preordained rationality within a conditioned system that prompt ardhi arsala rahmani 293 the shortcomings of rationalist claims: carbon taxation and political-economy survivalist instincts. in short, states are not inherently primed towards survival, as rationalists may claim. on the contrary, the ideas that define them are what determine their subjective perception of rationality (brown & ainley, 2005:112). the constructivist approach, being postpositivist in method, goes beyond the stringent empirical methods of positivists, which, within the realm of ir is embraced by the rationalists who establish law-like generalizations based on quantifiable material capabilities of the states (parsons, 2015:510) following upon cho (2012) who states that ‘insecurities themselves are not pregiven and natural things which exist separately, but are produced in a mutually constitutive process’, the idea of climate change acting as a threat to survival depends much upon the ideologues who perceive them. what is perceived as insecurity in one state, may not be perceived as so in another state. the stressing point being the constructed perception which is shaped by context and ideas (cho, 2012:309). in other words, the perception of security completely differs to objective rational action towards security. to analogize, it is a scientific human condition for a flight or fight and adrenaline-induced response to a direct physical threat. yet, whatever built perceptions or unawareness, could cover said response from ever being catalyzed. this is because to an individual never knowing the constructs of a gun, being held at gunpoint would most probably translate to an irresponsive action unlike the individual who knows best the killing capability of a gun who would probably have their survivalist instincts triggered. according to klein (2014), the driving issue that created the rift of differing perceptions is the advent of neoliberal capitalism, specifically the continuously deregulated one within an international anarchic system. connecting the aforementioned arguments to the political-economy sphere then brings up a dualistic rationality construct wherein particular states adherent to rational security concerns may engage in climate change mitigation (that is, through fossil fuel emissions reductions as done by eu 28, see tabel 1). whereas other states such as the prc and india remain adherents to the purview of the political-economic sphere enhancement (pan, et. al., 2009:150) (joshi & patel, 2009:171). moreover, it must be pointed out again that, what is meant 294 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 by rational security concerns of countries such as the eu 28 or the us is not the same as assumptions of the rational realists who presumed inaction towards climate change by state a is due to fears of carbon bandwagoning by state b, because as figured by pan et. al (2009), the emissions of the prc is a substitute for the decreases of emissions in the developed world. in short, the reductions of emissions by the eu 28 and the us is done under a constructed influence of survivalist concerns which then primes climate mitigation effort narratives (cass, 2007:237) not the rationalist claims of inherent survivalist -instincts. this is because, as argued previously, current state actions still does not compute towards effectively trying to actually survive (helm, 2009:16). going back to the previous analogy then, there is an obvious difference between a triggered survivalist instinct by fighting then trying to pull then gun away, and turning ones back and running away. the latter, of course, results in being gunned down anyway, though the slightest seconds of survival was maintained, this is not dissimilar to minimal efforts by the eu 28 and the us who have built the perception amongst themselves to maintain slight seconds of survival instead of putting a permanent end to the threat. actions of the prc and india on the other hand is that of bargaining with the one holding the gun whose naturally preconditioned to always shoot, in other words a futile attempt. the naturally occurring fact is that once emissions are up, the carbons stay for a lengthy period (klein, 2014:204), hence subscribing to notions that development comes first through theories like environmental kuznets curve presented by neoliberals and liberal institutionalists alike (clapp & dauvergne, 2005:91) amounts to the analogy presented above and shows the apparent disconnect. in retrospect, the context that brought us here is a set of historical antecedents which shifted our idea of a global commons into a commodified private property as explained by max koch (2012), and a societal-value shift that disrupted the notions of the collective good as explained by klein (2014). so then, to follow upon the argument riviere (2015) who states the contestable environmentalist norms that are slowly being constructed, this paper contends that what is being contested is the reigning hegemonic construct of blind capitalism. the environmentalist norms which evidently is gaining ground (cass, ardhi arsala rahmani 295 the shortcomings of rationalist claims: carbon taxation and political-economy 2007:238), is currently still subject to perversions of materialistic reasons hence the continued lack of significant action (riviere, 2014). in addition to that, considering how constructed ideas within ir is a collective manifestation of the citizens within, the varying degree of climate change mitigation then makes sense as the worship of blind capitalism differs from state to state (riviere, 2014:92). moreover, the continuous positive-sum promises demonstrated by capitalistic expansion fuelling rise of co 2 emissions, is not followed by the scientific evidence of equal availability of carbon-sinks, hence zero-sum (as the loss is towards a collective global common ownership) in reality because there can only be so much co2 emissions until a breaking point is reached (koch, 2012:31). in other words, the current societal constructs fuels the process of accumulation by dispossession (koch, 2012:109). 5. constructing prescriptions: carbon tax dissemination as significant objective action is then required to tackle climate change which is perceived as a threat in varying degrees due to contextual ideologue constructs, this paper proposes the idea of constructing a specific politicaleconomic idea: i.e. carbon taxation. the carbon taxation proposed here is not exactly an economic step-bystep policy prescription, but rather a constructed social idea of exchange and behaviour shaping that goes beyond the bounds of the synthesizing capitalist and environmentalist norms. the reason being that, current prescriptions are still bound to the compromises of privatization and commodification of the global commons, hence ideas remain restricted to climate funds and carbon markets of which the results to this day provide no significant cheer as to effect in reverting climate change (hepburn, 2009:377). in fact, the current market-based constructed approach, rather than social-approaches to climate change is so perverted that once the carbon markets were introduced, accumulative behaviour took place more significantly as speculations and price manipulations became the norm of the carbon market instead of fulfilling an environmentally clean end (koch, 2012:104). in terms of effect, by introducing a social-policy like carbon tax, there will be a reshaping of consumption patterns on the household side and a limitation on negative externalities 296 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 of productions, both of which would then translate to a reduction of overall emissions (mankiw, 2009:373). yet, at the same time, in no way shape or form does this paper try to propose the introduction of carbon taxes as a compromising tool that would be politically salient as to promise and or maintain economic growth. on the contrary, as established throughout the entirety of this paper, what needs to be introduced are mechanisms that would completely revert the damage that has been done by irrational ideologues towards the global commons, i.e. carbon sinks (klein, 2014:18). needless to say, the proposed carbon taxes is a radical-free alternative approach to extreme environmentalists who would otherwise promote revolutions or taking down current structures instantaneously so as to save the environment (clapp & dauvergne, 2005:252). the premise of this social carbon tax approach for a security end, i.e. survival is that taxation is a method that stays within the tenets of current constructed politicaleconomic ideologies but is also contesting it at the same time. in effect, through carbon taxes, the idea of profit accumulation and endless growth supported by positive-sum narratives must be slowly hold back enough to level with the scientific consensus of carbon sink capacities (klein, 2014:18). that being said, this paper presents three main types of carbon taxes that could be employed domestically, best suited to the context of country resource utilization as well as patterns of emission.  sectoral carbon tax. this type of carbon tax, shall place the burden of emissions negativities particularly on those sectors that most produce emissions, provided that there would be no significant factored leakages (baylis, et al., 2013). leakages, according to baylis et. al (2013) is when reductions of emissions in one sector shall trigger a shift of the emissions elsewhere. the example to this is the taxation done to the electricity, cement and some manufacturing sectors within the eu, the resulting end of which do not increase emissions elsewhere (baylis, et. al., 2013:337).   border carbon adjustments (bca). otherwise termed border tax adjustments, is a taxation method that assures ‘emissions reductions achieved within a country through a tax (production tax) are not totally offset by the increase ardhi arsala rahmani 297 the shortcomings of rationalist claims: carbon taxation and political-economy in emissions that occurs in partner countries by virtue of expanded trade’ (matoo, et. al., 2013:588). in short, bcas ensure that the conditions of emission freeriding do not occur (as explained with the prc offsetting emissions reductions of the developed world in part three).  fossil fuel tax (energy tax). this tax, as the name suggests, aims at one of the core of emissions itself. countries would tax the fossil fuel use and production within their borders (mclure jr., 2014:553). the general application of this goes by targeting content rather than simply usage and or production. which means that the more harmful substance would have its usage reduced (oecd, 2016:15). 5. conclusions supposing that there are states a and b living in an anarchic international system. state a decides to increase its material capability (be it economic or military) so it becomes twice that of state b. not long after, state b increases its material capability to level. what the rational realists see is insecurity of state b and the need to ensure its survival prompting it to buildup. the liberalist on the other hand, firstly blames the lack of coordination between the states because state b’s increase of material capability to level is due to unavailable assurances by state a through bridging institutions that the increase of material capability was not for harms use. the constructivist paradigm, subscribed by this paper, would question what other states c, d and e are doing, which presumable are not generalized as state b’s action, provided that the context of ideas shaping action within these states differ. yet what if state a is changed into a global common and its increase in material capabilities is climate change? well, the logic of the rationalists then dictates that there are no two-ways to go about it, and changing behaviour (through patterns of emissions) is the only way to go about reducing climate change’s potential harm. but that is not what has happened. the arguments brought forth in this paper, however, is not an attempt to completely dismiss the rationalist arguments. in fact, had we live in a rationalist world, there would have been many significant progress towards climate change mitigation right now, or 298 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 perhaps none of its harms have come forth. instead, the current world constructs is populated by irrational ideologues, and a shift of ideas is needed more than ever if we are to survive. perhaps best if policies, prescriptions and the likes subscribe to the ideas of a global commons under tragedy (hardin, 1968:1247). yet, subscribing to the constructivist paradigm means accepting a pluralistic realm of the ir discipline because even ideas are shaped by ideas, hence any further discussions on this paper’s outcome is most welcome. bibliography alvesson, m. & skoldberg, k., 2009. reflexive methodology: new vistas for qualitative research. london: sage publications. barnett, m., 2011. social constructivism. in: j. baylis, s. smith & p. owens, eds. the 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e-issn: 2655-1330 state and right-wing populism: analysis on the kemenko polhukam ri persuasion approach in responding the wave of “212” movement dinda rizkimawati london school of public relations jakarta email: dindarizkimawati59@gmail.com indra kusumawardhana universitas pertamina, jakarta email: indra.kusumawardhana@universitaspertamina.ac.id abstract basuki tjahaja purnama’s blasphemy case reaped various reactions and criticisms. in the “action of defending islam 212”, where muslims in indonesia expressed their anger, the masses demanded that religious blasphemers be brought to justice. it caused a series of demonstrations in indonesia and instability in their domestic security, especially jakarta as the capital city. this movement was widely known as the wave of rightwing populism in indonesia. to respond to an extreme right-wing political movement in indonesian society, the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security made efforts to persuade the community after the movement. this effort was significant in managing the widening of the narrative and reminding those who used the approach anchor base or key people and communities to help spread the message. keywords: right-wing populism, 212 movement, kemenkopolhukam, persuasion, indonesia abstrak kasus penistaan agama basuki tjahaja purnama menuai berbagai reaksi dan kritik. dalam “aksi bela islam 212”, di mana umat islam di indonesia mengungkapkan kemarahan mereka, massa menuntut agar para penoda agama diadili. hal itu menyebabkan serangkaian demonstrasi di indonesia dinda rizkimawati, indra kusumawardhana state and right-wing populism: analysis on the kemenko ... 15 dan ketidakstabilan keamanan dalam negeri mereka, terutama jakarta sebagai ibu kota. gerakan ini dikenal luas sebagai gelombang populisme sayap kanan di indonesia. untuk menanggapi gerakan politik sayap kanan yang ekstrim di masyarakat indonesia, kementerian koordinator bidang politik, hukum, dan keamanan melakukan upaya untuk membujuk masyarakat pasca gerakan. upaya ini signifikan dalam mengelola pelebaran narasi dan mengingatkan mereka yang menggunakan pendekatan anchor base atau orang-orang dan komunitas kunci untuk membantu menyebarkan pesan. kata kunci: populisme sayap kanan, gerakan 212, kemenkopolhukam, persuasi, indonesia introduction in the era of globalization and industrial communication 4.0, the role of public relations is increasingly significant. communication is critical for political activity. for instance, political actors need strategic communication for maintaining power interaction among them and their relations with the public. nowadays, the elite and the public can interact through existing media channels. they can exchange information and aspirations directly through social media— such as facebook, twitter, or instagram. all those media for sending messages to the people is essential for people’s voices or aspirations to achieve political interests. in indonesia, the recent political event is the perfect example. the right-wing political movement rose during the 2017 dki jakarta regional head election through a series of demonstrations. the wave of people mobilization was built upon the exchange of information through social media. this demonst rat ion was triggered by basuki tjahaja purnama (ahok) as the governor of dki jakarta province speech in kepulauan seribu. he mentioned, “jadi jangan percaya sama orang, kan bisa saja dalam hati kecil bapak ibu enggak bisa pilih saya ya kan? dibohongi pakai surah al-maidah 51, macammacam itu. itu hak bapakibu ya. jadi kalau bapak-ibu perasaan enggak bisa kepilih nih, karena saya takut masuk neraka karena dibodohin gitu ya, enggak apa-apa,” (perjalanan 16 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 kasus al maidah 51 hingga ahok divonis 2 tahun penjara : okezone megapolitan, n.d.). “in your deepest heart, you may want to vote for me. don’t be fooled by surah al-maidah 51. if you do and are afraid to go to hell because of voting for me, it’s alright. it’s your choice.” many indonesian islamic communities reacted to that statement. they condemned the governor of dki jakarta for committing blasphemy. the movement to s e ek justice for ahok’s words began with mass mobilization to stage demonstrations. one of them is called islamic defense actions (aksi bela islam) at the end of 2016. the activity stole the attention of indonesian society nationally. the “212” demonstration occurred on december 2, 2016, in jakarta, indonesia (tirto: 27.02.2019). the islamic defense actions (ida) commanded by the islamic d efenders front (fpi). to symbolize the protest, they created unique numbers for the taglines, such as 1410, 411, 212, 112, 212 (reunion), 313, and 55 (republika: 10.05.2017). each demonstration activity was focusing on echoing the mass invitation to join the ida. it took place on december 2, 2016, which became 212, at the national monument (monas). the “212” demonstration caused traumatic effects related to the 1998 riots on the indonesian community (bbc indonesia: 01.12.2016). this activity also received attention from various parties because of president jokowi, who previously was unable to accept representatives of 411 and 212 demonstrators (bbc indonesia: 02.12.2016). figure 1. display of parti cipants in the defend islam action december 2, 2016 (https://bangka.tribun news.com/2016/12/04/mengharukan-inilahkisah-pengalaman-wartawati-non-muslim-saat-liput-aksi-damai-212) dinda rizkimawati, indra kusumawardhana state and right-wing populism: analysis on the kemenko ... 17 when looking at the activities of islamic defense actions carried out by fpi, the 212 defend islam action call was not the only voiced agenda. the initial call agreed by this movement was to defend the koran. still, the action participants were not thoroughly carried out because this action also led to calls such as rejecting kafir or infidel leaders and choosing muslim leaders (kusumo & hurriyah: 2019, 97-109). based on the notion of populist waves, john judis stated that populist activities have massive ‘political logic,’ where people protest against the ruling elite due to a lack of trust (judis, 2016: 50). the people feel that these elites no longer pay attention to the ideals of a nation and ignore what they understand to be a common constitution. these mass associations are eventually mobilized by the support bases and create a political identity according to the beliefs of the majority of the supporting bases. based on the understanding conveyed by judis, the “212” movement is a part of rightwing populism in indonesia. this movement talked about the issue of identity politics that prioritizes majority religious politics. to respond to this scaremongering development, the indonesian government should have a political communication strategy to ease the turmoil within their society. in this case, the government should develop the exact political communication efforts needed by emphasizing, educating, and persuading the public. it is essential to improve the government’s image and reputation, build good socialization bridges, and forge trust between stakeholders in society. in this context, the emergence of a wave of right-wing populism in indonesia after the “212” movement during the governor elections in dki jakarta is a crucial issue nationally. the indonesian president, as head of government, state leader, and commander in chief, must determine various kinds of decisions or policies that are acceptable to all levels of society. it made the president of indonesia act quickly to communicate with the public to navigate the condition. one of the government instruments is the ministries, which assist the president’s duties as head of government. in indonesia, the ministry in charge of leading a political-security situation is the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs (abbreviated kemenko polhukam ri). 18 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 kemenko polhukam ri is responsible for coordinating interrelated ministries under their authority, gathering information for the president regarding issues relating to security and legal issues, and being part of the president’s official information funnel to the broader community regarding the problems. during the specific political challenge, such as the wave of right-wing populism, these tasks were essential and vital to build and maintain mutual understanding b et we en organizat ions w it h stakeholders and the public. the kemeko polhukam ri should support three issues—reputation, image, and communication with the public. this paper captures that to study the indonesian government’s persuasion through the kemenko polhukam ri for managing the “212” wave of right populism. from those backgrounds, the authors initiate a research question: how did kemenko polhukam ri persuade the indonesian people to manage the wave of right-wing populism after 212? as a case study, the authors utilize persuasion theory for analyzing this phenomenon. the analysis was based on primary data collection by conducting semistructured or focused interviews with purposive informants. the results of this study illustrate that kemenko polhukam ri developed a specific approach for overcoming the situation. the persuasive strategy is supported by choosing crucial persons and specific communities as communicators in conveying messages. moreover, based on the analysis, the kemenko polhukam ri persuasion approach focused on the central route. they spread every update to the public, both from anti-government groups. kemenko polhukam ri aimed to provide official information collaborate with the key figures and the community. by providing ongoing counter-information, the public can compare the report and its credibility. theoretical framework according to michel hasting (hastings et al., 2013: 9) denotes, “populism is a political style which is a source for change based on the systematic use of rhetorical appeal to the people.” the use of rhetoric in right-wing populism has an intersection with left-wing populism as a benchmark in formulating political rhetoric. the confluence lies in the resistance to the status quo and foreign powers, dinda rizkimawati, indra kusumawardhana state and right-wing populism: analysis on the kemenko ... 19 while the basis is not anti-capitalism but in the framing of discourses on “national values.” according to muhtadi (2019), there are three definitions of populism, which can create a crisis. first, if there is a crisis in the economic sector, a recession will lead to poverty, unemployment, unequal growth, the impact of globalization, and the exploitation of natural resources. inequality in society has become a modality for some parties to narrate political rhetoric that leads to claims of populism. second, there has been sharp criticism over the failure of representative democracy. third, through the existing economic inequality coupled with the imbalance of democratic promises, it is profitable for populist leaders to start their political rhetoric (muhtadi, 2019: 5). based on the explanation given, the action to defend islam at monas (monumen nasional) on december 2, 2016, has become an identity politics movement that prioritizes the majority religion to move the masses. this wave becomes a current resistance to the status quo or the current situation by providing rhetoric and discourse conveyed through the demonstrations. the action of defending islam which has been carried out seven times and is accompanied by reunions carried out by its alumni, has tighter nuances of practical political movements. persuasion is a process of influenc ing a person’s attitudes, beliefs, values, or behavior. actions of persuasion refer to three possibilities: strengthening opinions, ideas, values, and motivating the actions. persuasion can be defined as a change in attitude through exposure to information obtained from other people. an attitude is selfassertiveness (severin & james, 2009: 177). persuasion communication has an underst anding t hat communication activities involve several people. the communication process is trying to tell and listen, but the communication process must contain various ideas, thoughts, facts, and opinions from one person to another. through understanding, communication is an art of transmitting information from the communicator (messages, ideas, attitudes, ideas) to the communicant to change the form of behavior (patterns, attitudes, views, and understanding) to the customs and perceptions that the communicator wants (romli, 2016: 7-8). through the blasphemy case during the election process for the governor of jakarta, the wave of 20 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 right populism gained momentum to be present in the public discourse. this wave is current in indonesia using rhetoric that is similar to those in america or europe. the rhetoric of right populism puts forward the jargon of “indigenous” and “antiforeigner.” after the “212” movement in indonesia, identity politics has strengthened and formed mass mobilization, which is closely related to the identity of the majority religion in indonesia. the term wave of right populism often interprets similar conditions. according to john b. judis, populism is a way of thinking political logic and not an ideological movement. judis added that if the proper populism movement is more triadic, besides exploiting the conflict between the people and the elites, they also accuse the elites of collaboration with third parties. the narrative is built that the third party is responsible for all the difficulties and difficulties of life experienced (judis, 2016: 14). these populist politicians can quickly enter and fill the anger. they target the existing minorities so that racism thrives and is supported by nativistic and tribalistic narratives. that is how the proper populism movement gets its movement in politics (indopro gress: 12.12.2017). cas mudde (2007: 22-23) has explained the characteristics of populism which consist of three aspects: 1) anti-establishment, which emphasizes philosophy on the values of wisdom and virtue of ordinary people or the silent majority who is opposed to the rulers. populism reflects deep hatred for the rulers and ordinary people. homogeneous parties are considered reasonable and deemed worthy of replacing the existing elite; 2) authoritarianism supports the power from individuals considered worthy of leading the state or government in absolute terms; 3) nativism, which defines all “people” as a unit with the same identity. therefore, populism supports monoculturalism rather than multiculturalism within society. the hallmark of islamic populism is the political language of islam. in short, the difference between conventional populism and islamic populism is the basic concept of “the peoples” as a people oppressed by an elite. in islamic populism, the idea of “the peoples” is replaced by an oppressed and marginalized ummah (balairungpress: 27.08.2018). dinda rizkimawati, indra kusumawardhana state and right-wing populism: analysis on the kemenko ... 21 figure 2. lazarsfeld’s two-stage communication process view (http://ilkom. unida.gontor.ac.id/teori-komunikasi-dua-tahap/) persuasion can be interpreted as an action by a persuader in carrying out changing persuadee attitudes. this action appears to provide information that influences the persuadee to alter perspective so that the interests of the persuader can be fulfilled. not only that, but devito (2009: 78-79) also explains that persuasion can identify an approach into three parts: 1. logical appeals, consisting of logic, ethics, and credibility, are practical tools for persuasion. persuader will try to persuade or invite their listeners through philosophy, and the listeners will feel more comfortable and happier if influenced continuously; 2. emotional appeals, this is related to a level of need from the persuadee; 3. credibility appeals are a persuasion approach that emphasizes the role of a speaker or a resource person who is knowledgeable or competent in the language and topic and has good character and charisma. this credibility will hopefully influence the listeners in assessing a problem. a speaker or resource can have different credibility from one culture and another. in certain cultures, competence determines reliability. on the other hand, goodness and morality determine a reputation to measure one’s credibility. devito (2009: 80) summarized three points that become a determinant of accessibility, a) competence, the more and in the knowledge 22 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 and experience of the resource person or speaker or topic being presented, the listener will believe in what will be conveyed, including telling listeners what skills they have, then quoting some sources as reference materials, and the last is to use trusted sources by explaining their backgrounds and experiences; b) character, when the listener can feel the good intentions of the speaker, the listener will give his trust. several ways can improve moral character, including stress fairness from the speaker by emphasizing the situation by presenting both parties in the discussion. secondly, the speaker stress concern for audiences; it aims to convince listeners. a speaker focuses on their welfare by giving interest but not exaggerating. the last one is stress concern for enduring. when a speaker is more interested in trivia issues, he becomes not credible compared to a speaker who brings broad or general topics; c) charisma is one of the essential components for a speaker; the speaker can show the listener who will strengthen with charm. the recipients of this information will also give their trust. one way to increase their charisma can be done in several ways, such as providing a positive appearance, displaying enthusiasm, and empathy. the elaboration likelihood theory (elt) model states that two routes can be traversed by messages during the persuasion process through the central and peripheral routes. talking about this persuasion model, it works to determine changes in the attitude of the receiver, central and peripheral routes, has an effective persuasion technique but both ways. each has its strategies and methods of getting effective persuasion action. this model talks about changing attitudes; it is necessary to consider mediating factors and the persuasion process. therefore, the weight and number of messages related to cognitive responses, through an elaboration process that has conformity to the objects and information possessed by individuals, is an important step. the elm process explains the central route and the peripheral route (larson, 2010: 13): 1) the central route messages sent via the central route are straightforward and complete. there are various wise considerations of an idea in the main road, the opinion of the dinda rizkimawati, indra kusumawardhana state and right-wing populism: analysis on the kemenko ... 23 message content (stephenson, benoit & tschida: 2009, 324). the recipient of the message must have a caring attitude in receiving or understanding the message and evaluating the ideas in the content of the message. since the notification sent via this route has a high level of involvement from the recipient, he must be correct and evaluate it; 2) the peripheral route can be successful if subjected to low message recipient involvement, poor message recipient motivation, and weak statements. message recipients through the peripheral course are not processed cognitively. thus, the message recipients conveyed through the peripheral route cannot broadly decipher the message. the message recipients can still be persuaded by several factors that have nothing to do with the actual content. result and discussion the rise of indonesian rightwing populism movement the 212 group that mobilized the masses in this incident was not purely because of ahok’s blasphemy case but also other interests. as previously explained, activities based on the ideology of populism exploit people’s dissatisfaction with the elite, such as corruption, abuse of power, and so on, which stimulate the people’s sentiment toward the ruling elite in indonesia. during the election, the wave of populism rouse because of the suspicion of the indonesian elites. in particular, the doubt that the indonesian government was antiislamic (ilahi, 2017). the 212 acts for defending the koran are ultimately becoming symbolic actions for calling the people’s solidarity to change the actual situation. this battle of defending islam was gaining the attention of the indonesian public nationally, wherein the development of this populism movement emphasized the issue of identity politics that brought the majority religion in indonesia as the focus of struggle in political contestation (mudde, 2007: 22). three factors cause the emergence of a wave of populism. they are the disappointment factor or, more precisely, the cognitive dissonance from several com munities. the second is the emergence of political leaders with strong inf luence f rom marginalized communities (since the new order era, the chinese community in indonesia has had limited opportunities in political life in indonesia). lastly is the 24 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 development of technology on social media. based on the causal factors conveyed, the wave of populism itself can be a political tool for both a group of people and a group of organizations and others that aim to take advantage of society through a dynamic and togetherness approach through a uniform religious identity. based on this vantage point, the movement exploited the public disappointment with a thing used by a group of people, organizations, and others to form a mass base by using certain symbols and disseminated through various media. at this point, defending islam aimed to enforce the law toward the blasphemer, where many muslim communities in indonesia offended. nonetheless, the 212-movement voiced to the public about the disappointment toward the indonesian government as well. it means the objective of the campaign is broader beyond religious blasphemy into other political agendas. the narrative builds by the “212” movement shifted from defending religion into a protest to disappointment the current government. especially to president joko widodo, he was protested by the masses for protecting blasphemers. they were using religious symbols, in this case, islam, to strengthen the support of indonesian people through various channels on social media such as facebook, twitter, and instagram. the wave of protests from the “212” movement voiced criticism that president jokowi protected ahok for his legal case. responding to this incident, the government gave various rebuttals on the issue, stating legal protection for blasphemers. the government also explains that the problem is a legal issue, and the government has no interest in the case (kompas: 8.11.2016). in understanding these dynamics, three aspects of classifying the wave of right populism, namely right populism, which occurs in a radicalistic nature or impact technology. the authors denote this populist movement corresponded with instrumentalists, radical and technological categories based on this classification. significantly, the fact that a group’s particular interests were using this momentum for fulfilling their political advantage. this post-“212” activity eventually became an instrumentalist moment for a group of people, organizations, mass organizations, and others to master the power material. those symptoms came from various news dinda rizkimawati, indra kusumawardhana state and right-wing populism: analysis on the kemenko ... 25 reports, one of which is based on the opinion of hendardi as executive director of the setara institute. he assessed the 212-alumni reunion event as political movements. the continuity of this movement will become a new political arena that will continue to be political leverage against the indonesian government. the target is to control the public space to increase their political bargaining power toward political groups. the kemenko polhukam ri’s persuasion approach per its function, the coordinating ministry for political, l egal, and s ecurity af fairs (kemenkopolhukam ri) can respond intelligently to dynamic environmental conditions that naturally grow, develop, and influence indonesian society. thus, the kemenkopolhukam ri should overcome, coordinate, observe problems in the community due to the “212” actions. therefore, they conducted a mass mapping of the “212” activity through classification, looking at the narrative presented and weighing the appropriate approach to the action. to understand the political agenda of the “212” movement, the kemenkopolhukam ri categorized the masses involved in “212” based on political aspirations. based on their analysis, several groups are involved in this mass protest. the first are groups involved in the demonstrations because of their solid spiritual solidarity. secondly, groups with particular political reasons delegitimize government power under president joko widodo’s administration. the third is a group that seeks to change or replace the state ideology. the fourth is a group that uses the “212” actions as an electoral political vehicle. these four classifications are deduced by the kemenkopolhukam ri related to the masses present at the “212” actions. according to their analysis, the largest group in this action wanted to delegitimize the indonesian government through a series of actions and activities, and messages carried out by the “212” movement. then, after the kemenkopolhukam ri conducted the grouping and saw the narratives developed by each cluster. they found that one of the narratives was developed by the “212” movement to label president joko widodo and ahok as one group. ahok’s problem was president joko widodo’s problem as the leader of this country. the narrative aimed to build public 26 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 opinion that president joko widodo was the same as ahok as an antiislam. ahok’s supporters originally built the stamp of ahok as a duality for president joko widodo. however, this narrative was exploited by groups that took advantage of the “212”-protest wave with electoral interests to attack president joko widodo. attacking ahok is tantamount to attacking jokowi on the indonesian political map. therefore, getting rid of ahok was the same as getting rid of jokowi. the coordinating ministry for political, legal and security affairs tries to explain to the public that these two aspects are different. even president joko widodo highlighted that the public should carefully perceive this discourse. as he conveyed directly, “once again, the people also need to know, i will not protect basuki tjahaja purnama because he has entered the legal process.” the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs delivered a counter-narrative to the public. this objective was achieved by filling public spaces with open dialogue activities, door stops, press conferences, and press releases, and then disseminated through traditional media. understanding the public through representatives from the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs explains the case. it is a strategic activity for balancing the existing narrative from antigovernment groups. in delivering its narrative message to the public, the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs does not do it alone. the coordinating ministry for political, legal and security affairs collaborates with other institutions to disseminate counter-narratives and understand. the coordinating ministry for political, legal and security affairs also asked for support and opinion from communities. the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs asked counsel from religious leaders such as nu and muhammadiyah to convey messages to the public. in this case, indonesian religious leaders’ support from a significant muslim organization can calm the public opinion. counter-narrative is not the only persuasive approach taken by the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs. the coordinating ministry also used another method for political, legal, and security affairs to understand the community, one of which was to gather ulama and similar leaders of community organizations. besides, after grouping the “212” dinda rizkimawati, indra kusumawardhana state and right-wing populism: analysis on the kemenko ... 27 masses, the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs analyzed the narratives presented and prepared counternarratives to balance the description circulating in the community against the government. the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs also approached religious leaders and mass organizations to aim that the messages or narratives conveyed by the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs for the community were more understood and accepted. figure 3. coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs wiranto (2016-2019) who gave press statements after meetings with religious leaders (https://polkam. go.id/dialog-bersama-tokoh-islammenko-polhukam-ajak-seluruhumat-sama-sama-jaga-stabillitaskeamanan/) the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs also held a closed meeting by inviting several leaders of islamic community organizations (mass organizations) such as the nahdlatul ulama board (pbnu), the indonesian ulema council (mui), the islamic association (persis), gnpf ulama. the “212” alumni presidium and the minister of religion lukman hakim saifuddin also attended this discussion. the national dialogue with the theme “with the spirit of ukhuwah islamiyah, we maintain national unity and unity.” coordinating minister for political, law, and security affairs wiranto said that the event aimed to strengthen togetherness to maintain the country’s stability. a person’s reaction to news conveyed by a media is mediated by interpersonal communication with members of their social environment. membership of a person in different social groups (family, friends, religion, etc.) d r amat i c a l ly i n f lu e nc e s t he decision-making process and the person’s behavior (monica: 2014). observe the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs efforts to approach key people or take the anchor approach. this approach is following the twostep communication process (twostep flow communication model) conveyed by lazarsfeld, and the following is a scheme described 28 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 by the communication process of the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs with the approach of crucial people and community or community organizations: figure 4. schematic view of the message process from the data processed by researchers. the way the government delivers messages to the public is through the approach of crucial people, the anchor approach to critical figures, coordination between governments and figures, especially in the “212” movement is muslim figures. coordination with religious leaders was implemented t h r o u g h i n t e r g o v e r n m e n t a l meetings with religious leaders; the dialogue between the coordinating ministry for political and security affairs and religious leaders brought the core message to the community. furthermore, religious leaders will assist the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs to spread the message to the public through several activities such as lectures, facilitated dialogue, and social media. this theory works by influencing public decisionmaking through opinion. two-step flows work through intermediaries introduced to the audience, the step of disseminating information through influential figures or opinion leaders with greater access to information than many audiences, they (opinion leaders) have the authority to explain and dissect the message, thus affecting the final opinion of the recipient who made contact with opinion leaders (amy: 2016) in this study, the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs influenced people’s beliefs by motivating them to widely and deeply examine the messages in the news. through democracy, the dinda rizkimawati, indra kusumawardhana state and right-wing populism: analysis on the kemenko ... 29 people will help spread the correct issue and remind others to be careful with hoaxes based on richard petty and john cacioppo’s persuasion model using the elaboration likelihood theory (elt) technique. the elt theory explains two ways that a person evaluates information; f irstly, carr ying information through the central path, meaning in a complicated way using critical thinking. secondly, the persuasion message was carried over through the peripheral route, meaning that the recipient does not always use the essential path to get the news. sometimes information is evaluated thoroughly or uses less critical thinking (morissan, 2013: 84). figure 5. a form of persuasion message shown by nahdlatul ulama (https://www.instagram.com/p/bp hyfozd7qx/?igshid=135dq3w7p rvgn) ever y individual has the right attitude in the conditions at hand. still, the individual will try to rationalize the constraints faced, and a strong argument will always succeed in giving a deep impression in the minds of the public (primadhany: 2016, 6). theoretically, elt has two ways how individuals receive and manage a message. the peripheral route is a state of attitude change for a while. the central route is a state of attitude change. in this case, they will actively think about the information and consider other information that has been digested beforehand. suppose, in the end, the recipient of the message shifts, and the result will be more permanent and be followed by a behavior change. at the same time, the peripheral route is the cognitive tendency of receiving and rejecting a message. in that case, this situation is based on the credibility of the message sender, environmental reactions, or being affected by several other factors beyond argumentation (petty & cacioppo, 1996: 87). the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs spread its persuasion message utilized all channels, such as dialogue on tv, direct approach to crucial people, sense of community, and technology. the key people here are people or figures who can influence the thinking of many people. through a community, the 30 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 approach is also an important step to be implemented, and through social media to spread the message of persuasion massively. as a note of sustainability in maintaining the influence, kemenko polhukam has to keep a report to the public and political parties, mass organizations, and the media. that communication approach is essential to deliver the message to foster respect for all people, not only for one group and organization but also to develop respect for all citizens so that a mutual understanding will fly due to this respect. political literacy and media literacy are essential to protect people from being exploited for political interest. to make people understand the issue, it also relies on people’s capability for digesting messages, the social responsibility of parties that cannot quickly spark public reactions with existing religious issues for political gain. finally, persuasion messages for the news media, both tv, newspapers, and radio, promptly raise and lower populist points that stimulate conflict due to religious issues. the central route is an individual condition when doing elaboration or critical thinking. each individual manages a message through stimulation of information and will discuss it into the mind, choose, consider each absorption of the news. whereas in the peripheral route, information management becomes less critical, where the changes that occur at the message recipient do not last long or are only temporary (petty & cacioppo, 1986: 1-24). one of the ways used in this case is by using events and influencers to convey their persuasive message. the two strategies use easy language, a more down-to-earth language according to everyday life. therefore, the recipient does not need to explore the news extensively, so there are not too many arguments. according to richard petty and john cacioppo, indonesians mostly manage messages through these two routes based on the two lines of receiving persuasion messages. each individual will listen to or sort any information or messages provided. in managing these messages, they will also listen to suggestions or other opinions through people they trust or have credibility with discussing the news. thus the process of receiving messages through the central route and peripheral route. this tendency determines through the motivation shown by the community to find out information through various media; dinda rizkimawati, indra kusumawardhana state and right-wing populism: analysis on the kemenko ... 31 we can see this tendency through the following factors: 1. the relevance shown through the 212 actions is religion. there is blasphemy against the faith of most of the population in indonesia, namely islam, causing sentiment and anger, which ultimately attracts a lot of public attention. 2. critical discourse spreads through various arguments in society through news coverage, public discussions, and expert analysis published in multiple media types. the amount of information or messages in the public space regarding this matter does not make the government limit the current news. the government also carries out various counternarratives to provide counternarratives to the public through crucial figures such as scholars and religious organizations. the diversity of arguments in the public space is one of the critical thinking tools in society in managing information because this diversity of information or messages can ultimately be compared. 3. through an abundance of information or messages, the public can weigh and observe various existing news so that the argumentative and critical nature of the public emerges as an effect of the data. the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs has high motivational abilities and understands or knows the information managed in dealing with this case. therefore, the efforts of persuasion by the coordinating ministry for political, legal, and security affairs to the community accepted through a central channel. based on how the government (kemenko polhukam) fills the public space with various messages, the government carries out various activities to meet the public’s information needs by balancing the narrative built by antigovernment groups in this wave of right populism. every single step to weather the mass protest was essential for protecting the security and stability of indonesia. conclusion at this point, this article concludes that religion as a bargaining power for the benefit of a few people in politics is inevitable. religion makes this movement a right populism, but which leads to a form of islamic populism. the hallmark of islamic populism 32 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 is its political language that uses symbols, discourse, and narratives from religion, in this case, islam. meanwhile, the difference between conventional populism with islamic populism lies in the basic concept of “the people” by those movements. based on the analysis, the rise of islamic populism in indonesian society after the “212” action required the government to respond strategically to manage the issue through persuasion, where the government, in this case, the kemenkopolhukam ri, used a persuasion approach by selecting key figures or religious leaders. religious leaders will convey the message to the public through the way it chooses to form a counternarrative. they tried to influence people’s beliefs by motivating them to examine the statements in the news widely and deeply. the variety of narratives and arguments related to the “212” action led communicants to shape attitudes and how these attitudes changed. the kemenko polhukam ri filled the public space with various messages that counter the narrative build by the rightwing populism movement. it was crucial to balance the narrative built by anti-government groups in this 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(accessed on september 30, 2020). retrieved from https:// papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers. cfm?abstract_id=2818659 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic universities in indonesia rudi candra universitas darussalam (unida) gontor, jawa timur, indonesia e-mail:rudicandra@unida.gontor.ac.id sofi mubarok universitas darussalam (unida) gontor, jawa timur, indonesia e-mail:sofimubarok@unida.gontor.ac.id abstract this paper is a continuation of previous research entitled “the analysis of the development of islamic perspectives in international relations in indonesia,” which found that one of the problems with the lack of scientific publications related to islamic international relations in indonesia concerns the immature application of international islamization methodology. this condition reminds us of the vital role and urgency of developing a methodology of islamic international relations. in response to this issue, it is necessary to carry out an analysis of the development and application of islamic international relation methods in indonesian universities, in this case, taking the example of three universities: darussalam university (unida) gontor, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta (umy), and uin sunan ampel surabaya. these three universities were chosen because they officially declared the development of islamization or integration of science in the curriculum of the international relations study program. this study aims to analyze the methodological model of islamic international relations in three universities to be compared and evaluated for their implementation. this type of research was qualitative descriptive by taking the research settings at unida, umy, and uin sunan ampel. data collection techniques were through observation, interviews, and limited discussion. data analysis utilized an interactive model with a four-component analysis approach: data reduction, data analysis, data clarification, and drawing conclusions carried out actively and interactively with source persons as the primary 80 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 data sources equipped with several secondary sources. this study found that these three universities used three different methods in embodying the concept of islam in international relations. unida gontor has its islamization project, umy has islam as the curriculum characteristic, and uin sunan ampel has the integrated twin tower concept. although these three models have elementary differences, they have the spirit of developing the internalization of islamic studies in the study of international relations. keywords: islamization, international relations, methodology, unida gontor, umy, uin sunan ampel abstrak tulisan ini merupakan lanjutan dari penelitian sebelumnya yang berjudul “analisis perkembangan perspektif islam dalam hubungan internasional di indonesia” yang menemukan bahwa salah satu permasalahan kurangnya publikasi ilmiah yang berkaitan dengan hubungan internasional islam di indonesia adalah terkait dengan penerapan metodologi islamisasi internasional yang belum matang. kondisi ini mengingatkan pada peran vital dan urgensi pengembangan metodologi hubungan internasional islam. menyikapi hal tersebut maka perlu dilakukan analisis terhadap perkembangan dan penerapan metode hubungan internasional islam di perguruan tinggi di indonesia dalam hal ini mengambil contoh tiga universitas; universitas darussalam (unida) gontor, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta (umy) dan uin sunan ampel surabaya. ketiga universitas ini dipilih karena secara resmi mendeklarasikan pengembangan islamisasi atau integrasi ilmu dalam kurikulum program studi hubungan internasional. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis model metodologi hubungan internasional islam di tiga universitas, unida gontor, umy dan uin sunan ampel untuk kemudian dibandingkan dan dievaluasi implementasinya. jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan mengambil lokasi penelitian di unida gontor ponorogo, umy dan uin sunan ampel surabaya. teknik pengumpulan data melalui observasi, wawancara dan diskusi terbatas. analisis data melalui model interaktif dengan pendekatan analisis empat komponen yaitu: reduksi data, analisis data, klarifikasi data dan penarikan kesimpulan, dilakukan secara aktif, interaktif dengan narasumber sebagai sumber data primer yang dilengkapi dengan beberapa sekunder. sumber. penelitian ini rudi candra, sofi mubarok islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic ... 81 menemukan ketiga universitas ini menggunakan tiga metode berbeda dalam mengejawantahkan konsep islam dalam ilmu hubungan internasional. unida gontor dengan proyek islamisasinya, umy dengan islam sebagai penciri dan uin sunan ampel dengan konsep integrated twin tower. ketiga model ini, meskipun memiliki perbedaan yang elementer, namun memiliki semangat pengembangan internalisasi studi islam dalam kajian ilmu hubungan internasional. kata kunci: islamisasi, hubungan internasional, metodologi, unida gontor, umy, uin sunan ampel introduction the islamization of international relations is one of the most advanced studies today, especially in indonesia. furthermore, the islamization of the science movement was even able to reduce the massive movement of islamic liberalization in the early 2000s. the power of spreading these ideas and thoughts is pure because they were started and embedded in several islamic campuses in indonesia and later became popular academic studies among muslim academics in indonesia. inevitably, this influence has also penetrated groups of academics in international relations by developing curricula or study groups to develop an academic discourse on islamization. the idea of islamization was first conceived at a world conference for muslim education in mecca in 1977. this conference was initiated by king abdul aziz university in saudi arabia. in the forum, ideas of islamization emerged, expressed by the movement’s two leading ideologues: ismail raji faruqi and muhammad naquib al-attas. according to faruqi, the islamic education system was formed within a western core framework characterized by valuefree, especially divine spiritual values. meanwhile, based on al-attas’ argument, the biggest challenge facing muslims today is the invasion of knowledge from western civilization that has spread throughout the world. according to al-attas, what was initially carried out in islamization was the liberation of humans from magical, mythological, animistic, national cultural traditions, and later from their secular understanding 82 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 of thought and language (al-attas, 1995, p. 44). in other words, the process of purifying the soul should be done before the soul is decorated with commendable quality. in the process, two steps are suggested: first, isolating the elements and concepts shaped by western culture and civilization and second, incorporating key islamic elements and concepts into each relevant branch of contemporary science (daud, 1998, p. 313) (armayanto, 2007, pp. 27-28). in contrast to al-attas, who started the process of islamization with self-purification (sufism) ext rac te d f rom a l-ghaza li’s idea, faruqi offered twelve steps to be followed in the process of islamization of knowledge. the 12 steps are 1. understanding the methodological principles of modern scientific disciplines, their problems, themes, and developments; 2. review of scientific disciplines; 3. understanding of islamic values (anthology); 4. understanding of islamic heritage (analysis); 5. determining the relevance of islam that is different from contemporary issues; 6. critical study of modern scientific disciplines-clarifying the disciplinary position of islam and guiding its steps; 7. critical study of the understanding of islamic heritage, such as al-quran and sunnah; 8. the main subjects of discourse are islamic issues; 9. the subject of the discourse is a human problem; 10. creative analysis and synthesis; 11. referring to scientific disciplines within the framework of islam: university textbooks; 12. spreading of islamic knowledge (faruqi, 1995, p. 99) (soleh, 2011, pp. 5-15). in the study of international relations, the discourse on islamization has also begun to show its influence. in a book entitled “methodology of international relations in the debate of paradigmatics and alternative approaches”, alexander wendt et al. explained that the islamic methodology could be used as a solution, at least one of the articles entitled “tradition of islamic international relations methodology: arkoun’s alternative towards an epistemological crisis of western/modern international relations written by musa maliki. in that article, it is explained that as one of the islamic thinkers, arkoun believes that islam and the study of international relations have a constitutive relationship. it is a relationship that shapes, presents, and convinces inter nat iona l relations scholars that the historical understanding of the international rudi candra, sofi mubarok islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic ... 83 order results from a collaboration between the two. arkoun believes that islam and the west, especially europe, are one unit but are interrupted by a dark history; for example, the claim that european historians call the authenticity of europe was when they defeated islam at the time of the crusades. the distinguishing moment is binary opposition or competition; therefore, the existence of europe is present in real terms, both geographically and existentially, with the consequence of negating islam. also, the idea of a clashing east and west should not exist because they both have complementary relationships and build the same civilization formation (wendt, 2014, p. 293). another book that discusses the methodology of international relations studies from an islamic perspective is “non-western inter national relations theor y perspectives on and beyond asia,” written by amitav acharya & barry buzan, written explicitly in an article entitled “international relations theory and the islamic worldview” by shahrbanou tadjbakhsh. in this article, it is explained that the uniqueness of the study of islamic international relations lies in the references used, namely the three primary sources of law in islam itself: the holy book of the koran, the prophet’s sunnah, which comes from the hadith of the prophet muhammad, and the ijtihad results of the scholars (acharya, 2010, p. 176). because it is sourced from religious texts, the methodology used emphasizes the faith approach as the primary basis for developing later scientific narratives, in contrast to the western approach that does not believe in metaphysical realities in scientific development. the latest discussion on the islamization of international relations in indonesia can be seen in a research article entitled “islamic international relations as a potential tool to indonesia’s soft power diplomacy,” a study written by sofi mubarok & rudi candra and published by the international publication atlantis press in 2020. they explained that countries with muslim majority populations are currently in an economic and security dilemma, such as sudan, egypt, iraq, libya, and several other muslim countries. it is clear evidence of how the democratic diplomacy process developed by the west does not work or is not in accordance with the climate and culture that has developed in islamic countries. this research presents 84 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 an alternative offering to develop the theory of islamic international relations as a solution to this failure (mubarok & candra, 2020, p. 954). however, the offer to develop islamic international relations has not reached the expected target. it can be seen from the lack of scientific publications with the theme of islamic international relations, both from islamic universities and the independent research results conducted by scholars of international relations interested in islamic international relations. the research report published in the journal jisiera at the end of 2019 with the title “islamic perspective in international relations an analysis of its development in indonesia” provides a clear picture of the low research results with the background of islamic international relations due to the weak development of the islamic methodology itself. it occurs because most tertiary institutions do not yet have an appropriate methodological format that can be developed within the educational institution (mubarok & chandra, islamic perspective in international relations, 2019, p. 1). therefore, the main objective of this paper is to see how the process of developing an islamic international relations methodology on islamic campuses in indonesia, which in this paper describes separately three examples of campuses that have implemented islamization or integration studies in the curriculum of the international relations study program. the three campuses are universitas darussalam (unida) gontor, un i v e r s i t a s mu h a m m a d i y a h yogyakarta (umy), and universitas islam negeri (uin) sunan ampel surabaya. islamization and international relations project at unida gontor the strategy and methodology of the islamization of science are very much influenced by the thought or islamization school of thought of science itself. for example, in its application in higher education, the steps that must be taken have consequences and intellectual responsibilities of their own. therefore, an institution that wants to develop the islamization of science from the start must be finished with the intellectual debates. it was also done by unida gontor in developing the project of islamization of international relations. the debate about the islamization of science is still an interesting issue lately. not only do disputes rudi candra, sofi mubarok islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic ... 85 about whether or not to agree with the idea of islamization of science have clear boundaries, debates also occur between the proponents and initiators of the islamization of science itself. this debate formed two major schools of thought in the islamization of science, represented by two thinkers and founders of the islamization of science: syed naquib al-attas and ismail raji al-faruqi. in principle, these two thinkers have several similarities as there have been previous explanations. however, the two also have quite basic differences. this difference will undoubtedly affect what strategy and methodology are chosen by a higher education institution in developing the islamization of science. despite having autonomous interpretations of science islamization, the influence of al-attas appears to be dominant in the application of islamization at unida gontor. however, other views have also become a discourse for discussion in developing the islamization of this science. according to al-attas, islamization started from the tazkiyatun nafs or cleansing the subject’s soul. by cleansing the soul and decorating it with a praiseworthy character, a good human person will automatically form and become a good islamic in the process of islamization of knowledge (alattas, 1995, p. 71). according to alattas, islam is perfect and includes everything needed by humans; islam for him is both religion and civilization. therefore, the object of islamization, according to alattas, only includes contemporary sciences that have been infiltrated by secularism. therefore, the work program for the islamization of science, according to al-attas, includes two steps; first, to isolate the key elements and concepts that make up western culture and civilization, and second, to incorporate islamic elements and key concepts in every field of the current relevant science. from this framework of thinking, the process of islamiz at i on at u n i da g ontor, especially in the islamization of international relations since its establishment in 2014, has more practically implemented three main approaches: tazkiyatun nafs or worldview islamization, mastering the science of international relations and islam, and integration which ends with islamization. first, as an implementation of the tazkiyatun nafs, the international relations study program following unida gontor since its 86 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 first establishment has made the islamization of science a vision of the study program. the purpose of the tazkiyatun nafs is to islamize the worldview or way of thinking and point of view. of course, the islamization in question is the islamization of contemporar y science as expressed by al-attas. in the first international relations study program accreditation document (draft dokumen kurikulum berbasis outcme based education (obe) tahun 2020-2024, 2020, p. 4), it is attached that the vision of the unida gontor international relations study program is “to become a leading study program that produces competitive scholars in the integration of international relations and islamic science based on the spirit of islamic boarding schools in 2030.” this vision is applied in an orderly manner in four missions, namely: 1. carrying out the education and teaching process in islamic world studies by integrating the science of international relations and islamic science 2. developing research in the s cience of inter nat iona l relations, especially the study of the islamic world integrated with islamic science 3. organizing community service to apply knowledge, skills, and research results to respond to the dynamics of international relations 4. expanding the network of cooperation to support the development of the integration of international relations and islamic sciences in this vision and mission, it can be seen that the international relations at unida gontor were indeed built on this foundation from the start. however, the use of the word ‘integration of science’ is debatable because the term tends to lead to the islamization methodology, according to alfaruqi. as previously explained, even though it tended more towards al-attas, unida gontor also conducted practical trials of the islamization methodology with several other approaches. in implementing the islamization program of international relations and carrying out a common vision and mission that leads to the islamization of science, unida gontor also initiated the formation of an islamization directorate. this directorate directly collaborates with the study program in compiling its islamization program in the academic area. this directorate rudi candra, sofi mubarok islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic ... 87 prepares a special islamization program and curriculum integrated with the study program curriculum. thus, each study program at unida gontor is required to include nine islamization courses, with teachers from the islamization directorate. besides, the directorate of islamization occasionally holds intensive discussions with lecturers who are experts in various disciplines and competent in various fields of islamic studies, such as theology, philosophy, tafsir (interpretation), prophetic tradition (hadith), and islamic jurisprudence. this series of discussions is the steps for curriculum design and evaluation of its implementation. in the early stages of the discussion, it focuses on elaborating the basic islamic concepts relevant and needed by various scientific disciplines. the next stage of the discussion is refined with the concept of science and epistemology and is continued with the history of science in islam related to their respective majors. finally, the discussion is directed at student problems in facing the process of integration of contemporary islamic and western sciences. apart from the academic program, unida gontor has also strengthened boarding education integrated with study programs and faculties to establish a directorate of caring. the directorate of caring is an institution that assists the rector and vice-rector i in fostering santri students outside of class hours. this directorate oversees all islamic boarding school (pesantrenan) programs integrated with study programs, the directorate of islamization, and other institutions under unida gontor (m. syahrul syarifuddin, 2020, p. 256). this caring program, like the study program’s academic curriculum, also has scores recapitulated every semester. this islamic boarding school value is a pass requirement for all unida gontor students. assessment of islamic boarding school includes science, spirituality, arts and sports, organization, de dic at ion, exp er ience, and academic support. these six categories are broken down into several activities that students can follow. moreover, the al-qur’an memorization program is also one of the tazkiyatun nafs programs in the context of islamizing science at unida gontor, in this case, the islamization of international relations. each student is required to memorize one juz every two semesters. thus, in total, every 88 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 student who passes must have memorized a minimum of four juz al-qur’an. this memorization program is included in the academic curriculum. the second approach taken in the islamization of international relations is by mastering western international relations and islamic sciences. the mastering process takes two routes: first, applying two different studies, namely the sciences of international relations and islamic sciences, in the curriculum, and the second is to strengthen the understanding of islamic sciences through a weekly study program for lecturers. these two programs go hand in hand and continuously develop along with the development of the islamization process itself. the first process is the mastering of international relations and islamic sciences in the curriculum. in this process, courses based on the sciences of international relations are taught concurrently with several islamization courses, which are compulsory courses taken by every student whose curriculum has been compiled by the islamization directorate as previously explained. t he s e c ond pro c e ss is strengthening the master y of islamic sciences or the islamization of science material for lecturers. this process is the teaching of islamization materials to lecturers by the islamization team every two weeks. the islamization material taught to lecturers is not much different from what is taught in the islamization curriculum for students (m. syahrul syarifuddin, 2020, pp. 301-302). unlike students who require mastering two different studies because academically considered capable in the field of international relations, for lecturers, the emphasis lies in increasing their understanding of islamic sciences and islamization. in addition to the biweekly agenda, several workshops on the islamization of science are also held for lecturers with competent resource persons. third, the integration referred to is to isolate western concepts and incorporate islamic elements. this process leads to the islamization of international relations. this process is carried out in three forms: the preparation of integrated courses, the publication of research results from lecturers and students, and mentoring and weekly discussion of student islamization. the first form is to compile courses that have been integrated gradually, namely islamic political thought, islamic diplomacy, and rudi candra, sofi mubarok islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic ... 89 international relations from an islamic perspective. these three courses are the first results of the islamization process of international relations. however, these three subjects are also constantly being evaluated in terms of methodology and quality. the second form is the publication of the research results of lecturers and students related to the islamization of the science of international relations. as a means of publication, unida gontor collaborated with the international relations study program unida gontor initiated two journals carrying the central theme of the islamization of the science of international relations. first, the dauliyah journal is a study program journal that has now been accredited by sinta 4. the second is a jurnal mediasi, which is actually intended more specifically for students to publish their research results. in addition to publication in the form of journals, the process of islamization of international relations at unida gontor is also carried out by publishing books on the theme of islamization of the science of international relations. the publishing process is still in the process of editing and review by several experts in international relations and islamic studies in indonesia and abroad. the third form of this process is that the directorate of islamization facilitates students to develop their analysis related to integrating islamic sciences and international relations, which they have learned in class through mentoring and regular weekly discussions. mentoring is a routine weekly study program as a means of deepening and enriching islamization material. mentoring is specifically for students in semesters 1-4 taught by 7th-semester students under the guidance of a lecturer who teaches islamization materials through regular meetings every two weeks. meanwhile, the discussion is a weekly routine study program specifically for students in semesters 5-6 to build awareness about the process of integrating knowledge by bringing together students from general study programs and islamic studies. in the process of islamizing the science of international relations at unida gontor, this discussion is expected to hone students in analyzing issues of international relations using t he islamic worldview (m. syahrul syarifuddin, 2020, p. 303). the three processes above are a continuous effort carried out by unida gontor to do islamization, 90 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 especially the science of international relations. this endeavor certainly has several obstacles and challenges. apart from the fact that islamization is a relatively new approach, e sp e c i a l ly for i nte r nat i ona l relations academics, it is also due to the lack of publications related to the islamization of international relations that can be accessed. umy international relations and islam as characteristics umy’s department of international relations is one of the oldest international relations majors among other private universities in indonesia. established in 1985, with the guidance of the department of international relations, gadjah mada university, especially prof. dr. amien rais, umy’s department of international relations also became the first international relations department in private universities in yogyakarta and central java. currently, umy does not only have a department of international relations at the undergraduate level for regular and international classes but also a master’s program in international relations since 2003. regarding the islamization of science within umy, there was actually quite a fierce debate in muhammadiyah as the parent organization of umy itself from the start. broadly speaking, there are two distinct groups. the first one views that the islamization of science is very important to be implemented, while the second group views that what has been implemented today is based on islamic values so that there is no need for formalization in the form of an islamization program (surwandono, 2020). this debate was very prominent, especially for example, in umy’s department of law, with groups that were prosharia and groups that stuck to traditional law. meanwhile, in the faculty of social and political sciences, the faculty that oversees the department of international relations, the process of islamization continues even without any specific reference. however, there was no fundamental difference within the faculty. the process runs naturally, which is based on the excellence of the umy international relations department, which from the beginning is based on islam. even though it is still at the level of jargon and symbol, it has not yet been applied to a specific methodology that makes this jargon a systematic subject. even though it does not have a systematic methodology, the process of islamization of rudi candra, sofi mubarok islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic ... 91 international relations at umy, in particular, was the first to initiate an integration-based course (islam and international relations) in its curriculum. this model was ultimately used as an example for many other international relations study programs, including unida gontor. besides, this process was of course also driven by the formation of the lppi (institute for islamic studies and practices) in 1991, which has a moral responsibility explicitly in the field of understanding and internalizing islamic values for the umy academic community, as well as a think thank institution that will later provide suggestions on how the learning process, research, and service refers to islam. also, umy, with its various debates, in the end, tends to use the integration and interconnection model that has been implemented in several state islamic universities. what matters most is substance, not just formalization. at the level of the department of international relations itself, the implementation begins with the sublimation of courses. this model was implemented around the early 2000s to 2010. in this process, islamic-based international relations courses were included in the curriculum. there are seven courses spread over each semester. this process was followed by simplifying the al-islam and kemuhammadiyahan (aik) courses only to four: three al-islam courses and one muhammadiyah course. however, the management of islamic subjects is still entirely in the hands of the lppi. besides, in these years, or before 2010, curriculum formation was still in the form of concentration. thus, students who do not enter the concentration of the islamic world will not receive these integration courses, such as islamic political thought, the history of islamic diplomacy, islamic organizations, islamic political sociology, theory and international relations in islam, and so on (surwandono, 2020). of course, the choice is to make students with two ideologies, islamist or secularist. after 2010, conditions began to improve and are structured. the islamic subjects held by the lppi were again simplified until they only became two, al-islam and kemuhammadiyahan. meanwhile, the integration course can be managed by the study program. starting in 2014, a competencybased characteristic curriculum was implemented. from this curriculum structure, every student of international relations at umy 92 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 inevitably has to take islamic politics courses, for example, because islam and integration courses are characteristic courses that every student must take. this integration effort is undoubtedly supported by the lppi, which has an explicitly moral responsibility in the field of understanding and internalizing islamic values for the umy academic community. the lppi has a character-building scheme through the al-islam and kemuhammadiyahan programs manifested through several programs, which are interrelated and integrated with the curriculum of every study program in the umy environment. this process begins with the osdi (orientation of basic islamic studies), which focuses on internalizing islamic values as a way of life, the concept of learning, and the social concept of each student. besides, in semesters 1 and 2, there is an al-qur’an reading guidance program for every student. not only that, in the same initial two semesters, there is a kiai (islamic religion intensive lecture) program, which emphasized more on reasoning, skills, and internalization of islamic worship and morals in everyday life. in semester 3, the pai (islamic religion assistance) program emphasizes the social aspects of students based on islam. in the curriculum, the lppi forms several islamic and muhammadiyah subjects. finally, the baitul arqam purna program focuses on the guidance of self-preparation for the world of work, family, and society based on islamic values (lembaga pengkajian dan pengamalan islam, 2020). furthermore, the lppi, during the last two years, has begun producing a number of books, research, and community services that specifically study islamic values. thus, in 2019, for example, the lppi umy compiled a compilation of the koran indexes for all subjects of all faculties. also, since this research was conducted, there have been around 50 books that the lppi has compiled. this effort is undoubtedly a continuous implementation of the integration process of international relations and islamic science, which has been promoted over the last two decades. in the department of international relations itself, especially since 2020, which is preparing for accreditation of nine standards, it has started concrete steps in the embodiment of islam as the basis or hallmark of umy’s international relations. this step, for example, rudi candra, sofi mubarok islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic ... 93 requires and divides the lecturers to carry out research, service, and publications that raise islamic issues each year by giving the expected quantity targets. this strategy indeed triggers the integration process to run faster and more measurably (surwandono, 2020) integrated twin tower as a methodology for international relations studies at uin sunan ampel moh. fathoni hakim, head of international relations study program at uin sunan ampel, explained that currently, islamic international relations practitioners are presented with several variations of islamic international relations methodology that can be used, such as kuntowijoyo with “islam as a science,” abu sulaiman in the book “toward an islamic theory of international relations,” naguib al-attas with “islam and philosophy of science,” and many other islamic international relations methodology options. the variety of methodological options that can be used contributes to both positives and negatives. the positive thing is that islamic international relations res e archers or inter nat iona l relations students who will study international relations from an islamic perspective can freely choose the methodology to be used, which is considered the easiest to apply. meanwhile, the negative effect of methodological diversity has resulted in some students or reviewers of islamic international relations confused about which methodology is considered the most likely to be used. at the level of undergraduate students, for example, this condition can make them ‘turn away’ and choose a ‘western’ methodological approach considered more familiar to them (hakim, perkembangan dan tantangan hi islam di indonesia, 2019) therefore, it is essential to decide what methodological options can be used as a basis for developing a program of international relations studies to ascertain in which direction curriculum development will be built. it includes what was carried out by the international relations study program of uin sunan ampel surabaya, which from its establishment in 2014 had decided the integrated twin tower paradigm as a methodology for international relations studies at uin sunan ampel. the integrated twin towers paradigm began to be echoed by the uin sunan ampel surabaya team when compiling a proposal to develop iain into uin in 2010. it means that this paradigm 94 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 has become an inseparable part and must be followed by all structures under the auspices of uin sunan ampel from then until now. in general, the integrated twin towers paradigm emphasizes the development of a scientific structure, which is then embodied in the adequate and reasonable development of religious and scientific sciences and humanities. neither is either superior or inferior (hakim, 2017). therefore, they are both considered to have the same degree. thus, there is no term islamization, and what exists is a balanced and continuous integration or dialogue between scientific paradigms. the first tower is symbolized as islamic science, while the second tower represents science and humanities. the two are continued, which is illustrated by the interconnecting bridge. once again, the integrated twin towers paradigm is not a process of islamization of science. the integrated twin towers design is very different from the islamization of science. in the integrated twin towers paradigm, there is no attempt to islamicize science. although both (integrated twin towers and islamization of science) are ideas that attempt to bring together islamic and general scholarship in the world of islamic education, both have different designs and footholds. in short, although the goal is the same, the process is different. (syaifuddin, 2016, pp. 5-6) as a n i mp l e m e nt at i on , strengthening is compiled through the three pillars of the academic program. the three pillars are, first, the strengthening of pure but rare islamic sciences. what is meant by the strengthening of pure islamic sciences includes the study of the science of al-qur’an, the science of hadith, the science of fiqh, the science of falaise, and the science of aqidah. second, the integralization of islamic scientific development with the social sciences of humanities and a concrete form of this integralization through the perspective of study objectives and approaches. islamic scholarship is the target of social humanities studies and sciences as an approach. it could also be the other way around. third, weighting science and technology with islamic scholarship emphasizes academic mastery of islamic sciences. the strategy for applying the more concrete integrated twin towers paradigm as stated in the proposal for transferring the status of iain to uin in the sunan ampel surabaya environment is in the rudi candra, sofi mubarok islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic ... 95 following way: by assimilating the islamic boarding school model for two semesters for new students in all majors and strengthening the spiritualization of general science. at the level of the international relations study program, this method is implemented in the following forms and programs: first is the preparation of a curriculum based on the integration concept. thus, from this curriculum, a development pattern will be seen, a combination of knowledge: islamic science and international relations. for example, from the interpretation and political science, the al-qur’an is studied but uses a political interpretation approach. likewise, when combined with other approaches, the science of hadith will bring up siyasi hadith (political hadith). the study of globalization is met with islam; then, it gives rise to courses, such as “islam and global politics” and others. not only that, courses based on the integrated twin tower method are offered directly by universities through regular lectures and other programs, for example, the indonesian islamic reasoning program (ppii) and ma’had. this course is designed based on study materials that want to integrate islamic and general sciences. some of these subjects are al-quran studies, hadith studies, introduction to islamic studies, iad/ibd/isd, civic education, entrepreneur/ t e c h n o p r e n e u r / e d u p r e n e u r, indonesian civilization genealogy, islamic legal reasoning method, english for specific purposes, arabic for specific purposes, indonesian, t hesis, res e arch methodology, research-based kkn, and professional communication. the second program is related to the preparation (regulation) of student research. the international relations study program has a program that directs students to plan research designs as a final project with the themes of integrating islamic and scientific sciences. with this regulation, it is hoped that students will be able to implement their final work with the integration method. t h e t h i rd pro g r a m i s improving student competence. t h r o u g h c h a r a c t e rb u i l d i n g training, the study program intensively implements or at least implements the spirit paradigm of the integrated twin towers. of course, the international relations study program itself a continuous program that will continue to be evaluated and developed according to existing needs (hakim, 2017). 96 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 conclusion from the three examples of universities above, it could be concluded that the development of islamic studies and international relations in indonesia looks very serious and enthusiastic. the three of them appear to be quite detailed in developing islamic methodology in the science of international relations in their respective places. even though with several changes and ongoing evaluations, these efforts have become a general description of how enthusiastic the international relations scholars in indonesia are in facing the islamic paradigm in the study of international relations, which has been very western-oriented. unida gontor, for example, with naquib al-attas’ quite colorful science islamization project, can build a methodology for the islamization of science with distinctive colors and patterns with various facilities and infrastructure. in its implementation, this project is divided into three major parts: tazkiyatun nafs/islamization of the worldview, mastering islamic sciences and international relations, and finally, the integration process that ends in the islamization of the science of international relations. in contrast to unida gontor, which from the start had a clear academic school of islamization of science, universitas muhammadiyah yo g y a k a r t a ( um y ) , w h i c h pr i or it i z e d i nclus ive ne ss at the beginning of its business, was challenged by the internal debate of the muhammadiyah org an i z at i on re g ard i ng t h e concept of islamization itself. this challenge is not very influential in the department of international relations, which, even in such conditions, is still based on the initial foundation of the establishment of the umy international relations department, which is based on islam as its founder. this foundation eventually became a stepping stone in the development of islamic methodology and international relations at umy. in practice, the umy international relations department collab orates wit h t he lppi to develop an islamic-based curriculum and scientific activities. this process, at umy, has undergone several significant developments. prior to 2010, for example, the process was still in the form of designing a concentrationbased curriculum. as a result, not all students received courses based on integration and islam; only rudi candra, sofi mubarok islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic ... 97 students who were members of the islamic world concentration took it. in 2010 and at its peak, 2014, there were fundamental changes in the curriculum structure. the integration course located initially centrally in the lppi began to be entrusted to the study program. every student must take this subject. apart from the department, the integration process is also carried out in general by the lppi. this process includes several activities, such as osdi (orientation of basic islamic studies), al-qur’an reading guidance, the kiai program (islamic intensive lecture), and the pai (islamic religious assistance) program. in the curriculum, the lppi forms several islamic and muhammadiyah subjects, and the last is the baitul arqam purna program for students nearing their graduation. on the other hand, in the international relations study program of uin sunan ampel surabaya, methodological debates have never occurred. since the beginning of the transfer of iain status to uin in 2010, uin sunan ampel has decided to inaugurate the integrated twin tower as the basis for the agreed science integration methodology. likewise, the international relations study program has compiled a curriculum based on these references and perspectives from its inception. the integrated twin towers paradigm places more emphasis on dialogue between islamic and general paradigms. both are placed in the same position, not dominating each other. although these three tertiary i n s t i t u t i o n s h av e d i f f e re nt foundations and perspectives related to islamic relations and the science of international relations embodied in the application of a unique methodology in their respective places, the three of them agree that islam will be the main scientific foundation for the development of the science of islamic relations in the future. bibliography draft dokumen kurikulum berbasis outcme based education (obe) tahun 2020-2024. (2020). ponorogo: program studi hubungan internasional . l e m b a g a p e n g k a j i a n d a n pengamalan islam. (den 12 november 2020). hämtat från lppi umy: https://lppi.umy. ac.id/ acharya, a. a. (2010). why is there no non-western international relations theory? an intro98 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 duction. i a. a. acharya, nonwestern international relations theory: perspectives on and beyond asia. routledge. al-attas, s. m. (1995). prolegomena to the metaphysics of islam. kuala lumpur: istac. al-attas, s. m.-n. (1972). islam dalam sejarah dan kebudayaan melayu. petaling jaya: abim. armayanto, h. (september 2007). relevansi islamisasi ilmu pengetahuan kontemporer. jurnal studi agama-agama dan pemikiran islam, 15-33. daud, w. m. (1998). the educational philosophy and practice of sayyed muhammad naquib al-attas – an exposition of the original concept of islamization. kuala lumpur: istac. faruqi, i. r. (1995). tauhid. bandung: pustaka. hakiem, f. n. (den 25 8 2020). islamization of international relations in unida gontor. (r. candra, & s. mubarok, intervjuare) hakim, m. f. (2017). paradigma integrated twin towers dalam studi hubungan internasional kontemporer. journal of integrative international relations, 3(2), 1-17. hakim, m. f. (den 12 july 2019). perkembangan dan tantangan hi islam di indonesia. (r. c. sofi mubarok, intervjuare) m. syahr ul syar if uddin, s. (2020). panduan universitas; un i v e r s i t a s d a r u s s a l a m gontor 1440/1441 / 2020/2021. ponorogo: unida gontor press. mubarok, s., & candra, r. (2020). islamic international relations as a potential tool to indonesia’s soft power diplomacy. 1st b o ro b u d u r int e r n at i o n a l symposium on humanities, economics and social sciences (bis-hess 2019) (ss. 954-959). atlantis press. mubarok, s., & chandra, r. (den 20 8 2019). islamic perspective in international relations. the journal of islamic studies and international relations, 4(1), 1-16. soleh, a. k. (2011). mencermati konsep islamisasi ilmu ismail r faruqi. ulul albab, 1-21. surwandono. (den 14 september 2020). islam dan metodologi ilmu hubungan internasional di universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. (s. mubarok, intervjuare) rudi candra, sofi mubarok islam as the core methodology of international relations in islamic ... 99 syaifuddin, h. (2016). studi komparasi integrasi keilmuan berbasis islamisasi. surabaya: universitas islam negeri sunan ampel surabaya. wendt, a. (2014). metodologi ilmu hubungan internasional: perdebatan paradigmatik dan pendekatan alternatif. i j. s. alexander wendt. malang: intrans publishing. analysis of the significant increase of gender-based violence during the covid-19 pandemic in the conflict zone: the case of afghanistan derina faslig silitonga universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: derinafaslig25@gmail.com humairah muljabar email: rarah36@gmail.com universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta maretha syawallin umarach universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: marethaallin@gmail.com abstract since it was recorded for the first time in wuhan, china, at the end of 2019, the number of cases of coronavirus infections around the world has been increasing every day. who further declared covid-19 a global pandemic. this pandemic certainly has direct implications for the country's condition, especially concerning issues of women and children. as one of the worst-performing countries in providing gender-based protection, afghanistan has shown a significant increase in the number of gender-based physical, sexual, and psychological violence during the pandemic. by applying the structural violence and neopatriarchy approaches, this article conducted an in-depth analysis of the problem formulation of why afghanistan experienced a significant increase in cases of gender-based violence (gbv) during the covid-19 pandemic. the research results revealed that the patriarchal culture rooted in the constitution, competition in the legal system, and erosion in government institutions are some of the structural factors that have led to a significant increase in the number of gender-based violence in afghanistan during the covid-19 pandemic. the above factors have also caused several policies passed by the government during the pandemic that severely discriminated against women and children. keywords: afghanistan, covid-19 pandemic, gender-based violence, policy, neopatriarchy, structural violence abstrak sejak tercatat pertama kali muncul di wuhan, china, pada akhir tahun 2019, jumlah kasus infeksi virus corona di seluruh dunia semakin meningkat setiap harinya. who selanjutnya menyatakan covid-19 sebagai pandemi global. pandemi ini tentu memberikan implikasi langsung terhadap kondisi negara, terutama yang berkaitan dengan isu perempuan dan anakanak. sebagai salah satu negara dengan kinerja terburuk dalam memberikan perlindungan berbasis gender, afghanistan menjadi salah satu negara yang menunjukkan peningkatan signifikan terhadap jumlah angka kekerasan fisik, seksual, dan psikologis berbasis gender selama pandemi. dengan mengaplikasikan pendekatan structural violence dan neopatriarki, mailto:derinafaslig25@gmail.com mailto:rarah36@gmail.com mailto:marethaallin@gmail.com 2 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june artikel berikut akan melakukan analisis mendalam terhadap rumusan masalah mengapa afghanistan mengalami peningkatan signifikan terhadap kasus kekerasan berbasis gender selama masa pandemi covid-19. hasil dari penelitian berikut kemudian menunjukkan bahwa budaya patriarki yang mengakar dalam konstitusi, persaingan dalam sistem hukum, erosi dalam kelembagaan pemerintah menjadi beberapa faktor struktural yang mendorong terjadinya peningkatan secara signifikan terhadap jumlah kekerasan berbasis gender di afghanistan saat pandemi covid-19 berlangsung. faktor-faktor diatas juga menjadi penyebab beberapa kebijakan yang disahkan pemerintah saat pandemi sangat mendiskriminasi perempuan dan anak-anak. keywords: afghanistan, covid-19, gender based violence, policy, neopatriarki, kekerasan struktural journal of islamic world and politics vol.6. no.1 june 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 introduction afghanistan is widely recognized as a country with a rich history, culture, and stunning landscapes. unfortunately, on the other hand, afghanistan is also known as a country with political dynamics and prolonged war. this situation has placed afghanistan close to acts of violence, especially against women and children. cases of gender-based violence against women have deep roots in afghanistan's long history. it started with the outbreak of armed conflict in 1978, which had devastating effects on women—followed by the mujahidin period 1992-1996, marked by brutal wars that destroyed all aspects of afghan life (unama & ohchr, 2009). the mujahidin period even severely limited women's rights and freedoms. torture, sexual violence, forced abductions, forced marriages, and trafficking of women occur massively. the period of gender-based violence against women continued with the emergence of the taliban and the consolidation of their power in most countries in 1996. with a firm interpretation of sharia law, many problems further marginalize the existence of women. the taliban government is also known to be very harsh on women and girls. systematic discrimination and strict restrictions on women's rights and obligations became commonplace during this period (choudhury, 2016). the decades of armed conflict and political turmoil have increasingly put women and girls in afghanistan in a dangerous situation. war creates insecurity and encourages violence, including the marginalization of women and organized sexual crimes, and inhibits women's participation in the public sphere in afghanistan. also, the war has destroyed property and infrastructure, increasing women's death and injury rates. at the same time, the number of sexual harassment and extreme attacks, such as rape and murder of women, has also been increasing. research by unama (united nations assistance mission in 3 derina faslig silitonga, humairah muljabar, maretha syawallin umarach analysis of the significant increase of... afghanistan) even stated that rape crime occurs every day in all parts of the country (matilda carlsson, 2016). women and children are even at high risk of experiencing rape in homes, communities, detention facilities, and other public places. reports of several cases also prove that rapes are even committed by powerful authorities, such as armed groups, criminal gangs, and individuals holding positions of power in countries that especially enjoy impunity. meanwhile, the political situation and the prolonged conflict that indirectly affected the economy had brought women in afghanistan far from being prosperous. it is even difficult for women to meet their personal needs, health, and even access to food. this situation has also far removed the involvement and contribution of women in the public and political sphere (samar, 2019). the phenomenon of gender-based violence toward women has subsequently become commonplace in afghanistan. unfortunately, it seems neglected. in addition, women and children are labeled as having a prolonged human rights deficit. some researchers think that traditional practices and conservative interpretations of social norms are the factors behind the neglect of the sad phenomenon of genderbased violence in afghanistan. however, some researchers, on the other hand, also said that afghanistan does not have a uniform legal system, and the weak implementation of laws and agreements has significantly contributed to exacerbating gender-based violence. in the end, several actions have been initiated by both the government and international entities to reduce the number of genderbased violence in afghanistan (kandiyoti, 2007, pp. 185-188) since the fall of the taliban regime in 2001, the afghanistan government has initiated efforts to promote human rights, especially against women and children. the government has also begun to design a legislative and institutional system that will specifically oversee the fulfillment of women's rights. among them are the establishment of the afghanistan independent human rights commission, the ministry of women's affairs, the ministry of women and gender affairs, the human rights unit, and the passing of the law on the elimination of violence against women (evaw) through a presidential decree in 2009 (qazi zada, 2021, pp. 258-259) in addition, the government has also started to open up and coordinate with international institutions. one of the actions carried out by organizations that help solve gender inequality is wfwi or women for women international. wfwi is an ingo organization that can deal with gender injustice (mosse, 1993). concerning that, 2002 was the first time wfwi had implemented a program in afghanistan, tasked with providing educational and training resources to increase the confidence and capacity of women experiencing discrimination. moreover, an international organization, namely wfwi, is one way to overcome the failure of the afghan government to address discrimination against women and protect women's rights in the country. the policy above can be an important achievement of the afghan government, civil society, and women's rights activists to eradicate violence against women in afghanistan. however, these measures are still not considered effective in responding to gender-based violence against women in afghanistan. the condition of gender-based violence was further exacerbated when the 4 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june covid-19 pandemic occurred at the end of 2019. since it was recorded for the first time in wuhan, china, at the end of 2019, coronavirus infections worldwide have been increasing every day until now. in march 2020, who then declared covid19 a global pandemic. worldometers noted that until april 26, 2021, the total number of confirmed covid-19 cases in the world was 147,780,699. besides, the pandemic has succeeded in influencing the dynamics of all aspects of a country's life, including afghanistan. undp also reported that the covid-19 pandemic had slowed afghanistan's economic growth by exposing structural and resource gaps (martin & parto, n.d.) on the other hand, the facts above align with the increasing cases of genderbased violence. the recommended health protocol in handling covid-19 that prohibits community mobility has resulted in 87% of afghan women experiencing at least one form of physical, sexual, or psychological violence in the domestic realm. covid-19 also has negative consequences for financial well-being due to the sporadic closure of borders. it then causes many women to lose regular sources of income, access to food sources, and health. reports of sexual violence, harassment, kidnapping, forced marriage, to murder are also increasing. up to 97% of female respondents whom oxfam recorded said that gender-based violence had increased since the covid-19 outbreak was indicated in afghanistan (cousins, 2020) the percentage of data and facts presented above show that most women in afghanistan are still considered helpless and dependent on social structures of power and order. the constitution has not fully guaranteed human rights. thus, through the following research, the authors conducted an in-depth exploration of why there has been a significant increase in gender-based violence in afghanistan during the covid-19 pandemic. although, on the other hand, policies and agreements have been continuously implemented to protect and guarantee the rights and obligations of women in afghanistan, this research also analyzes the existence of the government facing this significant spike in cases of violence. literature review violence against women is not hard news to hear from afghanistan. it is evidenced by a study written by jenevieve mannell, gulraj grewal, lida ahmad, and ayesha ahmad. in their article entitled a qualitative study of women's lived experiences of conflict and domestic violence in afghanistan, the authors described women's life experiences regarding conflict-related violence in afghanistan. the conflict in afghanistan exposes women to the loss of patriarchal support and domestic violence; the cause is that the conflict makes the poverty factor unavoidable so that some families choose to sell drugs as an economic driver; it is what then triggers the breakdown of family relations and positions of afghan women as victims domestic violence (mannell et al., 2021). the problematic condition of afghan women has also been mentioned in an article entitled women's rights and 'righteous war': an argument for women's autonomy in afghanistan by gillian wylie. in this article, wylie explained that afghanistan was once the country with the lowest undp gender index in the world. this data is in line with the fact that afghan women have high illiteracy rates, poor school enrollment, short life expectancy, and high maternal mortality rates. in this 5 derina faslig silitonga, humairah muljabar, maretha syawallin umarach analysis of the significant increase of... generally poor situation, there are still two million women whose lives are no less apprehensive, namely the group of women who have become widows due to war (wylie, 2003). furthermore, the violence and injustice experienced by women in afghanistan do not happen accidentally. in an article entitled care seeking patterns among women who have experienced gender-based violence in afghanistan written by sonya stokes, andreea l.seritan, and elizabeth miller, it is explained that the military and political instability that takes place in afghanistan has increased gender inequality, which then embedded in the ethnic, religious, and tribal traditions. in addition, through national legislation, the afghan government has imposed restrictions on women's behavior and established conditions that justify family violence and other forms of harassment. afghan women who commit violations under this law must face severe consequences ranging from imprisonment, corporal punishment, and even the death penalty. on the other hand, to reduce the increasing number of violence against women, the government has also implemented a counter law prohibiting gbv. this law is on the elimination of violence against women (evaw). this law was passed in 2009. in this regard, evaw criminalized 22 acts of violence against women, including forced prostitution and child marriage. according to the aihrc (afghan independent human rights commission), more than 4,000 cases have been prosecuted under this law. in addition, a growing number of decisions are issued by local courts each year. unfortunately, the 2011 review of the united nations found some shortcomings in evaw. the main drawback is that violence against women is still underreported widely due to cultural attitudes and practices that hinder public discussion of gbv and possibly the reluctance of local institutions to intervene if it is considered a family matter (stokes et al., 2016). moreover, according to javed bahri in his article entitled western gender policies in afghanistan: failing women and provoking men, another factor increasingly detrimental to women in afghanistan is the fact that while efforts are being made to promote gender equality and rights and improve the conditions of women in afghanistan by the international community, the authors observed that these efforts have not been successful. instead of assuring women are entitled to equal rights, these international communities are provoking educated afghan men to take a more defensive and conservative position (bahri, 2014). some of the articles above have succeeded in providing an overview of the dynamics of violence against women in afghanistan. several previous studies have also illustrated that conflict, high military intensity, and the critical role of government intervention are factors in gender-based violence, especially against women and girls in afghanistan. however, none of these previous studies have detailed observations on gender-based violence against women and girls in afghanistan during the covid-19 pandemic. in fact, afghanistan has become one of the countries in the spotlight because of a significant increase in genderbased violence during the covid-19 pandemic. therefore, this article conducted an in-depth exploration of increasing gender-based violence during the covid-19 pandemic in afghanistan by elaborating the analysis using a structural approach to violence and 6 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june neopatriarchy. research method in analyzing the increase in genderbased violence in afghanistan during the covid-19 pandemic, the authors used two approaches: structural violence introduced by johan galtung and neopatriarchy. in his research related to violence and peace, galtung explained that peace and violence are tied to one another so that stability can be considered a condition of non-violence. galtung also said that there are many variations regarding typologies and types of violence. in addition, galtung agreed that violence exists when humans are being influenced so that their bodily and mental realization is under their potential completion. moreover, violence is always destructive, and violence studies always talk about violence and the legitimation of that use. however, galtung then said that the above definition is still very narrow, so it needs a broader meaning and reasoning (galtung, 1990, pp. 168-169). galtung then gave a definition related to cultural, direct, and structural violence. galtung explained that culture is not an entity or cultural system as a whole but only aspects of culture. symbolic aspects in society such as religion, ideology, language, art, empirical science, and formal science can be used as tools to justify or legitimize direct and structural violence. cultural violence makes direct and structural violence look right or not a mistake in committing violence in the community. direct violence itself can be categorized as murder, injuring or losing lives, giving threats, and isolation in socialization, defined as cultural internalization and detention (galtung, 1990). meanwhile, structural violence is all forms of repression and exploitation by actors with authority. structural violence is also described in conditions of injustice created by a system that causes humans to be unable to fulfill their basic needs (galtung, 1990, pp.292-294). galtung deepened the explanation by emphasizing that structural violence is shown by a sense of insecurity caused by certain institutions due to authorize policies that harm certain groups. even more, structural violence leaves a mark not only on the human body but also on the mind and soul. besides, galtung gave several examples of structural violence, including exploitation, institutionalized adultism, ageism, classism, elitism, ethnocentrism, nationalism, racism, and sexism. galtung also described the relationship between these three types of violence as a triangle of violence within strata or levels of violence. 7 derina faslig silitonga, humairah muljabar, maretha syawallin umarach analysis of the significant increase of... in the triangle of violence above, it can be seen that cultural and structural violence is in the category of invisible violence, while direct violence is more visible. judging from the nature of cultural violence, then, in the end, it can become direct or structural violence when this cultural violence continues to develop in the community. galtung stated that in the triangle above, direct violence is defined as an event, structural violence is described as a process of ups and downs, and cultural violence is characterized as a constant. the cycle in this triangle of violence can be started from any direction of violence. to identify structural violence, galtung said that it is necessary to pay attention to the following points. first is the subject or person who acts in violence. the subject is an essential point in analyzing violence. second, the object or the injured party. it relates to the party who is a physical or biological victim of the act of violence. the third is action and impact. the four is motivations or encouragement, described by galtung into two forms: intended and unintended (galtung, 1969, pp. 171.). fifth is the approach to taking action or policy. galtung then explained both positive and negative approaches (galtung, 1969, pp. 172) as previously explained, the authors also employed a neopatriarchal approach apart from the structural violence approach. patriarchy is a practice that has existed in the life of the world's people from various walks of life. the patriarchal practice is usually characterized by the dominance of the male role. this practice is a socio-political system, asserting that naturally, men have greater and superior power than women and have the right to maintain that power and control to suppress women. in this case, hook (2013) explained that it is done through the internalization of norms through the socialization process in society. these norms are then used to control and exploit women. according to hook, both men and women have the same role in strengthening patriarchy in society (habiba et al., 2016). at first, patriarchy was a traditional social system, but then a new discourse about patriarchy emerged, focusing on discussing how patriarchy was perpetuated in new ways in the family through women. new actors who support maintaining these patriarchal values are women who pressure other women to perpetuate their power, figure 1. triangle of violence by galtung 8 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june which can directly maintain patriarchal practices in the family. this form of power called neopatriarchy is a different and new concept related to the hierarchy of household power, which is detrimental to women in many ways. one of the many outcomes is domestic violence due to conflicts of interest in controlling power. neopatriarchy is also a new form of governance of women in the family, which is functioned through various types of violence to suppress women's identity and create dependency in the family (habiba et al., 2016). hisham sharabi was the first to use the term neopatriarchy, which he mentioned in his book in 1988. the meaning of neopatriarchy is a new form of government. the term was used by sharabi to describe the relationship between modernity and patriarchy in the context of the arab world. sharabi then discussed further the stages of patriarchy from a historical and structural point of view in the arab world. in addition, polder and wells (2004) and berendt (2010) explained that patriarchy is not a permanent phenomenon because it reinvents itself after a certain period in capitalism and society's cultural or social setting. here, religious beliefs also play an important role because they support patriarchy's functioning, which then helps patriarchy reinvent itself in a modified form, namely neopatriarchy (yoyo, 2018). in this article, the authors then used qualitative methods with data collection techniques through library research. it is where the data collected were secondary data sourced from libraries, journals, articles, electronic media, and websites. furthermore, another method that the writers used was the descriptive method. this method clearly described the analysis of a significant increase in gender-based violence during covid-19 in the conflict zone in afghanistan. the data obtained through qualitative methods were then classified, summarized, analyzed, and concluded to describe the situation related to the previously described problems. results and discussion responses and policies implemented by the afghan government the report in 2014 uncovered that 50% of afghan girls were married or engaged by the age of 12, although the percentage of girls married at the age of 16 was almost 60%. it also stated that around 80% of afghan girls were forced to marry men much older than their age, namely men in their 60s. families in afghanistan have reasons behind this imposition. one of them is the feeling of insecurity due to the war going on for approximately three decades. this insecurity is caused by the risk of kidnapping and rape, which are quite frequent. furthermore, the exchange of afghan girls to solve problems is also not hard to find in afghanistan. another reason is that widespread poverty across the country has led many families to marry off their daughters to avoid the expense of caring for them (nasimi, 2014). on the other hand, little is known about the treatment by local and national laws of serving women in afghanistan, which is less pro on women. as quoted from an article written by sonya stokes, andreea l. seritan, and elizabeth miller, the afghan government enforces a policy on women's behavior. the law also stipulates conditions that justify domestic violence, marital rape, and other forms of harassment. afghan women who violate these laws can be subject to sentences ranging from imprisonment, physical prohibition, and even death (stokes et al., 9 derina faslig silitonga, humairah muljabar, maretha syawallin umarach analysis of the significant increase of... 2016). further, gender inequalities embedded in local ethnic, religious, and tribal traditions underlie the inequality of treatment of men and women in afghanistan. to reduce the increasing number of violence against women, the afghan government has also legalized the law on the elimination of violence against women, known as evaw. evaw, which was passed in 2009, classified 22 acts of violence against women into criminal cases. these actions include forced prostitution, forced selfimmolation, and underage marriages. the afghan independent human rights commission (aihrc) also revealed that this law has resulted in at least 4,000 cases of violence against women being prosecuted and made the number of local court decisions related to the same cases increase each year. unfortunately, another fact is quite disappointing. the united nations, in its 2011 review, found that violence experienced by afghan women was still under-reported widely. concerning this, afghanistan's cultural attitudes and practices hinder public discussion regarding gbv. another thing that has also contributed to underreporting the cases of violence against women is the possibility that local institutions are reluctant to interfere in matters considered family matters. then, the enforcement of the evaw law was also hindered by the government, which simultaneously provided support for laws defending the use of violence against women. in this case, the afghan ministry of justice acknowledges the inconsistencies that have occurred, but the solutions proposed have not been able to solve the problem (stokes et al., 2016). protection of women during a pandemic the covid-19 pandemic has ushered the world into an uncomfortable situation, and afghanistan is no exception. in this country, the covid-19 pandemic also has an alarming effect. the pandemic has made poverty conditions even more serious and decreased healthcare access. the pandemic also has an impact on women. increased domestic violence and reduced access to schools and medical care are some of the consequences that afghan women must face amid the pandemic. a researcher from the afghanistan analysts network or aan revealed that afghan women also deeply felt the loss of their personal space, which was already limited before the pandemic. in addition, the increase in the workload without pay has made their mental health condition worse. in addition, un women reports that many countries worldwide have experienced increased violence against women and girls by more than 25%. however, this figure only shows the cases that have been reported, considering that lockdown policies in various regions make it difficult for women to find help. furthermore, a report from oxfam in april 2020 stated that covid-19 is a new threat to afghan women. the report also uncovered that covid-19 had had a bad impact on women's rights in afghanistan; the existence of social norms has obstructed women's access to health care; the number of domestic violence and economic inequality has continued to increase (hossaini, 2020). during a pandemic, getting the figure of increased violence against women is quite difficult, considering that many offices supporting women in the face of violence were closed during the lockdown policy. this condition then causes many cases of domestic violence to go unreported. besides, the aihrc reported 10 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june increased violence against women and girls during the lockdown period that began in late march. the global protection cluster, a network of non-governmental organizations, also said in may that gender-based violence in afghanistan was rife, made worse by measures to control the spread of the virus. in particular, the stress experienced by male heads of households who lost employment and livelihood opportunities is the reason for violence at home against their wife and children (hossaini, 2020). more broadly, the pandemic has exacerbated the already poor school education in afghanistan, compounded by warnings of worsening conditions of poverty and hunger. the world bank has also described a decline in economic growth and income, rising inflation, and an alarming poverty rate in afghanistan. the rate of decline would reach 72% by 2020. also, the charity oxfam has put afghanistan on its list of ten points of extreme hunger. about 11.3 million people are food insecure, and about 41% of children are malnourished. poverty and hunger related to covid-19, compounding the disruption caused by the conflict, makes the prospects for education for many children look very bleak. in addition, “save the children”, a non-profit organization ranks afghanistan as one of 12 countries at extreme risk of increasing school dropouts and widening learning inequality. according to the international labor organization, it is feared that families hit by economic hardship due to the pandemic have to send children, especially boys, to work. the united nations also warns that the same risk for girls is being married off when they are very young, including to prospective grooms, whom the family would not consider under normal circumstances. these, namely men, are much older or even already have wives. in this regard, marrying girls is considered to reduce the number of children who have to be fed and generate family income in the form of dowries (network & kazemi, 2020). from these explanations, it can be seen that the protection of women in afghanistan during the pandemic is still lacking, even worse than before. analysis of structural violence against policies and actions implemented by the afghan government there are several factors behind the high level of gender-based violence in afghanistan. however, in the focus of this discussion, by integrating the concept of structural violence, the authors explored factors related to the systems and structures created by certain authorities that have triggered a significant increase in cases of gender-based sexual violence in afghanistan during the covid-19 pandemic. in this case, the structural violence analysis is identified through several vital points. first, subjects or actors can be individuals or certain authorities. galtung himself explained several types of actors who could be said to have committed structural violence. the subject is identified when committing acts of violence in a structure where the subject has a higher position than the object. in this case, the country, namely afghanistan, is the party in the highest hierarchy in a system. hence, the state has full authority to form a framework or policy to make objects or inferior parties comply with the resulting system. as a party with complete control, afghanistan also makes a policy that requires those under it to comply. nevertheless, institutional erosion and the fact that afghanistan does not have a uniform legal system have allowed the 11 derina faslig silitonga, humairah muljabar, maretha syawallin umarach analysis of the significant increase of... ruling party to indirectly harm other parties, in this case, the women and girls in afghanistan. one weakness of the legal system can be seen from the obscurity of the explicit provisions in the 1976 criminal code, which criminalize rape, the freedom of judges to interpret the law, and jurisprudence in adjudicating cases. furthermore, court officials dismiss violence cases against women as a severe crime that has exacerbated gender-based violence during this pandemic. on the other hand, data have shown that many powerful officials, security officers, police, and soldiers have become actors in this situation as perpetrators of violence against women (kandiyoti, 2018). second, the object or party is the victim in the case of structural violence. galtung stated that things do not have to be directly affected by violence to be categorized as injured. in this case, galtung also interpreted the insecurity that arose. individuals and groups in a system or structure can be classified as objects of structural violence. in the research, women and girls in afghanistan are the objects of structural violence by the afghan government due to weak policies or laws that have put the parties mentioned above in danger. women and girls in afghanistan have also been injured physically, sexually, and psychologically, especially during the covid-19 pandemic. the ministry of women's affairs, the attorney general’s office on the elimination of violence against women (evaw) department, and the aihrc in july 2020 said that there had been a significant increase of 56% compared to previous years in cases of gender-based violence, especially against women in afghanistan. it was reported that 127 cases of extreme violence have occurred. it includes rape, death due to physical abuse, suicide and other serious physical violence (afghanistananalystnetwork, 2020). the third is action. galtung explained that violence could occur if a difference or imbalance is found between the actual and potential realization by the subject of violence. actual realization is a subject's ability to regulate his actions to overcome a phenomenon. meanwhile, potential in the context of violence is a possibility of perceived violence. violence will emerge if a high level of potential is not balanced with a high level of actualization. furthermore, there are two levels of violence: latent and manifest. latent is a situation that does not indicate violence, but violence will likely occur. meanwhile, the manifest shows a problem where the existing violence can be observed so that as long as the violence takes place, it will be seen clearly and realized as an act of violence. in the case of increasing gender-based violence in afghanistan during covid19, the potential for violence occurred because the subject, in this case, the afghan government, did not carry out the actual realization as it should. rooted in the ununiform legal system dynamics and the lack of harmony and conformity with existing laws and regulations have rationalized discriminatory acts and are detrimental to women's rights in afghanistan. another factor can also be observed from the judicial system, which was designed to disadvantage women because of the trap between constitutional rights, cultural boundaries, and religious law. the dynamics that stem from this constitutional contradiction and ambiguity are further exacerbated by the increasing wave of covid-19 infections in afghanistan. the government, which has marginalized the position of women, does 12 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june not take into account the situation and condition of women and children while facing the adverse impact of the pandemic. women and children in the primary position as the most vulnerable groups due to the negative consequences of the pandemic, be it social, economic, or political, are also not given appropriate and adequate protection actions. fourth, the aftermath of the afghanistan policy later encouraged an increase in gender-based violence during the pandemic, namely the physical and psychological impacts on victims. galtung explained that physically injured due to violence would limit the space for human movement. the impact of physical violence can be caused with or without tools, such as by using body parts. in the case of afghanistan, reports have shown that physical violence against women has worsened during the covid-19 pandemic (un women, 2020). sexual harassment, assault, rape, and murder are commonplace. when people are required to be indoors, their movements are restricted, unemployment and poverty increase and the health and protection systems weaken. the impact of all of this is felt more by women and girls in afghanistan because they have the potential to experience greater acts of violence. women trapped with their partners in the house because of covid19 face a higher risk of domestic violence, and in some cases, they get physical violence such as injuries since they try to escape from violent relationships, and some of them are killed by their partners. in addition, in several other cases, immunosuppressed women are ridiculed by their violent partners (undp, 2020). who has said, “the fundamental driver is deep, deep, deep gender inequality” and reported that about 90% of women in afghanistan had experienced at least one form of violence, be it physical, sexual, or psychological. according to data from the afghan independent human rights commission, there are approximately 3,000 afghans who attempt suicide every year, and 80% of them are women (baskin, 2008). meanwhile, regarding the psychological impact on victims, galtung described psychological violence as a form of mental violence that can affect an individual's life. however, it will be more difficult to identify. psychological violence works by attacking the soul of each individual, which will then affect a series of behaviors. in turn, it will endanger the individual's mental health. in the covid-19 pandemic crisis, the lack of government efforts to prevent and respond to gender-based violence in afghanistan has caused many women in afghanistan to experience stress, excessive anxiety, and worry about their lives. they feel life is under intense pressure. other impacts on their mental are that it, in turn, can lead to suicide when women feel they have no life options left (cousins, 2020). fifth is motivation and approach. in his writing, galtung described motivation or encouragement in two forms: intended and unintended (galtung, 1969, pp. 171.) intended occurs when the subject clearly intends to commit violence deliberately. meanwhile, unintended is violence that occurs accidentally or is not accompanied by the intention to hurt. here, the approach is to take action or policy. galtung then explained it in two forms: positive and negative approaches (galtung, 1969, pp. 172.) a positive approach is explained when there are subjects who take action, hoping that they will get a reward for what they do. in comparison, the negative approach is an effort made by the subject 13 derina faslig silitonga, humairah muljabar, maretha syawallin umarach analysis of the significant increase of... to respond to something considered detrimental so that it needs to be given a punishment. in this case, a negative approach is needed to limit the motion and potential of the object so that this approach is taken to prevent the object's action. based on galtung's explanation, the afghan government's policies regarding gender-based violence fall into negative approaches. the afghan government has long been trying to limit women's rights, where they do not get a proper scope of life. a deeply rooted patriarchal culture, the fact that afghanistan does not have uniform laws, and the weak implementation of laws have led to policies that directly or indirectly discriminate against women in afghanistan. in this regard, afghan society is a patriarchal society where men control all major agencies and parliaments. conversely, women do not get their rights and freedoms in social life (yoyo, 2018). much of the causes of discrimination and oppression of women in afghanistan are linked to traditional practices and customs that have long been believed in the country. one example is the practice of pashtun. pashtun is a male elder who has the right to determine a woman's marriage and how much the bridegroom will pay for the bride's father. the male elder also has a hand in suggesting the sale of women to marry and has the right to kill women as punishment for committing sexual harassment. this ritual is in the name of existing customs and social norms with the term "honor killings". all ethnic groups in afghanistan have practiced these norms and values. this traditional practice also has deep roots throughout afghan society and is one of the strongest sources of violence and discrimination experienced by afghan women. therefore, almost all women in afghanistan live hidden and isolated from the outside world (nasimi, 2014). the extreme violence experienced by women in afghanistan is also considered an acceptable tradition, taking into account the materiality of wealth and power. it is done to maintain the political, social, cultural, economic, religious, and ethnic systems they have run. maintaining this tradition provides opportunities for men, both legally and illegally, to lead and exploit the black market, drug trafficking, and human trafficking. according to them, empowering women will rob them of their actions, and men should share the benefits with women. the criminal acts committed by men are done to safeguard and maintain their status quo. men in afghanistan also know that they can act brutally without thinking about the punishment they will get. here, the afghan government cannot be relied on when it comes to women's rights issues in their country, and they have even become enemies of women's rights. during the reign of president hamid karzai and ashraf ghani, they often rejected the demands of women activists to have full participation in peace; in that era, women's rights were often ignored (barr, 2020). the phenomenon of gender-based violence in afghanistan is not only assumed to occur because of structural factors alone. the authors also believe that neopatriarchal conditions also influence this phenomenon in afghanistan. as explained, neopatriarchy is a product of the interaction between modernity and traditional patriarchy, which is intertwined with religion and taken over by the state to strengthen its power. in a neo-patriarchy society, patriarchy is not weakened but modernized. in the case of afghanistan, the patriarchal culture has been rooted in the people's traditions. patriarchy is 14 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june considered a social center where men have authority over everyone. as a result, women and children tend to be assimilated into the concept of property and belong to men (moghadam, 2002, pp 20-21). along with society's historical and structural development, the phenomenon of patriarchy in afghanistan has also experienced a shift towards neopatriarchy. neopatriarchy gives rise to a form of oppression of women in the family. in afghanistan, the neopatriarchal phenomenon can be seen from the formulation of laws relating to women and families and marriage to polygamy. this family law then becomes a trigger for conflicts of interest in controlling power in the household. this condition is also believed to trigger an increase in gender-based violence, especially in the family. during the covid-19 pandemic, women's access and space for movement were increasingly limited. women are spending more and more time at home. when violence occurs, they also have difficulty finding protection. in addition, patriarchy and neopatriarchy have the same goal: to oppress and marginalize women's positions. therefore, it can be said that the phenomenon is one of the factors that cause the issue of gender-based violence, especially against women and girls in afghanistan, to occur and continue to increase. conclusion not only known as a country with tremendous natural and cultural wealth, but afghanistan is also known as a country with political dynamics and prolonged war. these conditions have placed afghanistan close to acts of violence, especially against women and children. gender-based violence against women has become commonplace. even though several initiatives have been carried out by implementing policies to protect women, cases of violence against women still occur massively. the situation has worsened since the first cases of covid-19 infection were recorded in wuhan at the end of 2019. the covid-19 pandemic has then succeeded in affecting all aspects of life in afghanistan. the consequences of the social to economic factors have again put women in a dangerous situation. the structural violence approach has succeeded in showing that the patriarchal culture pervading the realm of the constitution, competing legal systems, and institutional erosion have become some of the many structural factors that caused violence against women in afghanistan to increase significantly during the covid-19 pandemic. on the other hand, policies and efforts previously implemented, such as the evaw law, have not fully protected women. through structural violence, the factors previously mentioned have succeeded in creating injustice conditions and all forms of repression against women, especially during the current covid-19 pandemic. it is evidenced by data showing that 87% of afghan women experienced at least one form of physical, sexual, or psychological violence in the domestic realm. the number of sexual harassment, oppression, assault, and murder cases also increases every day. the condition of women and girls again became the center of attention when the taliban succeeded in 15 derina faslig silitonga, humairah muljabar, maretha syawallin umarach analysis of the significant increase of... occupying kabul on august 15, 2021. in the following weeks, the taliban issued a statement saying they pledged to respect women and ensure that the taliban would impose a more moderate islamic government. the taliban has promised to encourage women to return to work, allow girls to go to school, and push for a reduction in gender-based violence. however, many community groups and observers are skeptical of the taliban's statement. the takeover of government by the taliban is still a shockingly awful thing for women. based on experience, they stated that it would be challenging and impossible for the taliban to change the living spaces of women and children. thus, it can be ascertained that for several periods in the future, women and girls will still be in the same zone or even worse. 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(2018). neo-patriarchy and the problem of the arab crisis: a critical study on hisham sharabi’s works. qudus international journal of islamic studies, 6(2), 251–267. https://doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v6i2.38 08 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique of the contemporary muslim society muhammad yusuf patria international islamic university malaysia, selangor, malaysia email: patrialisyusuf@gmail.com abstract since gaining independence, the contemporary muslim society still unable to overcome the backwardness it has experienced. this article is aimed at discussing the critical analysis of a muslim thinker, malik bennabi, of the state of contemporary muslim society. this paper is literary research and using a descriptive-analytic approach to analyze the collected data from bennabi’s works as the primary sources and other relevant works as secondary sources. bennabi’s definition of a society, especially its origin, basic elements, and its stages, is described in detail as a basis for understanding bennabi’s thoughts. then, the article discusses bennabi’s analysis and criticism of the current state of muslim society. for him, the root of all the problems experienced by muslim society today is an internal weakness or what he calls “colonisability”. this situation, according to him, creates vulnerable individuals and societies to be “colonized” again. bennabi referred to these individuals in muslim society as “post-muwaḥḥiddūn man”, as a sign that internal weaknesses began to emerge in muslim society after the muwaḥḥid dynasty. based on his explanation, it can be concluded that the current muslim society is disoriented and has lost its identity. the author also concludes that bennabi’s approach and analysis are able to describe the current state of muslim society and the root of the problems it is experiencing. keywords: bennabi, colonisability, post-muwaḥḥiddūn, muslim society abstrak sejak mendapatkan kemerdekaan, masyarakat muslim kontemporer masih 56 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 introduction af ter b eing f reed f rom colonialism, the muslim society which divided into many countries began to “clean up” and to revive the glory of the past. various attempts were made to free the muslim society from the shackles of backwardness, decline, poverty, and ignorance, and to rebuild their civilization. this situation drew attention from many thinkers and scholars. to achieve their goals, they tried to find out the root of the problem and then suggested their thoughts about winning the politics or gaining economic control, or even proposing a new method in understanding islam. among them were taqī al-dīn al-nabhānī, abul belum mampu mengatasi kemunduran yang dialaminya. tulisan ini bertujuan untuk membahas analisa kritis seorang pemikir muslim, malik bennabi, terhadap keadaan masyarakat muslim kontemporer tersebut. tulisan ini adalah sebuah studi pustaka dan menggunakan pendekatan analisa deskriptif untuk menganalisis data yang dikumpulkan dari karya-karya bennabi sebagai sumber primer dan karya-karya lain yang relevan sebagai sumber sekunder. definisi bennabi tentang sebuah masyarakat, terutama asal usul, elemen dasar dan tahapan sebuah masyarakat, dipaparkan secara detail sebagai dasar untuk memahami pemikiran-pemikiran bennabi. kemudian, tulisan ini membahas analisa dan kritik bennabi terhadap keadaan masyarakat muslim saat ini. menurutnya, akar dari semua masalah yang dialami masyarakat muslim saat ini adalah kelemahan internal atau yang ia sebut sebagai “kolonisabilitas”. keadaan ini, menurutnya, menciptakan individu-individu dan masyarakat yang rentan untuk kembali “dijajah”. bennabi menyebut individu-individu ini dalam masyarakat muslim sebagai “manusia pasca-muwaḥḥiddūn”, sebagai penanda bahwa kelemahan internal mulai muncul dalam diri masyarakat muslim pasca dinasti muwaḥḥid. berdasarkan penjelasannya, dapat disimpulan bahwa masyarakat muslim saat ini mengalami disorientasi dan kehilangan identitasnya. penulisan juga berkesimpulan bahwa pendekatan dan analisa bennabi mampu menjabarkan keadaan masyarakat muslim saat ini dan akar dari masalah yang dialaminya. kata kunci: bennabi, kolonisabilitas, pasca-muwaḥḥiddūn, masyarakat muslim muhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 57 a’la maududi, sayyid qutb who offered a political winning, and mahmoud mohammed taha and mohammed arkoun who proposed a new method for understanding islam. however, since gaining independence until now, the muslim society has not been able to realize these aspirations. according to malik bennabi, this happened because of the inability of the muslim society to analyze and criticize the root of all the problems they experienced, even before they were colonized. this inability resulted in errors in formulating various actions and policies to rebuild their society and realize their goals.(bennabi, 1984) then, bennabi comes with his analysis of the current state of muslim society. some studies have been conducted on bennabi’s analysis of the current state of muslim society. among those studies is the work of shāyif ʽukāshah (1986), al-ṣirāʽ alhaḍārī fī al-ʽālam al-islāmī, dirāsah tahlīliyah fī falsafah al-haḍārah ʽind mālik bin nabī. he analyzes the main problems of the muslim society according to bennabi and elucidates that the main problems are the lack of methodology and colonization. another work is al-takhalluf wa altanmiyyah fī fikr mālik bin nabī of al-tāhir sa’ūd(2006). he deals with the concept of backwardness (al-takhalluf) and development (altanmiyyah) of bennabi. in the work method of studying civilization according to malik bennabi, abdul aziz berghout (1998) examines bennabi’s inte grative method in studying the phenomenon of civilization as applied to the context of islamic civilization. he explains that bennabi was able to develop a linkage method that consists of the theoretical framework, tools of analysis, and applications. the theoretical framework contains certain consistent concepts which were used to discern the nature of the problems of the islamic society. in the work the formative influence of french colonialism on the life and thought of malek bennabi, philip chivigas naylor (2006) deals with the french influence on bennabi. he found that bennabi recognized that decolonization was a process continuing into the postcolonial period. in bennabi’s opinion, algerian decolonization was incomplete, and colonisability remained a postcolonial reality. from the foregoing discussion, it can be concluded that bennabi’s analysis on the contemporary muslim society is less studied, particularly, his ideas of the main 58 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 reasons for the backwardness of the contemporary muslim society and the way to overcome it. therefore, this paper aimed to describe malik bennabi’s critical analysis of contemporary muslim society. the discussion uses the descriptiveanalytic approach to elaborate on the thoughts of bennabi. the data used are taken from his works as the primary sources and other relevant works as secondary sources. the significance of this paper can be viewed from the perspective of bennabi who a prolific author and prominent thinker of the 20th century whose ideas have inspired many intellectuals in the muslim society. he was a scholar of the highest standing having studied not only all the rational religious sciences, but also modern sciences. in an interview with azzam s tamimi, rachid ghounnuchi asserted that “bennabi undoubtedly represents an element of the islamic culture of rationalism and particularly a revival of ibn khaldun’s historical culture of rationalism” (tamimi, n.d., 20). on the other hand, asma rashid, in the introductory chapter of islam in history and society, mentioned that bennabi as a writer and thinker is probably the first social philosopher produced by the muslim society since the era of ibn khaldun (bennabi, 1987b). though bennabi graduated as an electrical engineer and was no trained as a social scientist, he presented us with a comprehensive and systematic interdisciplinary approach with a worldview of islam as the bedrock to study (elmesawi, 1998) and understanding the socio-cultural problems and historical challenges faced by the muslim society for centuries. the importance of bennabi’s works is based on their comprehensiveness and complexity. they cover almost all parts of human sociopolitical issues, including religion, philosophy, history, education, economics, and politics. theoretical framework and research method the framework employed in this study was colonialism. colonialism comes from the english word colony that is derived from the ancient latin term colonia, denoting an outpost or settlement. colonialism is the system by which a country maintains foreign colonies, (webster new world dictionary, 2016) or the policy of acquiring colonies and keeping them dependent.(oxford advanced learner’s dictionary, 1995) it is the domination of a muhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 59 society by settlers from a different society. bennabi described colonialism as “a lousy little seed, it would not have sprouted and borne fruit if the fertile soil is not prepared in our minds and souls” (bennabi, 2005). bennabi explained that the activities of colonialism are tangible and intangible and follow the spirit of the maxim ‘divide and rule’. unfortunately, we bear in our personality structure some short lenses which oddly distort our vision in the respect that we can perfectly perceive the tangible activities of colonialism and we are no longer able to perceive once these activities become subtle and sophisticated.(b ennabi, 1998) furthermore, sartre explains that colonialism creates a system that attempts to separate the colonized people from their identities and to bar them from the road of history. (sartre, 2001) the literary research adopted by the researcher analyzes the discourse of bennabi. the researcher used a descriptive-analytic approach to elucidate the thought of bennabi from the collected data. the primary sources are the major works of bennabi, where the researcher extracted the thought of bennabi. then, the researcher referred to the works on bennabi and other relevant works as secondary sources, to elaborate his thought. the paper began with the definition of society according to bennabi. this is important as a basis as well as a reference for understanding the thoughts of bennabi, especially those relating to the muslim society. this is then followed by an explanation of the critical analysis of the current state of muslim society and the roots of its decline according to bennabi. then, the last part provided the conclusion. result and discussion bennabi’s definition of society in his book mīlād mujtamaʽ, shabkah al-ʽalāqāt al-ijtimāʽiyyah (on the origins of human society, the social relations network), bennabi stated that, fundamentally, there are two origins of the society: the natural or primitive society and the historical society. the natural or primitive society is a society which has not changed in any tangible manner the characteristics of its personality since it came into existence such as the african tribe of the pre-colonial era and the arab tribe of the jāhilī period. and the latter, the historical society, is a society born in each primary 60 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 situation and has subsequently transformed its fundamental features in accordance with the laws that have governed the evolution of the society. (bennabi, 1998) in its development, the historical society is not uniform in its nature. it may come into existence in two different ways. first, it may be made up of the new elements from its beginning. such a society is built on new components which were not found before in any historical transformation. among this category are the early historical societies during the agricultural revolution in the new stone age. secondly, the historical society may be formed by elements of the previous society which have been left because they disintegrated or due to expansion. the present american society is an example of this category. the elements that constitute this society were the borrowing from european society in the 16th century which was in the state of expansion. (bennabi, 1998) however, the historical society is not incidental, but rather the result of a continuous transformation affected by many factors. these factors are the historical source of the process of perpetual change, the elements which may be transformed from a pre-social into a social stage, and the universal laws and norms. therefore, bennabi stated that there are two kinds of historical societies, which are the geographical type of society and the ideological society. the geographical type of society is the historical society whose birth takes place in response to the challenges posed by the natural circumstances of its environment. on the other hand, the ideological society is the historical society which comes into existence in response to the appeal of certain ideals. (bennabi, 1998) for the types of historical society, the present american society belongs to the first type, the geographical type of society. the people of america migrated from europe and had to adapt to the natural conditions in the new continent. in contrast, the islamic society and the early european society belong to the second type. (bennabi, 1998) in addition, bennabi pointed out that there is also a variation of historical societies which originated from its very structure. there are societies whose structure is based on several layers and the societies based on one layer only. the hindu society is a historical society which is based on multi-layer structures. this society is divided into supermuhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 61 imposed castes: the brahmins, the kshatriyas, the vaishyas, and the sudras. (cush, 2008) the european society in the 19th century is another example of the multilayer structured society. on the other hand, the islamic society is an example of the one-layer society type. its structure involves a homogeneous form. (bennabi, 1998) however, there are a few number of common characteristics to all the above-mentioned types. there are also a number of constant fundamentals where a society is indebted to its continuity to its individual members. bennabi stated that it might be a society lost in history because of some reasons, but its members are not affected. these members preserve their instinct to live in a group, and therefore they are ready to affiliate with a new social entity. otherwise, it might be a society that lost all its member, but the society still exists. under this circumstance, the society will attract newcomers and strangers to assimilate into it. the gallic society is an example for the first model and the manchu and the mongol society is an example for the second model which is by assimilating into chinese society. (bennabi, 1998) based on the origins of society mentioned above, bennabi criticized the definition of society according to the ordinary lexical meaning, that is an association of individuals who have common habits and customs, living together under the rule of the same legal system and sharing common interests. he stated that the definition does not provide any explanation on the historical function fulfilled by the association nor does it give any information on the internal organization of the association which enabled it to fulfill such function. then he urged to substitute that descriptive definition with a dialectical one, with references to the time factor. (bennabi, 1998) accordingly, an association cannot be categorized as a society if its internal relations have not been modified and its activities do not change with the passage of time. the primitive societies in which life does not change its form also cannot be categorized as a society according to bennabi’s definition. he asserted that “any group which does not progress and adjust itself in the course of time does not therefore conform to the dialectical definition given here by the term society”. therefore, for bennabi, a society is an association of individuals which 62 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 starts from a certain point in time which is called ‘birth’. (bennabi, 1998) moreover, talking about the birth of a society, what is meant by bennabi is that an event that marks the emergence of a collective life and becomes a starting point of a transformation of it. the new form of collective life arises in the form of relations between individuals in the group. however, bennabi asserted that this form of collective life could begin only with one individual who would later become the nucleus of that society. to support his argument, bennabi quoted a qur’anic verse, 16:120, that says that the prophet ibrahim was an ummah or a society. (bennabi, 1998) furthermore, bennabi asserted that a society is not merely an association of individuals, but it is a specific organism bearing a human nature based on a given pattern. the pattern consists of three major factors; (1) movement as a characteristic feature of the human group, (2) generation of the means of movement, and (3) function and direction of the movement. (bennabi, 1998) the idea of movement is equivalent to that of change and evolution. this idea can also help to distinguish between a society and all forms of human society which do not bear a social characteristic. hence, bennabi describes a society as: a group of human beings which perpetually changes its social features by creating itself the means of change, and which perceives the objectives it seeks to achieve through such a process of change”. furthermore, he stated that “the human group acquires the quality of society when it starts moving, when it begins changing itself in order to achieve its goals. this event coincides, in the historical perspective, with the moment when a civilization emerges. (bennabi, 1998, pp. 15-16) to conclude, every movement either leads a society to progress and civilization or to decline and decadence. on the other hand, when a society stops moving, it ultimately loses its history and becomes an entity without purpose. the three elements of society as pointed out earlier, a group of human beings can be called a society when they move continuously to achieve their goals. this continuous collective movement carried out by the persons, ideas and objects is engraved in history. therefore, muhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 63 b ennabi mentioned that the making of history is the result of the interaction of three elements of society: (1) the realm of persons, (2) the realm of ideas, and (3) the realm of objects. these realms are related to one another and cannot act separately. the action pattern is determined by the paradigms which originate from the realm of ideas applied in the realm of objects to achieve specific objectives in the realm of persons. (bennabi, 1998) accordingly, any historical movement is an outcome of the dynamic relations of these three realms. thus, it is obvious that no concerted action can be achieved without the existence of a set of relations which are integrated in a concrete link. this synthetization of these social realms will actualize the transformation of the aspects of life and the evolution of human history. then, it will be manifested in the form of a civilization and implied in the existence of the fourth realm which represents the sum-total of the necessary social relations, or what bennabi called the social relations network. (bennabi, 1998) the realm of persons in developing a society, for bennabi, transforming the human being from the state of being an individual into that of a person is the first task. this transformation will occur when the primary qualities of the person that link him to the species can be changed into social trends that link him to the society. then, it will become specific relations within the realm of persons which provide the necessary bounds between ideas and objects. (bennabi, 1998) the bounds between ideas and objects in the realms of persons that concerted in a specific action, a given place, and a certain time undertaken by a society indicate that the civilization has already started. similarly, a strong and genuine expression of its social networks would be carried out by gathering people together with a society’s first task. for example, in the muslim society, the friday congregational payer which gathers the muslims in the mosque reflects in its content the sublime values which remind the society of its birth. indeed, that reflection can be found in the other specific gatherings of individuals. bennabi stated that that is a universal phenomenon which exists in every society formed by a certain belief system. for instance, the sunday mass gathering in the 64 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 churches of the christian society. (bennabi, 1998) bennabi distinguished between the individual and the person. the individual is the disintegrated man who is still incapable of realizing his civilizational role. otherwise, the person is the integrated man, the transformed individual. the realm of persons represents this category. it also denotes the sum total of relations among certain groups and emphasizes the significance of those relations. (benlahcene, 2013) moreover, bennabi explained that the relations of the person to one another depend on the fundamentals of a given culture. culture, according to him, is “the climate which moulds the personality of the individual and that it is a set of ethical and aesthetic values and norms”. (bennabi, 1998) the realm of ideas according to bennabi, the realm of ideas consists of the impressed and the expressed ideas. the first category originates from a universal philosophy which is peculiar to the entire social context. it is a general frame of thought that orients and guides to certain values and ethics. the second category, the expressed ideas, bears a personal aspect as it is a brainchild and a specific way of viewing things. moreover, bennabi argued that the impressed ideas would transform the human being and the expressed ideas would transform the objects. (bennabi, 1994) nevertheless, the expressed ideas got an impression from the impressed ideas as their original plasma. if the expressed ideas lost their roots in the original plasma, they are no more able to express anything. (bennabi, 1994) for bennabi, the realm of ideas is the real measurement of the wealth in a society. it cannot be measured by the quantity of objects that it possesses. it might happen that a society loses its realm of objects or is destroyed by circumstances such as flood or war, yet the disaster would become more devastating when a society loses control over its realm of ideas. however, if a society could save its ideas, it would be able to reconstruct its realm of objects. (bennabi, 1998) for instance, japan underwent such severe circumstances after their defeat in world war ii. this country witnessed the war that destroyed their realm of objects when the atomic bombs hit hiroshima and nagasaki in such a manner that almost nothing was left. (ishikawa, 1981) and yet, they reconstructed muhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 65 everything because they preserved their realm of ideas. (bennabi, 1994) in spite of that, the task of reconstruction is insufficient only with ideas. furthermore, the realization of the reconstruction is impossible in the absence of the social relations network. this is because the network would regulate and channel the reconstruction towards a concerted action and specific ends. to prove this statement, bennabi examined the history of muslim society. he stated that the realm of ideas of the muslim society was still embryonic and vague, compared to other civilized society, while it was beginning its ascendancy in the 7th century. then, six centuries later, the muslim society started declining where they had the richest library of the world at that time and it collapsed under the new nations. (bennabi, 1998) thus, bennabi concluded that the libraries cannot help to avoid the decline, and the efficacy of the ideas depended on the social relations networks. he asserted: the efficacy of ideas therefore depends upon the network of relations, i.e., we cannot think of a harmonious action incor porating the persons, ideas and objects without these indispensable relations. such an action is efficacious and effective inasmuch as the network of relations approaches firmness and compactness. (bennabi, 1998, p. 42) the realm of objects in transforming a society, the realm of objects, which is part of the elements of society, must be linked with other elements or realms and utilized in a good manner. the realm of objects provides tools, channels, instruments, and natural resources for developing a society. significantly, it also provides the materials needed for the historical movement of a society and expresses the position of society in the civilizing process. therefore, the importance of the realm of objects is not only in its availability but also its relationship with people and how people consider and deal with those objects psychologically and socially. (bennabi, 1986a) in this regard, b ennabi asserted that the development or the degeneration of society is not the reflection of the amount or the size of the objects but of the will and the capacity of society to direct its objects. (bennabi, 1998) hence, it is not necessary for society to have objects to be synthesized, since it can be borrowed from other 66 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 societies, but the wrong use will lead to dis-harmonization of the social relations. in other words, the use of the realm of objects depends on the quality of the people and the originality of their ideas. as mentioned above, the muslim society began falling into a state of decadence and collapsed catastrophically when it had the richest libraries in the world as well as a wide range of material and instruments. thus, the efficiency of the objects is determined by the position of objects in the psychology of the people. moreover, the realm of objects is also the result of the relationship. every corrupted relationship in the realm of persons as well as in the realm of ideas has a direct impact on the realm of the objects. according to bennabi, the three realms do not act separately. these realms are incorporated in common action and pattern that are determined by ideological archetypes which originate from the realm of ideas applied to the realm of objects to achieve objectives specified by the realm of persons. (bennabi, 1998) the social relations network the social relations network is one of the concepts of bennabi that has strong links with his understanding of the nature and the dynamism of society. based on the preceding discussion, the existence of the social relations networks is the implication and the result of the dialectical relationship between the realm of persons, ideas, and objects. the social relations network is the fourth realm which represents the sum-total of the necessary social relations. (bennabi, 1998) accordingly, this set of relations is necessary to provide a link within each realm as well as among them to one another. the link is necessary to mould the three realms into an integrated body of relationships. when a society can realize this twofold link in a united action then it can make a historical movement. hence, bennabi considered the social relations as the foundation of society because it is the internal and external relations between the three realms that constitute the society and not a mere gathering of individuals with simultaneous relations. (bennabi, 1998) in the absence of the social relations network, which is the result of the very conditions and circumstances that generate the historical movement, the three realms cannot function. thus, in order to change its status, the first task of a society is to carry out the muhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 67 network of relations. (bennabi, 1978) bennabi asserted: it is a known fact that the first task a society carries out in the course of changing its status is conditional upon the completion of the network of its relations. accordingly, one can assert that the construction of the network of relations is the first historical task a society carries out upon its birth. (bennabi, 1998, p. 29) bennabi presented an example from the history of the early muslims on the importance of the social relations network as the first task to be carried out by a newborn society. the first historical task accomplished by muslims is the hijra or migration as the reference point in islamic history, and the covenant of brotherhood between the muhājirūn and anṣār is the first weaving of its social relations network. in fact, at that time, the three realms of the society had not yet taken their distinctive shapes. (bennabi, 1998) according to bennabi, history may start before the completion of the three realms. likewise, history may come to an end even though the society abounds with persons, ideas, and objects. it happened to the muslim society which, started when its three realms had not yet taken their distinctive shapes and was at the age of decline and decadence, and when it was very rich in its realm of persons, ideas, and objects, the muslim society became backward because of its social relations network that was torn apart and struck by the coefficient of colonisability. (bennabi, 1998) the three stages of society according to bennabi, every human society transfers from one situation to another following the psychological values of its development. it does not fix itself in one situation throughout its life. those situations or stages of society are: (1) the pre-civilized society, (2) the civilized society, and (3) the postcivilized society. (bennabi, 1994) throughout history, every human society is at one of these specific stages which is characterized by specific values. when a society is in the precivilized stage, it has not yet started its civilizing process. however, it has its own peculiarities and potentialities of making history, yet it is still incapable of making history. hence, all of its vital energy, civilizing faculty, and capacity remain in a state of passivity and not capable of performing the important action. (benlahcene, 2013) 68 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 however, bennabi argued that the individual in the precivilized society is a natural man and ready to undertake the civilizing process. he presented an example from muslim history, the arab bedouin during the prophet muhammad’s era as the natural men joining the cyclical civilization when islam came. (bennabi, 1986b) further, bennabi argued that a society cannot begin its civilizing process without the dynamic interaction between man, soil, and time and yet, these elements of civilization are in an unmovable position without the force of the religious idea. thus, this religious idea is a frame for a dynamic interaction between those elements. (bennabi, 1998) the second stage, the civilized society is the stage in which a society has the ability to organize and orient its civilizing capabilities and faculties to its maximum. all the concentrations and skills of the individual and society are directed towards the accomplishment of the civilizing process. therefore, at this stage, the social relations network of a society is at its strongest. with the strong social relations network, a society would have a clear vision, an effective and systematic movement, and an active culture. (bennabi, 1998) the third stage, the postcivilized society is the stage in which the religious idea of society ceases to synthesize the civilizational values, and its social relations network starts degenerating and its dynamic features lose their driving forces and motivating functions. at this moment, the society arrives at the end of its dynamism and goes through a state of backwardness and decline. (bennabi, 1998) however, bennabi distinguished between the third stage and the first stage. he argued that usually historians make no distinctions between the pre-civilized society and the post-civilized society. this confusion of stages will complicate any effort taken to resolve the problems of society and create delusions. to him, the post-civilized society is not motionless like the pre-civilized society. after having lost its ideal links and deviated from the path of its civilization, it is moving backwards. (bennabi, 1994) in other words, the society continues its movement, but it is destructive and harmful and leads to disintegration and demise. the disintegration and demise of a society follow a gradual process; the society produces a disintegrated muhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 69 man who is no longer able to undertake the historical action. then the society loses its criteria and standards. this creates chaos in the realm of ideas of the society and makes the culture of the society decivilizing. at that moment, the disintegration of society is inevitable. this stage coincides with the age in which a state of colonisability anchors its roots and, thus, paving the way to colonialism. (bennabi, 1998) colonisability and the problem of the muslim society colonialism which occurred in the muslim society for several centuries caused a variety of damages and setbacks, even when the muslim people were able to liberate themselves. this situation drew attention from many thinkers and scholars. they tried to find out the root cause of colonialism to overcome the damage and setbacks. bennabi is one of the thinkers who produced several works in analyzing the current state of the muslim society. according to him, the muslim society today is a product of a mixture of residual inheritance of what he referred to as, the post-muwaḥḥiddūn and from new cultural deposits brought by reformists and modernists. this situation is not the result of a reflected orientation or scientific planning but rather a mixture of various remnants of the past and non-filtered innovations. furthermore, bennabi asserted that the syncretism of elements of different cultures and different periods, without dialectics, had endangered the muslim society even for some time. (bennabi, 1987b) in their attempt to revive, muslims adopted many things from outside of their own civilization. however, instead of adopting notions and means, they adopted objects and needs in the place of those things. (bennabi, 1987b) as it can be seen, some islamic countries are importing a lot of technologies produced by western countries without understanding the spirit behind these objects. more specifically, we can find schools in the muslim society that were designed to restore the state of the muslim society as before, falling into the duplication of schools founded by their colonials. there have been changes in buildings, classrooms, desks, and chairs, but without changes to a better curriculum. when a new society develops itself, it has traditional elements which are a legacy from other or previous societies and modern 70 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 inspiration obtained from a society that has developed and advanced. the latter, borrowed from a society that has been established and organized itself, demanded proper assimilation and adaptation that constitute an effort of creation and synthesis. (bennabi, 1987b) nevertheless, this is not new in the history of the muslim society. since prophet muhammad was sent, muslims have adapted and assimilated all the habits of the people in accordance with islamic teachings. this process of islamization (see al-attas, 2018) continued in the following centuries when muslims began to encounter other civilizations. for instance, alfārābī and ibn sīnā islamized greek philosophy in their works. (bennabi, 1986c) in addition, they and other muslim philosophers, developed their own islamic philosophy based on islamic religious teachings. (acikgenc, 2017) in his explanation, bennabi said that muslims today are faced with two crucial problems, namely, the problem of the current situation and how to overcome it and the problem of borrowing from modern civilization. he stated: the muslim dilemma concerns, on the one hand, the problem of borrowings from modern civilization and falls in the biohistorical order, and on the other, constitutes a psychological and dialectical problem, concerning the attitude of muslim towards his current life. (bennabi, 1987b, p. 42) for the latter problem, even though there was no civilization that has not adopted some foreign elements to it,(al faruqi, 2013) some sociological elements that characterize different cultures and civ i lizat ions were not always interchangeable. thus, it is dangerous to adopt foreign solutions for solving the problems that the muslim society was facing because it deals with different stages of development and different attitudes and objectives of a society. (bennabi, 1984) consequently, new sociological elements must be assimilated in certain determined conditions provided by an imperative need and a superior imperative. yet, the muslim society has failed to take into account these conditions due to their snobbism and spiritual bankruptcy. the snobbism and spiritual bankruptcy, according to bennabi, happened because of the confusion that reigned in their intellectual, moral, and political domains. this confusion was a muhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 71 result of a mélange of decayed ideas inherited from the past and borrowed ideas. those ideas became dangerous because of their displacement from their historical and rational context. therefore, it demanded a filtration of the dead and deadly ideas consciously and systematically. (bennabi, 1987b) the other problem, concerning the attitude of the muslims toward their current life, can be witnessed in their incapacity to think and to act. this incapacity is due to the absence of a dialectical link between thought and its concrete finalization in the psychological domain. the root of this inertia of the muslim spirit is also a confusion that reigns in their thoughts. muslims could not differentiate between the essence of phenomena and their appearance. in fact, it is the influence of the western sciences borrowed by muslims. these sciences did not mean “being better” but it means “appearing better”. (bennabi, 1987b) therefore, the muslim society could not produce any outstanding personality in the realm of human knowledge as the early muslim society produced many outstanding scholars such as al-shāfi’ī, ibn manẓūr, al-ghazali and many more. the organic cause of the weakness of the muslim intellectual, according to bennabi, lay in the absence of the intellectual domain. he stated “intelligence is constantly the function of the spirit: when the latter no longer possesses its purity, the former no longer has all its depth” (bennabi, 1987b: 44). hence, muslims who have lost their spiritual power are unable to develop their intellectual attitude. consequently, muslims always fail to liberate themselves from apathy and incoherence. bennabi analogized the state of the muslims as a man who has been awakened but does not know what he must do. (bennabi, 1987b) bennabi showed how the current state of muslims is experiencing spirit degradation. nowadays, people consider themselves to be perfect by concluding that islam is a perfect religion, and when he/she becomes a muslim, he/she becomes perfect. the feeling of being a perfect person makes people do not want to develop themselves and feel comfortable in a lazy situation. in the end, these people will find their ideas petrified and assume that reason is not needed anymore. consequently, the people abandon or even reject the “ijtihad” ,or the effort and the critical thinking necessary to arrive at properly formulated legal conclusion, and 72 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 only depend on “taqlid”, or the effort and the critical thinking necessary to arrive at properly formulated legal conclusion. (bennabi, 1987b) eventually, people fall into the abyss of “individual cults”. in these circumstances, these people would not be able to rise even a little to rebuild their civilization that was once glorious. bennabi stressed that islam and muslims are not the same, and likewise, islam and civilization are different. islam is a religion that was revealed by the god of the universe, or “godmade”, whereas civilization is “manmade”. further, he stated that islam will never change even by one letter, even if humanity has changed completely, while civilization continues to change throughout history. (bennabi, 2005) the absence of this direct link between thought and action, according to bennabi, led muslims to perform blind and incoherent actions. furthermore, it has led to an appreciation of the facts subjectively, under-estimation or over-estimation. this attitude has paralyzed the muslim mind with the psychosis of ‘easy things’ and ‘impossible things.’ in algeria, bennabi stated there were three well-known axioms that paralyzed its people. these axioms are ‘we cannot do anything, because we are ignorant’, ‘we cannot realize that, because we are poor’, and ‘we cannot undertake this work, because there is colonialism’. (bennabi, 1987b) in fact, these axioms paralyzed the morality and mentality of muslims all over the world with the same or different narratives. it is a fact that we are ignorant, but this stemmed from colonialism. the colonizers exerted all efforts to close every access to education for the colonized people. the existing schools are directed to teach their students a curriculum that is in accordance with the desires and interests of colonialism. nevertheless, some colonized people who became educated did not use their education then as elementary and immediate means to fight general illiteracy. if so, the myth of ignorance is dangerous because it becomes a mask for the profound problem of colonisability under the problem of an illiterate man. (bennabi, 1987b) the second myth, which is equally dangerous, is the myth of poverty. in fact, there were always rich muslim bourgeoisies in the muslim society. in spite of that, according to bennabi, it would suffice to consider that their social efficiency of financial means is muhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 73 ranked below that of the poor class. it indicates that the entropic evolution has reigned in all fields of modern muslim life. therefore, the problem in the muslim society is not financial, but rather psychological and technical orientation of the capital. (bennabi, 1987a) the third myth is colonisation which paralyses all good wills. colonisation is considered as the reason and at the same time, is blamed for all setbacks, and even considered as the justification for the veritable moral and political deceptions. bennabi stated that, indeed, colonisation strangulated thoughts and intellectual efforts, and tentative of moral and economic recoveries, but the suppressing cause did not come from outside; it came from within. colonisation does not affect the fundamental worth of the individual that escapes his power. the thing that influences him is what he called as colonisability. he stated: thus, colonialism acts, at the same time, as a reality when it effectively inhibits action, and as a myth when it becomes an alibi or a mask for colonisability. now we can find the individual inefficacious and inert even in domains where colonial pressure cannot be incriminated. (bennabi, 1987b, p. 47) colonisability is a term coined by bennabi, which came originally from the french word colonisabilitè, to depict the state of internal weakness and susceptibility to colonization in the muslim society. for him, it is a universal law that applies to every society and civilization. moreover, colonisation, to a certain degree, is the most fortunate effect of colonisability. colonisation makes the engendered colonisable to be aware of his state of being colonised and thus, finds himself obliged to decolonise himself and become incolonisable. in this sense, according to bennabi, colonisation is a historical necessity. in addition, bennabi made a distinction between a conquered and occupied country and a colonised country. the former is a pre-existing synthesis of man, soil and time which implies an incolonisable individual and the latter is a social condition that has been exposed to colonisability and thus colonisation is inevitable. (bennabi, 1987b) for instance, greece was conquered by rome and india was colonised by the british. hence, the primary cause of the bankruptcy of men and the lethargy of spirit in the muslim society is not colonisation. colonisation, at first, would introduce itself as a contradictory factor that helps the 74 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 colonised people to overcome its colonisability. by this intermediary, these colonised people become conscious of their state and thus force themselves to decolonise. thus, the positive aspect of colonisation is liberating potentialities that remained dormant for a long time. on the other hand, it also has the negative aspect that tends to destroy the same potentialities by paralysing the morality and mentality of the muslim. (bennabi, 1987b) in fact, in history, colonisation never becomes perennial even when the colonizers paralyse its victim. in the end, the force of colonisation transforms the soul of the colonised people. hence, these two concurrent notions, colonisation and colonisability, are quite distinct, and are fundamental to consider when examining the situation of a colonised country. therefore, whether it is a concern of political doctrine or reform, the entire success depends on the consideration of these two aspects of the problem and considering the one without the other is distorting the problem. (bennabi, 1987b) the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man and the decline of the muslim society based on the preceding discussion, bennabi examined the root of the decadence and decline of the muslim society. he explained that if the process depicted by a curve, the point of inflexion could be found somewhere during ibn khaldun’ time. in spite of that, the reversion is not instantaneous and marked the distant culmination of the battle of ṣiffīn that had turned the khalīfah’s democratic power into dynastic power. this turning point had caused a gap between the state and the people’s consciousness. furthermore, the turning point contained the potential of all the future political antithesis and separatisms. (bennabi, 1987b) from the political angle, bennabi viewed that the first schism in the course of islamic history has constituted one of the crises which had changed the institutional framework of a country. then, there came a moment when the power could not be guarded or seized and adapted to new institutions. at that moment, bennabi stated that the scepter was broken into a thousand pieces and picked up by a thousand of petty princes. (bennabi, 1987b) in the historical evolution, according to bennabi, this moment marked the point of inflexion and the reversal of the values of civilization and yet, it is no longer the problem in political affairs, it is muhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 75 the problem of man himself who loses his civilizing élan, capacity and capability to apply the ideas of his genius to soil and time. bennabi stated: it is no longer the question of a change in the political framework: it is the man himself, the civilized man, who loses his ‘civilizing élan’: and is thus unable to assimilate and create. it is no longer a question of institutions but of the human factor: these are the men themselves who no longer know how to apply their genius to their soil and time. it is the fundamental synthesis itself that disintegrates and with it the social life that gives place to the vegetative life. (bennabi, 1987b, pp. 12-13) in other words, the social relations network of the muslim society at that time produced a disintegrated man who was no longer able to undertake the historical action. the society also lost its criteria and standards, leaving its realm of ideas chaotic and its culture decivilizing. more than that, the social relations network of the society degenerated, and the dynamic features lost their driving force and motivating function. in the course of muslim history, bennabi dated this phenomenon from the fall of the al-muwaḥḥid dynasty which ruled over north africa and spain from a.d 1130 to 1269. according to him, that was the fall of the islamic civilization and the end of its breath. then, the decadence era commenced with what he called the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man. even when there was a great kingdom like aghlabid which had been the metropolis of a million inhabitants, there was no more than an insignificant township like other townships such as baghdad and samarqand at that time. (bennabi, 1987b) all parts of the muslim society had suffered the same fate. from the sociological angle, bennabi maintained that the symptoms of political or urban problems were the expression of the pathological state of the postmuwaḥḥiddūn man, the new man who had succeeded as the man of islamic civilization and who carried out in himself the germs of all the problem faced by the muslim society. the man who is not only the predecessor whom we owe our sociological heredity, but the one who is also our contemporary. bennabi argued that “he is not only the invisible instigator of our present failures, he is also thereof the coactor; he has not merely transmitted his psychology born of a moral, 76 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 social, philosophical and political bankruptcy: he has transmitted himself”(bennabi, 1987b, p. 13). accordingly, bennabi asserted that the renaissance of the muslim society cannot be made until its passive inheritance of its six centuries of bankruptcy is liquidated, and the man renovated according to the islamic tradition and the cartesian experience. thus, he argued that the need for moral, social, and psychological sciences is far greater than the need for material sciences. evidently, it is more difficult to produce a civilized man than to produce a technology. when the former remains ignorant, the latter would constitute danger. (bennabi, 1987b) in other words, bennabi stated that what can be offered in the service of peace is conscience, not science. (bennabi, 1984) to conclude, bennabi stated that the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man is none other than the incarnation of the colonisability, the typical visage of the colonial era. he is the clown who accepts all the roles made by the colonizers including to perform the role of the indigene. (bennabi, 1987b) moreover, this man unconsciously gave away to colonialism over himself and let himself to be colonized. conclusion to conclude, t here are several conclusions that need to be underlined. bennabi with his definition of the origin of society, its basic elements and social relations network has provided us a comprehensive approach. although in his works bennabi uses muslim society as an example that he analyzes, his approach is universal because it can be used to analyze other societies. his analysis of the current state of muslim society is able to provide a clear picture of it. it can be concluded from the above description that muslim society has experienced the disorientation and has lost its identity. many factors have made the muslim society like that, either in the political field such as colonialism, or in the economic sector such as exploitation, or other factors such as dependence on other countries in various aspects. however, bennabi’s analysis of the root of all these problems provides a strong and rational explanation for why this happened. colonisability as a concept proposed by bennabi that represents an internal weakness in an individual also affects groups of individuals or what is known as society. bennabi named individuals experiencing muhammad yusuf patria transforming the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man: malik bennabi’s critique ... 77 colonisability in muslim societies as the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man. this is because, based on his observations, internal weakness plagued the muslim society in the post-muwaḥḥid dynasty era. the use of the word colonisability, which means “susceptibility to colonialism”, creates confusion, especially by those who do not understand the concept it provides. however, if observed in more detail, the use can be understood because bennabi lived in an era of struggle against colonialism and the era of independence. furthermore, the word reflects the profound consequences of the internal weakness experienced by muslim society. the muslim society has experienced colonialism as a result of the internal weakness they have experienced since after the era of the muwahhid dynasty. so, although nowadays the muslim society has been in spite of the colonialism, the possibility of a repeat of the colonialism, in the form of the same or different such as colonialism of thoughts, economics, and others, will continue to exist as long as these shortcomings cannot be overcome. so bennabi’s proposal to transform the post-muwaḥḥiddūn man meets its relevance. bibliography book acikgenc, a. 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(n.d.). democracy in islamic political thought. 26. journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah during the 2006 yogyakarta earthquake muhammad zahrul anam universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: zahrul@umy.ac.id sugito universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: suttho77@yahoo.com abstract this article aims to investigate the impact of the international network and social capital on the effectiveness of muhammadiyah’s emergency response in the 2006 bantul earthquake. despite paying more attention to religious and spiritual issues, muhammadiyah, an islamic-based social movement, plays a significant role in humanitarian issues. the 2006 earthquake in bantul devastated public amenities, claimed thousands of people, and caused economic loss. the local government and private sectors of bantul could not cope with the disaster. the most disaster-affected districts in bantul regency were pundong, bambanglipuro, and jetis. then, muhammadiyah made an immediate emergency response to help those affected districts. in collaboration with overseas counterparts, muhammadiyah collected humanitarian assistance. muhammadiyah might not complete its humanitarian mission without the support of existing local muhammadiyah in those districts. in other words, muhammadiyah’s social capital is influential for humanitarian missions. this paper utilized two concepts to elaborate on the effectiveness of muhammadiyah’s emergency response, namely transnational advocacy networks (tans) and social capital. then, this article argues that the higher level of tans and social capital muhammadiyah has, the more emergency response it can complete effectively. this paper discovered that three districts had different levels of tans and social capital. in pundong, the level of leverage politics (tans) was higher than social capital. however, both bambanglipuro and jetis had a high level of social capital, whereas their leverage politics were low. 268 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 keywords: muhammadiyah, social capital, 2006 earthquake, transnational network, disaster abstrak artikel ini menganalisis hubungan antara jejaring internasional dan modal sosial yang dimiliki oleh muhammadiyah sebagai organisasi nonpemerintah berbasis agama dengan efektivitas respon kedaruratan bencana yang dilakukan oleh organisasi dimaksud. meskipun perhatian utama organisasi keagamaan tertuju pada pengembangan aspek spritualitas, organisasi keagamaan juga mengambil peran penting dalam penyelesaian masalah-masalah kemanusiaan. pada tahun 2006, gempa bumi yang terjadi di yogyakarta mengakibatkan kerusakan fisik, termasuk korban jiwa dan luka-luka, yang lebih besar daripada gempa-gempa sebelumnya. wilayah yang paling terdampak dari gempa tersebut adalah kabupaten bantul. pemerintah lokal ketika itu tidak siap merespon kedaruratan gempa. oleh karena itu, kapasitas organisasi non-pemerintah yang sanggup melakukan respon kedaruratan bencana secara efektif sangat diperlukan. muhammadiyah segera membentuk satuan tugas khusus untuk membantu pemerintah daerah memberikan bantuan pada wilayah-wilayah terdampak di bantul yaitu, pundong, bambanglipuro, dan jetis. selama ini, studi tentang keberhasilan dan efektifitas muhammadiyah dalam penanggulangan bencana hanya ditinjau dari salah satu sudut pandang yaitu, modal sosial atau jejaring internasional. namun, artikel ini melihat efektifitas tersebut dengan memadukan dua sudut pandang sekaligus baik jejaring internasional dan modal sosial. teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara pada informan dan hasilnya dianalisis dengan pendekatan tematik. temuan artikel ini menyatakan bahwa semakin tinggi derajat modal sosial dan leverage politics (jejaring internasional), maka semakin efektif aksi tanggap darurat muhammadiyah. namun, semakin rendah derajat modal sosial dan semakin tinggi derajat leverage politics, maka aksi tanggap darurat muhammadiyah hanya efektif secara sektoral, tidak masif dan divergen. keywords: muhammadiyah, modal sosial, gempa yogyakarta 2006, jejaring internasional, bencana. muhammad zahrul anam, sugito international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah ... 269 introduction on may 27, 2006, a tectonic earthquake measuring 6.2 on the richter scale rocked yogyakarta special region for approximately 57 seconds. even though it lasted briefly, the earthquake with the epicenter in bantul caused many casualties and considerable material damage. a tectonic earthquake of such magnitude has never happened before in yogyakarta. most of the earthquakes were caused by the volcanic activity of mount merapi. moreover, two weeks before the earthquake, mount merapi’s alert status was raised to four. it caused health facilities and disaster mitigation to focus on anticipating the eruption of merapi (purnama, 2017). tectonic earthquake events not previously calculated caused problems in disaster emergency response. local government capacity was limited to respond quickly to disaster emergencies. in addition, the damage to infrastructure also prevented the government from assisting. the private sector suffered similar damage. the majority of businesspeople in bantul were paralyzed, causing them to be unable to assist the victims. when the public and private sectors were not functioning due to capacity problems and damaged infrastructure, the role of civil society organizations in alleviating the burden on disaster victims should be considered. in the case of the 2006 ear thquake, muhammadiyah’s role started from the emergency response to the rehabilitation process. with the support of its hospitals, muhammadiyah provided care and medical assistance to victims not accommodated in the bantul regional hospital. many muhammadiyah volunteers of organizational activists and sympathizers distributed aid and carried out several post-natural disaster reconstruction activities. muhammadiyah partnered with foreign agencies in rehabilitating disaster-affected areas in bantul ( ke dut a a n b e s a r au s t r a l i a indonesia, 2006). muhammadiyah’s partnership with the australian government t hat provide d humanit ar ian assistance through ausaid had succeeded in building temporary shelters that met health standards. besides the foreign government, muhammadiyah trusted foreign non-governmental organizations providing humanitarian aid, such as world vision international, world islamic call society, won buddhism, and direct relief international. 270 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 apart from partnerships, emergency resp ons e and rehabi lit at ion activities received full support from the organizational structure at the regional, sub-regional, branch, and sub-branch levels in bantul. moreover, muhammadiyah’s branch organizations, such as aisyiyah, nasyiatul aisyiyah, pemuda muhammadiyah, and its business charities, also played an active role (barori, personal communication, december 26, 2018). a variety of activities have proven the involvement of business charities in disaster rehabilitation a c t i v i t i e s . m u h a m m a d i y a h educational institutions mobilized students, volunteers, and consultants to carr y out trauma healing. muhammadiyah hospitals delegated medical personnel to provide health ser vices. the aisyiyah organization provided an economic empowerment program for mothers to help the family economy through entrepreneurship training. then, the angkatan muda muhammadiyah or muhammadiyah youth force (amm) carried out the physical reconstruction in collaboration with local sympathizers (haikal, personal communication, january 10, 2019). this article looks explicitly at and elaborates on the factors causing the emergency response carried out by muhammadiyah through the concept of transnational advocacy networks (tans) and social capital. transnational advocacy networks disaster emergency response carried out by community groups covers three primary stages of activity. the first stage is several disaster preparedness activities routinely performed by expert groups, including training and simulation, emergency action planning, and risk level assessment. the second stage is emergency response activities for specific disaster events, such as rescue operations and coordinating the agencies involved. the third stage deals with recovery activities conducted sometime after the disaster, such as providing temporary housing, distribution of necessities and medicines (kasper et al., 2018). the effectiveness of disaster emergency response can be realized in two ways: the precise distribution of responsibilities of the parties involved in assisting disaster victims and the intensity of communication and collaboration. communication management, collaboration, and resource distribution in disaster emergency response missions are crucial issues (krista s. langeland, david manheim, 2016). initially, the humanitarian task of ngos in the muhammad zahrul anam, sugito international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah ... 271 west, including in australia, was to assist in situations of armed conflict. however, this humanitarian task has continued for other events outside of war that cause numerous suffering to humans (kilby, 2015). in piper and uhlin (piper & uhlin, 2002), keck and sikkink stated that transnational advocacy networks (tans) are networks b etween ac tivists bas ed on fundamental ideas and values. activist actors included in tan are highly diverse, comprising local ngos, media, foundations, churches, trade unions, consumer organizations, academics, divisions in intergovernmental organizations, and parts of the executive or legislative bodies (piper & uhlin, 2002). the strength of these networks is their ability to mobilize information strategically to create new issues and categories to gain more decisive influence from other countries or organizations. the mission of advocacy is to use information strategically to reduce relationship gaps in a global context (piper & uhlin, 2002, p. 179). 1) according to keck & sikkink (1999), tans use strategies by utilizing the information to influence other large countries or org an i z at i ons . t he s e strategies include: 2) information politics, the ability to move information quickly and credibly to the places that will be most affected 3) symbolic politics, the ability to use symbols, actions, or stories that will make a situation make sense for the audience who are often far away 4) leverage politics, the ability to summon strong actors to have an impact on a situation that weaker network members cannot perform accountability politics, an effort to give responsibility to stronger actors to act through policies or principles that these strong actors formally support (keck & sikkink, 1999) social capital gives birth to differences in group behavior based on internal and external perspectives. internally oriented behavior produces what putnam called bonding (häuberer, 2010), which focuses on strengthening the homogeneity of group bonds as seen in ethnic and religious groups. on the other hand, the perspective on external groups creates behavior that putnam termed bridging, which mediates the relationship between group members of different social classes (häuberer, 2010, p. 50). the putnam concept was added 272 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 by pfefferbaum, who introduced the term linking social capital (pfefferbaum et al., 2015). social capital, referred to most recently, is the relationship between one group or network and another group or network with more power, influence, authority, and control (pfefferbaum et al., 2015). regarding the disaster response by muhammadiyah, several experts have conducted research. al-akbar studied the muhammadiyah disaster management center (mdmc) role in responding to the eruption of mount merapi in 2010. al-akbar concluded that a strong internal network assisted the success of mdmc. al-akbar also discovered that the role of disaster literacy was in line with the preaching of muhammadiyah, which emphasizes the purification of tauhid. society is kept away from the mythology of disasters that destroy monotheism (akbar, 2012). akbar’s research was strengthened by mulyasari and shaw, who argued that muhammadiyah’s role in campaigning for disaster awareness within the organization or externally was undeniable (mulyasari et al., 2015). bush explained that since 2005, the disaster response carried out by muhammadiyah had covered three primar y functions. first, muhammadiyah’s function is to rescue victims by distributing humanitarian aid and evacuating disaster victims. second, muhammadiyah manages international networks by selecting foreign partners who can cooperate with muhammadiyah. third, muhammadiyah’s function is to become a facilitator that connects aid providers from foreign agencies and recipients in disaster-affected areas (bush, 2014a). this ar ticle argues that the effectiveness of disaster emergency response carried out by muhammadiyah is based on its ability to manage communication with foreign partners. in the theoretical context, this ability is termed tans with leverage politics. b esides communicating with foreign partners, muhammadiyah can also coordinate its internal organizat iona l st r uc tures to support emergency response and rehabilitation programs. this capacity for internal organizational coordination became known in the concept of social capital as bonding. previous literature discussing the effectiveness of muhammadiyah in disaster management solely looked at the aspects of international networks or social capital. however, this study combines the two because muhammad zahrul anam, sugito international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah ... 273 international networks distributing social assistance to the affected areas cannot be carried out effectively without strong social capital. this study employe d a qualitative research method with a case study approach to the 2006 bantul earthquake. bantul was selected as the object of research because first: the earthquake’s epicenter was in bantul regency, precisely in pundong district, second: several districts in bantul were the worst affected areas from the 2006 earthquake. this research focused on the three affected districts of pundong, bambanglipuro, and jetis. this study utilized both primar y and secondar y data. primary data were collected through in-depth interviews with several informants, comprising members of the muhammadiyah disaster management center (mdmc), former organization managers, and activists at the branch level in bambanglipuro, pundong, and jetis districts, as well as representatives of the local government and activists of the desa tangguh bencana or disaster resilient village in jetis and bambanglipuro. secondary data were gathered from written documents such as reports, scientific papers, and relevant news. the data were then classified and analyzed using two approaches, descriptive approach and thematic analysis. a descriptive approach was used in describing muhammadiyah’s initiatives in collaborating with foreign partners. then, thematic analysis was applied to determine humanitarian activities that worked collaboratively with foreign partners to embody leverage politics in tans. furthermore, the thematic analysis also looked at the social capital (bonding) of internal muhammadiyah members through social cohesiveness in disaster emergency response and postdisaster rehabilitation. scoring or assessing political leverage and social capital was obtained from calculating the content analysis of informants’ statements. this article looked explicitly at and elaborated on the factors causing the disaster emergency response by muhammadiyah through the concept of tans and social capital to determine the impact of international networks and social capital on its emergency response in the 2006 bantul earthquake. advocacy networks and social capital were proven through thematic analysis of primary data obtained from in-depth interviews 274 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 and secondary data from literature studies. following the content analysis obtained, the authors argued that the emergency response carried out by muhammadiyah would be widely felt if muhammadiyah’s social capital in the affected areas was strong to distribute humanitarian assistance as a result of international networks evenly. c onversely, mu h am m a d iy a h’s e m e rge n c y response program would not be effective in the affected areas with weak social capital even though muhammadiyah’s international network was quite good. the effectiveness of muhammadiyah’s role in areas affected by natural disasters can be seen in the table scoring the degree of leverage politics and muhammadiyah social capital in pundong, bambanglipuro, and jetis. discussion potential for natural disasters in the province of yogyakarta special region the province of yogyakarta special region (diy) has an area of 3,185.80 km (humas diy, 2010b). cities in central java border diy: klaten regency in the northeast, wonogiri regency in the southeast, purworejo regency in the west, and magelang regency in the northwest (humas diy, 2014). figure 1. map of the special region of yogyakarta source: (sejarahnegara.com, 2020) yogyakarta province consists of four regencies and one municipality: yogyakarta city, bantul, kulon progo, sleman, and gunung kidul regencies. compared to four other regencies, yogyakarta city has the smallest area of around 32.5 km2. meanwhile, gunung kidul is the largest regency with approximately 1,485.36 km2 (badan pusat statistik kabupaten gunungkidul, 2015). topographically, gunungkidul and kulon progo regencies are similar because they both have upland areas. bantul and sleman’s topographical conditions are relatively flat, although they have a few hilly areas. meanwhile, yogyakarta city is lowland. physiographically, the potential for natural disasters can be divided into three central potentials as follows: muhammad zahrul anam, sugito international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah ... 275 1) natural disasters caused by volcanic activity diy has an active volcano called mount merapi. this mountain is located between central java and diy. the south side of mount merapi is located in sleman regency in diy, while the other side is in central java. as one of the active volcanoes in indonesia, the activities of mount merapi continue to be monitored due to the large number of people living around the mountain slopes. active volcanoes have the potential to experience eruptions or eruptions accompanied by other natural disasters. volcanic eruptions can cause direct and indirect natural disasters. natural disasters that occur directly when an eruption occurs can take the form of melting lava, hot clouds, ash rain, hot lava, or the emergence of toxic volcanic gases. meanwhile, natural disasters after the volcano erupts can form cold lava, flash floods, and volcanic avalanches (kementerian energi dan sumber daya mineral republik indonesia, 2015). in historical records, mount merapi has experienced dozens of eruptions that caused many losses and threatened human life around it. the worst eruption of mount merapi occurred in 2010 and was accompanied by hot clouds flowing from the top of the mountain toward the gendol river. after the hot clouds, the remnants of the eruption also caused cold lava as much as 150 million m3 (badan geologi kementerian energi dan sumber daya mineral, 2014). based on data from the national disaster management agency (bnpb), the eruption of mount merapi in 2010 resulted in 347 fatalities, with 246 people coming from sleman regency. in addition, bnpb revealed data on refugees from the 2010 eruption of mount merapi, totaling 410,388 people (badan geologi kementerian energi dan sumber daya mineral, 2014). this eruption also caused other losses in the death of livestock belonging to residents around the mountain, as many as 1,548 livestock, and damage to houses of 2,271 residents (aco, 2020). after the eruption in 2010, mount merapi has erupted several times on a small scale but did not pose a danger that threatens the safety of the surrounding population. until now, mount merapi’s activities are continuously monitored by the geological disaster research and technology development center as a form of volcano disaster mitigation. 276 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 2) landslides and erosion these disasters usually threaten diy during the rainy season. areas that can experience landslides and erosion have sloping topologies, such as kulonprogo and gunungkidul regencies. in addition, factors of high rainfall and land use can cause landslides and erosion. every year, the diy regional disaster management agency (bpbd) conducts a mapping of diy areas prone to landslides and erosion. the four regencies in diy can experience landslides and erosion, but the highest potential occurs in gunungkidul and kulonprogo. several regencies included in areas prone to landslides and erosion are kalibawang, girimulyo, samigaluh, kokap, semin, gedangsari, ngawen and patuk (wardhani, 2020). bpbd diy continues to d iss e m i nate i n for mat i on to the public regarding landslides and erosion as part of disaster mitigation. bpbd has also installed an early warning system in various disaster-prone areas to determine the potential for landslides and rainfall data. moreover, alert and observation posts were also established as preparedness to deal with landslides and erosion. 3) floods one of the natural disasters that often occurs in diy is the flood. it usually occurs during the rainy season when the weather or rainfall experiences a drastic increase. it also has the greatest potential in the southern part of diy, such as in kulonprogo and bantul regencies (humas diy, 2010a). the frequent floods of these two areas are not merely caused by extreme weather but also by geographical conditions, including lowland areas and large rivers. the floods that hit diy caused property losses because residents’ houses were submerged and forced to flee. in addition, floods also cause damage to public facilities and disrupt economic activities. in addition to the three central potentials above, diy also has the potential for natural disasters for tectonic earthquakes. before the 2006 earthquake centered in bantul, diy had experienced several earthquakes. in historical records, diy was shaken by an earthquake in 1867, resulting in many fatalities and injuries. the earthquake also caused extensive damage to infrastructure and buildings. the next earthquake occurring in diy and its surrounding areas was in 1943. the 1943 earthquake claimed muhammad zahrul anam, sugito international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah ... 277 213 casualties, 31 of which were from diy. an earthquake then occurred again in 1981. however, it did not cause many casualties and severe damage to buildings (kelompok keahlian geodesi itb, 2007). b as ed on the recurring earthquake c ycle mechanism or earthquake cycle (kelompok keahlian geodesi itb, 2007), diy, which has experienced several earthquakes, should mitigate disasters properly as a form of preparation in minimizing losses and damage if an earthquake occurs again. unfortunately, the number of casualties and damage to physical facilities during the 2006 earthquake indicates an unprepared emergency response. the 2006 bantul earthquake diy province is one of the areas prone to earthquakes. on may 27, 2006, an earthquake occurred approximately 20 km southeast of yogyakarta with a shallow depth of 10 kilometers. the mainland (inland) earthquake measured 6.3 mw. this situation resulted in severe damage to buildings and other infrastructure in several diy areas (kelompok keahlian geodesi itb, 2007). the 2006 earthquake caused damage to almost all diy areas, but the most affected area was bantul regency. the death toll from the earthquake reached more than 4,500 people. based on data from yogyakarta media center, the majority of victims came from bantul, approximately 4,121 people. the rest came from sleman with 240 people, yogyakarta city with 195 people, gunung kidul with 81 people, and kulon progo with 22 people. in addition, the number of injuries from the disaster reached 19,401 people (bappenas, 2006). table 1. number of fatalities and injuries due to the 2006 earthquake regency/city fatality injury bantul 4,121 12,026 sleman 240 3.792 kota yogyakarta 195 318 gunung kidul 81 1,086 kulon progo 22 2,179 total 4,659 19,401 source: yogyakarta media center in preliminary damage and loss assessment of natural disasters in yogyakarta and central java (bappenas, 2006) apart from fatalities and injuries, the earthquake also caused damage to buildings and infrastructure. the data revealed 278 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 that the damage to facilities and infrastructure caused by the 2006 earthquake was much more severe than the previous earthquakes. the earthquake had caused damage to residents by destroying 88,249 house units and seriously damaged houses by 98,342 units. in addition, public facilities were also affected by the earthquake, such as the adi sutjipto airport, railroad tracks, places of worship, and roads, especially in bantul and sleman regencies. (bappenas, 2006). the 2006 earthquake resulted in a substantial financial loss for either diy or central java. these two provinces suffered a loss of rp. 29.1 trillion. the amount of damage reached rp. 22.75 trillion, and the total economic loss reached rp. 6.40 trillion. bantul regency had the most prominent financial loss. compared with regional income and expenditure, the financial loss of bantul regency was 246% (bappenas, 2006). the financial loss suffered by diy, especially bantul regency, resulted in the local government’s disaster emergenc y response capacity diminishing. therefore, the local government required assistance from external parties. the central government has allocated rp 5 trillion in funds. apart from allocating central government funds, foreign organizations provided humanitarian assistance, such as the international federation of red cross and red crescent societies and agencies at the united nations (bappenas, 2006). meanwhile, r e l i g i o u s b a s e d c o m m u n i t y organizations collaborated with foreign partners in carrying out disaster emergency responses in bantul regency. muhammadiyah’s experience in disaster management muhammadiyah contributed significantly to the development of indonesian society. its role is not only to focus on aspects of purification and renewal of islam in indonesia but also to improve the social conditions of the society based on the implementation of surah al-ma’un. the consequence of improving community conditions has encouraged muhammadiyah to play an active role in humanitarian activities. the institutionalization of health services and disaster management originated from the involvement of muhammadiyah in providing humanitarian assistance to the eruption of mount kelud and other major disasters, such as a tsunami. muhammad zahrul anam, sugito international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah ... 279 1) history of pku and mount kelud eruption m u h a m m a d i y a h’s m a i n foundation in humanit ar ian assistance refers to the surah alma’un, which teaches about the urgency of helping fellow creatures of allah swt. based on this foundation, muhammadiyah has succeeded in developing diversification of social services in the community, including educational institutions and orphanages. in subsequent developments, muhammadiyah has been involved in the health and humanitarian fields. muhammadiyah’s movement in the health sector began with establishing the penolong ke s e n g s a r a a n o e m o e m o r oemoem miserable helper (pko). the establishment of pko was an initiative of k.h. ahmad dahlan’s student named k.h. sudjak. initially, pko was intended to provide services and social assistance to difficulties, including assisting disaster victims. the pko’s role in the disaster emergency response movement began when mount kelud in east java erupted in 1919. mount kelud’s eruption on 19 and 20 may 1919 was accompanied by a rain of ash, rain of rocks and gravel, and hot lava. the eruption claimed 5,160 lives (bbc news, 2014). not only causing casualties, but it also caused losses to residents. as many as 104 villages occupied by residents were severely damaged, 1,571 animals died, and several lands belonging to residents, such as rice fields and plantations, were damaged (badan geologi kementerian energi dan sumber daya mineral, 2014). the impact of the destructive eruption of mount kelud in 1919 led various parties to take the initiative to assist. pko, in collaboration with the steun comite keloed, conducted assistance for residents affected by the eruption. the assistance collected was in the form of funds, logistics, and health services. in the case of the mount kelud disaster, the assistance initiated by pko was surplus after being distributed to victims; thus, pko distributed a portion of the aid to help the community in diy. pko developed into a pembina kesejahteraan umum or public welfare development (pku), which has expanded its services to empower marginalized groups, including farmers, laborers, and people with disabilities. however, pku focuses more on the health sector, while marginalized groups are the work area of the community empowerment council developed by muhammadiyah (syifaul, 2019). 280 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 after health and empowerment services, muhammadiyah saw the need to create a particular institution related to humanitarian missions, especially since indonesia is geographically positioned in the ring of fire. in 2005, the muhammadiyah congress in malang decided to establish a lembaga penanggulangan bencana or disaster management institute (lpb), later termed the muhammadiyah disaster management center (mdmc). the decision of the muhammadiyah congress to establish lpb was based on the experience of muhammadiyah exponents in handling the 2004 aceh tsunami (makhasi, 2020). 2) 2004 aceh earthquake and tsunami before the 2006 yogyakarta earthquake, aceh was hit by an earthquake measuring 9.1-9.3 on the richter scale, accompanied by a tsunami on december 26, 2004. it was a tremendous earthquake because it was felt in malaysia, singapore, thailand, myanmar, india, and sri lanka. (syamsidik et al., 2019). the height of the tsunami waves reached up to 30 meters (yudhicara, 2014) which hit the land three times. the death toll from the earthquake and tsunami in aceh was 226,308 people. of the total casualties, 173 thousand were indigenous people. meanwhile, other casualties came from sri lanka with 35 thousand, india with 16 thousand, and thailand with 8 thousand. this natural disaster displaced 1,849,827 survivors, and 394,539 refugees lived around aceh (syamsidik et al., 2019). apart from the casualties, facilities and infrastructure in aceh were severely damaged, including government and private buildings, residential houses, and road access, which in turn crippled the economic activities of residents. damage to public facilities has resulted in 150,000 students being unable to attend school because 1,488 school buildings were not functioning. health services were also disrupted because approximately 26 health centers were damaged. plantation areas of 11,000 hectares in aceh were also damaged (syamsidik et al., 2019). to ease the burden on the acehnese people, muhammadiyah then sent humanitarian missions through the komite muhammadiyah pemulihan aceh or aceh recovery mu h a m m a d i y a h c o m m i t t e e (kmpa). humanitarian missions muhammad zahrul anam, sugito international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah ... 281 were carried out by distributing funds, logistics, and health services. m o r e o v e r, mu h a m m a d i y a h volunteers were tasked with burying the bodies and providing health services for tsunami casualties (detiknews, 2006). apart from short-term disaster response programs, muhammadiyah has also prepared five-year longterm rehabilitation programs. the rehabilitation programs initiated by muhammadiyah are highly diverse, including the physical arrangement of the city, providing educational facilities, providing protection for children and women after the disaster, and ensuring no trafficking of children (liputan6, 2005). muhammadiyah’s humanitarian missions have received sympathy f rom v ar i ou s i nt e r n at i on a l organizations, both state and nonstate-based. muhammadiyah’s stateactor-based partners were ausaid (aust ra lia), usaid (unite d states), and saudi arabia. then, some international organizations working with muhammadiyah in disaster management in aceh were iom, unicef (bush, 2014a). other foreign agencies based on social organizations collaborated with muhammadiyah, such as save the children, asia foundation, and the catholic relief service (bush, 2014a). effectiveness of disaster management in bantul muhammadiyah’s emergency response missions in partnership with international organizations positively impacted improving people’s lives after a disaster. in looking at the effectiveness of mu h am m a d iy a h’s e m e rge n c y response, this section focuses on the degree of partnership associated with the concept of transnational advocacy networks (tans) and cohesiveness associated with social capital in implementing emergency response programs in three districts in bantul, namely, pundong, bambanglipuro, and jetis. 1) pundong pundong is a district in the southeastern region of bantul regency. one of the hamlets in pundong, namely potrobayan, is believed to be one of the epicenters of the 2006 bantul earthquake (tribunjogja.com, 2016). it was due to the opak fault plate crossing pundong, imogiri, pleret, and piyungan districts. the interview with jawawi, one of the government representatives in pundong district, revealed that the impact of the 2006 bantul earthquake had paralyzed 282 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 pundong. jawawi stated that the earthquake had a psychological impact on the pundong community, as they were deeply traumatized. the pundong community received assistance from various institutions originating from within the country or abroad. the forms of assistance varied, from food to health services. however, local government services were disrupted due to the earthquake emergency, causing incomplete earthquake aid administration records. jawawi was unable to identify with certainty the foreign aid coordinated by community organizations. jawawi believed in the role of domestic institutions as mediators for foreign agencies performing humanitarian missions in the pundong district. jawawi did not explain in more detail the names of nongover nment a l organizat ions that acted as mediators of foreign aid, without exception mu h am ma d iy a h . si nc e it s inception, muhammadiyah has allocated aid in the worst affected areas, including pundong district. even though muhammadiyah had social capital in pundong, the officials at the branch and subbranch levels and their families were primarily victims, so they were not much involved in the broader distribution of aid. therefore, admitte d by jawawi, victims of natural disasters in pundong who lived far from road access had difficulty getting assistance. jawawi emphasized that some pundong residents, including jawawi and his neighbors, easily accessed foreign assistance due to the position of their houses close to the road access. in pundong district, muhammadiyah’s high political leverage was evidenced by foreign partnerships in distributing humanitarian aid. however, social capital was low because most management prioritized their families’ safety and internal recovery. therefore, the distribution of foreign aid could not be expanded and could only reach areas of which the radius was close to the aid center. the degree of leverage politics and social capital of muhammadiyah in pundong district can be described in the following figure. muhammad zahrul anam, sugito international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah ... 283 xxx islamic world and politics vol.x. no.x january-june 2021 94 figure 2. the degree of leverage politics and muhammadiyah social capital in pundong (processed by the authors from the interview) figure 2 comes from a thematic analysis, illustrating that the degree of leverage of muhammadiyah politics is very high due to partnerships with foreign institutions in collecting foreign aid in pundong. in contrast, muhammadiyah’s social capital is low. the involvement of the muhammadiyah structure in the pundong district in the distribution of aid was not too high. hence, access to assistance was felt more by residents whose radius of residence was close. jawawi confirmed the low social capital of muhammadiyah during the formation of the disaster resilient village (destana). the formation of destana was intended to make pundong district residents better prepared for possible natural disasters. destana is inclusive, and membership comes from representatives of villagers and community leaders. according to jawawi, muhammadiyah did not officially place its representatives in destana, but rather the personal awareness of muhammadiyah members or sympathizers to join it. 2) bambanglipuro bambanglipuro is a district bordering on the east with pundong district. although not in the path of the opak fault plate, the damage in bambanglipuro due to the 2006 earthquake was exceptionally severe (okezone, 2016). based on interviews with barjilan, the representative 0 5 10 15 20 25 tan modal sosial the role of muhammadiyah in pundong jumlah figure 2. the degree of leverage politics and muhammadiyah social capital in pundong (processed by the authors from the interview) figure 2 comes from a thematic analysis, illustrating that the degree of leverage of muhammadiyah politics is very high due to partnerships with foreign institutions in collecting foreign aid in pundong. in contrast, muhammadiyah’s social capital is low. the involvement of the muhammadiyah structure in the pundong district in the distribution of aid was not too high. hence, access to assistance was felt more by residents whose radius of residence was close. jawawi confirmed the low social capital of muhammadiyah during the formation of the disaster resilient village (destana). the formation of destana was intended to make pundong district residents better prepared for possible natural disasters. destana is inclusive, and membership comes from representatives of villagers and community leaders. according to jawawi, muhammadiyah did not officially place its representatives in destana, but rather the personal awareness of muhammadiyah members or sympathizers to join it. 2) bambanglipuro bambanglipuro is a district bordering on the east with pundong district. although not in the path of the opak fault plate, the damage in bambanglipuro due to the 2006 earthquake was exceptionally severe (okezone, 2016). based on interviews with barjilan, the representative of destana in mulyodadi village, bambanglipuro, the 2006 earthquake had paralyzed the activities of the bambanglipuro community, including those of the village administration. moreover, the distribution of local government assistance to mulyodadi village in bambanglipuro was very slow. initially, the local community carried out cooperation to ease the burden on other residents. furthermore, the community received assistance from foreign agencies. barjilan said the first aid came from turkish nong over nment a l organizat ions 284 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 (ngos), followed by australia, which distributed foods. apart from basic foodstuffs, medical supplies and medical equipment were provided to t he communit y f rom pku muhammadiyah in synergy with australia. in bambanglipuro d i s t r i c t , m u h a m m a d i y a h established a post called people kampong organized (pko). the command post coordinated the aid distributed to the community. in addition to physical needs, pko also provided trauma healing because many survivors experienced psychological problems. some residents lost loved family members, liveliho o ds, and p oss essions accumulated over the years. their children faced the same problems because they lost their parents and the opportunity to go to school. the effectiveness and success of the emergency response and muhammadiyah rehabilitation programs are inseparable from the existence of muhammadiyah in bambanglipuro since 1962. according to sumardi, a former pimpinan cabang muhammadiyah o r b r a n c h m a n a g e r o f mu h a m m a d i y a h ( p c m ) o f bambanglipuro, most of the mosques in bambanglipuro were founded by muhammadiyah. the residents felt the involvement of muhammadiyah administrators and sympathizers in the emergency response. moreover, din syamsuddin, a for mer chairman of the muhammadiyah central executive, once visited bambanglipuro district to ensure that humanitarian aid had been distributed to affected communities. in bambanglipuro district, muhammadiyah’s social capital was quite strong. this social capital was an essential element in carrying out post-disaster rehabilitation pro g r ams . c om mu n it y an d muhammadiyah members in bambanglipuro succeeded in building an emergency school with the help of an emergency tent from the muhammadiyah provincial leadership of diy. after that, the school building renovation could be conducted ideally in cooperation between muhammadiyah and japan, known as sd muhammadiyah nderman. in addition to infrastructure renovations, muhammadiyah also held disaster preparedness training at the komando kesiapsiagaan angkatan muda muhammadiyah or muhammadiyah youth force preparedness command (kokam). the success of muhammadiyah’s humanitarian mission in the b ambang lipuro distric t was muhammad zahrul anam, sugito international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah ... 285 primarily determined by the degree of cohesiveness of muhammadiyah members rather than leverage politics (tans). although the number of foreign partners helping in bambanglipuro was not as many as in other affected areas, muhammadiyah’s high degree of social capital contributed to the achievement of muhammadiyah’s humanitarian mission targets. the following is an overview of the comparison of the degree of leverage politics with social capital. xxx islamic world and politics vol.x. no.x january-june 2021 96 muhammadiyah youth force preparedness command (kokam). the success of muhammadiyah’s humanitarian mission in the bambanglipuro district was primarily determined by the degree of cohesiveness of muhammadiyah members rather than leverage politics (tans). although the number of foreign partners helping in bambanglipuro was not as many as in other affected areas, muhammadiyah’s high degree of social capital contributed to the achievement of muhammadiyah’s humanitarian mission targets. the following is an overview of the comparison of the degree of leverage politics with social capital. figure 3. the degree of leverage politics (tans) and social capital in bambanglipuro district (processed by the authors from the interview) barjilan reiterated that the contribution of residents with muhammadiyah backgrounds in the distribution of disaster relief was enormous. sumardi added, muhammadiyah played a role in the socialization of destana by inviting school heads in bambanglipuro district, administrators of muhammadiyah branches (pcm) and ‘aisyiyah (pca) branch managers, as well as community representatives, to support the destana program. in this context, the local government synergized with muhammadiyah to implement the destana program. 3) jetis as in pundong, jetis district, located in the southeast of bantul regency, is included in the opak fault plate’s area (liputan6, 2016). therefore, the damage to physical buildings and infrastructure in jetis was massive and severe, such as schools and residential areas. the earthquake 0 5 10 15 20 25 tan modal sosial the role of muhammadiyah in bambanglipuro jumlah figure 3. the degree of leverage politics (tans) and social capital in bambanglipuro district (processed by the authors from the interview) barjilan reiterated that the contribution of residents with muhammadiyah backgrounds in the distribution of disaster relief was enormous. sumardi added, muhammadiyah played a role in the socialization of destana by inviting school heads in bambanglipuro d i s t r i c t , a d m i n i s t r at or s of muhammadiyah branches (pcm) and ‘aisyiyah (pca) branch managers, as well as community representatives, to support the destana program. in this context, the local government synergized with muhammadiyah to implement the destana program. 3) jetis as in pundong, jetis district, located in the southeast of bantul regency, is included in the opak fault plate’s area (liputan6, 2016). therefore, the damage to physical buildings and infrastructure in jetis was massive and severe, such as schools and residential areas. the earthquake caused tremendous anxiety among the people living in this district, especially when they encountered a tsunami. in an uncertain psychological c o n d i t i o n , b e c a u s e m o s t communities suffered property losses and even lives, muhammadiyah immediately took an emergency response in jetis. haikal, a teacher at sd muhammadiyah blawong and a muhammadiyah activist, admitted that the fastest assistance to jetis came from muhammadiyah. the first aid was the establishment of 286 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 refugee barracks and a command post. after the command post was established, muhammadiyah was immediately assessed by collecting data on the number of victims. injured victims received immediate medical attention. in addition to the evacuation barracks, muhammadiyah also established a public kitchen assisted by the angkatan muda muhammadiyah or muhammadiyah youth force (amm) in jetis district. the existence of muhammadiyah and amm administrators in blawong village was an advantage for jetis district. all foreign aid collected by muhammadiyah was first concentrated in blawong before being distributed by the muhammadiyah balwong board to other villages in the vicinity. the initial assistance was logistics in the form of food. then, muhammadiyah, in collaboration with ausaid, established a temporary hospital to facilitate health services. like bambanglipuro, muhammadiyah founded the pko. through pko, muhammadiyah built emergency schools and assistance to vulnerable groups, namely children and pregnant women. moreover, muhammadiyah worked on trauma healing, especially for children, through cheerful school facilities. hai k a l e mphas i z e d t hat the percentage of assistance attempted and distributed by muhammadiyah exceeded the gover nment. mu hammadiya h could bridge between foreign donor agencies and the needs of the community. muhammadiyah’s strong social capital in blawong village was beneficial in assisting and implementing post-disaster rehabilitation programs, resulting in more residents receiving the assistance because it was well coordinated. the effectiveness of muhammadiyah’s humanitarian mission in blawong village was related to the degree of social capital owned by muhammadiyah. the degree of social capital and leverage politics (tans) of muhammadiyah can be illustrated in the following figure. xxx islamic world and politics vol.x. no.x january-june 2021 98 figure 4. the degree of leverage politics (tans) and social capital in jetis district (processed by the authors from the interview) the experience of the 2006 yogyakarta earthquake in blawong village raised the awareness of muhammadiyah residents to increase their capacity to face the possibility of a similar disaster or other disasters. therefore, muhammadiyah youth has regularly conducted disaster training to kokam and sar. in addition, school children have been provided disaster simulations through the disaster-resilient school program. all disaster mitigation programs were part of the pko program developed by muhammadiyah administrators in blawong village. conclusions since its inception, muhammadiyah has shown concern for vulnerable groups through charity movements based on islamic teachings. muhammadiyah’s involvement in handling earthquakes and other natural disasters is understood as a manifestation of the implementation of islamic teachings. the 2006 yogyakarta earthquake caused the most casualties and damage to infrastructure than other similar disasters in the previous period. the most affected area was the bantul regency, especially pundong district, which was the epicenter of the tectonic earthquake, followed by bambanglipuro and jetis districts. the emergency response efforts undertaken by the local government have not been fully optimized for several reasons. first, local government infrastructure was damaged by the earthquake. second, the local government did not prepare earthquake disaster mitigation scenarios. due 0 5 10 15 20 25 tan modal sosial the role of muhammadiyah in jetis jumlah figure 4. the degree of leverage politics (tans) and social capital muhammad zahrul anam, sugito international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah ... 287 in jetis district (processed by the authors from the interview) the experience of the 2006 yogyakarta earthquake in blawong village raised the awareness of muhammadiyah residents to increase their capacity to face the possibility of a similar disaster or other disasters. therefore, muhammadiyah youth has regularly conducted disaster training to kokam and sar. in addition, school children have been provided disaster simulations through the disaster-resilient school program. all disaster mitigation programs were part of the pko program developed by muhammadiyah administrators in blawong village. conclusions s i n c e i t s i n c e p t i o n , mu ham ma d iy a h has show n concern for vulnerable groups t hroug h char it y movements based on islamic teachings. muhammadiyah’s involvement in handling earthquakes and other natural disasters is understood as a manifestation of the implementation of islamic teachings. the 2006 yogyakarta earthquake caused the most casualties and damage to infrastructure than other similar disasters in the previous period. the most affected area was the bantul regency, especially pundong district, which was the epicenter of the tectonic earthquake, followed by bambanglipuro and jetis districts. the emergenc y response efforts undertaken by the local government have not been fully optimized for several reasons. first, local government infrastructure was damaged by the earthquake. second, the local government did not prepare earthquake disaster mitigation scenarios. due to the earthquake’s impact, private groups also could not help much in the emergency response. therefore, mu hammadiya h imme di ately coordinated with third parties or foreign partners to conduct emergency response and postearthquake rehabilitation in bantul regency. several foreign partners who collaborated with muhammadiyah in responding to natural disasters included australia, japan, libya, and korea. humanitarian aid from foreign partners distributed to the three most affected areas in bantul—pundong, bambanglipuro, and jetis districts became the f o c u s o f mu h a m m a d i y a h’s emergency response. the aid would not be distributed effectively without coordination with the 288 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 muhammadiyah board, members, or sympathizers in the three districts. therefore, the effectiveness of muhammadiyah’s emergency response was primarily determined by the degree of social capital (cohesiveness) and leverage politics (transnational advocacy networks or tans). however, the degree of social capital and leverage politics in the three districts differed, impacting the effectiveness of aid distribution. in pundong district, the degree of muhammadiyah social capital was low, but its political leverage degree was high. thus, the distribution of muhammadiyah aid was only effective in helping residents whose homes were close to road access. furthermore, in bambanglipuro, the degree of social capital was high, in contrast to the degree of leverage politics, which was low. consequently, assistance was well distributed, and the post-disaster programs were running as targeted by muhammadiyah. similarly, in jetis district, social capital was high, but the leverage politics was low. as a result, muhammadiyah activists or sympathizers in blawong village in jetis district became the vanguard for distributing humanitarian aid in other areas. moreover, the village succeeded in forming a disaster management task force from muhammadiyah circles, as in bambanglipuro district. references aco, h. 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(2014, december 31). mengukur dampak tsunami aceh 2004. geomagz. http:// g e o m a g z . g e o l o g i . e s d m . g o . i d / m e n g u k u r d a m p a k t s u n a m i aceh-2004/ journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information communication technology in indonesia muhammad ridha iswardhana international relations department universitas teknologi yogyakarta email: muhammad.ridha@staff.uty.ac.id abstract this article attempts to explain the forms of indonesian cyber diplomacy related to the protection of the use of information technology. in this case, indonesia as the fourth largest country in the world often gets cyber threats and attacks. this was then followed up with efforts to protect it domestically, but was constrained by threats from abroad. the research method used in this study uses a qualitative descriptive analytical approach using the theoretical framework of cyber diplomacy and the concept of information and communication technology. the case analysis will explain the causes and effects of holding indonesian cyber diplomacy based on secondary data. the author finds that the indonesian government does not only use a legal approach through the ite law, but also culture, technological renewal, and diplomacy towards various countries. the indonesian government has enacted the 2008 ite law and has encouraged the wise and positive use of the internet through various approaches. furthermore, the government of indonesia also carries out cyber diplomacy efforts through several relevant ministries towards other countries, both bilaterally, regionally, multilaterally, and internationally. for example, indonesia actively participates in cyber diplomacy at the telmin, admin, pcc, oewg forums and bssn collaborating with various countries to overcome cyber threats. however, it all depends on every internet user to always be vigilant and careful in using cyberspace to avoid the threat of cybercrime. keywords: cyber diplomacy, indonesia, information communication technology, protection, threats. 344 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 introduction the development of information and communication technology (ict) has become an inseparable part of indonesian society. the corona virus disease (covid-19) pandemic has also increased the use of ict, represented by the use of the internet by almost everyone. a total of 202 million of the 274 million population in indonesia have been connected to the internet through various means (republika, 2021). the development of smartphones, abstrak artikel ini berusaha menjelaskan bentuk diplomasi siber indonesia terkait perlindungan penggunaan teknologi informasi. dalam hal ini indonesia sebagai negara terbesar keempat di dunia sering mendapatkan ancaman dan serangan siber. hal ini kemudian ditindaklanjuti dengan upaya perlindungan secara domestik, namun terkendala terhadap ancaman dari luar negeri. metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif secara dekriptif analitis dengan menggunakan kerangka teori diplomasi siber dan konsep teknologi informasi komunikasi. dalam analisa kasus akan menjelaskan sebab akibat diadakannya diplomasi siber indonesia berdasarkan data sekunder. penulis menemukan bahwa pemerintah indonesia tidak hanya menggunakan pendekatan hukum melalui uu ite, melainkan juga budaya, pembaharuan teknologi, dan diplomasi terhadap berbagai negara. pemerintah indonesia telah memberlakukan uu ite 2008 dan mendorong penggunaan internet secara bijak dan positif melalui berbagai pendekatan. selain itu, pemerintah indonesia juga melakukan upaya cyber diplomacy melalui beberapa kementerian terkait terhadap negara lain, baik secara bilateral, regional, multilateral, maupun internasional. misalnya, indonesia berpartisipasi aktif dalam diplomasi siber di forum telmin, admin, pcc, oewg dan bssn yang bekerjasama dengan berbagai negara untuk mengatasi ancaman siber. namun, itu semua tergantung pada setiap pengguna internet untuk selalu waspada dan berhati-hati dalam menggunakan dunia maya agar terhindar dari ancaman kejahatan dunia maya. kata kunci: diplomasi siber, indonesia, teknologi informasi komunikasi, perlindungan, ancaman. muhammad ridha iswardhana cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information ... 345 laptops, tablets, smart tvs, to smartwatches has made people more aware of information technology. payment transactions, marketplaces, and various online services also encourage information technology to be widely used. the internet has become one of the most important needs, but it was different in the late 2010s when the internet was only for entertainment and additional needs. ease of access, speed of service, and a more affordable cost are considerations in using the internet. especially when the world is faced with the phenomenon of the covid-19 pandemic, which causes people to be advised to stay at home more, this is a factor that drives the internet to become more familiar in indonesia (kompas.com, 2020). there are some new habits after the covid-19 pandemic, especially in terms of work from home (wfh), school from home (sfh), and virtual meetings, have caused information technology to have shifted to become a significant need, these three things cause people to become addicted to the internet. then, almost all levels of society have become internet users, ranging from small children, teenagers to the elderly. in terms of facilities, as many as 195.3 million people, or the equivalent of 94.6% of the internet, are accessed via smartphones with average access of 8 hours 52 minutes every day. meanwhile, the average internet speed in indonesia reaches 23.32 mbps for fiber optic network users and 17.2 mbps for cellular networks (kompas, 2021). in indonesia, internet users consist of various groups, ranging from business circles, students, students, employees to housewives. meanwhile, the number of internet users is concentrated on the island of java, followed by people on the islands of sumatra, sulawesi, kalimantan, and other islands, as is the reality of the indonesian population. these various realities can be seen as “two sides of a coin,” namely opportunities and challenges. the efficiency and effectiveness in various ways are also followed by the threat of cybercrime (danuri and suharwi, 2017). based on the various things above, this article seeks to dissect in-depth in the form of how is indonesia’s diplomacy to overcome various existing cyber problems and what are the indonesian government’s domestic protection policies to overcome cyber threats from the perspective of cyber diplomacy theor y and the information c om mu n i c at i on te c h n o l o g y 346 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 concept. moreover, this topic tends to have not been studied in-depth, especially from the point of view of indonesian researchers. theoretical framework cyber diplomacy theory according to hodzic, cyber diplomacy is increasingly used by major global political actors to describe transformations in diplomacy in the digital era. the evolution of diplomacy in cyberspace revolves around new social media, orientation to public actors, and cyber threats and cyber behaviour as new areas in international politics. in addition, cyber diplomacy can also be an evolution of public diplomacy and referred to as public diplomacy 2.0. the development of cyber diplomacy is a response to shifts in international relations (hodzic, 2017). in general, cyber diplomacy adopts a foreign agenda, including c y b e r s e c u r i t y, c y b e r c r i m e m an age me nt , t r u st bu i l d i ng , international freedom, and internet governance. cyber diplomacy is a form of diplomacy in the cyber area through the performance of diplomatic functions to secure the state’s interests. this kind of diplomacy can be understood as an effort by referring to the foreign policy agenda to facilitate c o m m u n i c a t i o n , n e g o t i a t e agreements, gather information and intelligence from other countries to avoid friction in cyberspace. cyber diplomacy in its implementation involves diplomac y, conf lic t resolution, agreements and policies related to the cyber world. this cyber diplomacy is a means of using diplomatic resources and functions to secure national interests related to cyberspace. the information communication technology concept the word technology comes from the greek, ‘techne’, which means expertise and ‘logia’ which means knowledge. in a narrow sense, technology refers to objects used to facilitate human activities, such as machines, tools, or hardware (rusman et al., 2013). meanwhile, rogers explained that technology is an instrumental step design to explain the causal relationship in achieving the expected results deeply. this technology generally has two components: hardware aspects in the form of equipment and software aspects in the form of information (ishak and dermawan, 2019). information and communication technology is a means and muhammad ridha iswardhana cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information ... 347 infrastructure (hardware, software, useware) systems and methods for obtaining, transmitting, processing, inter preting, storing, organizing and using data meaningfully. information technology provides many conveniences in managing information in terms of storing, retrieving and updating information. information technology is also a technology used to process, process, obtain, compile, store, manipulate data in various ways to produce quality information (wardiana, 2002). the development of global information and communication technolog y has succeeded in bringing together computing, television, radio and telephone capabilities in an integrated manner through the internet. this result is a combination of revolutions in personal computers, data transmission and compression, bandwidth, data storage technology and multimedia integration access, and computer networks. this development in internet has brought together various media, namely sound (voice and audio), video, graphic images, and text. research method this study uses a qualitative approach, an approach that places the researcher’s view on something studied subjectively. researchers appreciate and pay attention to the subjective views of each subject under study. the type of research used in this research is descriptive analysis. in this case, the researcher tries to provide a systematic and comprehensive picture of the problems faced regarding cyber attacks, types and actors, actions taken, and forms of cyber diplomacy cooperation. referring to the data in the form of qualitative data, analysing it used an interpretive approach (interpretive approach). the qualitative data process refers to the standards owned by babbie (2008), namely: coding, memoing, and concept mapping. the coding process is the process of classifying and categorising data. memoing process is the process of writing memos or notes for researchers in research activities. finally, concept mapping is the process of mapping relationships between various concepts. result and discussion data leaks in indonesia during the last three years, there have been several incidents of personal data leaks in indonesia. the leak of private company data began 348 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 in march 2019 when 13 million bukalapak customers were sold illegally (okezone, 2021); one year later, 91 million tokopedia users were sold on dark sites in may 2020; 1.2 bhinneka users’ data continued in the last month. similarly, as many as 890,000 creditplus online loan customers were also suspected of leaking in august 2020; then the leak also happened to shopback users in september 2020; then there were recorded leaks of 2.9 million cermati users and 5.8 million reddoorz users in november 2020. meanwhile, government agencies also the 2014 general election permanent voters list (dpt election) leaked 2.3 million population data (kompas. com, 2021), 279 million population data at bpjs health leaked on may 21, 2020, and 230 thousand data on covid-19 patients were also suspected experienced a leak (cnn indonesia, 2021). the data is intentionally sold on illegal forums for improper purposes. these various personal data are horrendous because they are large amounts and contain essential information, such as name, bank account, credit card, telephone number, email address, date of birth, income, and other information. the data leak does not only occur in government institutions but also in private companies. most hackers try to steal user data which mostly happens on e-commerce and online lending. various data leaks in indonesia can show the magnitude of the risks and dangers of irresponsible parties’ misuse of technological advances. service providers who receive and store data should have security and confidentiality that can be hacked, which leads to personal data being sold freely. this reality is one of the fundamental challenges to the development of information technology. moreover, indonesia, as a country with the fourthlargest internet user background in the world, indonesia still faces many challenges that need to be resolved together. if we look at the geographical conditions and demographics of the population, then indonesia tends to be very vulnerable to the threat of information technology. cyber crime threats in indonesia in addition, there are also the phenomena of hoaxes, hate speech, terrorism, online fraud, and cybercrime, which are the five most significant threats to the use of information technology (infokomputer, 2021). the five threats are happened due to the muhammad ridha iswardhana cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information ... 349 people who have not been fully careful in using technology, causing the internet to become a means for criminal acts. the author attempts to explain these five phenomena as follows: 1. hoaxes are the first harmful impact of the ease of information dissemination along with advances in information t e c h n o l o g y. t h e pu b l i c misuses the existence of news disseminated using online means on the internet platform to spread false news. a hoax can be understood as a product of fake news and attempts to deceive readers into believing something to create public opinion in a particular community. the spread of fake news mainly occurs on social media, reaching 92.40%, which shows how communication interactions become vulnerable to be used as an effort to divide society. the low literacy and habit of people believing in myths is the leading cause of many hoaxes in indonesia. moreover, the 2014 and 2019 general elections made social media considered a source of information for some people. when reading habits are still low while dealing with the development of news through online media, many residents quickly conclude without trying to find out further (juditha, 2018). moreover, hoaxes are used as economic income for certain groups to vilify certain groups or groups, making hoaxes widespread. however, many parties only use hoaxes for political gain and economic gain without considering the impact. as a result, riots occurred in wamena, papua, in 2019 caused by racism, which was responded to by demonstrations by students, which ended in chaos and caused 16 residents to die as victims (jawa pos, 2019). in general, society is now divided into two groups: groups that are considered to believe hoaxes as truth and communities that have studied whether it is merely fake news. 2. hate speech followed as the second threat to the existence of internet technology in indonesia. this hate speech occurs because they are not aware of the limitations in the use of social media and ignorant of the rules in social media (febriansyah & purwinatro, 350 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 2020). although it is often considered a hoax because it is widely disseminated on social media and online news, hate speech has a fundamental difference. hate speech can be understood as an attempt to intentionally abuse the freedom of the public sphere to attack and damage a particular person, group, institution, or institution because of specific differences. this hate speech is very contrary to the polite eastern culture and the pancasila ideology adopted by the indonesian people. efforts to insult, defamation, and provoke the public have wrong meanings, and hate tendencies are some of the characteristics of hate speech (ningrum et al., 2018). the right to freedom of expression and the existence of public spaces is ‘ridden’ by certain groups who have the economic capital and the ability to spread wrong i n f or m at i on . s e nt i m e nt s of thought, political views, political interests, economic inequality, prejudice, hatred, resentment, and polarization in society cause hate speech to spread widely. differences in backgrounds and groups with different interests cause efforts to shape people’s way of thinking to hate groups that are considered opponents by using hate speech. these conditions not only threatens democracy in indonesia but also harm the unity and integrity of society. as a result, riots occurred in tolikara, papua, due to the spread of hate speech on social media in 2017 (kusumasari & arfianto, 2020). 3. terrorism and radicalism are the next dark side to the ease of information technology globally, especially in indonesia. the existence of these two things has succeeded in threatening people’s lives in the real world and has an impact on the virtual world. if initially, the terrorists succeeded in creating fear and fear through bombs, attacks, and various other violent attempts. furthermore, social media is a new struggle that is being used to spread radicalism in line with the significance of the use of information technology. when mass media and social media use the internet, these terrorist groups try to “set the stage” for themselves. by creating muhammad ridha iswardhana cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information ... 351 one-sided reporting that uses the emotional side and the similarity of specific religious backgrounds, the pro-violence groups make publicity efforts. this misleading propaganda targets teenagers and unstable young people, tend to be less knowledgeable about islam, and is easily instigated with specific religious labels (fahmi, 2018). terrorist groups seek to gain the trust and support of online readers to fight conventional news and ideologies that are perceived to be against them. the use of websites, showing videos, uploading photos, and short message facilities cont aining violence and radicalism is an attempt by terrorist groups to show their existence and spread their ideology (junaedi, 2010). the most dangerous influence of the existence of terrorism in the use of the internet and social media is as an effort to recruit new members in order to carry out the next terror attack. the development of the islamic state of iraq and syria (isis) in 2014, which later grew into a sizeable terrorist organization, can occur due to the use of twitter media in their militia recruitment. posting an invitation to join that is ‘labeled’ in the name of jihad using various social media attracts thousands of members every year from all over the world. the existence of the internet allows isis to control the propaganda and recruitment of prospective members without having to meet in person. the thamrin bombings in jakarta in 2016 and the surabaya police attack in 2018 can show how dangerous the misuse of information technology by terrorism and radicalism groups is, that bomb attacks occurred in indonesia while the leaders of the isis group were in syria and iraq (nuruzzaman, 2018). 4. online fraud is then a threat of misuse of information technology in terms of economic activities and transactions. along with the convenience and efficiency of information technology, it encourages an increase in digital economic activities. needs and markets that are no longer in physical form create a new lifestyle in electronic transactions. the goods to services trade can all 352 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 be made online just by using a finger on a smartphone. these developments are then also directly proportional to the increase in online fraud crimes. data shows that 48% of consumers are victims of cyber fraud, with 6% of them have become victims and losing money. meanwhile, the average loss is estimated at idr 3.6 million, with 54% of them successfully getting their money back in full. in committing the crime, online fraud can take several forms, including fraud with fake websites, fake emails, use of telephones, sending sms, and credit card media. some examples of forms of cyber fraud, including sending messages when winning a prize, asking for important information such as a secret password, and contacting to tell them if a relative has been robbed, all of which will lead to an attempt to trick potential victims into sending some money for various reasons (samudra, 2019). another form of fraud is to sell products at prices below the average price on the internet. not infrequently, many victims of fraud are easily tempted by the low price but instead get goods that do not match or even do not get the product ordered at all. many causes of online fraud are still often found in internet media, for example, economic factors, lack of experience, ignorance of the threat of fraud, low awareness of legal compliance, and digital transactions without protection (sumenge, 2013). the public needs to access education before making digital transactions to avoid the threat of cyber fraud. 5. cybercrime has multiple means. the threat of this crime can take the form of virus attacks, malware, cracking, hacking, and other efforts. for example, indonesia was the second most frequent destination after china in ransomware and wannacry malware attacks in 2018. indonesia was ahead of australia, hong kong, and singapore, which experienced these c y bercrime attacks (bisnis.com, 2019). most of these attacks occur when people access websites and emails that intentionally contain viruses and malware, which increased 4 times bigger compared to the previous year (liputan6, muhammad ridha iswardhana cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information ... 353 2019). the various threats of cybercrime aim to be able to intercept financial transactions and obtain personal data. if a device has been infected with these viruses and malware, the perpetrators can quickly get private, confidential data that can be misused or become a victim of extortion. not infrequently, it then leads to mastery of emails, social media, and even credit cards of victims, which leads to fraud and extortion. the greatest threat from cybercrime is if it is aimed at public officials, military officials, or leaders of state institutions who can obtain vital data and state secrets. another example is when south korea experienced an attack allegedly carried out by north korea, which succeeded in crippling some of the banking sectors in 2014 (suara.com, 2014). cybercrime can be dangerous for every country that can disrupt various vital objects such as the financial sector, electricity, navigation, transportation, and even the military. types of cybercriminals based on the explanation above, it can be understood that information technology has made changes to human life. if previously everyone interacted more and did many activities in the real world, on the contrary now each individual is familiar with using the virtual world to fulfill many needs. advances in technology encourage people to be able to access and disseminate various information freely through the internet. the internet has become a new space for communities to share data, express opinions, and follow a developing lifestyle. however, many conveniences will certainly pose various threats, considering that currently, the existence of the internet has blurred the boundaries and clarity of internet use (chotimah; iswardhana; pratiwi, 2019). life in the era of globalization on the internet is different from activities in the real world because it can be accessed by anyone, anytime, and anywhere. there are potentials and risks of contact between one individual and another, both in terms of cooperation or conflict. differences background of internet users can also increase the potential profit and risk of loss. an anonymity element in cyberspace makes a fundamental difference to the real 354 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 world, which encourages many parties to carry out behaviors that harm others, either unknowingly or intentionally (makarim, 2005). it can be understood how significant the potential cyber threat is in various crimes in cyberspace. moreover, the risk of this threat can befall anyone, either when we are fully aware or careless. some of the objectives of cyber threats that often occur, including (magdalena, 2007): 1) social media, 2) e-commerce, 3) e-learning, 4) credit card, 5) copyright, and 6) trade secrets. based on various sources, the author summarizes several types of crimes in cyberspace, including (iswardhana, 2021): 1) fraud, 2) data tampering, 3) information breach, 4) unauthorized access, 5) piracy, 6) wiretapping, 7) theft of personal data, 8) spreading fake news, 9) broadcasting of hate speech, 10) pornography, 11) blackmail, 12) banking and credit card crimes, 13) hijacking of economic transactions, and 14) cyber terrorism. if we viewed from the side of cybercriminals, it could be divided into two actors (sulaiman, 2002): 1) internal actors, meaning that the perpetrator has direct access to the victim. this is indicated by manipulating, changing, and modifying software and hardware that connects the perpetrator and the victim. the forms of crimes committed are often related to online fraud and terrorism, radicalism. usually, this is closely related to internet crimes with the same network by perpetrators who have knowledge and experience in specific fields. 2) external actors, meaning that the perpetrators can interfere and damage various activities on the internet even though they do not have the same network as the victim. perpetrators tend to use the means of writing, sound, video, viruses, and malware. most of the crimes committed are in the form of hoaxes, hate speech, and cybercrimes. even though they do not have direct access, muhammad ridha iswardhana cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information ... 355 perpetrators can take actions that are considered detrimental to their good name, from infiltration to burglary. cyber law approach and rules responding to the various threats above, the government of indonesia cooperates with private service providers called the indonesia information sharing and analysis center. the cooperation forum is a means of sharing information related to threats, vulnerabilities, risks, issues, assessments, and handling cyberattacks in information technology. although it tends to be voluntary, this collaboration has many members from private and public companies. based on kominfo data (2019), several members of this forum, including: 1) te l e k o m u n i k a s i s e l u l a r (telkomsel), 2) xynexis international, 3) smart telecom, 4) telkom, 5) pandi, 6) xl axiata, 7) indosat, 8) aplikanusa lintasarta, 9) data sinergitama jaya (elitery), 10) apjii, 11) pwc, 12) kpmg, and 13) pt sampoerna telematics. then, there are several ways to overcome various threats in information technology, namely: a cultural approach, technology renewal, and law enforcement. first, the cultural approach can form healthy habits in internet use (siagian et al., 2018). the public can use the virtual world for various positive benefits, for example, selling, promotion, service transactions, seeking journal literacy, and others. in addition, it is crucial to counteract harmful content in cyberspace by strengthening literacy for the community. netizens are encouraged to read more and find out the truth of the information before trusting and spreading it. the public can also check websites owned by the government through the ministry of communication and information to check the authenticity of the information. if the cyber community has been reduced and can distinguish between true and false information, it can slowly encourage internet users to fight harmful content. in the end, good habits in using the internet will make good use of the virtual world ecosystem to provide benefits for all parties. 356 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 second, technology updates can be carried out by requiring every service provider on the internet to improve security regularly. it is important to protect networks, software, and hardware from being compromised, eavesdropped on, and accessed illegally. service providers must periodically update and protect their information and communication technology infrastructure. the broader the scope of services, the greater the number of users, which leads to a higher risk of cyber threats to the providers of these products and services. if the system has strong defense and security capabilities, it can ward off various threats of sabotage, piracy, theft, and data destruction. third, it is necessary to have rules that provide certainty and explanations for various activities in cyberspace related to law enforcement. referring to this urge, the term cyberlaw or cyberlaw has emerged in the context of efforts to protect, supervise, and enforce the law in cyberspace. this cyber law is needed to provide legal certainty, protection, and sanctions for allowed and prohibited things in using the internet. there is a tendency for internet users who feel they have the right to violate and harm the rights of others, both in ideas, words, actions, and other actions while using information technology. on the other hand, some specific individuals and parties deliberately create bad things to fulfill particular economic and political interests. cyber protection by the government of indonesia following up on the many threats that occur on the internet, the government of indonesia has made efforts to recognize and protect cyber against the public by showing the existence of law number 11 of 2008 concerning information and economic transactions (uu ite). the ite law contains stipulations, mandates, limitations, protections, prohibitions, and sanctions for various activities related to the use of information and communication technology. the ite law also regulates electronic transactions, on line commerce, and t he recognition of digital content as legal evidence. in the cyber law aspect, as stated in the ite law, it has protected and enforced the law for anyone who owns, stores, disseminates, and takes any action that harms other parties and violates the law. suppose we look at the reality of indonesia, which has the most significant muhammad ridha iswardhana cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information ... 357 number of internet users, which reaches 202 million people, the risk of cyberattacks increases. reflecting on this in article 27-34 of the ite law, articles 36-40 have explained the forms of legal violations that are accompanied by criminal sanctions, including data confidentiality, cyber attacks, and access breaches. the existence of the ite law is one of the legal bases for the protection and enforcement of the law for the indonesian people who use the internet or commonly called warganet (economic balance daily, 2019). moreover, if the netizen suffers losses due to the actions of others in cyberspace, then this law can be used as a means of defending rights. all activities carried out using the internet that causes loss, damage, and harm to citizens in indonesia can use the ite law as a legal tool. some parties consider the ite law to be a ‘rubber article’ misused based on defamation of anything on the internet. based on the release of the directorate general of legislation of the ministry of law and human rights (2019), the authors collect at least twenty things guaranteed in the ite law, such as: 1) confidentiality 2) data protection 3) securing economic transactions 4) electronic signature 5) trade secret 6) intellectual property rights 7) online promotion 8) electronic evidence 9) legality of online services 10) responsibilities of online services 11) protection of financial transactions and investments 12) protection against loss of information 13) dispute resolution 14) prohibition of spreading fake news 15) prohibition of insults 16) gambling ban 17) prohibition of prostitution and immoral activities 18) ban on blackmail 19) prohibition of threats by force 20) prohibition of online fraud there is also a criminal code (kitab undang-undang hukum pidana/kuhp) and a civil code (kitab undang-undang hukum perdata/kuhper). the two laws have explained orders, prohibitions, and punishments to every party and institution that harms other parties, primarily when it occurs in cyberspace. all actions that are 358 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 considered disturbing, damaging, and harming others in any form can be imposed in the legal rules of the criminal code and the criminal code. cyber law protection and enforcement are focused not only on the ite law but also on other legal rules, taking into account technological advances (ersya, 2017). r e g a r d i n g c y b e r c r i m e , indonesia has an organisation that handles all complaints against cybercrime, namely id-cert (computer emergency response team) and id-sirtii (indonesian security incident response team on internet infrastructure). id-cert and id-sirtii have the same duties and functions to record and respond to all public complaints regarding security disturbances on the internet (setiadi et al., 2012). meanwhile, the police established a cyber crime investigation center at the criminal investigation unit at the national police headquarters and a cyber crime investigation satellite office (cciso) at several provincial police headquarters (polda) with the assistance of the australian federal police (afp) (tekno.kompas.com, 2013). however, there are obstacles when actors from abroad carry out cyberattacks because the perpetrators are outside the jurisdiction of indonesia. it tends to be difficult to enforce the law while the perpetrator is not a citizen and is not domiciled in indonesia. the rules of the ite law, the criminal code, and the criminal code require a long process and time to carry out the judicial process. cooperation and standard rules are needed regarding the protection, supervision, and law enforcement across countries against actors who cause harm to indonesian citizens. the indonesian government can use diplomacy and law enforcement by collaborating with friendly countries or reporting to interpol. however, researchers have difficulty finding data on the number of foreign actors arrested for attacking indonesian cyberattacks from other countries. this is because apart from interpol, indonesia and the country of origin of the perpetrator must have an extradition treaty. indonesia’s cyber diplomacy towards global regarding protection against cyber attacks, the international community has a global cooperation related to cybersecurity called the international telecommunication union (itu). itu was established muhammad ridha iswardhana cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information ... 359 in 2003 as a follow-up to the 2001 united nations general assembly to tackle cyber attacks together. itu is at the forefront of promoting shared values and standards in cyberspace to be put to positive use. despite being the world’s highest cyber institution, itu has drawbacks related to not having the authority to provide legal action for each country. as a result, each country tends to carry out more protection against cyber attacks and wars in accordance with their respective interests. in addition, each country then makes policies according to its national initiatives and needs. regarding law enforcement, most countries prefer to cooperate with interpol to catch the perpetrators of cyber-attacks in other countries. (parestri, 2016). indonesia has served as a member of the board and executive board at itu in the period 2008-2013 (kemenlu, 2013) apart from itu, there is international cooperation that is related to cyber threats, namely: international multilateral partnership against cyber threats (impact). impact was established in 2011 in collaboration with itu (kittichaisaree, 2017). in relation to impact as a united nations (un)backed cyber security alliance, indonesia as a member country of the un also actively involved in diplomacy by encouraging cyber security. furthermore, there is standard rule called the paris call for trust and security in cyberspace. this rule has been signed by 51 world countries, including developed countries in europe. the international agreement aims to ward off attacks and cyber warfare. through the agreement, it has been regulated that all internet infrastructure and facilities are not misused as a means of cyber attacks (cnn, 2019). in addition, this convention can prevent cyber wars from happening that lead to conflicts and wars in the real world. however, cyber issues do not yet fully have the same understanding because it tends to be controlled by the military for self-defense and retaliation for attacks (cnn indonesia, 2019). indonesia supports this agreement as demonstrated by the membership of the indonesian corporate counsel association (icaa), indonesia cyber security forum (icsf), and special olympics indonesia (paris call, 2021). indonesia also succeeded in becoming one of the initiators in a joint declaration called the asean declaration to prevent and combat cybercrime in 2017. this agreement can serve as a basis for reference and a form of shared 360 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 understanding of cybersecurity threats. the indonesian government is also actively promoting crossborder cooperation at the bilateral, multilateral, and international levels that support the wise use of the internet (media indonesia, 2019). following up on the declaration of cyber protection in the southeast asia region, there are computer emergenc y resp ons e te ams (certs), tele communicat ion ministerial meeting (telmin), and asean digital ministerial meeting (admin). certss are forums that discuss cyber issues and efforts to deal with the threat of cyber attacks (kittichaisaree, 2017). meanwhile, telmin is a negotiation forum in the region that later developed into admin at the input of indonesia to discuss cyber and digital issues since 2019. through telmin and admin, indonesia has contributed to various meetings to further discuss digital protection into broader cyber. meanwhile, several indonesian government institutions that carry out cyber diplomacy include the coordinating ministry for political, legal and security affairs (kemenko polhukam), ministry of foreign affairs (kemlu), national cyber and crypto agency (bssn), ministry of communication and information (kemenkominfo), ministry of defense (kemhan), and the indonesian national army (tni) (chotimah et al., 2019). one form of diplomacy that bssn has done is by partnering with various world countries, such as the united states, china, russia, britain, the netherlands, and australia (bssn, 2019). the collaboration carried out by bssn is related to cyber protection and terrorism. diplomacy between bssn and partners in the united states, china, and russia can be a mapping effort and a means of mitigation considering that these three countries are the most prominent cyber attack destinations globally. through these various collaborations and diplomacy, indonesia can bridge the interests of indonesia to protect and enforce cyber law in cyberspace. indonesia also actively holds and participates in various international me e t i ng s i n g l ob a l publ i c discussions, such as: establishing a policy planning consultation (pcc) in geneva in 2017, participating in the 5th annual cyber intelligence asia in malaysia in 2017, and being involved in the open-ended working group on international information security (oewg on iis) in 2019 (kemlu, 2018). muhammad ridha iswardhana cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information ... 361 it is understood that the development and utilization of information technolog y and cyberspace, including digital media and social media, also brings consequences of increasing threats to the security of the information exchanged. real-world crime is now also shifting to cyberspace. it is undeniable that cybersecurity has embraced almost all aspects of public services, from infrastructure, aviation, finance, trade, to national security, due to the increasing dependence on digital technology. reflecting on this issue, how important is the role of cyber diplomacy in guarding national policies, especially in the digital sector. moreover, there is also a difference in understanding of cybersecurity in each country in the international world due to global political developments and differences in national interests. several factors cause these obstacles, including (cahyadi, 2017): a) differences in norms and values that are understood by each country b) differences in interests between developed and developing countries c) different perspectives on cyber defense d) there is no agreement that is fully binding on each country e) every country is trying to dominate the cyber world. various conditions above are the obstacle to creating a cybersecurity protection and governance regime. it is necessary to have a policy that can protect the interests of national cyber security and contribute to making a collective agreement in understanding how to deal with cyber threats. this can be resolved peacefully between countries through cyber diplomacy, which provides understanding for each country regarding cyber protection and cooperation. cyber diplomacy is distinguished from digital diplomacy, which emphasizes using digital tools and techniques to conduct diplomacy. the similarity is that diplomats and non-state actors can carry out cyber diplomacy and digital diplomacy. there are two things we can do to maintain security to maintain international cybersecurity, through cyber diplomacy: the first is to build trust between countries through cybersecurity diplomacy and minimize conflict and an emergency response team from it to avoid escalation of conflict from cyber to physical conflict. 362 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 the s e cond is cap acity building because not all countries have a capable cybersecurity i n f r a s t r u c t u r e — i n t e r n a t i o n a l cooperation in building the capacity of world countries to maintain national and international security. thus, mutual understanding can arise so as not to use cyber technology to disrupt the cyberinfrastructure of other countries because it is difficult to determine (attribution) the actors behind it, whether hackers or statesponsored actors. based on the dynamics of reality in the international world above, it is necessary to have cyber diplomacy that the government of indonesia must be done. the widespread use of social media and financial transactions in cyberspace shows excellent potential and risks. the government needs to fight for cybersecurity protection for all activities on the internet to benefit the indonesian people. the indonesian government must also map out threats and immediately take protective measures based on in-depth analysis to obtain the right policies. the government can carry out diplomacy against other countries whose citizens are the perpetrators or origins of cyberattacks. suppose the government is late in overcoming the protection and law enforcement in cyberspace. in that case, it will lead to enormous economic, social, and political losses because it impacts conflicts and casualties in the real world. conclusion b a s e d on t h e v a r i ou s explanations above, it can be understo o d t hat indonesia’s development of information and communication technology has given rise to various benefits and threats. many indonesian people do not fully understand the use of the internet. meanwhile, service providers in cyberspace also do not have strong protection against various cybercrime threats. the indonesi an gover nment has enacted the 2008 ite law and has encouraged the wise and positive use of the internet through various approaches. furthermore, the government of indonesia also carries out cyber diplomacy efforts through several relevant ministries towards other countries, both bilaterally, regionally, multilaterally, and internationally. for example, indonesia actively participates in cyber diplomacy at the telmin, admin, pcc, oewg forums and bssn collaborating with various countries to overcome cyber threats. muhammad ridha iswardhana cyber diplomacy and protection measures against threats of information ... 363 however, it all depends on every 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( 2 0 0 2 ) . pe r k e mb ang an tekn o l o g i informasi di indonesia, makalah seminar dan pameran teknologi informasi 2002. bandung: fakultas teknik unikom. the increasing number of female troops in indonesia’s peacekeeping operations: why women’s presence matters? nur azizah faculty of social and political science, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia email: nurazizah@umy.ac.id1; hadidah sallimi faculty of social and political science, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia email: hadidah.s.isip18@mail.umy.ac.id2, ainun dwiyanti faculty of social and political science, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia email: ainun.dwiyanti.2016@fisipol.umy.ac.id3 abstract the theory and practice of foreign policy tend to contradict norms (idealist-liberal) with national interests with a materialist character (realist). in this case, constructivist analysis shows the relationship between norms and national interests. therefore, this article aims to explain indonesia's commitment to increasing the number of female peacekeepers in united nations peacekeeping operations (un pko). this analysis of indonesia's foreign policy behavior used the constructivist framework of martha finnemore (1996) that states behave under a “logic of appropriateness” and a “logic of material consequences”. the findings of this study indicate that indonesia is committed to increasing the number of women as un peacekeepers since indonesia has the principle that women's empowerment has an important role in peace and is in accordance with the commitment of the ministry of foreign affairs to carry out strengthening gender mainstreaming in indonesian diplomacy. indonesia's commitment also shows indonesia's goodwill to comply with un security council resolution no. 1325, asking un member states to increase women's participation in preventing and resolving conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, and peacekeeping. indonesia's readiness to always adapt to this international norm (the logic of appropriateness) has resulted in various benefits, such as the election of indonesia as a non-permanent member of the united nations security council in 2019-2020 and a member of the human rights council at the united nations in 2020-2022 so that it can increase the bargaining position and its influence in international forums (the logic of material consequence). thus, it is crucial to analyze foreign policy behavior based on norms to show that foreign policy must be based on a vision mailto:hadidah.s.isip18@mail.umy.ac.id2 82 82 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june to realize world peace and that this norm base does not have to conflict with indonesia's national interest. keywords: indonesia; female peacekeeper; united nations; peacekeeping operation abstrak teori dan praktik politik luar negeri cenderung bertentangan dengan norma (idealis-liberal) dengan kepentingan nasional yang bersifat materialis (realis). dalam hal ini, analisis konstruktivis menunjukkan hubungan antara norma dan kepentingan nasional. oleh karena itu, artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan komitmen indonesia dalam meningkatkan jumlah pasukan penjaga perdamaian perempuan dalam operasi pemeliharaan perdamaian pbb (un pko). analisis perilaku politik luar negeri indonesia ini menggunakan kerangka konstruktivis martha finnemore (1996) yang menyatakan berperilaku di bawah “logika kepatutan” dan “logika konsekuensi material”. temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa indonesia berkomitmen untuk meningkatkan jumlah perempuan sebagai pasukan penjaga perdamaian pbb karena indonesia memiliki prinsip bahwa pemberdayaan perempuan memiliki peran penting dalam perdamaian dan sesuai dengan komitmen kementerian luar negeri untuk melakukan penguatan. pengarusutamaan gender dalam diplomasi indonesia. komitmen indonesia juga menunjukkan niat baik indonesia untuk mematuhi resolusi dewan keamanan pbb no. 1325, yang meminta negara-negara anggota pbb untuk meningkatkan partisipasi perempuan dalam pencegahan dan penyelesaian konflik, negosiasi perdamaian, pembangunan perdamaian, dan pemeliharaan perdamaian. kesiapan indonesia untuk selalu beradaptasi dengan norma internasional ini (logika kepatutan) telah menghasilkan berbagai manfaat, seperti terpilihnya indonesia sebagai anggota tidak tetap dewan keamanan perserikatan bangsa-bangsa tahun 2019-2020 dan anggota hak asasi manusia. dewan di pbb tahun 2020-2022 sehingga dapat meningkatkan posisi tawar dan pengaruhnya di forum internasional (logika konsekuensi material). oleh karena itu, sangat penting untuk menganalisis perilaku politik luar negeri berdasarkan norma untuk menunjukkan bahwa politik luar negeri harus didasarkan pada visi untuk mewujudkan perdamaian dunia dan bahwa dasar norma ini tidak harus bertentangan dengan kepentingan nasional indonesia. kata kunci: indonesia; penjaga perdamaian wanita; persatuan negara-negara; operasi penjaga perdamaian journal of islamic world and politics vol.6. no.1 june 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 introduction one of the goals of the united nations is to maintain international peace and security. since its founding charter was signed in 1945, the united nations has established several world security mechanisms, such as collective security, based on articles 41 and 42 of the un charter (samekto, 1991). nevertheless, on its way, collective security was considered too political until the united nations finally gave birth to un peacekeeping 83 nur azizah, hadidah sallimi, etc the increasing number of... operations (un pko) as another mechanism to maintain and create world peace. furthermore, the un pko is defined as an operation involving military personnel in the absence of enforcement powers established by the united nations to help maintain or restore international peace and security in conflict areas (sarjoon & yusoff, 2019). in addition, un peacekeeping is an effective tool for the united nations to help host countries navigate conflicts to peaceful conditions. the un pko missions, on the other hand, are not only present to deal with the global peace and security problem but also to disseminate and contribute to unpko, which is impacted by each country's foreign and security policy (meiske & ruggeri, 2017). various research has been conducted on why a country's foreign policy and policy contribute to the un pko. according to various studies, the state contributes to un pko operations because it has a financial motive to preserve international peace and security (gaibulloev et al., 2009, 2015; neack, 1995). unlike idealists, liberals believe that the propagation of democratic and humanitarian ideals and principles is the primary reason for the state's contribution to the un pko (lebovic, 2004; pevehouse, 2002). on the other hand, realists believe that the state's participation in the un pko is motivated by national interests (meiske & ruggeri, 2017), such as the ability to shape the international system with greater or broader impact (neack, 1995). unlike previous research, this study examines indonesia's contribution to the un pko, particularly the recent increase in female peacekeepers, using martha finnemore's (1996) constructivism perspective, stating that they act following the logic of appropriateness and logic of material consequences. peacekeeping action first began in 1948, when observers were deployed in the middle east. then, in the years following the cold war, the un pko practice focused on maintaining ceasefires and stabilizing the situation on the ground to resolve the conflict peacefully (united nations, 2008). as the cold war ended, the strategic context for un peacekeeping changed dramatically, and the un security council began to work more actively to promote the peaceful resolution of regional conflicts. this change in conflict patterns was also followed by a change in the concept of security. now, the concept of security emphasizes state security and focuses on human security (azizah et al., 2020). on that basis, the mission of un pko is now multidimensional; not only to maintain peace and security but also to facilitate the political process, protect civilians, assist in disarmament, demobilize and reintegrate former combatants, support the holding of elections, protect and advance human rights and help restore the rule of law. on the other hand, women and children become the most vulnerable objects and are subjected to arbitrary and discriminatory acts in conflict areas. in fact, women can be active agents of peace in armed conflict. unfortunately, their role as key players and agents of peace change has largely not been recognized. it encourages the united nations to recognize and integrate a different view and understanding, namely by including women’s experiences and abilities into all aspects of un pko. it is also considered crucial in maintaining peace and striving for the success of un peacekeeping. the large presence of women in postconflict countries, where women are often 84 84 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june involved in post-reconstruction grassroots activities, is an essential aspect of the contemporary un pko (united nations security council (unsc), 2000). the call to increase the number of women in un pko has created great pressure on the adoption of resolution 1325, where this resolution urges the un secretary-general to seek to expand the role and contribution of women in un field-based operations, especially among observers of the military, civilian police, human rights, and humanitarian personnel (united nations security council (unsc), 2000). un pko adopted un security council resolution 1325 on women, peace, and security (unsc 1325). this resolution clearly states that gender equality and full participation of women as active agents in peace and security are highly required. the un security council directly mandates the implementation of the resolution at all levels of peacekeeping efforts (united nations peacekeeping, n.d.). based on un documents, namely “commitment to gender equality”, “improvement of the status of women in the united nations system”, and “ten-year impact study of the implementation of un security council resolution 1325 (2000) on women, peace and security in peacekeeping’” quoted in (simić, 2014), dpko did not officially commit to gender equality until 2005, at which time a goal of achieving 50/50 gender balance in professional, civic positions at all levels was launched. for the police contingent, dpko in 2010 set the target of achieving 20% women in 2014, including increasing numbers of civilian women and uniforms in peacekeeping at all levels. now, wps is also included in one of the eight joint commitment points for action for peacekeeping (a4p), in which a4p also sees wps as an important key in realizing more gender-responsive peacekeeping, including by increasing the number of civilian and uniformed women in peacekeeping in indonesia at all levels. increasing the participation of women’s contributions, especially to work directly as female peacekeepers in peace operations, was emphasized by the secretary-general of the united nations through the uniformed gender parity strategy 20182028. this strategy was born on the mandate of unsc 1325 and ensures that the military component in un pko is diverse and inclusive of women (un department of peace operations, 2018). moreover, today, un pko has carried out 70 peacekeeping operations, of which, in april 2021, there were 12 active peace operations, with 71,028 military personnel on duty. of the 71,028 military personnel on duty, 4,168 were female peacekeepers. at the end of 2019, 4.7% of the un military personnel in the contingent were women. un pko’s main priority is to increase the number of female military personnel in peacekeeping operations, including increasing female staff and military observers to 25% by 2028; currently, 16.7% of military staff and observers in un pko are women (united nations peacekeeping, n.d.). specifically, indonesia is a member of the united nations that actively creates and maintains world peace. indonesia’s active participation in the un pko is based on the state constitution, namely the preamble to the 1945 constitution (hutabarat, 2018). as of november 2021, indonesia had deployed 2,808 military and police troops, including 183 female soldiers. the deployment of indonesian female peacekeepers, which began in 2008 with the deployment of one female peacekeeper in the united nations organizational mission in the democratic republic of 85 nur azizah, hadidah sallimi, etc the increasing number of... congo (monuc), was likewise deemed insufficient (pusat misi pemeliharaan perdamaian tentara nasional indonesia, 2011). however, the number of indonesian female peacekeepers sent to un peacekeeping missions has consistently increased over the previous 10 years. figure 1. contribution of indonesian female peacekeeper source : (united nations peacekeeping, 2021a) previous studies have revealed that efforts have been made by the indonesian government in un pko, especially in increasing the number of female peacekeepers in recent times. thus, this research focuses on the reasons behind indonesia’s commitment to increasing the number of female peacekeepers. several studies related to similar topics have been conducted, such as a study (murwanto et al., 2020), stating that indonesia’s increased commitment to pko is driven by the indonesian identity that acts as the peacemaker. in addition, research conducted by (hutabarat, 2017) unveiled that indonesia’s participation in the un pko is increasingly based on realist understanding; namely, participation in peace operations can meet indonesia’s national interests. using a different perspective, specifically constructivism, this study examines indonesia's commitment to raising the number of female peacekeepers at un pko. literature review according to hutabarat (2017), the deployment of indonesian female peacekeepers in the un pko is not only encouraged by the gender mainstreaming policy carried out by the united nations but also shows how the role of indonesian female peacekeepers, especially in operations. he also emphasized that indonesia’s commitment to participate in un pko is a form of embodiment of the fourth paragraph of the preamble of the 1945 constitution. furthermore, in their research, murwanto et al. (2020) argued that indonesia’s efforts in increasing the contribution of indonesian peacekeepers, as in the roadmap vision 4,000 peacekeepers 2015-2019 issued by the indonesian government, is a manifestation of its role as a peacemaker. in addition to the fourth paragraph of the preamble of the 1945 constitution, the un charter article 43 paragraph 1 is also the basis and mandate of indonesia’s identity as a peacemaker. research initiated by nur azizah, ali maksum, and muhammad ammar hidayatulloh (2020) disclosed changes in the characteristics of warfare and the human security framework. these changes encouraged the presence of peacekeepers to be closer to communities in conflict areas, which requires more women’s participation. according to martha finnemore's (1996) constructivist paradigm, the state acts in line with the logic of appropriateness and material consequences. in this situation, the state is viewed as a rule-abiding actor. respect for established laws and normative systems 0 1 10 27 20 22 34 27 31 60 82 77 159164 183 0 50 100 150 200 1 9 5 7 2 0 0 8 2 0 0 9 2 0 1 0 2 0 1 1 2 0 1 2 2 0 1 3 2 0 1 4 2 0 1 5 2 0 1 6 2 0 1 7 2 0 1 8 2 0 1 9 2 0 2 0 2 0 2 1 ( n o v ) 86 86 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june stems from the state's wish to be recognized as 'good' by other countries. rather than considering profit and loss (the logic of consequences), state action is more likely to be viewed through the lens of appropriateness or good and evil (the logic of appropriateness) (march & olsen, 2004). in this case, state interests are defined as globally accepted norms and definitions of what is right and appropriate (finnemore, 1996). actions (including political activity) are directed by acceptable or exemplary norms of behavior (kříž & urbanovská, 2013). rules are obeyed because they are natural, rational, predictable, and legitimate. moreover, actors strive to meet the obligations that come with a certain position, identity, or participation in a political community or organization (kříž & urbanovská, 2013). countries take part in various peacekeeping operations because they feel they are necessary, acceptable, and exemplary (kříž & urbanovská, 2013). participating in peacekeeping is a moral obligation and a way for them to fulfill obligations arising from their role, identity, and membership in a particular political community. the main obligation, in this regard, is to protect international peace and security, which countries agree to when they join the un (kříž & urbanovská, 2013). it can also be driven by a desire to gain and retain respect in international interactions and establish or improve one's image and reputation. meanwhile, the logic of material consequences is seen to be linked to the concept of rationality, in which the acts selected are utilized as an effective instrument to attain the main objective rather than as the main aim itself (kříž & urbanovská, 2013). from this perspective, the un pko is viewed as a tool used by states to achieve their objectives while maximizing profits. because of its status as an active member of the un, indonesia is believed to observe and follow numerous norms or agendas in the un pko. furthermore, indonesia implements un security council resolution 1325, which underpins the aim of raising the number of female peacekeepers at the un pko as a kind of corrective action to international norms. this compliance becomes a tool for indonesia to strengthen its international influence and bargaining position. stephen d. krasner defined an international regime either explicitly or implicitly as a set of principles, norms, rules, and decision-making processes related to the expectations of actors in which there is an interest in these actors in international relations (krasner, 1983). in addition, donald puchala and raymond hopkins argued that regimes exist in every issue in international relations, where there are regularities of behavior, such as principles, norms, or rules that must be held accountable (puchala & hopkins, 1982). puchala and hopkins, in their work entitled “international regimes: lessons from inductive analysis,” also argued that the presence of a regime can limit and regulate state behavior and how the agenda goes (puchala & hopkins, 1982). in this case, un pko is an international regime. the basic principle of this regime is maintaining peace or lasting peace (united nations peacekeeping, n.d.). un pko has norms related to three implementation principles governing how this agenda works: the agreement of the parties, impartiality, and not using force except to defend oneself and maintain the mandate (united nations, 2008). other norms contained in the normative framework for these operations are the 87 nur azizah, hadidah sallimi, etc the increasing number of... united nations charter, especially in articles vi, vii, and viii, human rights contained in the universal declaration of human rights, international humanitarian law consisting of the four geneva conventions of 1949, two additional protocol of 1977, and the mandate of the united nations security council (united nations, 2008). further, the un security council has the largest share in the decision-making process on un pko. it also has the prerogative to act as the institution responsible for maintaining international peace and security. in addition, the un security council has the right to determine when and where un pko should be deployed (united nations, 2008). it also consults with the tcc/pcc in the planning and decision-making process. various consultations have been carried out, such as renewing the mandate or stopping, withdrawing and reducing operations. in line with what puchala and hopkins stated, the un, with its un pko regime, can limit and regulate state behavior and how the agenda goes. it is also stated under article 25 of the un charter that all un members agree to accept and implement the decisions of the security council. while other un organs make recommendations to member states, the council itself has the power to make decisions that member states must implement (united nations peacekeeping, n.d.). the same applies to the un pko agenda. based on the international regime theory above, this study argues that indonesia is committed to increasing female peacekeepers in un pko because indonesia is encouraged by the unsc 1325 regime to adopt values, such as equality and gender mainstreaming, which has implications for the behavior and policies issued by the unsc and the indonesia government, especially in the un pko. this paper also utilized the gender mainstreaming concept as a perspective. gender is defined as a basic trait used to identify differences between men and women in various aspects, such as social and cultural conditions, values and behaviors, mentality, emotions, and nonbiological matters (marzuki, 2007). gender is also the result of social construction that contains expectations and values considered good and bad by society related to men and women. in addition, gender construction between one place, time, and culture of another can be different (azizah, 2017). furthermore, gender mainstreaming is the process of assessing the impact of women and men on any planned action in regulations, policies, or programs in all fields and at all levels (eriyanti, 2017). gender mainstreaming is also a strategy for making women’s and men’s concerns and experiences a dimension of design, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation of policies and programs in all political, economic, and social fields. it aims to benefit women and men equally and maintain equality. the ultimate goal of gender mainstreaming is to achieve gender equality (united nations department of peacekeeping operations, 2005). before, the un security council laid out the agenda of un pko in resolution 1325. the resolution recognizes how armed conflict can impact women and girls and recognizes the contributions of women and girls’ children in conflict prevention, peacekeeping, conflict resolution, and peace-building efforts. on that basis, resolution 1325 has established a framework that integrates gender perspectives into implementing the 88 88 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june peacekeeping mandate at the policy and operational levels. with the implementation of resolution 1325, the department of peacekeeping operations (dpko) can expand operational policies and frameworks to ensure that gender perspectives are effectively integrated across all peacekeeping activities (eriyanti, 2017). peacekeeping mission gender reforms also promote gender equality in host nations since peacekeeping operations are increasingly involved in advising and helping domestic institutional changes. un peacekeeping forces have also included gender mainstreaming into their operations to achieve these objectives, covering a continuous evaluation of how policies affect women and men (karim & beardsley, 2017). un pko also continues to develop, which now has a mission to improve the broader humanitarian approach, such as increasing the contribution of female personnel (hutabarat, 2017). in addition to adopting resolution 1325, the un security council also adopted the next nine resolutions on women, peace and security (1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, 2122, 2242, 2467, 2493) to seek the enhancement of women’s full participation in un pko (united nations peacekeeping, n.d.). research method this study employed a qualitative method and analyzed why indonesia is committed to increasing the female forces in the pko, which was then described from the perspective of constructivism. the data obtained were secondary, namely through books, journals, mass media, and online media, where these data had relevance to the research. data collection was done by analyzing and reviewing data sources. result and discussion realist analysis various perspectives may be used to give a realistic analysis of indonesia's involvement in un pko. according to the realism perspective, the government will use all its resources and authority to protect the national interest (neack, 1995). contributing to the un pko can be utilized by a state to achieve its national goals (hutabarat, 2017b). in this example, expanding indonesian women's participation in the national examination is part of a larger international integration strategy (hutabarat, 2014). indonesia's participation in the un pko also coincides with the country's ambitions to join the un non-permanent security council in 20192020 (hutabarat, 2017a). another realistic viewpoint is that using military force in the un pko mission will boost indonesia's international bargaining position (hutabarat, 2017a). un pko is also seen to sustain indonesia's continuous position in international security as a rising power/economy country by expanding its contribution to the un (hutabarat, 2017a). liberal analysis from a liberal perspective, indonesia's participation in un pko operations is strongly intertwined with the country's democratic status. liberalism aspires to project the values of liberty, justice, and order into international affairs (badmus & jenkins, 2019). intervention is required and legitimate in the particular instance of peace operations, according to the liberal position, since those participating in armed conflict and violence might suffer bad repercussions, and civil society can no longer restore sovereignty (jabri in badmus & jenkins, 2019). liberalism claims that democracy is the driving force for the country's participation in un 89 nur azizah, hadidah sallimi, etc the increasing number of... peacekeeping missions. it is because democracy prioritizes individual rights and well-being (lebovic, 2004). participation in the un peacekeeping operations is also linked to liberal democracy and respect for human rights in nations that participate in peacekeeping (cunliffe, 2018). in this context, indonesia is a country that places a high value on human rights. the presence of human rights in the indonesian constitution, both in the preamble to the fourth paragraph of the 1945 constitution and in the text of the 1945 constitution, demonstrates this. then, law number 39 of 1999 on human rights manifests indonesia's responsibilities as a united nations member to uphold and implement the universal declaration of human rights (udhr) of 1948. in this regard, eight of the nine major international human rights documents have also been approved by indonesia. indonesia's election to the united nations human rights council for the year 2020-2022 and the three preceding times demonstrates that indonesia is engaged in promoting and preserving human rights at all levels. on the other hand, democratic nations benefit the most from the growing number of democracies in the international system, as long as the un pko's purpose is to promote democracy rather than only stop wars. peacekeeping missions can therefore help democracies improve their security by encouraging the spread of democracy (andersson, 2000). constructivist analysis from the perspective of constructivism, especially the logic of appropriateness, indonesia's resolve to raise the number of female peacekeepers at un pko is driven by the international community's acknowledgment of women's vital role and contribution to peace, particularly in un pko operations. as a member of the united nations, the agenda is seen as something just and must be followed. the indonesian government has also committed to mainstreaming gender in indonesia's diplomatic agenda, in line with the wps agenda present at the un pko. moreover, indonesia intends to encourage and promote the involvement of indonesian female peacekeepers, particularly in un pko operations, to improve the efficacy of un pko mandated responsibilities in missions (kementerian luar negeri republik indonesia, 2018). it was followed by the indonesian government recognizing the importance of women's roles in peace, for example, by identifying four major elements connected to unpko, in which the promotion of women's roles was also addressed (kementerian luar negeri republik indonesia, 2019b). this study found that the use of norms as the basis of indonesia's foreign policy did not contradict the country's national interests. according to the constructivist interpretation, based on logic appropriateness and logic of material consequences, indonesia's adjustment to international norms resulted in benefits for indonesia (the logic of material consequences), such as gaining various strategic positions in international forums, which might strengthen indonesia's bargaining power. women in un pko according to a 2000 study initiated by un dpko and the division for the advancement of women entitled “mainstreaming gender perspectives in multidimensional peace operations,” from peacekeeping missions in bosnia, cambodia, el salvador, namibia, and 90 90 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june south africa, it was concluded that the presence of women could increase access and support for local women, making male peacekeepers more reflective and responsible, enhance the repertoire and style skills available on missions, and often reduce the effects of conflict and confrontation (karim & beardsley, 2017). in addition, the united nations said fielding more women in peacekeeping missions would create more effective peacekeeping. it is because female peacekeepers can improve peacekeeping's overall maintenance. female peacekeepers also have greater access to the community. involving many women in peace actions will help promote human rights and the protection of civilians and encourage women to play an essential role in the peace process. the presence of female peacekeepers also becomes vital since they can improve the performance of un pko. having greater diversity and a wider range of skills from peacekeepers will certainly improve the performance of these operations, from the decision-making process, planning, and results. accordingly, it will lead to greater effectiveness and operational performance. in addition, diversity in un pko peacekeepers can enable peacekeeper engagement with all communities they protect during operations (united nations peacekeeping, 2021). moreover, female peacekeepers can plunge into society better, including women and children. female peacekeepers also can build trust and confidence with local communities. they also help improve access and support for local women, such as in conditions where women are prohibited from speaking to men (united nations peacekeeping, 2021). furthermore, female peacekeepers can prevent and reduce conflict and confrontation. diversity in peacekeeping can help address the disproportionately negative effects of conflict, particularly on women’s lives. thus, women’s foray into peacekeeping will effectively bring new perspectives and solutions to address the needs of women in conflict and postconflict situations (united nations peacekeeping, 2021). the united nations also believes that female peacekeepers can inspire and be role models for other women. they can serve as strong mentors and role models for women and girls in post-conflict environments. they will set an example for women and children, advocating for their rights and pursuing non-traditional careers (united nations peacekeeping, 2021). according to a study conducted in the united states and/or even worldwide, female peacekeepers use less physical force, reducing the likelihood of violent conflict. moreover, there is a lower probability of problems arising from using excessive force (azizah et al., 2020). research conducted by roohia s. klein (2012), as cited in (azizah et al., 2020), uncovered that women had a positive and supportive role in conflict resolution and peace processes. there are five types of conflict management (klein, 2012). first, competing is to satisfy one’s interests at the expense of others. accommodating is sacrificing one’s interests for the sake of others, avoiding and ignoring the concerns of both parties by delaying the problem. then, conflict collaboration is an effort to find solutions that satisfy the interests of both parties, and compromising is by trying to fulfill some interests of the two conflicting parties. according to cassandra k. shepherd (azizah et al., 2020), regarding klein’s work, women tend to use cooperative conflict management styles, such as collaborating, compromising, and 91 nur azizah, hadidah sallimi, etc the increasing number of... accommodating, while men are likely to use competing or avoiding strategies in conflict situations. in this case, indonesian troops, especially female peacekeepers, have a successful record in peacekeeping missions. up to 200 troops from the minusca indonesian engineering company were given united nations service medals for their commitment to peace and security in the central african republic (car) as of august 17, 2021. the military engineering company’s involvement is crucial in carrying out the mission’s mandate. the peacekeepers have aided minusca in achieving its primary goal of protecting people by providing support for road, bridge, and airfield repair, among other things, to guarantee minusca forces’ movement in bangui, berberati, and bossembele (southwestern car) (kabatanya, 2021). they also have engaged in civil-military cooperation operations to improve relationships with local communities (kabatanya, 2021). with 1,300 troops, indonesia has become the largest contribution to the unifil peacekeeping deployment. since 2006, indonesian peacekeepers have monitored, observed, and reported on the situation on the ground, using mixedgender patrols (united nations peacekeeping, 2020). the role of female peacekeepers in this assignment is crucial. women’s participation and contribution to unifil have been crucial to preserving stability. as a result, indonesian female peacekeepers performed critical responsibilities in various professions, including health workers, guards, and patrol activities (united nations peacekeeping, 2020). also, in 2018, on unifil’s mission, indonesian female peacekeepers captivated the local small girls with live music and indonesian traditional dance, demonstrating how encounters like these might assist peacekeepers and children in understanding each other and developing connections (united nations peacekeeping, 2018). from 2009 until the present, there has been substantial growth in the number of indonesian female peacekeepers. indonesia deployed its first female peacekeeper to the united nations organization mission in the democratic republic of congo in 2008 (monuc) (pusat misi pemeliharaan perdamaian tentara nasional indonesia, 2011). the indonesian government continued to deploy around ten female peacekeepers the following year, spreading them across three peace missions: two personnel in the united nations organization mission in the democratic republic of the congo (monuc), seven personnel in the united nations interim force in lebanon (unifil), and one personnel in the united nations mission in sudan (unmis). in the years afterward, female peacekeepers have steadily increased, reaching more than 100 personnel in 2019. figure 2. number of indonesia female peacekeepers (2009-2021) source: united nations peacekeeping operations indonesia’s contribution to un pko 10 272022 342731 60 8277 159164 178 0 50 100 150 200 92 92 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june indonesia’s active participation in contributing to the maintenance of world peace, especially in un pko, is part of its constitutional responsibilities as stated in the preamble to the 1945 constitution. history records that indonesia began to participate directly in un pko in 1957, at which time indonesia sent 559 infantry members of the united nations emergency force (unef) to sinai. in the following years, indonesia continued to increase the deployment of other infantry personnel, such as in 1960 with 1,074 personnel and 3,457 personnel for the united nations operation in the congo (onuc) in the republic of congo (ministry of foreign affairs of the republic of indonesia, 2019). however, indonesia’s participation in peacekeeping missions did not always run smoothly. the g30s/pki incident in 1965 was the cause of the decline in tni participation in un pko (syahputri, 2018). then, tni personnel did not do much in the international commission for control and supervision (iccs) or the international commission for control and supervision in south vietnam in 1971 (syahputri, 2018). from june 1975 until the end of the cold war, indonesia stopped sending its peacekeepers due to deteriorating conditions in vietnam (syahputri, 2018). broadly speaking, the tni was not deployed in peace operations during the new order regime until the early 1990s because, at that time, the military was mostly deployed in domestic security affairs (wiharta, 2016). in the first two decades since its participation in un pko missions, indonesia only sent military contingents as peacekeepers. then, since the 1980s, indonesia has expanded the scope of its contribution to support the maintenance of world peace (anwar, 2012). not only deploying military contingents, but indonesia also deployed military and police observers, civilian police, and engineers. later, indonesia deployed nearly 2,000 peacekeepers to untac (1992-94) (wiharta, 2016). according to david capie (2016), in his journal article entitled “indonesia as an emerging peacekeeping power: norm revisionist or pragmatic provider?” several arguments explain why there was a significant increase in the role of indonesia in un pko. first, increased peacekeeping indicates indonesian leadership's growing confidence in indonesia’s ability to play a larger role on the global scene. second, peacekeeping is a popular mission, particularly among the younger officer generation, and it is considered as helping to produce a more professional force. it gives practical experience, boosts advancement opportunities, and pays allowances. his other argument is that peacekeeping supports indonesia's small defense manufacturing sector and is deemed a tool to further the country's defense diplomacy ambitions. it enables the testing of new capabilities, which has become a major means of interacting with other armed forces. he also argued that although indonesia has a long history of involvement in un pko, there have been significant changes in its policies in the last decade, with much greater importance attached to peacekeeping operations, especially since 2011 (capie, 2016). increasing indonesia’s role and contribution to realizing world peace and order and prosperity through various multilateral forums, including un peace operations, is specifically listed as the polugri agenda in the second period of president susilo bambang yudhoyono’s (sby) leadership (aiyub, 2019). this increase is said to be following the 93 nur azizah, hadidah sallimi, etc the increasing number of... constitutional mandate, which encourages indonesia to continue contributing to the united nations’ efforts to maintain international peace and security (aiyub, 2019). starting from the first period of president sby’s leadership, in 2004, indonesia deployed the garuda contingent (konga) in various peace operations (indonesian armed forces peacekeeping center, n.d.). figure 2. number of personnel and indonesia’s ranking in un pko 20042014 source: 2015-2019 strategic plan, ministry of foreign affairs of indonesia in 2006, president sby responded to a call from the un secretary-general, ban ki-moon, to send troops to the unifil mission in lebanon (capie, 2016). then, in 2007, indonesia expanded its contribution to include police personnel, deploying six individual police officers in unmis in sudan (wiharta, 2016). the increase in the number of peacekeepers in indonesia from 2004 to 2014 is illustrated in the graph. then, the indonesian national police (polri) wants to continue to expand its contribution, particularly the formed police units (fpu) and female police, and has stepped up international training efforts for police cadres (wiharta, 2016). during the peacekeeping summit in september 2015, indonesia promised to deploy an infantry battalion, helicopter unit, and police unit of 100, including 40 female officers (wiharta, 2016). in this regard, indonesia’s contribution to the maintenance of world peace, especially in un pko, is part of its constitutional responsibility listed in the preamble of the 1945 constitution. based on historical records, indonesia began to plunge directly into un pko in 1957. at that time, indonesia sent 559 infantry personnel who join the united nations emergency force (unef) in sinai. in the following years, indonesia continued to increase the fielding of other infantry personnel, such as in the 1960s with 1,074 personnel and 3,457 personnel for the united nations operation in the congo (onuc) in the republic of congo (kementerian luar negeri republik indonesia, indonesia dan misi pemeliharaan perdamaian pbb, 2019). in the first two decades since its participation in un pko missions, indonesia only sent a military contingent as peacekeepers (anwar, 2012). however, since the 1980s, indonesia has expanded its scope of contributions to support the maintenance of world peace. not only did indonesia lower the military contingent, but it also fielded military and police observers, civilian police, and engineers. then, in 2004, indonesia assigned the garuda contingent (konga) to various world peace operations to increase its role in international forums (indonesian armed forces peacekeeping center , 2021). currently, indonesia has deployed 2,795 personnel spread across four un pko peacekeeping missions: united nations african union hybrid operation in darfur (unamid), united nations interim force in lebanon (unifil), united nations interim security force for abyei (unisfa), and united nations mission in 94 94 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june the republic of south sudan (unmiss) (united nations, 2021). in the past decade, indonesia has also issued various regulations governing governance and encouraging indonesia’s participation in un pko, including presidential regulation no. 85 of 2011, and a peacekeeping mission coordination team (tkmpp) was established. tkmpp is chaired by the minister of foreign affairs and consists of ministers/leaders of institutions related to un pko. the task of tkmpp is to prepare policy formulations and coordinate efforts related to indonesia’s participation in un pko based on national interests. in article 2 of presidential regulation no. 85 of 2011, tkmpp was established to carry out various functions, such as (a) coordinating the planning, preparation, implementation, and termination of indonesia’s participation in world peacekeeping missions; (b) the preparation of comprehensive studies and the preparation of policy recommendations for indonesia’s participation in world peacekeeping missions; (c) the preparation and formulation of indonesia’s position and strategy in negotiations on indonesia’s participation in world peacekeeping missions based on national interests; (d) monitoring and evaluating indonesia’s participation in world peacekeeping missions. further, the peacekeeping mission center (pmpp) is established as an institution that aims to prepare indonesian peacekeepers. in addition, pmpp is also a liaison for similar training centers in the region. the pmpp was inaugurated in 2011 by indonesia’s sixth president susilo bambang yudhoyono. moreover, to increase its overall capacity to contribute to peacekeeping and humanitarian disaster relief missions, indonesia built the indonesia peace and security center (ipsc) in the same year in sentul, west java. ipsc has 7-in-1 facilities: the tni peacekeeping mission center (pmpp), tni standby force center, counterterrorism and deradicalization training center, disaster management education and training center, language strategy development and diplomacy center, defense university (unhan), and military sports center (defence media center/ppid, 2014), (indonesian armed forces peacekeeping center, n.d.). indonesia also issued a legal foundation that houses the delivery of peacekeepers in un pko and regional organizations, namely through presidential regulation no. 86 of 2015 on the delivery of peacekeeping missions. furthermore, roadmap vision 4,000 peacekeepers 2015-2019 encouraged indonesia to occupy the top ten countries contributing un pko personnel through the placement of 4,000 personnel from 2015 to the end of 2019. the indonesian ministry of foreign affairs also issued the minister of foreign affairs regulation no. 5 of 2015 on the vision roadmap of 4,000 peacekeeping personnel 2015-2019, which serves as a foundation for realizing the policy. the objectives of implementing indonesia’s foreign policy and relations in principle include two closely related aspects: achieving national interests and contributing to world order following the mandate of the 1945 constitution. to maintain world order, indonesia optimizes membership in various regional and multilateral organizations to work together to solve various global problems, continue to promote stability and peace and create international norms and laws that are more just, inclusive, and peace-oriented. 95 nur azizah, hadidah sallimi, etc the increasing number of... figure 3. indonesia’s troop and police contribution to un pko (2017-2021) source: united nations peacekeeping operations the number of indonesian female peacekeepers analyzed from the un pko official website is displayed above. although there is a substantial disparity in the number of male peacekeepers, the number of female peacekeepers appears to be increasing every year. the improvement agenda has become part of the indonesian ministry of foreign affairs’ strategic plan. as stated in point 5 in the strategic plan of the ministry of foreign affairs of the republic of indonesia document, “strengthening and maintaining indonesia’s position is in the top ten contributing countries to un peacekeeping missions through strengthening professionalism and capacity of personnel, increasing the number of female personnel and increasing bilateral, regional, and international cooperation.” (kementerian luar negeri republik indonesia, 2020) and point 24, “increasing women’s participation in peace processes and peace-making efforts at various levels is through the development of partnerships with other regional and global mediation networks and organizations (kementerian luar negeri republik indonesia, 2020,). even more, indonesia’s contribution and participation in un pko can professionally encourage the improvement of individuals and organizations directly involved in un pko. in addition, the development of the national economy industry can also increase. the joining of indonesia in un pko includes indonesian products, such as armored personnel carrier anoa and komodo and ss firearms from pt. pindad and national privately made military/police uniforms. hutabarat (2017) stated that indonesia’s contribution to un pko is not only to meet the national interest but also to show how the role of peacekeepers, especially indonesian female peacekeepers, in operations (kementerian luar negeri republik indonesia, indonesia dan misi pemeliharaan perdamaian pbb, 2019). on the international side, indonesia’s contribution can be a benchmark for its role in maintaining international peace and security. regime resolution 1325 (unsc 1325) as a driver of increasing indonesia’s commitment to un pko as puchala and hopkins mentioned, the presence of regimes can limit and regulate the behavior of the state and how the agenda works. in this case, the resolution 1325 regime, serving as a foundation in the blueprint of gender policy and un pko, can drive how the un pko policy works. since its adoption by the un security council on october 31, 2000, unsc 1325 has contributed to affirming the important role of women, particularly in conflict prevention and resolution, peace negotiations, peacebuilding, and peacekeeping. unsc 1325 also stresses the importance of equal participation and the full involvement of women in all world peacekeeping efforts. 2606 2988 2738 2663 2612 82 77 159 164 178 0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500 3000 3500 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 (july) male female 96 96 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june therefore, unsc 1325 encourages all actors to increase women’s participation and include gender perspectives in all un peace and security efforts. furthermore, unsc 1325 also established a framework that integrates gender perspectives into implementing peacekeeping mandates at policy and operational levels. in 2002, the un security council issued a 2002/32 security council presidential statement calling on un member states to establish national-level efforts to assist the implementation of scr 1325, recognizing a lack of coordinated engagement with the framework of scr 1325. in addition, in october 2004, the un secretary-general issued a report urging the member states to create naps (barrow, 2016). in this case, as a member state of the un active in maintaining peace, indonesia also participated. aside from reducing military personnel in each un pko peace mission, indonesia, through presidential regulation no. 18 of 2014, issued the national action plan (ran) p3a-ks in 2014 for 20142019. the ran p3a-ks contains the implementation approaches to the wps agenda at the national level, intending to protect and empower women and children during conflicts. article 1, paragraph 4 of the ran p3a-ks mentions the participation of women and children in peace-building. “empowerment of women and children means the efforts to strengthen human rights, improve quality of life, and intensify the participation of women and children in peace-building.” in addition to launching the ran p3a-ks, since 2015, indonesia has committed to increasing the number of peacekeepers, including female peacekeepers, through its roadmap vision 4,000 peacekeepers 2015-2019. in 2018, indonesia had a peacekeeping contingent of more than 3,500 personnel, of which 72 were female peacekeepers. then, in 2020, indonesia continued its commitment to increase women’s participation in peacekeeping and strengthen the protection system for women and children in conflict (wilpf’s women, n.d.). indonesia, through the indonesian national army (tni), together with the international committee of the red cross (icrc), held an international conference called “preparing modern armed forces for peacekeeping operations in the 21st century” on june 25-27, 2019, in jakarta. the conference brought together representatives from countries and members of the asean regional forum and other countries, including australia, bangladesh, brunei darussalam, canada, cambodia, china, the democratic people’s republic of korea, fiji, india, indonesia, japan, laos, malaysia, mongolia, myanmar, new zealand, pakistan, papua new guinea, the philippines, republic of korea, russia, singapore, sri lanka, thailand, timor-leste, the united states, vietnam, and the european union. the conference discussed further the implementation of international humanitarian law in the framework of peace operations, with a particular focus on developing issues, such as women in peacekeeping, protection of civilians, and medical services in times of conflict (international committee of the red cross (icrc), 2019). in line with the gender mainstreaming mission brought by the unsc 1325 regime in un pko, indonesia assesses that women as peacekeepers will contribute greatly to realizing the success of the peace mission. women also play a 97 nur azizah, hadidah sallimi, etc the increasing number of... role in social construction in society and psycho-social aspects that give them privileges in humanitarian missions (hasan & putra, 2020). as said by the minister of foreign affairs of indonesia, retno marsudi, women are considered more sensitive to environmental and cultural situations, which increases public acceptance of the presence of female peacekeepers (infopublik, 2019). moreover, the promotion of the role of women is also one of the four important points, according to retno marsudi, in realizing a purpose-effective peace mission. the existence of female peacekeepers in un pko can increase the effectiveness of the implementation of un pko (kementerian luar negeri republik indonesia, kementerian luar negeri republik indonesia, 2019). retno also added in the eighth mikta ministerial meeting (ptm) in sydney, australia, on november 25, 2016, that the greater role of women can fill gaps in communication and increase the sense of security for women and children in conflict areas (tempo.co, 2016). therefore, the indonesian government continues to strive to increase the contribution of indonesian peacekeepers, such as through resolution 2538 (2020). under the presidency of indonesia, the un security council passed resolution 2538 on august 28, 2020. the resolution addresses female personnel in the un peacekeeping mission. resolution 2538 is also a tangible form of indonesia’s contribution to peace diplomacy. in the vision-mission in the future, indonesia will continue to be committed to increasing the number and role of indonesian peacekeepers. it aligns with the un target of minimum female personnel of 15% as military observers and staff officers and 20% as police personnel in un pko (kementerian luar negeri republik indonesia, 2019). discussion this study indicates that using international norms as a base for foreign policy did not undermine indonesia's national interests. in this situation, indonesia's compliance with international norms that call for more women to participate in conflict resolution and the whole peace agenda is manifested in the growing number of female peacekeepers, which has increased steadily over the previous decade. the wps agenda was evaluated as something regarded proper and should be done as a member of the united nations based on constructivist analysis, notably the logic of appropriateness. indonesia's commitment to deploying female peacekeepers is also in line with international norms, which call for greater involvement of women in peacekeeping and un security council resolution 1325. indonesia benefits from indonesia's desire to boost the number of women in the un peacekeeping mission (the logic of material consequences). these advantages let indonesia bargain more effectively in international forums. consequently, indonesia was elected as a non-permanent member of the united nations security council for the fourth time in 2019-2020. indonesia has previously served on the un security council as a non-permanent member in 1974-1975, 1995-1996, and 2007-2008. indonesia's major topics on this occasion were peacekeeping and increasing women's participation in the peace process (kementerian luar negeri republik indonesia, 2019a). indonesia was also elected as a united nations human rights council member. 98 98 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june indonesia was re-elected to the un human rights council for the 2020-2022 session after receiving votes from 174 nations. indonesia has previously served in the un human rights council four times, from 2015 to 2017, 2012 to 2014, 2008 to 2010, and 2006 to 2007. indonesia also held the g20 presidency in 2022. with the issues that indonesia is currently facing, indonesia's position, and various advantages, it will be able to assist indonesia in fending off demands for an independence referendum in papua made by the free papua organization, which seeks support through international forums. this research also unveiled that the resolution 1325 regime is the reason behind the increase in the contribution of indonesian peacekeepers. various efforts made by the indonesian government to increase the contribution, number, and role of female peacekeepers align with the unsc regime 1325. the unsc 1325 regime also encourages the indonesian government to adopt the values of equality and gender mainstreaming, which have implications for the behavior and policies issued by the indonesian government. this research also supports the results of a previous study conducted (hutabarat, 2017), mentioning that the indonesia government has made various efforts to increase contributions to un pko, ranging from the establishment of pmpp to the commitment of the president of indonesia to increase the number of indonesian personnel in un pko, and the establishment of the international peacekeeping center in sentul, bogor. this study is also consistent with research carried out (murwanto et al., 2020). this study disclosed that indonesia’s contribution to un pko is based on its responsibility to the 1945 constitution. however, there are differences in the study conducted (hutabarat, 2017), which used a realist perspective to analyze the reasons for the increase in the contribution of indonesian female peacekeepers. using realist perspective analysis, the results unveiled that indonesia’s participation in peace operations could meet national interests. in comparison, this study discovered that the international regime, in this case, the regime resolution 1325, is highly influential in encouraging the presence of gender mainstreaming in every indonesian policy, especially in un pko. through its ministry of foreign affairs, indonesia emphasizes the necessity of expanding the involvement of women in peacekeeping operations, following past research and many un statements. one of the most significant reasons for enhancing attendance is to increase the un pko’s efficacy. based on this research, expanding the number of peacekeepers, particularly female peacekeepers, has been on indonesia’s foreign policy agenda for the previous decade. the number of female peacekeepers has also become a major emphasis, particularly under joko widodo’s leadership. the publications of the strategic plan for indonesia’s foreign policy for 2014-2019 and 2019-2024 confirm it. various policies, such as the roadmap vision 4,000 policy, have been created to address this issue. over this era, there has also been considerable growth, particularly in the number of female peacekeepers, which has risen to over 150 personnel in the previous three years. indonesia’s female peacekeepers were also praised and honored for their contributions to different un peacekeeping deployments. 99 nur azizah, hadidah sallimi, etc the increasing number of... the prominence of gender mainstreaming policies in indonesian policy, particularly in the un pko, largely resulted from the regime resolution 1325. indonesia’s determination to expand the number of indonesian female peacekeepers demonstrates not only the country’s image and role as a peacemaker but also its support for resolution 1325’s aims and un pko. conclusion this study concludes that indonesia's participation in the un pko, particularly in expanding the number of female peacekeepers, could be interpreted via constructivist lenses, such as "logic of appropriateness" and "logic of material repercussions." this study believes that international norms as a basis for foreign policy did not undermine indonesia's national interests. according to martha finnemore's (1996) constructivist paradigm, the state acts in line with the "logic of appropriateness" and "logic of material repercussions." in this situation, the state is viewed as a rule-abiding actor. respect for established laws and normative systems stems from the state's wish to be recognized as 'good' by other countries. the presence of gender mainstreaming (pug) in indonesian diplomacy and un security council resolution no. 1325 also guide indonesia in fulfilling and implementing the agenda and relevant international conventions of peace, particularly at the united nations. in addition, indonesia recognizes and promotes the role of female personnel in the un pko related to the effectiveness of the un pko operation itself. besides, the adjustment to resolution 1325 is shown by increasing the number of indonesian female peacekeepers at un pko in the last decade. this adjustment made indonesia gain various benefits in the form of increasing indonesia's bargaining position in various international forums, which was marked by the election of indonesia as a non-permanent member of the un security council, member of the un human rights council, and the election of indonesia as the g20 presidency. in this regard, according to the issues currently being faced by indonesia, the position and various advantages obtained by indonesia will assist indonesia in fending off these issues in international forums. moreover, indonesia is actively involved in maintaining global peace, especially in un pko, as part of its constitutional responsibility listed in the preamble of the 1945 constitution. indonesia’s commitment to un pko has been recorded since 1957, at which time indonesia sent 559 infantry personnel who were members of the united nations emergency force (unef) in sinai. in the following years, indonesia continued to increase the fielding of other infantry personnel, such as in the 1960s with 1,074 personnel and 3,457 personnel for the united nations operation in the congo (onuc) in the republic of kong. apart from contributing military personnel since the 1980s, indonesia has also expanded the scope of contributions to support the maintenance of world peace by fielding military and police observers, civil police, and engineers. even more, indonesia emphasizes the importance of women’s participation in peacekeeping operations. it may be observed in the numerous efforts made, particularly in the previous ten years. several regulations have been implemented to increase the number of peacekeepers, including female peacekeepers. it demonstrates the 100 100 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june significance of indonesia’s image as a peacemaker. through the analysis from the perspective of the international regime, resolution 1325 has encouraged indonesia to adopt the values of equality and gender mainstreaming, which has implications for the behavior and policies issued by the indonesian government, especially in un pko. it has been reflected in various policies that indonesia issued in the past decade, such as the ran p3a-ks and roadmap vision 4,000 peacekeepers 2015-2019. in addition, indonesia has also made a more serious contribution through resolution 2538 (2020), which the un security council passed on august 28, 2020. bibliography aiyub, m. 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(n.d.). 1325 national action plans (naps). islam and diplomacy: the quest for human seicurity mohammad shekaib alam, a ph.d., candidate at international islamic university malaysia email ibnqj3@gmail.com islam is one the fastest growing religion in the world. one among many reasons, it stands for peace, urges for peace and invites people towards peace. the prophet muhammad (pbuh) was sent to spread mercy to all mankind regardless of colour, creed, sex and nation. islam believes in borderless society where everyone entitled to justice, equality and freedom which also emphasized in its relations with others. qur‟an says: “allah does not forbid you to deal justly and kindly with those who fought not against you on account of religion and did not drive you out of your homes. verily, allah loves those who deal with equity” (60:8). unfortunately, today its beautiful teachings and its rich traditions are hijacked by global media and due to its misunderstanding or misinterpretation whole world believes that islam is the prime reason for calamities, by which human beings are going through. it seems islam and terrorism became substitutes that if one is uttered, other is understood automatically. the reviewed book is a timely effort in explaining salient features of conducting international relations, living happily with different faith-oriented individuals, building civilization and making people free from fear and wants, from the perspectives of islam. the book is divided into four sections namely „human security and islam‟, diplomacy and islam‟, „peace building‟ and „peace and security in context‟. the book has raised and dis cussed many fundamental and important topics. kamal hasan in his article entitled „understanding jihad and peaceful change‟ had divided jihad into economic jihad, educational jihad and intellectual jihad by observing muslim societies islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 mohammad shekaib alam 559 islam and diplomacy: the quest for human seicurity in which substantial labours needed to exert to develop their educational and economic status. the article has pointed out that the offensive jihad which is being conducted by deviant groups around the world, has no room in islam, especially in the present scenario of today where the defensive jihad, the obligatory one is not fought, to free and keep muslim lands safe from occupiers and aggressors. in addition to that, in today‟s world, muslims are free to pronounce and practice their faiths independently and many muslim countries are reliant on nonmuslim world for their own securities, therefore, how and why muslim world would raise a war against non-muslim world. to change the unjust order, muslims must calculate whether their efforts creating damages to people and society or producing welfare and prosperity. if the danger is greater than the benefit, they must abstain from it, by accepting the lesser evil over the greater one. jasser auda through the „land of islam and land of war‟ discussion; a very controversial issue reasoned by many anti-muslim groups to demonstrate muslims as separatist or trouble makers as happening in india, sri lanka, myanmar and many other. the author has argued that presence of muslim population about 50% or more or less in certain country does not make it „land of islam‟ or „land of war‟ as claimed, until or unless, it preserves the human dignity, freedom of expression, liberty of faith, justice and equality. and by having these criteria, many european countries fall into the category of „land of islam‟ compared to many so-called islamic or muslim countries today. the book also challenged the traditional and early scholars‟ points of views on muslim-world relations with others which are not based on conflict and perpetual struggle to dominate but based on peace, cooperation and mutual respect. the point which distinguishes islam is its call for the betterment of all mankind as mentioned above and development efforts should not be limited to man-made borders of a state as happens on the name of national interests and national security. today‟s world order is byproduct of the creation and promotion of nation-state system based on sovereignty, secularism and non-interference, hence the diplomacy. this secular-oriented diplomacy, however, became insufficient in resolving many national and international 560 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 issues today. it is time to restore religious principles in it as they are powerful drive in people and strong foundation of many societies as noted by elmira akhmetova in her article entitled „diplomacy in islam: a historical review‟. she argued that diplomatic missions carried by prophet muhammad (pbuh), his successors and muslim sovereigns around the world are not different of what has been highlighted into the article 3 of vienna convention on diplomatic relations (1961) from representation to negotiation, arbitration and creating economic and cultural links except that those missions used to be time-bounded, based on need and circumstances unlike today where through the concept of establishment of embassies, representatives of one country can stay in another country permanently. this is quite reasonable due to dissimilar political and social structure of today and earlier time. analysing muslim fbos (faithbased organisations) and muslim donors in the post9/11 world, amjad saleem argues that human security assistance should not be limited to unexpected befallen problems and their dealings, rather should empower individuals to face and overcome the likely occurring threats before they take place. in “binding” alms giving ritual, about 200 billion to 1 trillion us dollars are being distributed annually, across the muslim world, according to an estimation. but due to lack of proper management and distribution skills, still thousands of muslims are below poverty line. muslim fbos required to develop systematic approach, to serve weaker section in society better. an approach developed in the light of today‟s context, should be transparent, biasedfree and liable. there is no harm in borrowing westerncharity models if they are effective, efficient and harmonized with islamic teachings. today, in many cases including the discussed one, muslims‟ own intellectual bankruptcy and indecorous understanding of islam has exhibited malicious picture of islam and muslim societies to the world. thin understanding of medics kills limitless patients similarly shallow and spiritless understanding of islam by its followers makes people and society vulnerable and disgrace. to highlight the role of „ulama (religious scholars) and their contribution to the society, especially for the purpose of coexistence of varied faith-oriented groups and individuals, qamar-ul huda argued that „ulama who got involved in interfaith dialogues mohammad shekaib alam 561 islam and diplomacy: the quest for human seicurity (ifd) believe that the current ifd practice is not indigenous to them, neither it is consistent with their actual goals. moreover, they think the ifd is their lesser work which according to huda, is a wrong understanding. that‟s why huda mentioned that to boost „ulama confidence in ifd, „ulama-centred peace building and interfaith dialogue (ifd) programmes should be initiated and should be stressed on positive outcomes which will be accomplished by their involvement. „ulama (religious scholars) of different faiths have greater potential in normalizing the conflict and skirmish around the world. the common word campaign initiated by 100 muslim scholars in 2007 based on love of god and love of neighbours to the christian world is a successful example as scholars from both faiths referred to their scriptures and identified verses encourage on co-existence and being good to their neighbours. however, the difficult task is how to translate individuals‟ personal chaotic experiences such as war, violence, poverty and other dreadful issues in a way that not only remedy their grievances but also give them a good and positive thinking in living together. unfortunately, knowingly or unknowingly, numerous terrorist groups around the world defend their activities based on their religious understanding, while it is known in islam and christianity that to wage a just war or jihad, people require a lawful authority, a just cause and right intention. but a thinnest observation on the battles being fought around the world today expose them that they are defaming their faith in which they believe. a beautiful discussion is made by george joffe in his write-up entitled “differing traditions of “just war” in the contemporary world”. the book has presented varied topics in historical and analytical manners. however, it could be wonderful, if book had detailed in presenting early muslim scholars‟ contribution in the field of diplomacy and international law and how it is transformed to the west. hugo grotius who is considered pioneer of international law was inspired by muslim sciences and recently, hans kruse who not only recognized muhammad bin al hasan al-shaibani contributions in the field but established a foundation of international islamic jurisprudence because of him. what appears is that discourse presented in the book is a kind of similar discourse observed in islamization of knowledge and maqasid-e-shrai‟ 562 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 approaches. the greatest drawback is it has a defensive approach in proving that islam is a peaceful religion and it has insights that can be employed in all human spheres. it was and is significant to discuss what are happening around the world due to wrong policies of the west, especially in the middle east and afghanistan. trump and many western politicians‟ hate comments against muslim community is not good as same as they and majority of muslims around the world consider isis and al-qaeda‟s activities. the book‟s central theme of offering or suggesting a new religion or faith-oriented diplomacy norms could be more acceptable to readers, if there were attempts by simplifying some trouble making situations by the virtue of adhering faith-based norms. i do not dare to say that thoughtful readers cannot figure out that how faith-based norms explained in the book can simplify and solve numerous issues that world is facing today but the nature of presentation is implicitly. however, it will be unfair not to mention that what is the main contribution of this book. in one hand, this book has clarified a number of issues that affect muslim communities on daily basis in defending their religious view related to jihad, terrorism and whether the country in which they reside it is „place of war‟ or „place peace‟ and how it would be determined. on the other hand, this book has established and took the ongoing discourse of accepting importance of religion and religious norms in conducting international relations by explaining how many world-wide trouble making issues can be resolved, if people of different faiths come together. the scholars of international relation after the establishment of israel in 1947 had started discussing how religion play important role in international structure as well as it was seen when ayatollah khomeini had installed religion-based rule in 1979, in iran after overthrowing the kingship. the book is theoretical as well as practical at the same time and it can be used a new strategy in international relation. the book-cover inspired by beautiful islamic-architecture into sea-like blue page stimulates readers to get a dip into it. book data title: islam and diplomacy: the quest for security editors: prof. mohammad hashim kamali, dr. karim douglas crow & dr. elmira akhmetova isbn: 978-967-978-990-4 mohammad shekaib alam 563 islam and diplomacy: the quest for human seicurity publisher: iais malaysia & pelanduk year of publication: 2017 cover front and back: the effect of management order on work systems and efficiency of the firms in small and medium sized projects practical study of small and medium sized industrial organizations in libya mohamed alhadi khalil assistant professor business administration department faculty of economics and political science university of misurata libya email address: mohkhalil71@gmail.com, mohkha18@yahoo.com abstract this paper focuses on the role of smes in shaping the economy of developing and developed countries, contributing to the elimination of unemployment rates in many countries and achieving a certain level of income, in addition to their social role such as achieving social solidarity and social advancement. in the administrative system of such projects caused their failure and failure to cope with progress and achievement of goals. the paper reached some conclusions, the most important of which are: 1the weakness of the efficiency of the administrative system in the institutions of the subject matter and the study, and this through the availability of the necessary number of workers, due to the failure to plan ahead of work and develop appropriate measures. 2 low follow-up of working individuals from the discrimination of the owners of skills and experience, through the work of appropriate training and rehabilitation programs that contribute to the success of the institution or project. 3 lack of motivation and lack of opportunities for entrepreneurs and entrepreneurs, especially leaders, to express their inventions, which contribute to the success of those projects and developed. islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 issn: 2614-0535 mohamed alhadi khalil 257 the effect of management order on work systems and efficiency of the firms keywords : management order, administrative system, unemployment, libya introduction: small and medium sized industrial projects are considered very important enterprising jobs due to their essential role for forming the economy of either developing or advanced countries, they are also considered as the pilaster of economic and social development, thanks to their positive effect enhancing the national economy in which huge industrial projects failed to realize any development and failed to grant jobs for unemployed people, in fact huge industrial projects need huge investments and considering the international competition for costs reduction, is one of the important reasons to look for small and medium sized projects, which have the main importance in offering many jobs and having limited capital costs, so these projects are helping to solve the unemployment problem, of which most of undeveloped countries are suffering especially for youth; they are projects (unlike huge sized projects) easily adaptable to the market changes, they have proved their capacity to improve production and management technologies besides their moderate needs of infrastructure, which is adequate for economic situations and circumstances of developing countries. small and medium sized projects are considered one of the most important pilasters of social and economic development, generally in developing countries and especially in libya which is, from a hand, a principle source for supplying more production energy, and helping to solve poverty and unemployment problems, from the other hand; such projects have a specific advantages, such as elasticity, fast changing capacity and capacity of invention and renovation, they are the main matrix for offering jobs and containing workers of whom they make the main engine of economy and the effective engine of investment and economic development; they are considered then, the pilaster of social and economic development, thanks to their positive effect on the national economy, playing a crucial role for new jobs availability and realizing a continues increasing investments. 258 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 while talking about small and medium sized projects in libya, we can’t neglect the political important rewhich a an important factor acting on all different economic activities, obviously the political and social environments have a direct influence on small and medium sized projects, changing their qualitative and quantitative efficiency. study issues: many economists think that small and medium sized projects are one of the most important pilasters of social and economic development in advanced and developing countries, therefore, many of the arabic countries, such as algeria, highly interested in such projects, and started to enhance them largely in every possible way, with all available possibilities, especially when they realized that such projects, have proved their efficiency and capacity to solve most of economic problems, in fact, they can contain workers, spite the small investment size when compared to huge projects, they are offering furthermore, the possibility to improve various skills such as management, technology, production and marketing; they can also give a proper opportunity to the personal initiatives and auto employments, that’s what (mrs. samia ben ramadan 2010) has approved. starting from the high interest for small and medium firms, trying to assist them to improve their activities under the complicated political circumstances; on basis the importance of the management system, to enhance the firms efficiency and duration, we can propose the following question: how much can the management system influencing the efficiency of small and medium firms? reasons of choosing this subject : this subject has been chosen, for some reasons, such as: the highly increasing number of small and medium firms, either in developed or in developing countries, because they are considered as an important factor for economy development. the important role of offering job opportunities for whole social categories, especially the leaders, achieving the sufficient income, these projects can also achieve the requirement of many necessities and services for the society; (awdah jameel al -faleet: small sized projects in ghaza strip, and their role of economy development, 2011). mohamed alhadi khalil 259 the effect of management order on work systems and efficiency of the firms the interest of the international organizations, in such as, and the assistance offered by some international bodies to this employment, as confirmed by the modern economic studies in the same subject, confirming the importance of small and medium sized industries to activate the economy movement in countries which have adequate environmental conditions to incubate such projects insuring their success. trying to highlight the mana gement and organization field at such firms. enrich the university’s library with some studies about small and medium firms, which becomes one of the most important proposed solutions, for new graduates, to avoid the unemployment crisis, it can also offer some job opportunities even for unqualified people, that means offering human power workers, whom have the chance to be skilled workers for huge projects in near future (mohamed nabil al-shimi: the importance of small and medium sized projects to countries economy 2009) . even studying the subject: (efficiency of small and medium firms), and comparing it to the high efficiency working systems, is also considered relatively one of the most modern studies, at least for the developing countries, libya for example, it evidences to the interested authorities, the entity of corruption and bad management organization, it evidences the correct procedures which must be followed in order to reach the advanced technical levels of efficiency; we can note furthermore, that the interested authorities are usually neglecting or underestimating the importance of looking for the proper system for each employment according to its relative situation and circumstances. additions : the subject: (efficiency of small and medium firms), taking into consideration the high efficiency working systems, is considered relatively, one of the modern studied subjects in libya, but it hasn’t been entirely studied yet, didn’t have any temptation of standard study, therefore, a simple study of this issue, analyzing its reasons and its symptoms, is simply some sort of addition for this study. even trying to intuit how will be the situation in case, partially or totally of the political and circumstantial restraints will change, is also some sort of addition for this study. 260 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 the purposes : this study is issued to realize the following purposes: all purposes written in the subject of management system, and trying to apply them to the small and medium firms. to point out the role of management system and its necessity for the efficiency of small and medium firms. to know the fact and characteristics of systems used in the small and medium firms in libya. to induce the organizers of small and medium firms, to improve the efficiency of their firms, by adopting the principles of administration and management systems. appreciating the systematical changes as typical changes, needs a special treatment. the importance : the importance of this paper is staying in the fact of exhibiting some previous studies about the same subject, knowing then, the problems resulting from bad management systems of small and medium firms in libya, after that, highlighting some points haven’t been taken in consideration in past libyan state. this study is considered the first of its kind in libya, in fact it is arguing the complications hindering such firms, to reach the maximum possible level of efficiency. some of related points are confirmed by some of previous studies, such as: 1azzam suliman’s thesis, entitled (financial problems of the small projects in aleppo –arabic republic of syria), in this thesis, the editor has exhibited the definition of small industrial projects, evidencing their importance, after that he has analyzed the fact of industrial projects in syria and their most important problems, he concluded at the end of his thesis with the necessity of providing a proper banking system to deal with such a projects, together with bigger projects, the thesis concludes also with the necessity to reform the rules and regulations of taxes imposed to this kind of projects, which must have some governmental aids. 2rabiha suliman’s thesis 1998, entitled (small sized industries and their role to economy development in aleppo – arabic republic of syria), the editor, in this thesis mohamed alhadi khalil 261 the effect of management order on work systems and efficiency of the firms has exhibited the situations of small sized industries, their characteristics and their problems especially for textile industry in syria; this thesis has also studied the proper way to duly enhance and develop this kind of industries, in order to exploit their advantages for the benefit of the national economy; the thesis concludes with the necessity to point an official definition for the small sized industries, to be obligated to all organs, authorities and corporations, charged to grow up and develop these industries, the thesis concludes also, with the necessity of government to assist such industries, due to their importance. 3samia ben ramadan’s thesis – 2010, entitled (the compli cations of small and medium sized projects in the developing countries, and their treatment) the thesis concludes with some of the results hinging on the presence of many complications opposing the small and medium sized projects in the developing countries, such as algeria, especially economic, social and cultural complications which hinder the progress of such projects and prevent them to realize the development, so the right procedure must be done to make sure that complications will be removed. 4a report entitled (small and medium sized projects in palestine), edited by: studies and researches center / march 2014, concluding with various recommendations, such as: the arrangement for economic prospect studies and evaluation of small and medium sized projects, to be reorganized between their owners, in order to become more productive. training of small and medium sized projects owners, about the new management systems of projects, especially how to provide production accessories, the management of production and marketing operations, providing a proper professional training to develop the skills of various activities of small and medium sized projects, and holding courses of management, marketing, accounting and production, in a proper way according to the specific conditions and characteristics of these projects. nevertheless, reasons and facts of the management system, be searched and known, as well as its 262 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 effect on the efficiency of small and medium sized projects in libya, it can be noted in the productive firms, spite the presence of many skilled and expert workers, adequate for such a projects. there is even the absence of the proper suitable habitat circumstances for the activity, through which the editor has undertaken the discussion of the subject, noting among groups of workers, in these projects, the absence of the spirit of acting together in group, taking into consideration that absence of spirit has a strong effect on the required level of efficiency. prospectus of the paper : this paper is following the descriptive way, in the side of the theoretical foundation, trying to describe the level of efficiency and the management system’s morphology, trying to explain after that, what are the required procedures to insure achieving the adequate levels of efficiency, measured with adequate standards of quality in the libyan organizations. data sources : this study depended on the following data sources: 1st. previous editions on the same subject, including management education books, written about the same subject. 2nd. origin of data and statistics, including: bulletins and chronicles issued by the libyan governmental organizations. bulletins and chronicles issued by international and national organizations, which have some interest on this subject, such as the arabic development fund (a.d.f.) 3rd. related studies and theses, published on some magazines and some determined scientific chronicles. data collection tool : the stage of data collection is semi – structured interviews. jankowicz (2004) argues that the questionnaire survey is best used in combination with other methods, such as in – depth interviews, as this enables the researcher to further investigate respondents’ attitudes. polit and hungler (1997) suggest that loosely structured interviews allow the researcher to cover a list of topics, while lobiondo – wood and haber (1998) argue that they enable the researcher to clarify questions where necessary and to enter in to the participants’ world mohamed alhadi khalil 263 the effect of management order on work systems and efficiency of the firms to obtain richer, more complex data. the interviews were conducted with senior employees in the target companies. it is hoped that enable the researcher to gather any data that is not obtained by using the questionnaire. as corbin and strauss (2008) show, qualitative research methods, such as the semi – structured interview, yield results which cannot be reached through statistical or other quantitive approaches. community and research sample : the study concentrated on some of the small and medium sized firms in libya, from which we can gather enough data to provide some information related to the subject, and to study the main issue’s sides regarding the negative effect of defects and bad management, on the efficiency, the activity and organization of such firms; therefore, some of the small and medium sized firms, have been visited by the researcher, such as: 1) misurata factory for soaps and detergents; the factory, currently has only 40 dependents, but effectively it needs much more employees, in fact, due to bad management and deterioration of factory’s situation, it is running only one shift power and with many complications, the time shift is not more than 4 hours, when we consider the gab of starting and stopping production. 2) pakin co. for paint and chemical industries; the company has 45 de pendents, of whom 7 persons are administrative, 2 technicians and 36 normal labors. 3) misurata co. for general services; the company has about 1025 employees in various jobs, but due to management deterioration, the company lost its normal level of profitable efficiency. 4) annaseem co. for alimentary products; the company has about 800 employees of different nationalities, you can note that there is no precise nomination for the majority of employments, that insures good and prosperous management system of the work, which means achievement of higher level of efficiency. 5) almadina co. for paints, misurata – libya; the company has about 260 employees in various jobs, the researcher can note many lakes, consequent of bad management system and bad employment procedures, which have a negative 264 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 effect on the outlet productivity and efficiency of the company, such as the negligence of manpower skills and rehabilitation of the employees from time to time, in order to insure achievement of higher level of management system efficiency, in a proper way. conclusion : the interest of small and medium enterprises and enterprises has a major and effective role in economic and social development through its clear impact on the elimination of a certain percentage of unemployment and achieving a certain level of income, in addition to achieving the social solidarity and the advancement of society. . in addition, these projects are capable of adapting to environmental changes such as market competition and opportunities for entrepreneurship and others. effective management is one of the characteristics or characteristics of successful projects. we can see the impact of labor efficiency. these issues are outlined in the conclusion of this paper in the form of results supported by recommendations and as follows. results : through the information obtained, the following results were obtained. 1the weakness of the efficiency of the administrative system in the institutions of the subject matter and the study, and this through the availability of the necessary number of workers, due to the failure to plan ahead of work and develop appropriate measures. 2 lack of interest in studying the environmental conditions surrounding the small and medium enterprises subject matter of the study, which noted the deterioration of the administrative system and its lack of consistency from time to time. 3 the weakness of the existence of opportunities for promotion of jobs for employees, which contributes to the investment skill and efficiency of some of the workers in higher positions that help to achieve the highest level of efficiency in work. 4 low follow-up of working individuals from the discrimination of the owners of skills and experience, through the work of appropriate training and rehabilitation programs that contribute to the success of the institution or project. mohamed alhadi khalil 265 the effect of management order on work systems and efficiency of the firms 5 lack of motivation and lack of opportunities for entrepreneurs and entrepreneurs, especially leaders, to express their inventions, which contribute to the success of those projects and developed. working from time to time so that the identification of the owners of skills and those who have been paid and qualified to fill positions to ensure the continuation of the project and its survival in the community recommendations: in accordance with the results of the pure paper through the theoretical framework and the study accompanied by a number of recommendations highlighted the following. 1to remind the organizers of companies or small and medium enterprises to work in their projects through adherence to the principles of management and management to ensure the safety of work and the achievement of the goals with the highest level of efficiency. 2taking into account the environment and its possible changes, considering that the future is uncertain, and that the necessary measures can be taken to meet any emergency circumstances that may hinder the work of the department. 3 the need for attention by the management of such projects to follow the personnel references : adwa al faleet , small sized projects in ghaza strip, and their role of economy development , 2011. mohamed al shimi , the importance of small and medium sized projects to countries economy , 2009. azzam silliman’s thesis, financial problems of the small projects in aleppo , arabic republic of syria. rabiha silliman’s thesis, small sized industries and their role to economy development in aleppo, arabic republic of syria, 1998. samia ben ramadan’s thesis, the complications of small and medium sized projects in the developing countries, and their treatment, 2010. a report of small and medium sized projects in palestine, studies and researches center, march 2014. 266 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 polit, d.f. and hungler, b.p. 1997. essentials of nursing research. philadelphia: lippincott. jankowicz, a.d., (2004). business research projects. international thomson business press. lobiondo-wood, g. and haber, j. (1998). nursing research methods, critical appraisal, and utilisation. (4th ed). missouri: mosby. corbin, j. and strauss, a., (2008). basics of qualitative research: techniques and procedures for developing grounded theory. sage. diskursus reformasi arab saudi: kontestasi kerajaan saudi dan wahabi mahmud hibatul wafi pasca sarjana uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta konsentrasi kajian timur tengah email: mahmudwf@gmail.com abstrak pengakuan publik yang dilontarkan pihak saudi akan betapa kaku dan konservatifnya cara beragama negara tersebut mendatangkan perhatian dan pertanyaan besar bagi dunia internasional. reformasi sosial dan ekonomi adalah di atara rancangan yang dilancarkan saudi. pihak saudi sendiri berniat untuk bertransformasi ke arah islam moderat sebagai upaya untuk mereduksi bentuk-bentuk “kekakuan” dan sikap ekstremisme. penelitian ini akan lebih mengarah kepada beberapa rumusan masalah yaitu, apa sebenarnya yang melatarbelakangi kebijakan reformasi pihak kerajaan saudi dan bagaimana konstelasi pemerintahan saudi ke depannya jika reformasi besar-besaran akan terjadi serta seperti apa pula reaksi asertif dan resistensi dari kubu wahabi terhadap kebijakan tersebut. selanjutnya, kehadiran paper ini akan coba menguraikan dan membentangkan asumsiasumsi diskursif melalui pendekatan decision making process untuk memahami lebih jauh maksud dari cita-cita reformasi arab saudi. kata kunci : arab saudi, reformasi, wahabi abstract a public recognition announced by saudi about how strict and conservative the way they practice the religion, has been attracting attention and a big question worldwide. social and economic reformation are the main plan that will be committed by saudi. saudi intend to transform to a moderate islam, as an effort to reduce their rigidity and extremism. this research will lead to some of the problem statements which explain the background of the reformation policy carried out by the kingdom of saudi arabia, and how the constellation islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 issn: 2614-0535 tika dian pratiwi 229 diskursus reformasi arab saudi : kontestasi kerajaan saudi dan wahabi of saudi‟s government will be in the future if a massive reformation occur, as well as the assumptions of wahhabi‟s assertive and resistance reaction towards the policy. this paper will try to elaborate and unveil discursive assumptions by dmp (decision making process) approach to further understand the intention of saudi arabia‟s reformation ideal. keywords: saudi arabia, reformation, wahabi pendahuluan sebagaimana diketahui secara jamak, arab saudi merupakan negara islam yang dibangun berlandaskan alqur‟an dan sunnah sebagai asas konstitusi negaranya. konstitusi yang berlandaskan inti ajaran islam tersebut memiliki konsekuensi berupa keterlibatan ulama‟ wahabi di dalam pemerintahan arab saudi.selain itu, latar belakang historis arab saudi yang tidak bisa dipisahkan dari peran kelompok wahabi baik dalam pendirian negara maupun pemerintahannya(izaqi, 2016: 388). bahwa antara wahabisme dan arab saudi telah terjalin hubungan yang saling membutuhkan, saling menopang, dan bahkan hubungan mereka ini sangat menentukan mobilitas negara saudi.sejak pemerintahan king abdul aziz hingga sekarang, kaum wahabi melayani negara atau selaku stakeholder, dan begitu juga dengan negara melayani kaum wahabi, jadi di antara mereka ada mutualism-relation.di antaranya kaum wahabi berperan aktif dalam memformulasikan model kebijakan hukum yang kemudian diimplimentasikan para pejabat negara. melalui wahabi, negara mengokohkan otoritasnya. sejauh ini, hubungan antara arab saudi dan wahabi berlangsung dengan sangat baik, lebih dari sekadar hubungan pragmatis dan saling memberi dukungan.mereka juga saling bahu membahu menjawab persoalan tentang bagaimana model negara islam, sikap negara terhadap modernisasi, dan sebagainya. melihat betapa eratnya hubu ngan saudi dan wahabi ini, seperti nya akan menjadi batu penghadang bagi misi reformasi ekonomi – terutama sektor pariwisatayang digagaskan oleh muhammad bin salman. langkah ini diambil selain untuk menegaskan agenda modernisasi arab saudi 2030, juga paling pokok adalah untuk mewaspadai anjloknya perekonomian saudi yang selama 230 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 ini hanya bersandar pada minyak dan gas sebagai main commodity. posisi wahabi dianggap akan mengusik penerapan kebijakan reformasi tersebut. tidak bisa tidak arus modernisasi akan mem pengaruhi kultur keagamaan yang selama ini dibangun oleh wahabi. apalagi pencanangan sektor pariwisata dipastikan akan bertentangan dengan corak ke agamaan mereka. apabila merujuk ke teori fungsionalisme struktural bahwa masyarakat sebagai satu sistem yang terdiri dari bagian-bagian yang saling berhubungan satu sama lain dan bagian yang satu tak dapat berfungsi tanpa ada hubungan dengan bagian yang lain. kemudian, perubahan yang terjadi pada salah satu bagian akan menyebabkan ketidakseimbangan dan pada gilirannya akan menciptakan perubahan pada bagian lain (bourricaud, 1981: 94) . maka demikian pulalah yang akan terjadi pada hubungan saudi dan wahabi, tidak bisa tidak akan memberi dampak bagi regulasi dan aristokrasi saudi. oleh karena itu, membaca seperti apa proyek reformasi saudi dan pengaruhnya terhadap posisi wahabi yang sangat dominan di saudi serta sejauh mana kemungkinan bangkitnya spirit demokrasi yang pada akhirnya akan membahayakan sistem monarki saudi akan menjadi titik fokus dalam pembahasan ini. kemudian, dalam merumuskan anasir yang turut serta dalam perumusan kebijakan muhammad bin salman, penulis juga me nyertakan pendekatan decision making process. instrumen ini digunakan untuk menyuguhkan fokus kajian dalam membaca pengaruh kelompok dalam politik luar negeri. di dalam sebuah proses pengambilan kebijakan, seorang pemimpin tidak berdiri sendiri. ada sekelompok orang yang memiliki peran dan pengaruh dalam pe rumusan kebijakan luar negeri suatu negara (lovel, 1970: 59). cita-cita reformasi saudi ide reformasi yang digagas oleh muhammad bin salman (mbs) bisa ditanggapi sebagai perwujudan ke khawatiran kerajaan saudi terhadap ladang perekonomian mereka. minyak dan gas merupakan komoditi utama yang selama ini menopang negara tersebut tampak semakin tak bersahabat.harga minyak semakin melemah dan persaingan ekonomi internasional semakin meningkat.“kecanduan” saudi terhadap minyak bahkan bisa saja menjadi malapetaka tika dian pratiwi 231 diskursus reformasi arab saudi : kontestasi kerajaan saudi dan wahabi bagi mereka bila tidak ada langkah yang brilian untuk meng antisipasinya. data yang dirilis oleh badan moneter internasional menyebutkan pertembuhan per ekonomian saudi anjlok menjadi 0,4%. ditambah lagi adanya peningkatan produksi minyak di as yang mendorong acuan harga west texas intermediate (wti) kembali ke bawah 50 dollar as per barrel. dan kondisi diprediksi akan terus berlanjut hingga akhir tahun 2018 ini (kompas, 8/17). kemudian tercetuslah rencana besar “visi ekonomi 2030” untuk mentransformasi perekonomian saudi lebih baik dan menggiring saudi ke arah yang lebih modern, moderat, dan terbuka pada dunia. pengembangan dan diversifikasi sektor non-minyak menjadi target utama saudi. salah satunya peng embangan dan pembangunan sektor pariwisata. bahkan mbs juga telah mengumumkan saudi akan membangun sebuah lokasi wisata kelas dunia di kawasan laut merah lengkap dengan berbagai fasilitas modern, canggih, dan kaum hawa di pantai dibolehkan memakai bikini (middleeasteye.net, 28/10). visi saudi 2030 tersebut juga menghendaki perombakan sektor sosial dan budaya sebagai bagian kesatuan negara.saudi pun menunjukkan keterbukaannya dengan mengizinkan perempuan untuk mengemudi dan memasuki stadiun.singkatnya, reformasi ekonomi mewajibkan adanya reformasi sosial.di antara terobosan reformasi sosial –selain ruang publik bagi perempuanyang diinisiasi oleh pihak kerajaan adalah pemberian lisensi bagi industri bioskop untuk beroperasi yang direalisasi pada mei 2018 ini. berkenaan dengan ini, menteri kebudayaan dan informasi, dr. awwad alawwad mengatakan, “langkah ini hadir sebagai bagian dari agenda reformasi sosial dan ekonomi dalam bingkai “visi 2030” di bawah kepemimpinan putra mahkota muhammad bin salman. keputusan untuk mengizinkan bioskop adalah inti program pe merintah untuk mendorong dan mengapresiasi budaya lokal yang terbuka serta memperkaya kebudayaan masyarakat saudi” (riyadhconnect.com, 12/12). satu hal yang pasti, apapun agenda yang digaungkan mbs adalah upaya untuk mereduksi pelabelan konservatif dan fundamentalis oleh dunia internasional selama ini, dan kemudian direvisi dengan menampilkan saudi yang inklusif. namun, saudi harus menyadari betapa asas konservatif yang dipupuk oleh klan wahabi di 232 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 negaranya telah mengakar cukup lama. dan ini bukanlah kerja yang mudah. sekilas tentang wahabi wahabi, sebuah platform islam yang mempopulerkan gagasan purifikasi terhadap ajaran-ajaran islam. dicetus oleh muhammad bin abd al-wahab sekitar abad 18 dan saudi adalah sentral per gerakannya. penyebaran wahabi sendiri bisa terbilang sangat pesat, dimaklumi karena ada dukungan kerajaan saud yang menopangnya. adalah muhammad ibn saud, tokoh bani saud saat itu yang menjalin kontrak kerjasama dengan muhammad bin abd al-wahab untuk meyebarluaskan paham tersebut (el-fadl, 2005: 7). dengan ditetapkannya arab saudi sebagai negara yang sah pada tahun 1932, paham wahabi pun turut serta dideklarasikan sebagai ideologi negara arab saudi. cita-cita pemurnian islam yang didengungkan oleh wahabi ini sangat menentang keras terhadap segala bentuk „amaliyyah yang berbau kurafat, sufistik, dan bid‟ah.cara berpikir mereka terhadap instrumen-instrumen agama pun sangat tekstualis dan konservatif.demikian juga dengan semangat beragama mereka yang sangat mengedepankan ijtihad dan menganggap satu-satunya kebenaran bersumber dari ulama‟ mereka. bahkan pada masa awal eks pansinya, wahabiyyin tak segansegan memerangi orang atau kabilah yang menolak ajaran mereka. bila dakwah lisan tidak ditolerir, maka „dakwah pedang‟ akan ambil alih. sehingga, tak sedikit orang-orang yang terpaksa mengikuti ajaran mereka, atau paling tidak melarikan diri ke daerah lain (ali, 1995: 54). sikap otoriter yang ditunjukkan wahabi tersebut sungguh sangat bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai tauhid yang diwariskan oleh rasulullah saw.tak dapat di mungkiri adanya kontradiksi antara goal – purifikasi islamdan implimentasi dakwah yang mereka lakukan.bahkan madawi rasheed menyebutkan bawa karakter wahabi adalah otoriter, konservatif, dan sangat pasif tehadap politik (madawi rasheed, 2007: 5). tak sedikit pula tokoh yang menilai bahwa semangat islam yang dikampanyekan oleh wahabi akan mengancam pluralitas dalam ajaran islam. dengan sinis, azyumardi azra menyatakan bahwa wahabi adalah wajah islam yang primitif atau dalam bahasa lain bendle menyatakannya sebagai sebuah tika dian pratiwi 233 diskursus reformasi arab saudi : kontestasi kerajaan saudi dan wahabi upaya imperalialisme agama (bendle, 2007: 7). di antara beberapa prinsip atau ajaran wahabi ialah (nashir, 2006: 438), 1. mengembalikan ajaran islam kepada al-qur‟an dan sunnah (absolutisme qur‟an dan sunnah) 2. memurnikan pemikiran islam dari tauhid yang menyesatkan dan berorientasi pada tauhid „ubudiyyah 3. menindak tegas segala bentuk amaliyyah bid‟ah dan kurafat. bagi kalangan wahabi, semua yang tidak memiliki referensi dari nabi adalah sesat sehingga berdampak pada ketidakmampuan kalangan wahabi untuk melaksanakan ajaran agama secara dinamis. 4. menghidupkan semangat jihad, dan lain-lain. kemunculan wahabi pada mulanya telah dicurigai sarat dengan kejanggalan, diduga kuat inggris adalah aktor di balik pergerakan mereka. misinya tiada lain hendak menguatkan hegemoni dan otoritas mereka di kawasan arab yang kaya akan minyak dan gas alam itu. dinasti utsmani sebagai musuh terberat akan dibuat tunduk dengan semangat koloni yang dijalin saudi dan inggris (el-fadl, 2005: 39). dengan hasil kerja sama ini, saud akhirnya mendapat otoritas penuh dari inggris untuk menakhodai kawasan arab. kemudian, saudi bahu-membahu bersama wahabi membangun negara atas kepentingan ideologis hingga hari ini. reformasi, wahabi, dan demokrasi dengan situasi ekonomi yang mengkhawatirkan, maka opsi reformasi di sektor sosial dan ekonomi pun digagas.beberapa langkah reformasi yang dirumuskan di antaranya, membuka sektor pariwisata, pemerataan hukum lewat penindakan terhadap pelaku korupsi, menekan potensi ekstremisme oleh para ulama‟, melonggarkan peraturan terhadap peran perempuan, dan lain-lain. di antara beberapa kebijakan yang telah diupayakan saudi, terlihat jelas bahwa mereka sangat mengedepankan rational-approach. dengan menekankan pada keputusan yang berkaitan dengan daya guna (syamsi, 1971: 319-321). juga terlihat kebijakan saudi tersebut lebih bersifat objektif.meski dasar-dasar pengambilan keputusannya terkesan sangat otoritatif bila ditinjau dari sisi wahabi.namun, 234 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 wewenang yang dimiliki kerajaan membuat siapapun tak berkutik untuk melawannya. sejauh ini, belum terlihat ke putusankeputusan dibuat bersifat kognitif, karena secara eksplisit hasil final (output) reformasi saudi ini masih belum jelas substansi dan haluannya. menurut j. reason, setiap pengambilan keputusan mesti menunjukkan artikulasi pemilihan satu jalur keputusan dari beberapa alternatif yang tersedia (reason, 1990: ix). hanya saja, saudi berangkat dari keresahan terhadap sektor minyak sebagai latar belakang reformasi, sehingga membuka peluang reformasi bagi sektor lainnya, terutama sektor budaya dan agama. atas dasar economic interest saudi tersebut, proses perancangan kebijakan terpolarisasi ke aspek ideological interest, dan wahabisme adalah tumbalnya.meski ini cukup riskan bagi saudi, tapi penyelamatan kepentingan nasional secara global tampaknya lebih diutamakan. dengan kata lain, kebutuhan atau ketergantungan saudi terhadap eliteelite internasional dipandang masih cukup besar. ikhtiar reformasi yang sudah semestinya ditentukan oleh nilainilai ideal yang dicita-citakan oleh rakyat.karena reformasi sendiri berangkat dari pemenuhan aspirasi rakyat.apakah reformasi yang dilakukan saudi ini selaras dengan kepentingan rakyat atau tidak?ataukah hanya kepentingan kerajaan sepihak? sebagaimana yang telah di singgung di atas, reformasi saudi ini akan dihadapkan dengan kultur masyarakat yang konservatif dan fundamentalis, terutama dalam beragama. secara garis besar, kebijakan reformasi dinilai bertolak belakang dengan alam pikiran masyarakat saudi. sedangkan reformasi memiliki makna, upaya untuk menata ulang hal-hal menyimpang yang sudah tidak sesuai dengan cita-cita rakyat. dengan kata lain, reformasi menawarkan proses sistematis, terpadu, dan komprehensif yang berorientasi mewujudkan tata pemerintahan yang baik (good goverment) (sedarmayanti, 2009: 67) . kemudian, prasojo (2009) mengatakan bahwa reformasi merujuk pada upaya yang di kehendaki (intended changer), dalam suatu kerangka kerja yang jelas dan terarah. oleh karena itu, persyaratan keberhasilan reformasi adalah eksistensi road map, menuju suatu kondisi, status, dan tujuan yang ditetapkan sejak awal (prasojo, 2009: xv). tika dian pratiwi 235 diskursus reformasi arab saudi : kontestasi kerajaan saudi dan wahabi berangkat dari beberapa pengertian di atas, secara eksplisit sejauh ini saudi sudah menun jukkan langkah-langkah reformasi mereka, tinggal lagi indikator keberhasilannya masih perlu di pertanyakan dan ditinjau ulang. cita-cita reformasi ini apakah sejalan dengan kultur dan aspirasi masyarakat saudi sendiri, karena saudi sebagai negara yang mendudukkan kebijakan pemerintah sebagai keputusan mutlak dan tak dapat ditolerir. karena kalau gagal, maka reformasi “kecil-kecilan” ala saudi ini dimungkinkan akan lahirnya semangat demokrasi di kubu masyarakat. dan itu bisa menjadi malapetaka bagi klan saud. hal ini juga menjadi “pr” besar bagi saudi untuk mengawal jalannya proses reformasi tersebut. sejauh ini pada level masyarakat dan negara saudi terbelah menjadi “wahabi” dan “dinasti alsaud”. bahkan juga ada kelompok ketiga yang tak kalah besar pengaruhnya, yaitu mereka yang menyambut gembira perselingkuhan antara ikhwanul muslimin dan wahabi. kelompok ketiga ini bisa jadi merupakan kubu oposisi yang terbesar di saudi. alhasil, gesekan internal saudi berpotensi berubah menjadi benturan yang melibatkan tiga poros, dan tak jelas apakah mbs dapat mengendalikan benturan ini demi kepentingannya, ataukah negara ini akan terjebak pada episode yang lebih mendebarkan dan sarat gejolak, mengingat rekam jejak saudi selama ini sebagai kerajaan yang tertutup dan represif. kendati ikhtiar reformasi terus dilakukan, bagi kelompok moderat, perubahan itu belum memuaskan. mereka masih menuntut hak politik dan sipil serta pemilu demokratis.terbukti, menjelang peringatan hari nasional, aparat keamanan menangkap puluhan aktivis dan ulama yang berencana melakukan unjuk rasa menuntut demokratisasi, menentang korupsi, dan pelanggaran ham.apakah mbs yang masih belia (32 tahun) mampu menyelesaikan masalahmasalah besar ini, terutama masalah demokratisasi?nampaknya tidak, sesuai pernyataan salman, “demokrasi tidak boleh diterapkan di saudi karena negeri ini terdiri dari suku-suku dan wilayahwilayah.kalau demokrasi diterap kan, setiap suku dan wilayah akan memiliki partainya sendiri.” namun, gebrakan anti-korupsi masih akan terus dilakukan karena ini merupakan inti dari reformasi ekonomi dan kebijakan politik. 236 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 penahanan para pangeran dan pejabat bertujuan konsolidasi kekuasaan dan menarik dukungan internal dan internasional.tapi mbs harus berhati-hati. reformasi yang dijalankannya akan menciptakan banyak musuh dan persoalan baru (ismes.net: 17/11). selanjutnya, karen elliot house dalam on saudi arabia: its people, past, religion, fault lines, and future menegaskan bahwa relasi antara kerajaan saud dengan ulama‟ wahabi tidaklah stabil. kerajaan kerap menghendaki modernisasi dan reformasi, tapi selalu muncul perlawanan dari ulama‟ wahabi (karen, 2012).ini menandakan bahwa wahabi sangat interaktif dan dominatif dalam menentukan arah pemerintahan. islam moderat sebagai new religious movement sejauh ini, ulama wahabi hanya berdiam diri dan tidak bisa berbuat apa-apa, mengingat keputasan raja yang bersifat mutlak dan tak ada celah bagi mereka untuk mem berontak.dari pihak kerajaan sendiri sudah mulai meningkatkan pengawasanterhadap ulama‟-ulama‟ yang dicap mengkampanyekan semangat ekstrimisme. bagi ke rajaan, ekstrimisme inilah yang menjadi biang sulitnya menghadirkan islam moderat di negaranya. dalam membangun visi misi, kerajaan terkesan sangat me manfaatkan otoritas yang dimiliki ulama‟ untuk mensosialisasikan ke masyarakat saudi. menunjukkan bahwa ulama‟ pun harus tunduk dengan keputusan kerajaan dan mesti bekerja sama demi terwujud nya reformasi sosial tersebut. kesepakatan ulama‟ dapat dilihat ketika terjadi penangkapan besarbesaran terhadap beberapa penge ran dan menteri yang diklaim terlibat dalam kasus korupsi. adapun ulamaulama‟ yang memberanikan diri menyatakan ketidaksetujuannya maka tidak ada ampun dan pasti akan dicekal. seperti yang terjadi pada september lalu, beberapa ulama‟ dan imam masjid telah dipecat dan ditahan karena terindikasi meyebarkan paham ekstrimisme (arabnews. com).syekh awad al-qarni, syekh salman al-awda beserta saudara laki-lakinya adalah di antara ulama‟ yang ditahan dan dijebloskan ke penjara isolasi tanpa tuntutan yang jelas (cnn.indonesia.com). menyikapi posisi wahabi yang sangat signifikan bagi kerajaan saudi, gagasan islam moderat pun dihembuskan untuk mengambil alih otoritas keagamaan saudi. tika dian pratiwi 237 diskursus reformasi arab saudi : kontestasi kerajaan saudi dan wahabi model islam moderat seperti apa yang dicita-citakan saudi, sampai saat ini belum jelas konstelasinya. namun, bisa dipahami orientasinya adalah memenggal habis kekakuan dan ekstrimisme dalam beragama. bila diperhatikan dengan saksama, jatuhnya pilihan terhadap model “islam moderat” meyakinkan bahwa saudi sedang mencoba menampilkan bangunan new religious movement.clarke (2006) menyatakan bahwa religious movementmengalami perubahan yang signifikan akibat globalisasi, atau lebih tepatnya bagaimana agama bisa beradaptasi dengan globalisasi. kemudian bertransformasi menjadi new religiousmovement (nrm)yang lebih modern dan lebih mampu merespon perubahan zaman akibat globalisasi (izaqi, 2006).globalisasi menantang paradigma keagamaan klasik dan konservatif untuk hijrah ke format yang lebih relevan dengan perkembangan zaman. tak heran bila islam moderat menjadi alternatif bagi kerajaan saudi untuk menggeser posisi wahabi. namun, apakah ada jaminan islam moderat yang diinginkan mbs tersebut akan memberi warna baru bagi masyarakat saudi? di sini komitmen dan integritas mbs dipertaruhkan. kesimpulan tidak bisa dimungkiri bahwa wahabi sangat dominatif dalam menentukan kebijakan dan regulasi kerajaan saudi selama ini.wahabi dengan semangat konservatif dan fundamentalisnya pulalah yang mengkonstruksi sektor sosial, budaya, dan keagamaan saudi. tercetusnya kebijakan re formasi ekonomi dan sosial oleh muhammad bin salman tidak bisa tidak akan berimplikasi pada posisi wahabi. bertransformasi ke arah yang lebih moderat salah satu alternatifnya.ulama‟ wahabi sejauh ini masih berdiam diri dan ada juga yang mensupport kebijakan reformasi kerajaan, terutama soal penegakan hukum memberantas korupsi. di lain hal, cita-cita reformasi ini tidak bisa tidak akan melibatkan partisipasi dominan dari masyarakat saudi sendiri. adanya hal ini tentu akan membahayakan konstruksi monarki saudi. dibuktikan dengan tuntutan dari beberapa kalangan yang mempertanyakan hak politik dan sipil serta meminta adanya pemilu demokratis. kemudian, tidak menutup kemungkinan arah pemerintahan saudi akan bergeser ke demokrasi. selama ini pun, dicermati bahwa wahabilah yang berperan sebagai garda terdepan 238 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 menghalangi masuknya semangat demokrasi di negara ka‟bah tersebut. oleh karena itu, komitmen pihak kerajaan saudi sangat dibutuhkan untuk menjamin proyek reformasi tersebut agar berjalan baik dan kondusif.salah satunya, mampu mereduksi adanya pengaruh atau intervensi yang berlebihan pihak luar (barat). karena bagaimanapun, momentum reformasi ini akan menjadi ajang bagi barat untuk menguatkan hegemoni mereka di arab saudi. daftar pustaka abou el-fadl, khaled. 2005. the great theft: wresting islam from the extremists, san fransisco: harper publisher. ali, mukti. 1995. alam pikiran islam modern di timur tengah, jakarta: djambatan. bendle, mervyn f.2007. “secret saudi funding of radical islamic groups in australia”. national observer (council for the national interest, melbourne), no. 72. bourricaud, francois.the sociology of talcott parsons, chicago: chicago university press. clarke, peter b,2006.new religious in global perspective: a study of religions change in the modern world, routledge,new york. dougherty, james e. pfaltzgraff,1971. contending theories of international relations, new york: lippincot. house, karen elliot.2012.on saudi its people, past, religion, arabia fault lines and future, kanada: random house. izaqi, m. syafrizal.2016. “pengaruh kelompok wahabi terhadap politik luar negeri arab saudi dalam arab spring di mesir tahun 2011-2013,” jurnal analisis hubungan internasional, vol. 5 no. 2, juni. karim,nashir bin abdul. 2006. hanya islam bukan wahabi, jakarta: darul falah. lovel, john p. 1970. foreign policy in perspective: strategy, adaptation, decision making, new york: holt, rinehart and winston, inc. prasojo, eko.2009.reformasi kedua: melanjutkan edtafet reformasi, jakarta: salemba humanika. rasheed, madawi.2007.contesting the saudi state: islamic voices from a new generation, new york: cambridge university press. reason, james.1990.human error. ashgate. tika dian pratiwi 239 diskursus reformasi arab saudi : kontestasi kerajaan saudi dan wahabi syamsi,ibn. 2000. pengambilan keputusan dan sistem informasi, jakarta: bumi aksara. sedarmayanti, 2009.sumber daya manusia dan produktifitas kerja. bandung: cv. mandar maju. the roles of civil society to changing of women driving policy in saudi arabia: the case of women2drive campaign najamuddin khairur rijal department of international relations, universitas muhammadiyah malang email: najamuddin@umm.ac.id rizka zahrotun khoirina department of international relations, universitas muhammadiyah malang rizkazahrotun@gmail.com abstract this paper examines the role of civil society, women activists, in an attempt to protest the prohibition of women driving policy by the government of saudi arabia. using the concept of civil society, this paper shows that the efforts of women activists are conducted through women2drive campaigns by utilizing social media instruments. the results found that through a campaign in social media, saudi women activists managed to push for a policy change of saudi arabian government to allow women driving. keywords: civil society, women2drive campaign, social media, saudi arabia abstrak tulisan ini mengkaji mengenai peran civil society, yakni aktivis perempuan, dalam usaha memprotes kebijakan larangan mengemudi bagi perempuan oleh pemerintah arab saudi. dengan menggunakan konsep civil society, tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa upaya aktivis perempuan tersebut dilakukan melalui kampanye women2drive dengan memanfaatkan instrumen media sosial. hasil kajian ini menemukan melalui kampanye di media sosial, aktivis perempuan arab saudi berhasil mendorong perubahan kebijakan pemerintah arab saudi untuk mengizinkan perempuan mengemudi kendaraan. islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 436 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 kata kunci: civil society, kampanye women2drive, media sosial, arab saudi introduction the basic law of the kingdom saudi arabia government based on the quran (the holy muslim book) and sunnah (the prophet muhammad’s saying and activities) both of those basic law underlies the arab saudi constitution that rules the citizen lives through the policies. the result, the religious institution has the crucial roles and the widespread influence to set out the policies. moreover, the religious institutions have the major control of all the affairs concerning kingdom as well as the exclusive male judiciary and the policing of the public morality. even though the policies might not be discriminatory on targeting both women and man when assessed for the value, but in reality there is sex segregation in all the workplace, including the women’s activities on driving the car alone (rajkhan and dana, 2014). the role and the culture in line to become the man as a guardian all the time. this is how the women should be follows not only the religion but also the culture (quilla, et. al., 2015). those many kind of issues opened the discrimination of equality between women and men. the saudi government does not let the women do their activity as freedom as men included driving. king fatwa who is declared by religious authorities, muttawah, said that women driving is haram, forbidden by islamic law which is written after the koran. saudi arabia is the only country in the world who ban the women to drive. although, the prohibition law of women driving is not written law, but the licenses in necessary to legally drive. since women’s rights organizations are banned in saudi arabia, women have started unofficial groups that are seen as criminal acts almost all the things that they do are seen as a criminal and should be arrested. in 1990, in riyadh the dozens of women drove car were arrested by religious police. the police confiscated their passports, in spite of it was given back a year later and the consequence they were put under surveillance from then on (quilla, et. al., 2015). in 2007, thousand women lead by wajeha al-huwaider had a sign najamuddin khairur rijal 437 the roles of civil society to changing of women driving policy a petition sent to king abdullah for their rights to drive. in 2008, she was continuing her protest with declared her campaign, namely “women2drive” from a video when she was driving a car, this video protest were posted on youtube. “women2drive” campaign was officially launched in 2011 by female activists. the women2drive campaign used not only facebook but also through youtube and twitter to mobilize support and take a stronger stand against the ban. this paper provides the systematic analysis of the specific roles of civil society in the context of women’s rights activist in saudi launched the women2drive campaign as the protest of saudi policy toward women. therefore, the aim of this study is to examine women2driving campaign emerged and analysis the efforts of civil society of social media campaigns by saudi arabia’s government let the women driving. the study starts by providing an overview of the concept civil society. it elaborates the civil society concept and practice is analyzed in terms of its civil society roles and functions in case of women’s activist in saudi arabia who launched campaign women2drive using social media as tools. the results demonstrate that the roles of civil society for a very long time, with any kind of protest involves social media as a tool to widely, persuade, mobilized and influence the local and global society to support this campaign. under the widely campaign, the international managed to control the arab saudi government to change the policy and let the women driving and automatically recognized their driver license. the concept of civil society “civil society” is a complex concept. there is no single definition about it. generally, civil society is the arena of volunteering, they act due to the same interests, purposes and values are non-controversial (paffenholz and spurk, 2006). bhikhu parekh (in glasius, et. al., 2004: 15) explains civil society referred to a group of individuals held together, and forming a single society, by virtue of subscribing to a consensually based public authority and sharing in common the practice of civility. the sociologist alvin gouldner characterized civil society as a medium through which people can pursue their own projects in the course of their everyday lives (layton, 2006: 10). civil society is the sector of voluntary action within institutional forms without affiliation with a state, 438 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 political and not driven by economic interest, private sector, interest in public sphere in which civil society reform as the independent organization. in other words, civil society, according to kaldor definition (in glasius, 2004: 166), civil society is the process through which individuals negotiate, argue, struggle against or agree with each other and with the centers of political and economic authority. according to paffenholz and spurk (2006: 7-8), from markel and lauth (1998), there are five essential functions of civil society, which are: (1) protect the rights of society, (2) intermediation between state and citizens, (3) participatory socialization, (4) community building integration, (5) communication of agenda or interest where people have room for debate, participation, and democratic decision building with involves non state element through diverse media. besides, edwards (2004 in paffenholz and spurk, 2006), elaborated civil society in three roles. first, civil society as associational life. it is the world of voluntary associations that act as for developing values such as tolerance and cooperation. the second, civil society as the good society. civil society fostering specific positive norms and values, emphasizing that activities must be geared toward specific social and political goals. the third, civil society as the public sphere. the role of civil society is to provide a public sphere where citizens argue with one another about the great questions of the day and negotiate a constantly evolving sense of the common and public interest. it is central for civil society and crucial for democracy to interact fairly in the public sphere. regarding these concepts above, we offer a framework concept of analysis used the communication function of civil society. and, the role model of civil society as public sphere which is an area in social life where the people can come and gather together to freely discuss and identify societal problems, and through that discussion influence political action. through civil society concept, we want to bridge the understanding women’s rights activist in saudi as a civil society which want to speak out for demanding the inequality between women and man within social, economic and politic aspect and recognized the universal value for women and man include the driving policy. so that the women’s right activist in saudi created some najamuddin khairur rijal 439 the roles of civil society to changing of women driving policy campaign like women2drive with direct protest or more with social media like facebook, youtube, and twitter to pressure the government to revoke the ban women and let the saudi women drive and give their driver license. gender inequality in saudi arabia the issue of gender inequality in saudi arabia has been discussed widely in recent years. saudi arabia has a unique culture of history that did not let the women drive their car without a guardian. culture, religionbased give the impact of conservative rules and regulations in saudi that affects in every aspect of the arans life. saudi arabia has developed a reputation for being more restrictive of women’s mobility and public activity than other arab state due to the implementation of islamic principles there are from the qur’an and hadist. however, many of the scholars thought that the restriction by the saudi government from women is encouraging the gender inequality. the restriction is also addressing women for a drive, arab saudi government are banned women for driving car with or without their guardian. government does not recognize through saudi government does not release the driver license for women. gender inequality issues have brought in saudi arabia, are taking a very limited space for women. however, the western perspective claim that arab saudi law who used islamic law as a principle and guidance are violence the human rights especially the women’s rights. the evidence, indeed almost the whole life aspect of women is depending on her guardian involves a father, brother or husband. for example, married women should obedient to their husbands for whatever she wants to do, go out from home, business, hang out with her friends of even go to the women’s parent home. but in this case saudi has their own rules to protect the women, although another perspective or western perspective claims that arab does not respect the human rights even they claim that it was violence the women’s right. saudi as a country that has quite strong with sexist or patriarchy, which is this approach took place that men has place beyond women in family, religion, and social. although, saudi women have been given the opportunity to vote, worked and et cetera, but the violence in domestic not enough to be handled by government. doumato (2005 in alsaleh, 2012) state that the incidents 440 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 of domestic violence are rarely reported an ad publically, including the women violence incidents. she adds that there are no specific laws of protection on women from the violence and protection for the victim. she found women have less freedom than man, even in the family, their freedom of movement are restricted no exception for their right and opportunities in the economic aspect. cosby (2011 in alsaleh, 2012) states that although saudi women will be allowed to vote in the 2015 election, but still the saudi authority significantly limited the mobility could prevent women saudi from making it to the polls. in the same case with the right of women in elections, the saudi arabia’s highest religious body defies the women campaign to driving on international women’s day 2008 due to the fatwa of prohibition of women driving, the authority assumes that it could lead women to mix unrelated men and ultimately bring “social chaos”. about this, rothna begum, a researcher human rights watch (hrw) for middle east and north africa, said “it is hard to believe that in the 21st century, saudi arabia is still barring women from driving. it is past time to address the country’s systemic discrimination, driving could open roads to reform” (hrw, 2013). so, hrw as global civil society organization that concern for human rights agenda in the world urged that saudi authorities should end the country’s driving ban for women. in 2011, wajeha al-huwaider as a leader of women’s activist in saudi arabia lead the saudi female activist launched the campaign namely “women2drive”. wajeha started by uploaded a video of herself while she drives a car in saudi arabia. and also the women activist utilizes the massive of social media to the women activist in saudi to helps them to organize and galvanize momentum in which activist called “women with international driver’s licences to take the road on the same day on june 17 . the effort of women activist did not stop for a short time, but they were really fighting for a long time until they get the name of equality, and saudi’s government let the women to drive. these all kinds of issues of women, inequality, violence, discrimination, etc. the trigger the women’s human right activist to speak out of all the kind of women problem. they believe the patriarchal system is just giving the advantage for men to pursue najamuddin khairur rijal 441 the roles of civil society to changing of women driving policy their interest of women. so the women’s activist to lead by wajeha al-huwaider did campaign, protest, until made petitions who sent to king abdullah for their rights to drive. the emerge of “women2drive” campaign following the 1990 protest on women driving banned from the saudi’s highest religious body of women driving based on fatwa and become official policy. in 2009, women’s right activist and citizen have made a progress for discussion to campaign the prohibition on women driving. the generate social dialogue on prohibition of women driving among saudi citizens, taking up the baton from areej khan’s, a saudi artist and graphic designer living in the united state who created a low-budget on and offline campaign namely “we the women” against the fatwa on women driving in saudi arabia. she designed a set of stickers “declaration bubble”, she encourages people to print them out and then she distributed the stickers to the public who pasted in the public space or in the saudi arabian cars. the supporters of this project were also uploaded their personalized stickers to the project’s flickr set or facebook page, or email them to the khan anonymously. facebook becomes the majorly campaign, become the central point of discussion on the issue of women driving (begum, 2017). in 2011, women’s rights saudi activist who lead by wajeha alhuwaider uploaded the video of herself driving protest in riyadh as a mark that women’s activist saudi would not give up on the effort that has been made. saudi female activists launched the “women2drive” campaign. the women2drive campaign is using, just not facebook, but also used youtube and twitter to mobilize support and take a stronger stand against the ban. on october 2013, saudi women’s rights activists have called on women with international drivers’ licenses to get behind the wheel as part of the “women2drive” campaign to end the prohibition on driving. women activists pushed for another round of driving the protests. they posted videos of themselves driving, including one to the tune of jon bon jovi’s “it’s my life,” that campaign is also supported by the men who driving through the road with showing their thumbs up. their campaign got warnings from saudi authorities 442 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 that they want them to be arrested. but on october 26 women drove in various part of the country without arrests. the ban’s justification began to fall away (begum, 2017). for many female activists, banned of women driving had become symbolic of the wider discrimination they faced. it is the source of from the guardian laws, the legal codes based on a strict interpretation of shariah laws. the most serious impediment to the saudi women are the guardian system, a woman needs the permission of a male guardian such as a father, brother, husband, or even a son. before she can travel outside the country, obtain a passport, study abroad on a government scholarship, get married or exit the prison. the aims of end the discrimination, women saudi did the campaigned creatively through the tools of social media. in above, we discussed a little about the campaign through social media as official facebook, youtube, and twitter who used by women’s rights activist. it is the important to be discussed as the roles of women’s activist to against the saudi policy the prohibition of women driving. campaign through social media in the globalization era, technology as the main central of the human life. technology considered is the important tools to help the human work. in the last several years, technology of information and communication are increased along with increasing population in this world, and the impact is improving the media social users. facebook, youtube, twitter and other social media tools to disseminate messages has grown significantly, and continues to trend upward. using social media tools has become an effective way to expand reach, foster engagement and increase access to information. social media and other emerging communication technologies can connect millions of voices to increase the dissemination of the new information, leverage audience networks to facilitate information sharing, expand reach to include broader, more diverse audiences, personalize and reinforce certain messages that can be more easily tailored or targeted to particular audiences, facilitate interactive communication, connection and public engagement (www.cdc.gov, 2011). integrating social media into women2drive campaigns and activities allows communicators to leverage social dynamics and najamuddin khairur rijal 443 the roles of civil society to changing of women driving policy networks to encourage participation, conversation and community, all of which can help spread key messages and influence the decision making. social media also helps to reach people when, where and how they want to receive messages from the women2drive campaign with the purposed to counter the prohibition women driving by the saudi’s government. a campaign using social media can reach out the widely audience, local and global. such way could be the effective way to persuade the local and global society to support the women’s rights to against saudi policy about prohibiting women drive through women2drive campaign. the first, facebook as the central campaign of #women2drive. women’s activist used facebook for a long time to promote the gender equality in saudi arabia by women2drive campaign, which are as the protest to government on the fatwa and policy that women drive is haram and the government banned it. by facebook, they could share and captured of their leave under the discrimination on their roles and position in domestic (family) and public as they could not drive a car or motorcycle or even bicycle, ban women to traveling alone, can not do the same as man does and share it by writing text or make a video and make hashtag #women2drive. support to accommodate the their hard feeling condemn the inequality in their country as is prohibition women driving policy. the second, youtube as the second social media who used women2drive campaign. they were sharing their self video when a demonstration of driving a car in riyadh until they catch by the authorities and going to jail and other kind of video who shows women in equality. by sharing videos on youtube it can increase awareness the viewer means the global society to support their action and follow pressure the saudi government to let the women drive and give the driver license. the third is twitter. not much different from facebook and youtube, women2drive campaign also using twitter as a medium to accommodate their messages. these media used for a long time as a campaign to mobilize and influence the global society to support the women’s right saudi movement to pressure the saudi decision makers to let the women driving and addressing the recognize of giving the driver license to women. however the widely and long campaign influence 444 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 the united state and other state to involve in this issue and supported this campaign by influential even pressured the saudi government to change the policy toward women driving on the basis of human right. under the pressured of all parties, women’s right activist, local female, international society, others country until united nations, the saudi government want to change the policy of banned women driving become women driving allowed. below are some picture that represent the demands and struggles of women in saudi arabia to fight for the freedom to drive. picture 1. women2drive campaign in various media sources: ( https://mronline.org, 2011; https://cms-assets.tutsplus. com, 2017; https://blogs.position2.com/imguploads, 2011; https:// latuffcartoons.files.wordpress.com, 2013 saudi arabia government let the women driving pressured of all parties made a great decision on government, saudi arabia welcomes praise from human rights advocates over a decision to finally let women in the country drive. on 26 september 2017, the saudi government announced the abolishment of prohibition of women drive policy that’s become the global symbol of the oppression of women in the ultraconservative kingdom. in a royal decree issued, king salman announced that women seeking drivers’ licenses would be allowed to finally access them. this statement supported by saudi arabia’s ambassador to the united states prince khalid bin salman bin abdulaziz, hailed the decision that arab saudi leadership understands his society is ready. the decision highlights, the prohibition of women to drive gave the impact of the damage on the kingdom’s international reputation and hopes the reform would give the benefits of public relations. saudi leaders also hope the new najamuddin khairur rijal 445 the roles of civil society to changing of women driving policy policy will help the economy by increasing women’s participation in the workplace (hubbard, 2017). many working saudi women spend much of their salaries on drivers or must be driven to work by male relatives. saudi women have widely expressed excitement over the change, a cause for which feminists across the country have long been fighting and they have been waiting for a long time. this great decision greeted by saudi women includes saudi university professor fawziah al-bakr, who participated in a 1990 protest against the female driving ban, in his interview with new york times she said that it is amazing, publication the moment was a huge victory (crunden, 2017). however, the policy that allowed women driving does not a mark of totally end of discrimination and inequality in saudi, policy change just a fraction of effort of women saudi to gain their equal position in social, economy and politics. conclusion this study concludes by stating that the government of saudi arabia has achieved progress to let the women driving and gave their driver license by pressured from women’s rights activist saudi though protest, direct demonstration and some campaign included a women2drive campaign against toward saudi policy who banned the women driving. these initiatives are considered to be major advancements for the rights of women in a conservative society such as the saudi society. with the long way protest women’s right activist and women saudi achieve the great decision for government and they were really excited. these campaigns could not be separated with social media as facebook, youtube and twitter who gave the biggest contribution to accommodate the women’s rights activist messages to global. media considered very helpful to mobilized and influences in the international world. references alsaleh, s. a. 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(2014). women in saudi arabia status, rights, and limitations, university of washington bothell school of interdisciplinary arts and sciences. retrieved november 4, 2018, from https://digital.lib.washington. edu/researchworks/bitstream/ h a n d l e / 1 7 7 3 / 2 5 5 7 6 / rajkhan%20-%20capstone. pdf?sequence=1 kerukunan umat beragama dari segi hadits (problematika epistemologis) naimatus tsaniyah universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga yogyakarta email:nikmahtsaniyah22@gmail.com abstrak the study of religious harmony is important, because religious sentiments often lead to conflict of tension. not only in indonesia, but also in other parts of the world, although social, political, economic factors are quite coloring, but the role of religion can not be denied in social conflict. this is meanly related to the lack of tolerance towards other faiths. among the way to create religious harmony is to examine the framework of islamic epistemology analysis on the basis of religious harmony. islamic epistemology believes in the source of the truth of revelation, reasion, empirical, and intuition. the methods and tools used in the search of truth are the guidence of revelation, reasion, empirical, and intuition. the theological basis examined in this study is derived from the hadiths of the prophet muhammad that are relevant with religious harmony. this study is included in the literature study category with primary data taken from the books of hadiths and supported by secondary data from various books that examine the religious harmony. islamic epistemology is used as an analytical blade of foundation for exploring sourches of truth which are related to the foundations of religious harmony in the hadiths of the prophet muhammad which later expected to grow awareness to respect each other. this step is expected to be one of intersections that bridges the realization of religious harmony, especially in indonnesia. kata kunci: religion, peace, epistemology, pluralism, aksiology. islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 issn: 2614-0535 e-issn: 2655-1330 naimatus tsaniyah 421 kerukunan umat beragama dari segi hadits (problematika epistemologis) pengantar: menyelami problem sejarah kehidupan manusia yang panjang telah melahirkan kreativitas budaya dalam berbagai hal, termasuk kreativitas spiritual. dari kreativitas spiritualnya me nunjukkan bahwa manusia adalah makhluk spiritual (homo religius) (amstrong, 1993, hal. xix). setiap orang memiliki hak beragama sesuai dengan keyakinan individu masing-masing, maka dari itu memeluk agama merupakan pengejewantahan dari keyakinan akan adanya tuhan sebagai pencipta alam semesta, sebagai orang hidup itu akan menemui kematian, sesuai dengan firman allah: “tiap-tiap yang berjiwa akan merasakan mati. kemudian hanyalah kepada kami kamu dikembalikan” (al „ankabuut: 57) penduduk indonesia mayoritas beragama islam dengan negara yang mampu mengayomi berbagai aliran agama sehingga keagamaan dan keberagamaan warga negaranya tercipta harmonis, bahkan memberikanpengakuan akan adanya berbagai aliran agama yang hidup dan berkembang di indonesia. tidak dipungkiri lagi hal demikian merupakan realitas yang tak terbantahkan bahwa bangsa indonesia adalah bangsa yang majemuk, memiliki keanekaragaman suku, agama, ras, dan antargolongan, yang berbedabeda, tetapi tetap satu “bhineka tunggal ika”. interpretasi dari kata ini mengandung pemaknaan akan fenomena sosial yang ada dan terjadi terhadap bangsa ini, di satu sisi adanya kesadaran akan perbedaan, dan di sisi lain perlunya persatuan dan kesatuan. kajian mengenai kerukunan beragama menjadi penting karena sentimen-sentimen keagamaan sering berujung pada konflik ketegangan dan pertikaian yang berdarah-darah. tidak saja di indonesia melainkan juga di belahan bumi lainnya seperti di india antara kaum sikh, hindu, dan islam; di negara bekas yugoslavia antara muslim-bosnia dengan kristenserbia, di filipina selatan antara kelompok islam moro dan kelompok kristen, serta kerusuhankerusuhan di libanon. jika kita perdalam lagi bahwa kekisruhan antaragama pada awalnya di dominasi oleh faktor dengan latar belakang politik-ekonomi dimana agama sering dijadikan “sumbu” untuk menggemborkan, sehingga dipungkiri agama di jadikan ajang hal tersebut merupakan konflik agama (th.sumartana, hal. 222223). 422 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 di indonesia, tidak jarang terjadi kerusuhan yang disebabkan oleh isu-isu sentimen keagamaan dengan berbagai problematika yang beraneka ragam, sepertihalnya kasus poso, maluku, dan di tempat-tempat lainnya. tidak bisa dipungkiri, meski faktor sosial, politik, ekonomi yang cukup menggoyahkan warga. sangat disayangkan jika agama tidak bisa ditampik perannya dalam konflik sosial. salah satu faktor dengan sikap kurangnya toleran terhadap pemeluk agama lain (tb. simantupang, 1992, hal. 131). melihat kondisi ini, perlu di upayakan suatu cara yang dapat digunakan untuk memperbaiki hubungan antarumat beragama. untuk menghindari disharmoni antarumat beragama, membutuhkan berbagai upaya seperti dialog antarumat beragama yang diikuti sikap saling rendah hati, terbuka, saling menghargai, menghormati, dan mengembangkan sikap saling toleransi16 16 negara indonesia, wadah kerja sama terbaru kerukunan umat beragama memperoleh legislasinya berdasarkan keputusan menteri agama no 09 dan no 08 tahun 2006. berisi tentang pedoman pelaksanaan tugas kepala daerah/wakil kepala daerah dalam pemeliharaan kerukunan umat beragama, pemberdayaan forum kerukunan umat beragama, dan pendirian rumah ibadat, menjadi cara lain untuk menciptakan kerukunan umat beragama adalah mengkaji kerangka analisis epistemologi islam tentang dasardasar kerukunan umat beragama. epistemologi islam berbeda dengan epistemologi barat modern yang tidak mempercayai sumber kebenaran wahyu maupun intuisi (k.bertens, 1996). demikian juga kecerdasan spiritual yang menjadi salah satu piranti pencarian ke benaran. epistemologi islam mempercayai adanya sumber kebenaran wahyu, akal, empirik, dan intuisi. metode dan alat yang digunakan dalam mencari kebenaran adalah rasio, empirik, intuisi, dan petunjuk wahyu. epistemologi islam ini dijadikan sebagai pisau analisis atau landasan untuk menggali sumber-sumber kebenaran terkait dengan dasar-dasar kerukunan umat beragama dalam hadits-hadits nabi, dalam rangka menemukan dasardasar kerukunan hidup antar umat beragama, yang nantinya diharapkan tumbuh kesadaran untuk saling menghargai dan menghormati satu sama lain. langkah ini diharapkan juga menjadi salah satu titik temu sangat penting untuk direalisasikan di daerah, yang terbentuk dalam forum kerukunan umat beragama atau fkub. naimatus tsaniyah 423 kerukunan umat beragama dari segi hadits (problematika epistemologis) yang menjembatani terealisasinya kerukunan umat beragama, khususnya di indonesia. memahami pluralitas agama secara historis, agama-agama lahir dari “garba” yang sama, yakni kebutuhan spiritual manusia untuk kembali kepada tuhan. fitrah ini membuat manusia senantiasa rindu dan selalu ingin kembali kepadanya. hal ini dikarenakan manusia adalah makhluk yang memiliki sifat spiritual. sifat spiritual ini yang menuntun manusia untuk selalu mendamba dan mencari tuhan. di barat modernamerika dan eropa yang kental sekali dengan sains yang bersifat rasionalis positivistik, dewasa ini tampak muncul kecen derungan perhatian pada metafisika dan spiritualitas timur. ini merupakan buktibahwa dalam diri manusia ada sebuah sifat yang tak berubah, sifat spiritual, sekalipun pada saat-saat tertentu manusia terjebak pada kepercayaan yang bersifat fisik saja (nasr,1983: 82). dalam pencariannya akan tuhan, manusia menemukan siapa tuhannya sesuai dengan batas kemampuan refleksinya. sebagai misal ada animisme dan dinamisme. pada abad 6 sm-2 m, masyarakat yunani kuno menyembah pelangi, laut, dan tempat-tempat atau benda yang dianggap memiliki kekuatan. pada saat yang sama, para filosof awal di yunani, thales, anaximenes, anaximadros, phitagoras, heraklitos, socrates, plato, aristoteles dan sebagainya, mencoba membuktikan kebenarankebenaran mitos yang dipercayai masyarakat tersebut. mereka me musatkan kajian pada fenomenafenomena alam (cosmo -sentris) dalam rangka mencari realitas dasar yang ada dibalik fenomenafenomena alam tersebut, sekaligus mencari jawaban kebenaran mitos yang dipercayai oleh masyarakat pada saat itu. realitas dasar yang ditemukan oleh masingmasing filosof selalu berbeda sesuai dengan batas kreativitas dan kapasitasnya (copleston, 1995, hal. 511). gagasan manusia tentang tuhan memiliki sejarah yang panjang. oleh karenanya, wajar jika setiap manusia atau kelompok manusia memiliki keyakinan yang berbeda-beda. nabi ibrahim, musa, isa dan nabi-nabi sesudahnya semua mengalami pengalaman ketuhanan dengan cara yang berbeda. setidaknya jika disimak, dalam tiga agama besar, yahudi, nashrani, dan islam, tidak ada pandangan yang objektif tentang tuhan, 424 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 karena setiap generasi ternyata menciptakan citra tentang tuhan yang belum tentu sama antarsatu generasi dengan generasi yang lain. satu hal yang perlu dicermati adalah bahwa apapun bentuk hasil pencarian itu, hasil itulah yang dianggap sebagai realitas dasar, yang para pengikut agama menyebutnya sebagai “tuhan”. ini artinya, ada sejarah kebudayaan manusia yang berusaha mencari tuhan, khususnya dalam rentang waktu abad yunani kuno, sebelum injil turun, dan mungkin rentang zaman lampau yang sulit terjangkau oleh pencarian manusia sekarang. dalam rentang sejarah, dapat diketahui juga seorang tokoh seperti sidarta gautama, tokoh utama dalam agama budha yang mendapat pencerahan tuhan. rentang waktu fatrat al-wahyi terulang kembali dan terjaadi pada abad 2-6 m, hingga turunnya wahyu al-qur‟an pada awal abad 7 m. pada rentang waktu hampir 600 tahun, dimana allah tidak menurunkan wahyu atau petunjuk kepada rasulnya, manusia mengalami pencarian yang sama dengan masa fatrat alwahyi sebelumnya, yakni mencari siapa tuhan. penyembahan-pe nyembahanterhadap alam maupun benda ciptaannya sendiri yang dianggap memiliki kekuatan supra natural terulang kembali hingga turunnya wahyu al-qur‟an pada abad 6 m yang menjadi petunjuk umat manusia. kreativitas manusia yang selalu rindu akan tuhan, adalah bukti bahwa ada agama pencarian atau hasil kreativitas spiritual dan akal manusia untuk mencari tuhan. sesuatu yang dianggap sebagai realitas dasar, sumber kehidupan, atau tuhan, dan dijadikan landasan serta sumber norma dalam kehidup annya. sejarah panjang yang sarat dengan spirit mencari tuhan ini telah menjadi kausalitas mengapa di bumi terdapat pluralitas agama. masing-masing agama tidak jarang teguh dengan pendirian kebenaran yang diyakini masing-masing, bahkan cenderung ekslusif. adanya pluralitas agama telah menjadi keniscayaan. tidak adanya kedewasaan dan kebesaran jiwauntuk menerima kenyataan ini akan mengakibatkan munculnya benih-benih disharmoni antarumat beragama. oleh karena itu, semua pemeluk agama mestinya menyadari akan hal tersebut. dasar-dasar kerukunan beragama a. dasar teologis salah satu upaya untuk membangun kerukunan umat naimatus tsaniyah 425 kerukunan umat beragama dari segi hadits (problematika epistemologis) beragama dapat dilakukan dengan membedah teologi agama-agama. relevan dengan ini, penulis men coba menyingkap teologi islam, terkait dengan hadis-hadis nabi yang memberi pedoman untuk bertoleransi, berdemokrasi dan kemerdekaan beragama. penulis berupaya mencari dasar-dasar legal yang memungkinkan orang untuk dapat hidup berdampingan dengan pemeluk agama lain. dari sini diharapkan ada sebuah pijakan yang berangkat dari kesadaran bersama untuk memperhatikan pluralitas dari dalam teologi sendiri. agama islam merupakan agama yang di wahyukan oleh nabi muhammad saw dengan hadirnya agama menyempurnakan sebagai salah satu uswatun khasanah dengan umat agama lain. sebagaimana yang diteladankan oleh rasulullah muhammad saw, terkait bagaimana beliau memperlakukan tetangganya, kepada kaum yahudi, dan kaum musyrikin secara baik. seperti tercermin dalam hadits berikut ini: “.... akhirnya nabi dan kaum yahudi serta kaum musyrikin sepakat untuk mengakhiri konflik dengan sebuah perjanjian tertulis” (hr. abu dawud)(sajastany, 2007,. hadits 2606). hadis ini menerangkan bagaimana kaum yahudi dan majusi selalu membuat makar ingin mencelakakan dan menjatuhkan nabi dalam berdakwah. akan tetapi nabi menteladankan untuk mengadakan dialog dengan mereka yang menghasilkan sebuah kesepakatan tertulis untuk hidup berdampingan dalam toleransi. “.... agama yang paling dicintai allah adalah agama yang lurus dan toleran” (hr. al-bukhari) (al-bukhari, 1934, hal. 17). kepemimpinan rasulullah di madinah menunjukkan bahwa beliau mengakui kebhinekaan (pluralitas). rasulullah mampu mempersatukan berbagai keanekaragaman atau kelompok masyarakat madinah yang sejak berpuluh tahun bermusuhan. bahkan, beliau berhasil menjunjung rasa toleran atarwarga madinah untuk lebih mencintai, memelihara, dan mempertahankan negara madinah melalui tenggang rasa dan persatuan persaudaraan antarsuku. untuk menetraltan politik nabi muhammad memutuskan dengan menyusun deklarasi politik berupa “deklarasi madinah” (kholil, 2009). deklarasi madinah ini berisi tentang aturan permainan politik antarunsur sosial yang bersifat pluralist dan bertujuan untuk mementingkan, menjembatani, dan 426 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 mengadvokasi (mendampingi) serta merealisasikan masyarakat publik (negara). di era pemerintahan rasulullah, dominasi pluralitas masyarakatyang berusaha menjunjung kekuatan etnis, seperti kaum muhajirin (pendatang), kaum anshar (penduduk asli yang masuk islam), yahudi (pribumi), dan kelompok etnis lainnya. beberapa kaum ini pada akhirnya mampu berpegang teguh dengan berbagai kepentingan privasi demi membangun komunitas yang solid dalam membangun dan mempertahankan sebuah negara yang bernama madinah. tidak diragukan lagi, jika agama islam adalah agama yang mengakomodasi bentuk pluralitas (wahid, 1993, hal. 33). hal ini senada dengan hadits nabi (syakir, 1995, hadits no 22391) bahwa dengan hadirnya nabi muhammad di muka bumi ini sebagai khalifah fil ardhi yang diamanahi allah untuk merangkul semua umat dengan berbagai latar belakang etnis, suku, jenis kelamin, warna kulit, dan suku bangsa aliran agama yang berbedabeda tanpa membedakan antara yang satu dengan yang lainnya. islam mengakui perbedaan sebagai bagian dari sunnatullah (quran surat al-hujurat, ayat 13). selain itu, agama islam juga mengakui adanya berbagai aliran madzhab, yang memiliki latar belakang yang berbeda-beda. dengan adanya pengakuan atas agama-agama ibrahim. sebutan atas ibrahim sebagai “bapak monoteisme” menandakan bahwa setiap ajaran yang diajarkan para rasul memiliki keterkaitan, yakni sebagai ajaran yang mengakui keesaan tuhan dan pandangan hidup yang lurus. pengakuan ini memiliki makna bahwa islam mengakui agama selain islam yang memiliki kitab suci, yakni ajaran dari kaum yahudi dan nasrani. dua kaum ini memiliki tempat tersendiri di dalam sejarah islam karena agama mereka merupakan pendahulu islam. “... dari abu hurairah ra, dari rasulullah. rasul pernah bersabda: “aku lebih utama dari isa, putera maryam, di dunia dan akhirat.” para sahabat bertanya: bagaimana maksudnya, ya rasul? rasul menjawab: “para nabi itu bersaudara. mereka adalah putera-putera orang dari berbagai perempuan. ibu mereka berlainan, tetapi agama mereka satu” (hr.muslim dan abu dawud (sajastany, 2007, hal. 510) naimatus tsaniyah 427 kerukunan umat beragama dari segi hadits (problematika epistemologis) landasan teologis tersebut mengindikasikantitik temu antara agama islam dengan agama ter dahulunya. karena islam adalah penyempurna ajaran para nabi terdahulu. untuk itu, fonndasi dasar iman (rukun iman) dalam islam juga meyakini nabi dan rasul sebelum muhammad, termasuk kitab-kitab para rasul terdahulu. rasulullah juga diperintah menyeru kaum ahl al-kiaab dengan kalimatun sawa‟, yakni keesaan tuhan (tauhid). akan tetapi, bila seruan untuk “satu kalimat sama” tadi tidak dipenuhi oleh mereka, tentu saja tidak boleh dipaksa (quran surat al maidah ayat: 82) dan (quran surat al maidah ayat: 82) islam senantiasa mengajarkan dialog dengan penganut agama lain, terutama yahudi dan nasrani. kata ahl (keluarga) juga meng indikasikan adanya hubungan yang dekat dengan non-muslim tersebut. bahkan, dalam al-qur‟an juga ditemukan kata-kata pujian yang ditujukan kelompok tertentu dari umat nashrani karena mereka bersedia menjalin hubungan dengan umat islam (quran surat al maidah ayat: 82). hubungan yang baik antara umat islam dan non-muslim di madinah mampu membawa madinah menjadi negara kosmopolit dimana peradaban dan kebudayaannya memancar keseluruh penjuru dunia, sehingga disebut sebagai madinah al-munawwarah (kota penuh cahaya). rasulullah selalu melakukan komunikasi dan dialog dengan rakyatnya, baik yang muslim maupun non-muslim. rasul senantiasa memperlakukan secara adil pada siapa saja, bahkan terhadap keluarganya sekalipun. sikap rasulullah yang mencerminkan pembela bagi semua golongan inilah yang menarik nonmuslim untuk bersedia menjalin hubungan dan kesepakatan damai dengan umat islam. sikap toleransi dan meng hormati agama lain telah meng antarkan islam menjadi agama yang inklusif. sehingga masyarakat nonmuslim pada gilirannya dengan sukarela memeluk agama muhammad yang hanif. sikap menghormati terhadap agama lain, diteladankan oleh rasulullah salah satunya dengan mengakui hari besar yang dirayakan kaum yahudi, yakni hari ‟asyura. bahkan, bertepatan pada hari besar yahudi ini nabi menganjurkan umat islam untuk berpuasa. nabi muhammad saw ber sabda: “hari„asyura adalah hari besar yang dirayakan oleh kaum yahudi. berpuasalah kalian pada 428 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 hari itu” (hr. al-bukhari) (nasai, hal. hadits no 4010) hari „asyura tersebut merupa­ kan hari besar kaum yahudi untuk memperingati kemenangan dan keselamatan nabi musa atas raja fir‟aun sehingga mereka ber­ puasa pada hari tersebut. nabi menganjurkan pengikutnya ber puasa „asyura karena umat islam layak memperingati kemenangan nabi musa tersebut. demikianlah, islam berlaku adil (sajastany, 2007, hal. hadits no 2654) dan menjaga kerukunan terhadap agama islam saja, akan tetapi juga merangkul dan meng ayomi semua lintas agama. agama islam merupakan rahmatan lil alamin yang membela umat lain sebagaimana membela umat islam. nabi muhammad memberikan contoh ketika beliau menjabat dengan menyetarakan hukum yang sama antara kaum muslim dan nonmuslim. pada saat yang sama, pemerintahan nabi juga menjunjung toleransi yang tinggi dengan menghormati keyakinan-keyakinan mereka. nabi tidak menjatuhkan hukuman secara islam atas mereka tentang apa yang tidak mereka haramkan, dan mereka tidak diizinkankan misalnya saat dipanggil ke pengadilan pada hari hari besar yang mereka yakini dan rayakan. toleransi yang tinggi dan menghormatiagama lain yang diteladankan rasulullah lebih terjaga dari ekstrimisme dalam beragama. ekstrimisme adalah suatu tindakan yang sangat membahayakan umat manusia. akibat dari timbulnya ekstrimisme akan memunculkan berbagai prasangka, kekakuan dan kebekuan. dengan ekstrimisme mengawal perpecahan umat manusia, dan menggiring pada perselisihan internal dan eksternal. oleh karenanya, islam menolak ekstrimisme dan merangkul pada prinsip-prinsip islam seperti tasamuh (toleransi), i‟tidal (moderasi), „adl (keadilan), dan lain-lain. selain itu, ekstrimisme dalam beragama juga bisa mengakibatkan fanatisme yang buta. fanatisme buta disebabkan minimnya pengetahuan, wawasan, dan tujuan mengenai esensi islam. dalam agama apapun, minimnya pengetahuan dan kebodohan adalah musuh bersama semua agama. dengan demikian kita jangan lah gegabah dalam memutuskan segala sesuatu jangan sampai terbawa oleh isuisu miring yang kurang jelas dan bahkan dengan naimatus tsaniyah 429 kerukunan umat beragama dari segi hadits (problematika epistemologis) melatarbelakangi agama. sudah selayaknya kita mencontoh rasul dengan menghormati, menoleransi, dan menghargai nonmuslim dalam keyakinan serta ibadah sehingga mewujud dalam kehidupan yang rukun antar umat beragama yang tercermin dalam kestabilan politik negara madinah yang kosmopolitan. b. dasar yuridis di indonesia, konsep tentang kerukunan umat beragama di tuangkan dalam undang -undang dasar 1945 pasal 29. dalam undang-undang dasar 1945 ini di tegaskan bahwa negara menjamin kemerdekaan tiap-tiap penduduk untuk memeluk agama masingmasing dan untuk beribada menurut agama serta kepercayaannya masing-masing. dalam rangka merealisasikan kerukunan beragama dalam masyarakat, departemen agama ri mengeluarkan keputusan menteri agama ri no. 70/1978 berisi tentang pedoman penyiaran agama. hal ini menimbang bahwa kerukunan hidup antarumat ber agama merupakan syarat mutlak bagi persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa, serta kemantapan stabilitas dan keamanan negara. selain itu, pemerintah wajib melindungi setiap usaha pengembangan dan penyiaran agama pemerintah juga membentuk wadah kerja sama dan dialog antarumat beragama yang dikukuh kan berdasrkan bersama keputusan menteri agama no. 09 dan no.8 tahun 2006. berisi tentang pedoman pelaksanaan tugas kepala daerah/wakil kepala daerah dalam pemeliharaan kerukunan umat beragama, pemberdayaan forum kerukunan umat beragama, dan pendirian rumah ibadat, menjadi sangat penting untuk diwujudkan di daerah, yang terbentukdalam forum kerukunan umat beragama atau fkub. upaya pemerintah indonesia adalah dalam rangka mewujudkan terciptanya masyarakat yang rukun, gotong royong secara damai, se kalipun agama yang dipeluk saling berbeda. hal ini dilakukan untuk menciptakan indonesia yang bersatu sekalipun pluralitas dan keragaman berbagai hal ada di dalamnya. analisis epistemologi islam masalah utama yang dibahas dalam epistemologi adalah masalah sumber kebenaran, cara mencari kebenaran, dan hasil pencarian kebenaran atau ukuran kebenaran (b.brand, 1965, hal. 668) sumber 430 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 kebenaran dimaksud antara lain wahyu, akal, pengalaman, dan intuisi. terkait dengan sumber kebenaran, filsafat barat modernrasionalisme, empirisme, positivismetidak mengakui adanya sumber kebenaran wahyu. karena aliran ini tidak mempercayai hal-hal yang bersifat metafisik. akan tetapi, filsafat barat post modern tampak mulai percaya sumber kebenaran intuisi. kecenderungan ini memberi ide atas terbangunnya epistemologi islam. islam menawarkan kebenaran mutlak, yakni al-qur‟an diikuti hadits, akal, pengalaman dan intuisi. kajian lain dalam epistemologi adalah bagaimana cara seseorang mendapatkan kebenaran penge tahuan, yang lazim juga disebut metodologi.metodologi yang digunakan dalam mencari kebenaran sangat tergantung pada subjek pencari kebenaran. rasionalisme mengandalkan analisis logisnya, sehingga ukuran kebenaran yang ditawarkan adalah kebenaran logis. empirisme dan positivisme meng andalkan kecermatan penelitian dan eksperimen, sehingga ukuran kebenaran yang ditawarkan adalah hasil refleksi secara empiris. sedangkan intuisionisme meng andalkan refleksi dan ketajaman intuisi, sehingga kebenaran yang ditawarkan adalah hasil refleksi secara spiritual. senyatanya, dalam masyarakat, individu-individu atau kelompokkelompok masyarakat tidak semua sama dalam memilih sumber kebenaran untuk menjadi pedoman hidupnya. bahkan individu atau kelompok masyarakat yang samasama memilih wahyu untuk menjadipedoman hidup, masih dimungkinkan berbeda kitab suci mana yang diyakini, yang meng giring mereka pada agama tertentu, sehingga memiliki keyakinanyang berbeda. sisi ini masih cukup membuat rentan permasalahan dalam masyarakat, yakni sering me nimbulkan konflik sosial bernuansa agama (isre, 2003, hal. 239) yang tidak lain berebut klaim kebenaran, bahwa keyakinan yang dipilihnya “lebih benar” dan yang lain salah. melalui kerangka analisis epistemologi islam, hadits-hadits nabi yang menjadi dasar dan pedoman terkait dengan kerukunan umat beragama harus dianalisis secara logis, empiris, sinkretis, dan intuitif, sehingga relevan dengan realitas plural yang tergelar di jagat raya. realitas berbicara bahwa semua orang dihantar oleh horizon masing-masing hingga dia menjadi seorang apa dan beragama apa. hal ini al-qur‟an sudah cukup naimatus tsaniyah 431 kerukunan umat beragama dari segi hadits (problematika epistemologis) memberikan penegasannya bahwa manusia bebas menentukan pilihan agamanya, sesuai dengan pencarian yang diyakininya (laa ikraaha fi aldiin, lakum diinukum waliyadiin). doktrin agama—agama apa pun—jika hanya diterima begitu saja, tanpa adanya upaya pe mahaman melalui analisis logis, pembuktian secara empiris, refleksi secara intuitif, mengantarkan pada ideologi yang eksklusif. sementara ideologi agama yang eksklusif dapat mengentarkan seseorang untuk berbuat ekstrim, bahkan menciptakan konflik yang mengganggu. hal ini dikarenakan, sebuah aktivitas publik akan dapat berjalan ketika ada konsensus antara kelompok yang berbeda, tanpa ada konflik, karena konflik menyebabkan kesulitan dalam mengatur segala sesuatu (sachedina a. a., 2001, hal. 4) penutup: sebuah refleksi epistemologis dan aksiologis berdasarkan refleksi epis temologi tadi, seharusnya ada kesadaran bagi manusia untuk saling menghargai dan meng hormati proses pencarian ke benaran serta keyakinan akan kebenaran masing-masing manusia yang dijadikan pedoman hidupnya. tidak ada kebenaran mutlak dalam ranah pemahaman manusia. karena proses pencarian kebenaran oleh manusia tidak lebih dari sekedar upaya melalui renungan atau refleksi intuitif, penyimpulan, generalisasi, analogi, rasionalisasi, dan sebagainya. semuanya terbatas pada kapasitas manusia. akan tetapi, sudah menjadi keyakinan bersama umat beragama, bahwa sumber kebenaran adalah tuhan, atau yang dianggap sebagai tuhan. penilaian atas benar dan salah, baik atau buruk, biasanya berdasar pada ajaran kebenaran yang mutlak tersebut. disisi lain, semua umat beragama mempunyai tujuan yang sama, yakni dapat kembali kepada yang mutlak. persoalan yang sering muncul adalah, tidak semua manusia memiliki kesadaran bahwa setiap orang mempunyai pengalaman keagamaan yang berbeda sesuai dengan horizon kehidupannya. sehingga masih muncul klaim kebenaran satu sama lain, bahwa pihak lain salah dan pihaknya yang paling benar sehingga tak jarang menyulut pertikaian. refleksi aksiologi dapat membantu umat manusia bersatu dalam spiritualitas, yakni kesadaran untuk menuju satu tujuan, yakni kembali kepada yang mutlak. 432 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 dari sini diharapkan muncul kesadaran akan keberadaan cara menuju yang mutlak, karena masing-masing manusia memiliki pengalamankeagamaan yang berbedabeda, sehingga sekalipun berbeda dapat hidup bersama secara rukun. sesungguhnya semua agama menghendaki kerukunan antar umat manusia, antarumat beragama, dengan keyakinan teguh serta penghayatan sungguh-sungguh pada ajaran masing-masing. setiap pemeluk agama bertugas mendakwahkan agamanya, tetapi agama juga memerintahkan agar berdakwah dengan cara-cara yang bijaksana, positif dan menjauhi keburukan-keburukan. bahkan antara pemeluk agama harus sering mengadakan dialog, diskusi bersama, baik dalam hal teologi maupun persoalan-persoalan kehidupan yang muncul di masyarakat untuk disikapi secara bersama. daftar pustaka abdul aziz sachedina.2001,the islamic roots of democratic pluralism, new york: oxford university press abdul wahid.1993. islam di tengah pergulatan sosial, yogyakarta: tiara wacana abi „isa muhammad ibn „isa ibn surat al tirmidzi, 1974. sunan al tirmidzi wahuwa jami al sahih, editor abdul wahab abdul wahid, madinah al munawarah: al maktabah al salafiyah abi abdillah al-bukhari, 1934. sahih al bukhari, kairo: maktabah al misriyah abi abdurrahman ahmad ibn shu‟yb al nasai, sunan nasa‟i, beirut: dar ihya‟ al turats al arabiy abu dawud sulayman al sajastany, 2007. sunan abu dawud, editor sidqi muhammad jamil, beirut: dar al-fikr al imam ahmad ibn hanbal dan syaikh ahmad muhammad syakir, 1995. musnad imam ahmad, kairo: dar al hadits, amstrong, karen, 1993. a history of god: the 4000-year quest of judaism, christianity and islam, new york: alfred a. knopf archie j. bahm, 1915. epistemology: theory of knowledge, new york: albuquerque depag ri, 2003.konflik sosial bernuansa agama di indonesia, jakarta: dpag ri, nagel, ernest dan richard b. brandt, meaning and knowledge: systematic reading naimatus tsaniyah 433 kerukunan umat beragama dari segi hadits (problematika epistemologis) epistemology, new york/ chicago/ san francisco/ atlanta: harcourt, brace & world, inc. frederick copleston, 1995 .history of philosophy, vol. i, london: burn oates & wasbourne ltd imam abi al husayn muslim ibn al hajaj al qus {airi al naysaburi, sahih muslim, al qana‟a k. bertens, 1996. filsafat barat abad xix, jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama makrum kholil, 2009 sistem pemerintahan islam menurut muhammad husein haikal, pekalongan: stain pekalongan press. moh. soleh isre (ed), 2003. konflik etno religius indonesia kontemporer, jakarta: depag ri nagel, ernest dan richard b. brandt, meaning and knowledge: systematic readings epistemology, new york/ chicago/ san francisco/ atlanta: harcourt, brace & world, inc. pedoman penyiaran agama selengkapnya bisa dilihat dalam, sekretariat jendral depag ri, 1998. himpunan peraturan perundangundangan kehidupan beragama, seri e, jakarta: depag ri. sayyed husein nasr, 1983. islam dan nestapa manusia modern, bandung: pustaka sumartana, th, dialog, kritik, identitas agama, yogyakarta: dian interfidei tb. simantupang, 1992. peranan agama-agama dalam negara pancasila, jakarta: bpk gunung mulia asean dalam mendorong negara permanent 5 untuk mengaksesi southeast asian nuclear weapon free zone (seanwfz) seftina kuswardini universitas amikom yogyakarta seftina@amikom.ac.id abstract this paper contains the dynamics of the establishment of nuclear weapons free zone form by asean in the form of seanwfz treaty as an effort to maintain regional security of southeast asia. but in its implementation there are some obstacles and the most seats is the approval of the state permanent 5 (p5). the five countries continue to delay reviewing the contents of the agreement until there are several reservations in the form of application zone, ship transit rights, sovereignty and negative security guarantees. moreover, the problem of coverage of the region consisting of exclusive economic zone (zee) of several asean countries in the view is not yet clear related to claim of south china sea. asean continues to push the five nuclear states in a period of less than two decades by way of negotiation and dialogue. but in essence it will explain the dynamics of seanwfz itself, the various reservations that make p5 not willing to access seanwfz and the south china sea settlement as one of the efforts in encouraging china and some p5 countries to access seanwfz. keywords : asean, p5, seanwfz, treaty abstrak tulisan ini berisi tentang dinamika pembentukan kawasan bebas senjata nuklir yang dibentuk (dibentuk) oleh asean dalam bentuk traktat seanwfz sebagai upaya untuk menjaga keamanan regional asia tenggara. namun pada implementasinya terdapat beberapa hambatan dan yang paling kursial yaitu persetujuan dari negara permanent 5 (p5). kelima negara tersebut terus menunda untuk mengkaji lebih dalam lagi isi-isi dari perjanjian hingga islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 issn: 2614-0535 268 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 timbul beberapa reservasi berupa zona aplikasi, hak transit kapal, kedaulatan dan jaminan keamanan negatif. terlebih lagi masalah cakupan wilayah yang terdiri dari zona ekonomi ekslusif (zee) beberapa negara asean dianggap belum jelas terkait klaim laut china selatan. asean terus mendorong kelima negara pemilik nuklir tersebut dalam kurun waktu kurang lebih dua dekade dengan cara negosiasi dan dialog. namun pada intinya tulisan ini akan menjelaskan tentang dinamika seanwfz sendiri, berbagai reservasi yang membuat p5 belum bersedia mengaksesi seanwfz dan penyelesaian laut china selatan sebagai salah satu upaya dalam mendorong china dan beberapa negara p5 untuk mengaksesi seanwfz. kata kunci : asean, p5, seanwfz, traktat pendahuluan kawasan bebas nuklir mulai menjadi perdebatan negara-negara asean sejak tahun 1970 dan pada saat itu asean masih terdiri dari lima negara yaitu indonesia, malaysia, singapura, thailand, dan filipina. kelima negara tersebut sedang mengupayakan pembentukan proposal zopfan (zone of peace, freedom and neutrality) untuk asia tenggara. zopfan sendiri bertujuan untuk menjaga kawasan asia tenggara bebas dari segala bentuk campur tangan atau intervensi dari pihak luar serta memperluas kerja sama di antara negara-negara di asia tenggara. pada saat itu juga asean mengamati beberapa kawasan yang sudah menerapkan kawasan bebas nuklir seperti amerika latin, karibia dan afrika lalu timbullah inisiatif untuk menerapkan kawasan bebas senjata nuklir di wilayah asia tenggara sebagai bagian dari realisasi zopfan (alagappa, 1987). seanwfz (asean nuclear weapon free zone) berisi tentang kesepakatan yang terdiri dari larangan kepada negara-negara anggota asean untuk mengembangkan, memproduksi, menguasai dan membeli senjata nuklir, membeli dan melakukan uji coba senjata nuklir di dalam maupun di luar kawasan asia tenggara, menerima atau meminta bantuan dari negara mana pun yang berkaitan dengan nuklir serta menjual materi atau bahan pembuat nuklir. traktat seanwfz bertujuan seftina kuswardini 269 asean dalam mendorong negara permanent 5 untuk menciptakan perdamaian kawasan dan global dalam bidang pelarangan pelucutan senjata nuklir agar tercipta perdamaian dan rasa aman tanpa kecurigaan satu sama lain. asean sangat mengupayakan traktat tersebut ke tingkat internasional dengan cara diakuinya traktat tersebut melalui resolusi umum majelis pbb 10 januari 2008 (fadli, 2014). pada tahun 1970 majelis pbb mengesahkan pasal sebagai izin pembentukan kawasan bebas senjata nuklir dan menegaskannya pada tahun 1975 bahwa pembentukan kawasan bebas nuklir tersebut bertujuan untuk pengontrolan senjata pemusnah masal tersebut agar digunakan untuk tujuan damai. pembentukan kawasan bebas nuklir termasuk dengan pembentukan perjanjian dan protokol terhadap lima negara pengembang nuklir yang diakui oleh lembaga nonproliferation treaty (npt) china, prancis, rusia, inggris, dan amerika serikat) untuk ditandatangani dan diratifikasi oleh kelima negara tersebut. protokol tersebut mengikat secara hukum bahwa negara-negara pengembang nuklir harus menghormati kawasan tersebut untuk tidak menggunakan dan mengancam negara atau kawasan tersebut menggunakan senjata nuklir dan juga tidak bekerja sama elalui jalur apapun dalam hal-hal yang berhubungan dengan senjata nuklir (kelsey, 2014). berkembangnya isu kepemilik an dan pengembangan senjata nuklir oleh negara-negara superpower yang mengakibatkan perimbangan kekuatan diantara negara-negara pengembang tersebut asean semakin mendorong terlaksananya seanwfz ini walaupun implementasinya berjalan cukup memakan waktu dari mulai disepakati hingga terselesakainnya traktat dan protokolnya. namun dalam proses implementasinya terdapat kendala dan hambatan yang dihadapi asean, salah satunya yaitu tidak mudahnya persetujuan kelima negara pengembang nuklir yang diakui oleh npt (nuclear non-proliferation treaty) untuk menandatangani protokol dan meratifikasinya. pembahasan perkembangan seanwfz pada dasarnya asean ingin berkontribusi dalam realisasi pelaksanaan prinsip piagam pbb yaitu menjaga perdamaian dunia dengan membentuk kawasan bebas senjata nuklir. maka pembentukan kawasan bebas senjata nuklir asia tenggara ini merupakan tindakan 270 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 nyata untuk mempromosikan perdamaian internasional melalui perdamaian kawasan. pembentukan zona bebas nuklir ini juga meru pakan bentuk dari komitmen dalam perjanjian non proliferasi nuklir (npt) dalam mencegah proliferasi senjata nuklir. tujuan lain dibentuknya kawasan bebas senjata nuklir asia tenggara ini juga untuk melindungi wilayah asia tenggara dari pencemaran lingkungan dan bahaya yang ditimbulkan atau dampak dari limbah radioaktif dan bahan senjata nuklir lainnya. berikut ini perkembangan seanwfz dari mulai di sepakati oleh seluruh negara anggota. dimulai pada tahun 1997, di mana telah disepakati pada tahun ini seanwfz mulai berlaku. negaranegara asean mulai meratifikasi dan menyerahkan dokumen ratifikasi tersebut dan kamboja merupakannegara ke delapan yang meratifikasi seanwfz. pada bulan juni perjanjian bangkok ini mulai didaftarkan kepada pbb. dan pada tahun tersebut juga dimulainya konsultasi dengan kelima negara pemilik nuklir tentang rencana dari pemberlakuan kawasan bebas senjata nuklir asia tenggara. amerika serikat menolak untuk menandatangi protokol dengan alasan zona wilayah yang ditentukan dapat menganggu kepentingan negara-negara di luar seanwfz. pada tahun 1998 tepatnya 25 juli, pada pertemuan tingkat menteri asean ke-31 para menteri luar negeri asean men catat laporan dari pejabat senior asean tentang kemajuan yang dijalankan oleh kelompok kerja asean pada zopfan dan seanwfz mengenai konsultasi dengan negara pemilik nuklir (p5) dalam konteks penandatanganan protokol pada perjanjian. para menteri luar negeri menegaskan bahwa penandatanganan protokol oleh negara p5 merupakan mani festasi dari dukungan mereka untuk pelucutan senjata nuklir dan zona nuklir bebas senjata. mereka menyatakan pandangan bahwa uji coba nuklir oleh india dan pakistan tidak kondusif untuk merealisasikan perjajian secara penuh (amm 2012). selanjutnya pada tahun 1999, menteri luar negeri asean meng adakan sidang komisi seanwfz untuk pertama kalinya. di dalam sidang pertama tersebut komisi seanwfz menyusun draft prosedural dan inisiasi tindakan yang akan dilakukan sesuai dengan perjanjian, termasuk melakukan konsultasi dengan kelima negara pemilik nuklir sampai mereka seftina kuswardini 271 asean dalam mendorong negara permanent 5 bersedia menerima seanwfz dan juga dengan pihak iaea. sidang komisi tersebut digelar bertepatan dengan asean regional forum (arf) di singapura. pada november china menyatakan kesediaannya untuk mendukung seanwfz pada pertemuan informal asean+1. tahun 2000 asean masih terus melakukan konsultasi dengan negara pemilik nuklir dan iaea (amm 2012). pada tahun 2001, komisi seanwfz memberikan laporan nya terkait konsultasi dengan lima negara pemilik nuklir pada forum pertemuan menteri di arf yang ke8. pertemuan antara pihak seanwfz dan negara p5 berlangsung pada 19 mei di hanoi. asean juga melakukan dialog dengan china terkait implikasi seanwfz terhadap kedaulatan di laut china selatan. setelah mendapatkan kesepakatan dengan china, asean melakukan konsultasi lebih lanjut dengan ke empat negara lainnya yaitu rusia, perancis, inggris dan amerika serikat untuk membahas tentang jaminan keamanan negatif. dan konsultasi dengan pihak iaea terus dilakukan untuk menjalankan pasal 5 dalam perjanjian (amm 2012). pada tahun 2002, di pertemuan asean regional forum (arf) yang ke-9 pada tanggal 31 juli terjadi pertemuan antara pihak seanwfz dengan negara pemilik nuklir (p5). mereka membahas tentang implementasi seanwfz dan konsultasi mengenai penandatangan protokol. lalu pada tahun 2004, china menyatakan kembali kesediannya untuk mendukung seanwfz dan asean berusaha untuk menyiapkan waktu untuk pennadatanganan protokol. hal tersebut disampaikan pada pertemuan menteri asean yang ke-37 di jakarta (amm 2012). dan di tahun 2005, pada per temuan ke-12 asean regional forum (arf) di vientiane pada tanggal 26 juli para menteri asean menyatakan bahwa kawasan bebas senjata nuklir semakin di pertimbangkansebagai upaya untuk mendukung penghapusan proliferasi nuklir di dunia. hal itu dinyatakan untuk mengingatkan akan pentingnya untuk terus melakukan konsultasi dengan negara p5 sampai kelima negara tersebut bersedia menandatangani protokol seanwfz (amm 2012). pada tahun 2006, para menteri asean mengeluarkan pendapat bersama yang berisi tentang pentingnya penguatan usaha untuk mendorong negara p5 menandatangani protokol. mereka 272 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 mengingatkan tentang isi pasal 20 yang menyatakan bahwa sepuluh tahun setelah perjanjian ini berlaku, diwajibkan untuk mengadakan pertemuan komisi eksekutif seanwfz untuk meninjau kembali pengoperasian perjanjian. pada tahun 2007 tepatnya tanggal 29 juli, para menteri asean melakukan pertemuan di manila, filipina untuk meninjau tentang pelaksanaan perjanjian dan rencana tindakan yang akan dilakukan untuk menuntun implementasi perjanjian di masa depan. pertemuan menghasilkan joint statement dan plan of action (2007-2012) yang berisi tentang pemenuhan komitmen di bawah perjanjian dan aksesi pengamanan iaea, mengejar konsultasi dengan lima negara pemilik senjata nuklir untuk ratifikasi protokol perjanjian, menjalin kerjasama dengan badanbadan internasional dan regional dalam mengembangkan kerangka hukum untuk memenuhi standar internasional tentang keselamatan nuklir dan membangun jaringan regional untuk pemberitahuan awal dari kecelakaan nuklir. pada tahun 2008, pertemuan tingkat menteri asean ke-41 telah disepakati untuk menjadikan thailand sebagai ketua komisi seanwfz dan merencanakan untuk kembali memanggil per wailan negara pemilik nuklir (p5) sesegera mungkin. dan di tahun 2009, asean masih terus mengingatkan negara pihak untuk turut serta dalam mendorong kelima negara pemilik nuklir agar bersedia menandatangani protokol seanwfz dengan membangun hubungan baik dan kerjasama. tahun 2010, terjadi konferensi kedua dari pihak negara pihak dan negara pemilik nuklir untuk melakukan kerja sama pem berlakuan kawasan bebas senjata nuklir afrika. hal tersebut mem buat asean untuk terus optimis mendorong pihak p5 agar seanwfz dapat dijalankan dengan menyeluruh. dan pada bulan mei 2010 bertepatan dengan konferensi ke-8 npt, menteri luar negeri amerika serikat hillary clinton menyatakan bahwa amerika siap untuk melakukan konsultasi dengan pihak seanwfz untuk mencapai kesepakatan mengenai protokol seanwfz. tahun 2011, pada koferensi tahunan menteri luar negeri asean, telah disepakati rencana untuk mengadakan pertemuan langsung yaitu konsultasi informal antara pihak seanwfz dan negara pemilik nuklir (p5). pertemuan tersebut untuk membahas tentang seftina kuswardini 273 asean dalam mendorong negara permanent 5 kebuntuan selama sepuluh tahun mengenai protokol seanwfz yang belum juga ditandatangani oleh kelima negara tersebut. peristiwa yang terjadi di fushima menjadi pertimbangan kepada asean untuk lebih fokus lagi pada tujuan mereka, yaitu menyelesaikan permasalahan kerja sama seanwfz dengan negara p5. dan pada 8 sampai 12 agustus, untuk pertama kalinya terjadi pertemuan antara negara pihak dan kelima negara pemilik nuklir setelah sepuluh tahun. china masih dengan pernyataan sebelumnya bahwa pihaknya akan menudukung seanwfz, namun keempat negara lain yaitu perancis, inggris, rusia, dan amerika serikat belum bersedia untuk meratifikasi protokol seanwfz karena masih ingin meninjau kembali mengenai cakupan wilayah yang termaktub dalam perjanjian tersebut (inventory 2013). tahun 2012, pada bulan januari kamboja mengirimkan surat kepada kelima negara pemilik nuklir yang berisi tentang permohonan penandatangan protol seanwfz. dan pada ktt asean yang ke-20 di phnom penh, asean menyatakan bahwa terjadi banyak kemajuan dalam upaya asean untuk merealisasikan kawasan asia tenggara menjadi zona bebas senjata nuklir dan asean telah mengajukan dua dokumen kesepakatan dengan china yang terdiri dari nota kesepahaman dan perjanjian protokol seanwfz. pada 8 juli terjadi pertemuan antara komisi seanwfz dengan menteri luar negeri asean yang berakhir dengan penandatangan dari hasil komunikasi berasama antara komisi seanwfz dan negara pemilik nuklir (p5) dan penandatangan nota kesepahaman dengan china. namun pihak asean menunda penandatangan nota kesepahaman dengan china sampai masalah dengan keempat negara pemilik nuklir lainnya mendapatkan ke jelasan (james martin, 2013). pada 10 juli 2012, kelima negara pemilik nuklir menyatakan belum siap untuk menendatangani protokol seanwfz. dan pada ktt asean yang ke-21, kesepuluh negara asean menekankan kembali perlunya solidaritas diantara untuk terus berusaha meningkatkan kerjasama keamanan regional salah satunya yaitu merealisasikan seanwfz. selanjutnya pada tahun 2013 sampai 2016, asean mencoba menjalankan rencana kerja yang sudah disepakati alam plan of action (2013 -2017) yang salah satunya berisi tentang komitmen negara 274 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 terkait untuk terus mendorong kelima negara pemilik nuklir (metro, 2016). reservasi negara permanent 5 terhadap seanwfz rusia menunda untuk me nerima dan meratifikasi seanwfz karena asean dianggap kurang konsep dalam membentuk kawasan bebas senjata nuklir. rusia beranggapan bahwa wilayah kbsn yang ditetapkan oleh asean terlalu luas karena meliputi zona ekonomi ekslusif (zee). selain itu asean masih memiliki konflik wilayah mengenai laut china selatan, sedangkan rusia mempunyai kepentingan ekonomi dengan laut china selatan. alasan rusia tersebut dikemukakan pada beberapa pertemuan dan pada pertemuan dimana china dan amerika menyatakan kesediaannya untuk menerima protokol tersebut tiga negara lainnya termasuk rusia masih belum bisa menyatakan kesepakatan. menurut rusia dengan adanya peraturan dalam seanwfz yang melarang adanya proliferasi senjata nuklir di wilayah zee setiap negara asia tenggara tersebut dapat menganggu atau menyalahi hukum united nations convention on the law of the sea (unclos) yang telah lebih dulu disepakati oleh seluruh negara anggota pbb. rusia juga membandingkannya dengan kbsn di wilayah lain seperti amerika latin, afrika, pasifik selatan dan lainya yang tidak memasukan zee ke dalam cakupan batas wilayah pada perjanjian (hiromichi, 2015). menurut amerika serikat, dengan adanya seanwfz terutama pada poin cakupan wilayah zona ekonomi eklusif (zee) dapat menyebabkan permasalahan yang tumpang tindih dengan permasalahan laut china selatan yang terdapat beberapa negara asean seperti brunai, vietnam, filipina, malaysia, indonesia dan thailand dengan china yang mana semua negara tersebut saling mengklaim wilayah tersebut. selain itu amerika juga masih keberatan mengenai jaminan keamanan negatif yang di tetapkan oleh seanwfz (bp, 2016). dengan adanya wilayah bebas senjata nuklir khususnya asia tenggara inggris dapat menerima protokol tersebut namun ada beberapa poin yang masih tidak dapat diterima oleh inggris di dalam protokol tersebut khususnya masalah zona. inggris menanyakan definisi dari zona itu sendiri dan meminta asean untuk mengkonsepkannya lebih rinci dan masuk akal. inggris juga mengajukan protes pada seftina kuswardini 275 asean dalam mendorong negara permanent 5 isi perjanjian pada pasal 7 yang berisikan tentang hak transit kapal dan pesawat udara. pada pertemuan asean regional forum (arf) tahun 2013 diadakan pertemuan komisi seanwfz dengan para perwakilan kelima negara pemilik nuklir, inggris kembali mengajukan reservasi terhadap protokol tersebut dan meminta asean memberikan jaminan atas seluruh negara di asia tenggara untuk benar-benar tidak melakukan ataupun mendukung halhal yang berbau proliferasi nuklir apalagi sampai memiliki nya. china menyatakan bahwa sangat disayangkan jika zona bebas senjata nuklir tersebut dapat mempengaruhi kedaulatanya atas wilayah, zona ekonomi ekslusif dan landas kontinen. selain itu china masih mempertimbangkan adanya masalah laut china selatan yang melibatkan beberapa negara di asia tenggara dan itu sangat berkaitan dengan cakupan wilayah yang telah di tentukan dalam protokol seanwfz tersebut. menurut china sangat sulit menjalankan dan menyepakati protokol ini dengan masalah laut china selatan yang diketahui belum terselesaikan tentang permasalahan saling klaim satu sama lain antara beberapa negara di asia tenggara (prasasta, 2016). pada agustus 2013, bertepatan pada saat menteri luar negeri perancis mengadakan kunjungan ke indonesia lurent fabious mengungkapkan bahwa pembentukan kawasan bebas senjata nuklir asean merupakan usaha negara-negara asia tenggara yang memberikan signifikansi terhadap nonproliferasi senjata nuklir di dunia. tetapi fabious juga menambahkan bahwa perancis masih akan mengkaji lagi tentang traktat seanwfz. selanjutnya pada agustus 2015 pada pertemuan perwakilan asean dengan negara p5 di kuala lumpur sama seperti inggris, perancis masih keberatan berkaitan dengan pasal 7 dari perjanjian seanwfz tentang kapal dan pesawat udara yang hak transit dan lintas nya di serahkan pada masing-masing negara pihak asean (daily witness, 2015). reservasi terbaru yang diajukan oleh perancis yaitu penambahan pasal yang menjelaskan tentang diperbolehkannya penggunaan senjata nuklir untuk membela diri dari berbagai hal atau ancaman yang dianggap mengganggu keamanan diri (mukhlisun, 2016). 276 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 upaya asean dalam mendorong negara permanent 5 bisa digarisbawahi bahwa terdapat beberapa hambatan yang membuat seanwfz belum juga diaksesi oleh negara p5 yaitu yang paling menonjol dan merepresentasikan sebagian besar dari kelima negara tersebut adalah mengenai penjelasan cakupan wilayah zona ekonomi eksklusif (zee) maisng-masing negara asia tenggara yang mana belum bisa diterima dikarenakan masih dalam konflik klaim laut china selatan. beberapa poin lainnya tentang isu keamanan negatif, zona aplikasi, kedaulatan dan hak transit. negosiasi yang dilakukan asean memang mengalami pasang surut bahkan sempat terhenti sekitar satu dekade hingga kembali produktif pada tahun 2011. pada tahun 2011 terjadi per temuan antara komisi seanwfz dengan perwakilan kelima negara pemilik nuklir di jenewa pada agustus dan di new york pada oktober 2011. setelah itu ada pertemuan lanjutan yang merupakan rangkaian dari ktt asean ke19 yang diadakan di bali pada tanggal 14 oktober 2011. pada pertemuan -pertemuan tersebut asean terus mendorong kelima negara pemilik nuklir agar bersedia menandatangani protokol seanwfz. namun kelima negara p5 tersebut masih belum bersedia untuk menandatangani protokol dengan alasan atas reservasireservasi yang mereka ajukan seperti masalah cakupan wilayah yang meliputi zona aplikasi (zone of application), hak transit kapal dan pesawat udara (transit right and port), kedaulatan (sovereignty) dan jaminan keamanan negative (negative security assurance). berlanjut pada ktt asean ke20 juli 2012, asean dan komisi seanwfz kembali menekankan kepada negara p5 untuk dapat menyepakati seanwfz setelah beberapa lama ini terus diberikan waktu untuk mengkaji ulang. pola seperti ini terus berlanjut pada ktt selanjutnya. pada pertemuan aseanrusia som yang ke-12 di kuala lumpur tahun 2015 yang bertemakan peningkatan kerja sama keamanan regional dan internasional, asean mengajukan beberapa poin kerjasama kepada rusia dan salah satunya adalah meminta rusia dan negara pemilik nuklir lainnya bersedia untuk menandatangani protokol seanwfz. pada kunjungan perdana menteri inggris david cameron di kantor sekretariat asean 27 juni 2016, sekretaris seftina kuswardini 277 asean dalam mendorong negara permanent 5 jenderal asean le luong minh kembali mengingtakan inggris untuk memberikan langkah terbaru terhadap seanwfz. menurut minh, cameron memberikan tanggapan yang baik mengenai hal tersebut dan sepakat bahwa menjaga keamanan negaranegara kawasan merupakan upaya untuk menjaga keamanan dunia juga walaupun tidak saat itu juga terjadi proses penandatanganan protokol seanwfz. di samping upaya -upaya yang ditempuh asean dalam bentuk negosiasi dalam pertemuan dan dialog tersebut, ada hal lain yang berkenaan dengan konflik laut china selatan. seanwfz mempunyai hubungan dengan lcs terkait cakupan wilayah yang ditetapkan meliputi zee setiap negara asia tenggara yang mana beberapa negara tersebut masih berselisih paham dengan china yang mana zee tersebut meliputi perairan lcs. ktt asean pada desember 1998 mengahsilkan coc (code of conduct on south china sea). kode etik konflik di laut china selatan ini berupaya membuat aturan larangan berkonflik khususnya bagi negara-negara yang memiliki kepentingan di laut china selatan.kode etik konflik di laut china selatan ini diharapkan dapat dikembangkan lagi di antara negaranegara asean untuk membuat aturan larangan berkonflik dengan sesama anggota maupun dengan negara mitra di luar kawasan. selain untuk menyelesaikan konflik, kode etik konflik di laut china selatan ini juga diharapkan nantinya dapat mengembangkan kerja sama di laut china selatan antar sesama negara anggota maupun dengan negara di luar kawasan asean (victor, 2015). pembentukan code of conduct yang di bentuk asean untuk china memang tidak sertamerta langsung dapat membuat permasalahan laut china selatan antara china dan beberapa negara asia tenggara selesai begitu saja. tetapi setidaknya tidak membuat permasalahan dan gap diantara mereka menjadi tidak semakin besar sehingga dapat mempengaruhi kerja sama lainnya kususnya dalam bidang keamanan. selain itu asean juga sedang dalam upaya mengajukan nota kesepahaman perjanjian seanwfz dengan china (victor, 2015). kesimpulan pemberlakuan kawasan bebas senjata nuklir di asia tenggara yang bersumber hukum pada seanwfz merupakan realisasi asean dalam menciptakan dan menjamin ke amanan kawasan. kesepuluh 278 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 negara asean telah rampung menandatangani perjanjian sejak tahun 1997, namun seanwfz belum dapat dijalankan sepenuhnya karena harus mendapatkan kesepakatan dan komitmen dari negara permanent 5 (p5) yang terdiri dari amerika serikat, inggris, perancis, china dan rusia. perjanian tersebut berisi tentang larangan kepada negara anggota untuk memiliki, memproduksi, memiliki kendali, meperoleh dan mengembangkan senjata nuklir di dalam maupun di luar kawasan asia tenggara. sedangkan negara p5 dilarang untuk melakukan kegiatan yang berbau proliferasi senjata nuklir disekitar kawasan yang sudah ditetapkan di dalam perjanjian tersebut. dorongan terhadap negara p5 terus dilakukan oleh asean dan komisi seanwfz dalam bentuk dialog, pertemuan dan negosiasi semacamnya. namun semua momen yang diharapkan akan menjadi waktu yang tepat untuk melakukan kesepakatan selalu mengalami penundaan dikarenakan reservasireservasi dari kelima negara tersebut yang meliputi zona aplikasi, kedaulatan, hak transit kapal, dan jaminan keamanan negatif. pada zona aplikasi meliputi cakupan wilayah yang mana masih menjadi klaim atas konflik laut china selatan. penyelesaian konflik lcs bisa jadi akan dapat menyelesaikan hambatan yang aksesi p5. namun pada kenyataannya klaim wilayah lcs belum juga dapat diselesaikan sama seperti negara p5 yang belum juga bersedia mengaksesi seanwfz. kedepannya asean harus dapat mendorong p5 lebih keras lagi dengan menggunakan cara yang dirasa lebih efektif, karena pemberlakuan kawasan bebas senjata nuklir merupakan komitmen yang harus diwujudkan guna memberikan rasa aman bagi masyarakat asean. daftar pustaka alagappa, m (1987), towards a nuclear-weapons-free zone in southeast asia, isis research note, kuala lumpur: institute of strategic and international studies. asean close to pact on n-arms ban, published on14/02/2012 at 12:00 am, newspaper section: news, tersedia di http://www.bangkokpost.com/ print/279696/, diakses pada 05 april 2018 asean dan rusia canangkan kerjasama keamanan regional dan internasional, 21 mei 2015, tersedia di http://elshinta. seftina kuswardini 279 asean dalam mendorong negara permanent 5 com/news/12536/2015/05/21/ aseandan-rusia-canangkan p e n i n g k at a n k e r j a s a m a k e a m a n a n r e g i o n a l d a n internasional , diakses pada 10 april 2018 charles j. moxley (2011), nuclear weapons and compliance with international humanitarian law and the nuclear non proliferation treaty, fordham international law journal. crail peter & liang xiaodon (2012), southeast asia nuclear-weapon-free zone and the nuclear-weapon states, washington d.c, eastwest center in washington. daily witness staff, asean face uphill task in getting nuclear states to sign treaty, 05 august 2015, tersedia di http:// dailywitness.com/focus-aseanfaces-uphill-task-in-getting nuclear-states-to-sign-treaty/ , diakses pada 28 maret 2018 donald e. weatherbee, international relation in the southeast asia, the rowman & littlefield publishing group, inc, united kingdom, 2009 erik a. cornellier (2013), in the zone: why the united state should sign the protocol to the southeast asia nuclear weapon free zone, pacific rim law and policy journal. evan s. medeiros (1996), southeast asian countries agree to create nuclear-weapon-free zone, arms control today, vol. 25, no. 10 , arms control association. helle winge laursen (2001), an introduction to the issue of nuclear weapons in southeast asia, international law and policy institute. hiromichi umebayashi (2015), tersedia di http://www. peacedepot.org, diakses pada tanggal 6 april 2018 join comminuque the 30th asean ministerial meeting (amm), asean political-security community document tersedia di http://asean.org/?static_ post=joint comminuque the30th-asean-ministerial-meeting -amm-2, diakses pada 01 april 2018 jonathan l.black branch, nuclear non -proliferation in international law volume 1, asser press, united kingdom, 2014 jozef goldblat (1997), nuclear weapon free zone: a history and assessment, download by university of manchester 280 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.1 january-june 2018 library , dalam international herald tribune. kelsey davenport (2014), nuclear weapon free zone (nwfz) at a glance, may 2012 tersedia di http://www.armscontrol.org/ factsheets/nwfz diakses pada tanggal 2 april 2018 lionel yee woon chin (1998), nuclear weapon free zones-a comparative analysis of the basic undertaking in the seanwfz treaty and their geographical scope of application, singapore journal of international & comparative law. michael hamel green (2005), regional initiatives on nuclear and wmd free zones cooperative approaches to arms control and nonproliferation, united nations institute for disarmament research (unidir), geneva switzerland. m c abad jr (2005), a nuclear weapon-free southeast asia and its continuing strategic significance, institute of southeast asian studies (iseas), contemporary southeast asia, vol. 27, no.2. menlu dorong negara pemilik senjata nuklir adopsi seanwfz, 24 juli 2014, tersedia di http://internasional. m e t r o t v n e w s . c o m / a s i a / vnx928yb-menludorong-negara-pemiliksenjata-nuklir-adopsi-seanwfz, diakses pada 29 maret 2018 mukhlisun (2013), syarat tiga negara untuk seanwfz masih dikaji, tersedia di http:// sumbar. antaranews . com/ berita/43420/syarat-tiganegara-untuk-seanwfz-masihdikaji.html, diakses pada 1 april 2018 southeast asia nuclear weapon free zone (treaty of bangkok) 2013, inventory of international nonproliferation organizations and regimes, james martin center for nonproliferation studies. united states, russia, china, french, uk refusing to sign asean weapon free zone treaty, nuclear news (the news that matters about the nuclear industry), tersedia dihttp:// nuclearnews.net/2012/07/09/ united-states-russia-chinafrance-uk-refusing-to-signaseanweapons-free-zonetreaty/, diakses pada 02 april 2018 prasasta widiadi (2013), sekjen asean hargai upaya perancis seftina kuswardini 281 asean dalam mendorong negara permanent 5 kerjasama dengan asean, tertuang pada http://www. satuharapan.com/read-detail/ read/sekjen-asean-hargaiupaya-prancis -kerja-samadengan-asean , di akses pada 28 maret 2018 treaty on the southeast asia nuclear weapon free-zone (2006), handbook of selected asean political documents, third edition , the asean secretariat, jakarta. victor maulana (2015), ini upaya ri selesaikan konflik laut china selatan, tersedia di http:// international.sindonews.com/ read/1057189/40/ini-upaya-ri selesaikan-konflik-laut-chinaselatan-1446104843 diakses pada 4 mei 2016 victor maulana (2015),asean desak penyelesaian laut china selatan, berita internasional asia pasifik, tersedia di http:// international.sindonews.com/ read/995886/40/asean-desakpenyelesaian-konflik-lautchinaselatan-1430390752, diakses pada 11 april 2018 keputusan hukum izin mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi arabia ditinjau dalam perspektif maqashid as-syari’ah reza bakhtiar ramadhan universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga yogyakarta manmanna93@gmail.com irham shofwan universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga yogyakarta irhamshofwan@gmail.com abstrak tulisan ini mengkaji fatwa terbaru saudi mengenai diperbolehkannya perempuan saudi mengemudi dalam perspektif maqashid asy-syaria‟ah. uraian akan difokuskan pada hukum awal tentang larangan perempuan saudi mengemudi hingga munculnya hukum diperbolehkannya perempuan saudi mengemudi. dalam proses perubahan hukum ini telah terjadi dialektika antara umara‟ (kerajaan), ulama (lembaga fatwa) dan ummah. tidak hanya berhenti sampai di situ, peristiwa ini menunjukkan bahwa dalam urusan keagamaan umara‟ (kerajaan) tetap memiliki otoritas yang melebihi lembaga fatwa. bagi kita sudah jamak diketahui bahwa perempuan saudi memiliki ruang gerak yang terbatas di ruang publik. berbagai putusan hukum saudi dinilai banyak merugikan kaum perempuan, tetapi kemudian kehadiran fatwa baru ini menjadi angin segar bagi perempuan saudi. akan tetapi perlu menjadi catatan bahwa kemunculan fatwa hukum diperbolehkannya perempuan saudi mengemudi ini tetap mengacu pada maqashid as-syariah yang bertujuan untuk kemaslahatan manusia, dalam hal ini kaum perempuan saudi di satu sisi, dan stabilitas negara di sisi lain. kata kunci: fatwa hukum, maqashid as-syariah, perempuan saudi, lembaga fatwa. islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 reza bakhtiar ramadhan & irham shofwan 467 keputusan hukum izin mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi arabia abstract this article examines saudi‟s latest fatwa regarding the possibility of saudi women driving in the perspective of maqashid asy-syaria‟ah. the description will be focused on the preliminary law on the prohibition of saudi women driving until the emergence of the law allowing women to drive. in the process, this law change has occurred dialectics between umara‟ (kingdom), ulama (fatwa institution) and ummah. not only stop there, this fact shows that umara‟ (kingdom) in this case has authority over on fatwa institution. it is known for us that saudi women have limited space in public space. many saudi law decisions are considered to be detrimental to women, but then the presence of this new fatwa becomes a breeze for saudi women. but it should be noted that the emergence of legal fatwa of the saudi woman driving this still refers to the maqashid as-syariah which aims to benefit humanity, especially saudi women in one side, and nation stability in the other. keywords: fatwa law, maqashid as-syariah, saudi woman, fatwa institution. pendahuluan fatwa hukum merupakan satu dari sekian banyak putusan hukum yang terlegitimasi. dalam kajian hukum islam, fatwa memiliki ke dudukan yang sangat penting bagi suatu perkara/masalah yang belum ter-cover oleh putusan hukum (al haramain,1996: 18). fatwa hukum merupakan produk ijtihad para mujtahid terhadap suatu perkara/ masalah. dengan begitu, kita tidak dapat memungkiri bahwa ijtihadnya para mujtahid ini memiliki jasa yang sangat besar bahkan dominan. tetapi patut dicatat juga, bahwa fatwa hukum itu sifatnya tidak mengikat dan hanya berlaku bagi madzab, aliran atau golongan tertentu saja. dikarenakan setiap madzhab, aliran atau golongan memiliki cara yang berbeda dalam penggalian hukum. seperti dalam kajian ushul fiqh, empat madzab besar fiqh; syafi‟iyyah, hanafiyyah, hambaliyyah dan malikiyyah bersepakat bahwa dalam istinbath hukum mereka menggunakan 3 sumber hukum; al-qur‟an, assunnah dan ijma‟(abdul wahab khalaf, 1956: 15). tetapi dari setiap madzab tersebut terdapat ikhtilaf (perbedaan) yang cukup menonjol dalam penggalian (istinbath) hukum. sehingga produk hukum dan fatwa hukum yang dihasilkan pun berbeda. contohnya, madzhab syafi‟iyyah lebih cenderung ber 468 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 istinbath dengan qiyas sebagai sumber hukum, ketika tidak diketemukannya dalil didalam alqur‟an, as-sunnah dan ijma‟ mengenai suatu masalah. lain halnya dengan madzhab malikiyyah yang cenderung beristinbath dengan istihsan sebagai sumber hukum, ketika tidak diketemukannya dalil dalam al-qu‟ran, as-sunnah dan ijma‟(abdul wahab khalaf, 1956: 20. sehingga dari keterangan ini terdapat perbedaan mengenai karakteristik ber-istinbath hukum setiap madzhab, aliran dan golongan yang berkonsekuensi produk hukum atau fatwa hukum yang berbeda dan hanya akan dianut para muqallid (orang yang taklid kepada) madzab mereka masing-masing. hukum islam sangat terkait dengan fatwa hukum, sebab hukum islam merupakan bentuk legitimasi dari fatwa hukum. ketika suatu lembaga otoritas fatwa telah mengeluarkan putusan hukum yang berupa fatwa dan telah disepakati oleh para ulama‟ yang terlegitimasi, maka secara otomatis fatwa tersebut sudah berlaku sebagai hukum. adapun hukum islam sering bersentuhan dengan kehidupan sosial – kemasyarakatan, karena hukum islam memiliki dua fungsi. pertama, sebagai hukum dan norma. maksudnya, ia berusaha mengatur tingkah laku manusia sesuai dengan citra islam. sehingga, ia tidak terlepas dari pengaruh sosial budaya yang hidup di sekitarnya. kedua, sebagai norma hukum yang memberikan legitimasi atau larangan-larangan dalam konteks spiritual (tarmizi, 2012: 120). selain dapat melegitimasi hukum, fatwa juga dapat berubah sesuai kebutuhan dan kondisi. sebab produk hukum yang bernama fikih itu bersifat dzanniy (dugaan) dan ta‟aqqul alma‟na (dapat dilacak secara rasional) (hazairin, 1974: 38). dari sinilah kemudian kita dapat mengambil kesimpulan bahwa setiap fatwa hukum yang sudah terlegitimasi juga dapat berubah sesuai kebutuhan dan kondisi sosial – kemasyarakatan. jika kita mengacu pada ilmu ushul fiqh, maka kita akan dihadapkan pada salah satu pembahasan mengenai an-nasikh wa al-mansukh (al haramain, 1996: 17), dimana dalil suatu hukum diganti dengan dalil suatu hukum yang lain dan yang berlaku adalah dalil hukum yang baru (pengganti). menurut hemat kami, adanya pergantian hukum ini selain mengacu pada sosial – kemasyarakatan juga mengacu pada ukuran maqashid asy-syariah yang mana dengan pergantian hukum reza bakhtiar ramadhan & irham shofwan 469 keputusan hukum izin mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi arabia tersebut ukuran kemaslahatannya lebih besar. di saudi arabia, fatwa hukum secara faktual memiliki posisi yang sangat sentral dan dominan. karena secara kultural, politik dan struktural, di saudi sejak dinasti saud berkuasa secara kultural ke agamaan menganut pada paham wahhabiyyah. paham yang ber-afiliasi pada muhammad ibn abdul wahhab ini menjadi madzab resmi kerajaan saudi. sehingga seluruh elemen masyarakat saudi seragam dalam hal pemahaman keagamaan. dengan demikian sistem kultural pun terbangun dengan tanpa disadari. juga, saudi menyatakan dirinya sebagai negara dengan sistem kerajaan yang menggunakan hukum islam sebagai undang-undangnya (bbc. com, 2017). sehingga secara politik dan struktural saudi sangat memperhatikan kedudukan fatwa, bahkan disana terdapat lembaga fatwa yang mengakomodir para ulama‟ saudi didalamnya. seperti hai‟ah kibar al -ulama‟ assu‟udiyyah (lembaga ulama‟ senior saudi) yang merupakan lembagafatwa saudi yang telah ada sejak tahun 1971 (wikipedia. org, 2017) . lembaga fatwa ini membahas persoalan-persoalan keagamaan, sosial, kemasyarakatan dan sebagainya menurut kacamata hukum islam. ini, terlihat dari banyaknya hasil fatwa hukum yang telah diputuskan oleh hai‟ah kibar al-ulama‟ as-su‟udiyyah ini. tidak terkecuali fatwa mengenai hukum perempuan saudi mengemudi mobil. adapun mengenai hukum ini terdapat dua fatwa yang berbeda, dalam waktu yang berbeda dan dalam keadaan sosial – masyarakat yang berbeda pula. awalnya hai‟ah kibar al-ulama‟ assu‟udiyyah berfatwa bahwa haram hukumnya bagi seorang perempuan bepergian dengan mengemudi mobil sendiri. dari kedua fatwa tersebut, menurut hemat kami, memiliki ukuran kemaslahatan yang berbeda. jika ditinjau dari waktu, keadaan dan perkembangan sosial, ekonomi dan masyarakat akan tampak secercah petunjuk mengenai penasakh-an fatwa awal dengan yang terakhir. dimana umara‟ (pemerintah), ulama‟ dan ummah saling berdialektika mengenai fatwa hukum tersebut. maqashid asysyari‟ah sangat berperan dalam putusan fatwa-fatwa yang telah dilegitimasi oleh pemerintah dan ulama‟ saudi, terlebih mengenai hukum mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi. sehingga dalam tulisan ini muncul permasalahan yang layak 470 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 untuk dibahas secara mendalam, yaitu: pertama, bagaimana fatwa hukum mengenai haramnya mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi menurut perspektif maqashid asysyari‟ah ? kedua, bagaimana fatwa hukum mengenai dibolehkannya mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi menurut perspektif maqashid asysyariah dan apa efek dari fatwa hukum baru tersebut. maqashid asy-syari’ah dan produk hukum sebelum menuju kepada kajian fatwa mengemudi kendaraan bagi kaum perempuan di saudi arabia, terlebih dahulu diuraikan secara ringkas mengenai maqashid asysyari‟ah dan kaitannya dengan produk hukum. secara terminologis, maqashid asy-syari‟ah – sebagaimana definisi wahbah alzuhaili, yang dikutip oleh ghofar shidiq – mengandung pengertian: makna-makna dan tujuan-tujuan yang dipelihara oleh syara‟ dalam seluruh hukumnya atau sebagian besar hukumnya, atau tujuan akhir dari syari‟at dan rahasia-rahasia yang diletakkan oleh syara‟ pada setiap hukumnya (ghofar shidiq, 2009: 119). lebih spesifik lagi, muhammad said ramadhan al-buthi mendefinisikan maqashid as syari‟ah sebagai manfaat yang dituju oleh syari‟ (pencipta syari‟ah) yang bijaksana untuk para hamba-nya untuk menjaga agama, jiwa, akal, keturunan dan harta mereka, menurut urutan tertentu diantara lima hal tersebut (al buthy, 2014: 37). dari pengertian ini, dapat tergambar bahwa apa yang ditetapkan oleh syari‟ sebenarnya mengandung tujuan baik untuk manusia, dimana tujuan baik tersebut merupakan makna yang bisa dipahami oleh akal, dan karenanya bisa menjadi bagian penting dalam memahami hukumhukum syari‟ah yang telah tertulis, dan juga menjadi modal manusia untuk merumuskan produk hukum yang belum tertuliskan dalam ketetapan syari‟. dengan kata lain, maqashid asy-syari‟ah mengandung dua hal, dimana dua hal ini merupakan kebaikan bagi manusia yang dituju oleh syari‟ah, yaitu: 1. mewujudkan manfaat, yakni segala kebaikan dan kesenangan bagi manusia yang diistilahkan sebagai jalb almanfa‟ah (meraih manfaat). 2. menghindari kerusakan, diistilahkan sebagai dar‟ almafsadah (menolak kerusakan). reza bakhtiar ramadhan & irham shofwan 471 keputusan hukum izin mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi arabia dua hal ini kemudian diukur dengan standar kebutuhan dasar manusia, dimana batasan apa yang manfaat dan apa yang merusak ditentukan oleh seberapa besar pengaruh keduanya dalam kebutuhan primer, sekunder dan tersier manusia (ghofar shidiq, 2009: 121). maka, produk hukum baik yang telah tertulis secara terang (sharih) dalam teks (nash) selalu mengandung maksud dan tujuan tersebut. dan dalam merumuskan sebuah produk hukum, khususnya dalam kasuskasus kontemporer yang belum tertulis secara terang didalam nash, maqashid asy-syari‟ah juga harus menjadi rasionalitas hukumnya. dalam kajian hukum islam, maqashid asy-syari‟ah menjadi perspektif yang sesuai untuk menelaah fatwa yang sedang hangat diperbincangkan di saudi arabia itu. sebab, pertama, persoalan ini mengandung peralihan hukum dari dilarang menjadi dibolehkan. awalnya wanita dilarang mengemudi kendaraan, kemudian produk hukum ini di nasakh menjadi dibolehkan. tentu ada logika tertentu yang bisa diukur di balik eralihan ini, dan logika tersebut tidak keluar dari wilayah maqashid asy-syari‟ah. lalu yang kedua, hukum mengemudi bagi wanita saudi arabia oleh otoritas negara setempat, baik pemerintah maupun ulama‟, dilandaskan pada latarbelakang jalb al-mashalih (meraih kemanfaatan) dan dar‟ almafasid (mencegah bahaya). dua hal ini menjadi elemen penting dalam kandungan makna maqashid asy-syari‟ah. larangan perempuan mengemudi kendaraan boleh dikatakan fatwa pe larangan mengemudi bagi kaum perempuan dari otoritas negara di saudi arabia merupakan fatwa yang dibangun dari sudut pandang “syari‟ah adalah kemaslahatan”, as-syari‟ah maslahah (ahmad ar raisuni, 2000: 29). sudut pandang ini memuat berbagai komposisi hukum yang menyatakan, di antaranya: syari‟ah ada untuk mereali sasikan manfaat dan menolak kerusakan. syari‟ah merupakan manfaat dan penolakan (bahaya). syari‟ah ada untuk mereali sasikan manfaat dan mem budidayakannya, dan menolak kerusakan dan mereduksinya. syariah diciptakan untuk ke maslahatan-kemaslahatan pada hamba di dunia maupun di akherat. 472 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 sudut pandang ini bisa dibaca dari komposisi fatwa yang diproduksi oleh otoritas saudi arabia, yakni dari lembaga hai‟ah kibar al-ulama‟ pada tahun 1990 (aljazeera.net, 2017). lembaga ulama senior itu menerbitkan fatwa pelarangan wanita mengemudi kendaraan, karena hal itu tidak sesuai dengan syari‟ah. pelarangan itu didasarkan kepada dalil-dalil dari al-quran dan hadis-hadis nabi saw.. diantara penggalan teks fatwa berbunyi: “seperti yang sudah dimaklumi bersama, tindakan mengendarai mobil yang dilakukan oleh wanita itu hanya akan menimbulkan dampak negative, yang notabene pasti juga diketahui oleh pihak-pihak yang menyerukan hal itu. diantara dampak negatif tersebut adalah timbulnya tindakan khalwat yang diharamkan, melakukan perjalanan jauh, berbaur dengan lelaki tanpa ada yang melarang dan melakukan praktek terlarang yang mendasari pelarangan semua tindakan yang disebutkan sebelumnya, sementara agama yang suci ini telah melarang semua hal yang akan mengarah kepada tindakan haram, bahkan mengharamkannya. oleh sebab itulah allah menyuruh para isteri rasulullah dan isteri orang-orang mukmin untuk tetap berada di rumah, menutup aurat, dan untuk tidak mempertontonkan perhiasannya pada yang bukan muhrim, karena semua itu akan mengarah kepada paham serba boleh yang merusak masyarakat” (binbaz. org.sa, 2017). dalam fatwa itu, pelarangan mengemudi didasarkan pada alasanalasan yang telah disebutkan secara sharih dalam dalil-dalil pokok yang melandasinya, meskipun dalam perspektif fikih pemahaman terhadap alasan-alasan tersebut masih bisa diperdebatkan. dalil pokok dari al-qur‟an yang melandasi fatwa tersebut antara lain: “dan hendaklah kamu tetap dirumahmu dan janganlah kamu berhias dan bertingkah laku seperti orang-orang jahiliyyah yang dahulu dan dirikanlah solat, tunaikanlah zakat, dan taatilah allah dan rasulnya.” (qs. al-ahzab: 33) “hai nabi, katakanlah ke­ pada istri-istrimu, anak-anak perempuanmu,dan istri-istri orang mukmin, hendaklah mereka mengulurkan jilbabnya ke seluruh tubuh mereka. yang demikian itu supaya mereka lebih mudah untuk dikenal, karena itu mereka tidak diganggu.” (qs. al-ahzab: 59) “katakanlah kepada wanita yang beriman, hendaklah mereka menahan pandangannya dan reza bakhtiar ramadhan & irham shofwan 473 keputusan hukum izin mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi arabia memelihara kemaluan, dan janganlahmereka menampakkan perhiasannya, kecuali yang (biasa) nampak daripadanya. dan hen daklahmereka menutupkan kain kerudung ke dadanya, dan janganlah menampakkan perhiasannya, kecuali kepada suami mereka, atau ayah mereka, atau ayah suami mereka, atau putraputra mereka, atau putra-putra suami mereka …” (qs. an-nur: 31) adapun dalil-dalil dan hadis nabi saw. yang disebutkan antara lain: dari usamah ibn zaid, nabi saw. bersabda: “tidaklah aku tinggalkan fitnah yang lebih ber bahaya untuk kaum laki-laki daripada kaum perempuan.” (hr. al-bukhari, hadis nomor 5096) nabi saw. bersabda: “tidaklah seorang laki-laki berkhalwat dengan seorang perempuan kecuali pasti syaitan yang menjadi ketiganya.” (hr. ahmad) baik dalil dari al-qur‟an mau­ pun hadis di atas, menunjukkan bahwa rasionalitas dari alasan pelarangan mengemudi telah terkandung dengan jelas di dalam narasi dalil, yakni bahwa bahayanya adalah melanggar perintah allah dan rasulnya, menampakkan sisi kemenarikan dari diri perempuan kepada lelaki yang bukan muhrim, dan perilaku ber-khalwah. alasan ini tidak memperhitungkan adanya kenyataan lain yang sifatnya sosiokultural, seperti dalam dunia karir dan pekerjaan, dunia interaksi sosial modern, dan dunia pendidikan, misalnya. mufti saudi abd al-aziz alu as-syaikh mengikuti narasi fatwa diatas, pun turut menyatakan bahwa “mengemudi kendaraan terkadang menyebabkan terbukanya pintupintu keburukan, dan tidak terukur dengan jelas batasan-batasannya. maka kita seharusnya tidak menetapkan masalah ini karena ini adalah masalah yang berbahaya, menjerumus kepada keburukankeburukan….” demikian juga abdullah almuni‟ salah satu anggota hai‟ah mengatakan: “sesungguhnya dilarangnya perempuan mengemudi kendaraan merupakan pemuliaan dari negara terhadapnya, dan menjaga kesucian dan orisinalitasnya” (aljazeera.net, 2017). bahkan kajian fikih mengenai kasus ini dalam pandangan dr. abd al-aziz ibn fauzan al-fauzan, salah satu otoritas keagamaan di saudi arabia, di salah satu laman al-multaqa al-fiqhi, dimana kajian tersebut memuat beberapa pertimbangan perihal perempuan berkarir dan bersosialisasi di tengah 474 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 kehidupan sosial, namun berakhir dengan menguatkan fatwa yang berlaku, yakni perempuan dilarang mengemudi. jikapun perempuan pada akhirnya terpaksa harus mengemudikan kendaraan sendiri, “ia mengemudikannya dengan memakai jilbab yang syar‟i dan komplit (menurut undang-undang setempat) serta bertakwa kepada allah swt” (fiqhislammessage.com, 2017). dibolehkannya perempuan mengemudikan kendaraan kemudian setelah puluhan tahun lamanya fatwa tersebut bertahan demi menjaga eksistensi kaum perempuan saudi arabia, pada 26 september 2017, raja salman ibn abd al-aziz mengeluarkan keputusan agar perempuan diberi hak mengemudikan mobil sendiri, meskipun keputusan ini berlaku efektif pada bulan juni tahun 2018. raja salman mengirimkan ultimatumnya kepada menteri dalam negeri, yang diantara penggalan kalimatnya: “menunjuk kepada halhal negatif dari tidak diperkenankannya perempuan mengemudi kendaraan, dan hal-hal positif dari diperbolehkannya mengemudi kepadanya, disertai dengan implementasi atura-aturan legal (syar‟i) dan menegakannya, sebagaimana menunjuk kepada pendapat mayoritas anggota hai‟ah kibar ulama mengenai status mengemudikan kendaraan bagi perempuan, bahwa hukum syara‟ terhadap persoalan (mengemudinya perempuan) tersebut pada dasarnya adalah boleh. citra pihak yang bersikap diam atas hal itu, dulunya berpegang pada ungkapanungkapan yang berkaitan dengan sad adz-dzarai‟ yang sifanya relatif, yang belum sampai kepada level pasti, juga mendekati pasti. mereka juga tidak menemukan adanya larangan dari dibolehkannya wanita mengemudi kendaraan, (selama masih) dalam naungan penerapan jaminan-jaminan legal (syar‟i) dan perundangan yang seharusnya...” raja juga menjamin adanya undang -undang yang menjadi payung hukum dari kebolehan wanita mengemudi (aljazeera.net, 2017). ungkapan raja tentu sangat eksplisit bertentangan dengan fatwa yang melarang, dimana perempuan dilarang mengemudi disebabkan timbulnya hal-hal negatif dan membahayakan eksis tensi perempuan terkait dirinya, agamanya dan keluarganya. se mentara pada keputusan ini, raja justru membolehkan perempuan menyetir karena melihat adanya hal-hal positif dari kebolehan ini, reza bakhtiar ramadhan & irham shofwan 475 keputusan hukum izin mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi arabia dan timbulnya hal-hal negatif jika tidak segera diperbolehkan. bahkan raja menyebutkan hai‟ah kibar al-ulama‟ sebagai salah satu rujukan dalam pembolehan ini, dimana menurut raja, pembolehan ini berdasarkan mayoritas anggota hai‟ah. bagaimana jawaban hai‟ah kibar al-ulama‟ ? hai‟ah kibar al-ulama‟ mem benarkan titah raja, dan menyatakan bahwa keputusan raja salman ini menjadi tolak ukur kemaslahatan dan bahaya. menurut lembaga ini, segenap ulama‟ syari‟ah menetapkan bahwa tindakan seorang pemimpin terhadap rakyatnya adalah berpijak pada kemaslahatan. sehingga tujuan dari ijtihad sang pemimpin adalah merealisasikan kemaslahatan secara total, dan menolak kerusakan dan meminimalisirnya. berdasarkan pada prinsip ini, maka sang pemimpin dalam setiap keputusannya berhak memilih mana yang lebih maslahat, lebih bermanfaat dan mudah. para anggota hai‟ah kibar alulama‟ menilai keputusan hukum berkaitan dengan pembolehan ini adalah berdasarkan kemaslahatan atau kerusakan yang terjadi. sehingga pada kasus pembolehan ini, raja melandaskannya pada dua standar tersebut, sebagaimana tersebutkan dalam pernyataannya itu. menurut mereka, raja jelas telah menemukan adanya bahaya yang terjadi bila wanita masih dilarang mengemudi kendaraan, dan mempertimbangkan keputusan para ulama‟ bahwa tidak ada larangan yang terang bagi wanita mengemudi kendaraan selama berada dibawah penerapan jaminan-jaminan syar‟i dan perundang-undangan yang menjaga kehormatan perempuan (m.aawsat.com, 2017). selain kemaslahatan ditemukan di dalam prinsip-prinsip syari‟ah, kemaslahatan juga ditemukan di dalam visi atau pandangan manusia, dimana visi tersebut dibangun untuk merealisasikan kemaslahatan masyarakat bersama, padahal tidak ada dalil yang sharih yang menyuruhnya. ini yang kemudian dalam sudut pandang lain dari maqashid diungkapkan sebagai “kemaslahatan adalah syari‟ah”, al maslahah syari‟ah (ahmad ar raisuni, 2000: 31). beberapa kaidah hukum yang lahir dari sudut pandang ini antara lain: al-maslahah al-mursalah, al-istihsan, al-„urf, alistidlal, dan beberapa kaidah fikih yang berbunyi: al-ashlu fi al-manafi‟ al-hill, wa fi al-madharr al-man‟u (pada dasarnya, hal-hal yang bermanfaat adalah halal, dan 476 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 hal-hal yang berbahaya adalah dilarang). la dharara wa la dhirara (tidak boleh membahayakan diri sendiri dan membahayakan orang lain). at-tasharrufu „ala ar-ra‟iyyah manuth bi al-maslahah (me mutuskan tindakan kepada rakyat adalah terjamin oleh kemaslahatan), dan sepertinya ini yang paling tepat untuk menilai keputusan raja salman. maka ketika hai‟ah kibar alulama‟ telah mempercayakan keputusan diperbolehkannya wanita mengemudi kendaraan kepada raja, tanpa menyebutkan komentar lebih lanjut berkaitan dengan dalil-dalil dari nash alqur‟an, hadis nabi saw., atau mengutip pendapat ulama‟, yang perlu kita pahami adalah apa kirakira kemaslahatan yang tertangkap dalam visi sang raja itu? membaca kemaslahatan dalam visi raja 1. bidang politik raja salman selaku pemegang otoritas struktural tertinggi saudi telah melakukan sejarah besar dalam kebijakan politik dalam negeri. terlihat dalam keputusan kerajaan mengenai diperbolehkannya perempuan saudi mengemudi yang secara otomatis telah men-nasakh hukum asal tentang tidak diperbolehkannya perempuan saudi mengemudi. melalui keputusan ini, kerajaan saudi khususnya raja salman memandang bahwasanya sudah saatnya bagi perempuan saudi ikut berperan dalam ruang publik saudi. baik dari sisi politik, ekonomi, sosial dan pendidikan. seperti yang sudah dipaparkan di atasb ahwa kemaslahatan dalam suatu putusan hukum menjadi satu hal yang sangat diperhatikan. demikian juga dalam fatwa hukum diperbolehkannya perempuan saudi mengemudi, kemaslahatan menjadi ukuran yang dipakai dalam putusan hukum ini. raja salman memandang bahwa kemaslahatan putusan hukum ini lebih besar dibandingkan dengan bahayanya. karena dengan disahkannya putusan hukum ini, bertujuan untuk meningkatkan potensi perempuan saudi dalam mendongkrak pamor saudi sebagai negara yang dinamis, karena selama ini saudi dikenal dengan negara yang stagnan dan menekan hak-hak kaum perempuan. dari sudut pandang kemas lahatan politis, raja salman bermaksud membuka kran-kran keterlibatan langsung perempuan dalam percaturan perpolitikan reza bakhtiar ramadhan & irham shofwan 477 keputusan hukum izin mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi arabia saudi. dengan adanya keterlibatan perempuan ini, dipastikan akan muncul warna yang baru dalam madzhab-madzhab politik yang ada, dan tentu saja kaum pe rempuan didalam struktur pemerintahan nantinya mampu menjadi sayap kaum perempuan, sebab perempuan saudi memiliki potensi untuk mengisi kekosongan ini. juga, perlu menjadi catatan bahwa putusan hukum ini secara kemaslahatan politik dapat menjadi power (kekuatan) guna mendulang dukungan perempuan terhadap kerajaan. ketika dukungan kepada kerajaan semakin kuat, maka ke maslahatan akan dapat dirasakan. seperti; berkurangnya potensi konflik internal (perang saudara), saving (pengamanan) kekuasaan kerajaan dan pemenuhan hak-hak perempuan yang selama ini dinilai masih timpang. putusan hukum ini diharapkan juga dapat mendongkrak popularitas politik kerajaan khususnya raja salman sebagai aktor yang telah me-nasakh fatwa/ putusan hukum sebelumnya. 2. bidang ekonomi kemaslahatan ekonomi negara juga menjadi pertimbangan yang kuat dalam visi raja salman dalam keputusan ini. saudi adalah salah satu negara penghasil minyak terbesar di dunia. sehingga sudah mafhum bahwa saudi sangat mengandalkan minyak sebagai devisa negara untuk menopang perekonomiannya. tetapi semenjak harga minyak dunia turun secara drastis, pemerintahan saudi mau tidak mau harus mencari solusi lain guna menutup anggaran belanja negara yang membengkak. terbukti lawatan raja salman ke berbagai negara asia termasuk indonesia maret 2017 lalu, membawa misi untuk menguatkan perekonomian saudi untuk 10 tahun kedepan tanpa bergantung dengan minyak (kompas.com, 2017). selain itu, saudi juga termasuk negara yang beberapa tahun ini meningkatkan belanja negaranya dalam bidang keamanan dan militer. hal ini misalnya bisa dilacak dari belanja kelengkapan persenjataan, dimana pada tahun 2014 negara tersebut menghabiskan usd 80 juta; jumlah yang belum dicapai ditahuntahun sebelumnya (shorouknews. com, 2017). kemudian pada tahun 2015 menghabiskan sebanyak sar 20 milyar (usd 5,3 milyar), disusul tahun 2016 meningkat lagi menjadi sar 213 milyar, dan jumlah ini menempati sebanyak 25% dari keseluruhan anggaran belanja (reuters.com, 2015). belanja negara dalam bidang ini 478 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 kemudian tidak meraup hasil yang produktif, sehingga pemerintah saudi mengalami defisit, dan harus menutupinya. maka benarlah pengamatan banyak ahli, bahwa ekonomi saudi arabia telah kedodoran akibat anjloknya harga minyak hingga kisaran 30 dollar per barel (bbc.com, 2016), biaya perang yang tinggi, dan petualangannya di kawasan maupun dunia islam. dan persoalan ini menjadi informasi yang hanya bisa ditangkap melalui pengamatan yang jeli, sebab tentu saja tidak diinformasikan secara resmi oleh internal kerajaan (geotimes.com, 2017). dengan putusan hukum diperbolehkannya perempuan saudi ini, diharapkan dapat membuka kran -kran perekonomian baru saudi. sebab putusan hukum ini merupakan jembatan bagi perempuan untuk ber -elaborasi dengan pria secara lebih produktif, khususnya setelah mendapatkan akses didalam pemerintahan. karena dengan akses ini diharapkan perempuan memiliki potensi yang lebih dalam mendongkrak perekonomian negara. tidak hanya kebahagiaan dan suka cita perempuan saudi beberapa saat setelah keputusan ini turun, namun kran-kran ekonomi di bidang lain pun mulai terbuka. tidak hanya kemudian sebanyak 80% perempuan saudi berbondong-berbondong mengajukan pembuatan surat izin mengemudi, namun kunjungan kaum perempuan di pasar ken daraan roda empat mulai meningkat. hal ini menjadi tanda positif tersendiri, setelah jumlah penjualan mobil menurun menjadi 530 buah di tahun 2016, dari jumlah 685 buah di tahun 2015. perhitungan inilah barangkali yang juga sedang dibentuk dalam program “visi 2030” yang digagas saudi arabia sejak 2015 (rt.com, 2017). potensi kaum perempuan ini menjadi ukuran kemaslahatan yang dimenangkan oleh raja, dibanding ke-mafsadahan -nya. dan dalam bidang ekonomi, tidak hanya potensi dari pasar kendaraan, potensi peningkatan pariwisata dan dunia karir pun bisa menjadi bentuk kemaslahatan yang menjanjikan bagi kemajuan saudi arabia dalam visi raja. kesimpulan peristiwa terjadinya perubahan fatwa hukum di saudi arabia, dari dilarangnya perempuan mengemudi kendaraan menjadi dibolehkan, bertumpu kepada alasan-alasan yang mengarah kepada meraih kemaslahatan dan menolak bahaya reza bakhtiar ramadhan & irham shofwan 479 keputusan hukum izin mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi arabia dan kerusakan. alasan-alasan tersebut secara terang dinyatakan dalam klausul-klausul produk hukumnya. hanya saja, ada perbedaan orientasi dari dua arah produk hukum tersebut. orientasi dari dilarangnya perempuan mengemudi bisa diungkapkan sebagai assyari‟ah maslahah; syari‟ah adalah kemaslahatan, dimana larangan mengemudi bersumber dari dalildalil al-qur‟an dan hadis nabi saw. yang secara terang menungkapkan bahayanya kaum perempuan beraktifitas di luar rumah, dan menyuruh mereka tetap di dalam rumah, dan inilah kemaslahatannya. adapun orientasi dari di bolehkannyakaum perempuan mengemudikendaraan bisa diungkapkansebagai al-maslahah syari‟ah; kemaslahatan merupakan syari‟ah, dimana keputusan raja akan kebolehan kaum wanita mengemudi yang – menjadi sumber fatwa pembolehan tersebut – berdasarkan kepada dapat diraihnya kemaslahatan-kemaslahatan khusus yang terdapat dalam pandangan visi raja sebagai pemerintah, dan menolak kerusakan yang juga telah terbacadalam visinya. bentukbentuk visi terbut tergambarkan dalam kemaslahatan tata negara dan stabilitasnya, baik yang bersifat politik maupun ekonomi. daftar pustaka buku dan jurnal: al-haramain, imam, al-waraqat, riyadh, dar ash-shomai‟i, 1996 wahab khalaf, abdul, ushul fiqh, kairo, maktabah ad-da‟wah al-islamiyah, 1956 tarmizi, pembaruan hukum islam di indonesia; keberadaannya dalam perundang-undangan, jurnal istinbath, vol. 9, no. ii, november 2012 hazairin, tujuh serangkai tentang hukum, jakarta: tintamas, 1974 shidiq, ghofar, teori maqashid asysyari‟ah dalam hukum islam, jurnal sultan agung, vol. xliv no. 118, agustus 2009 sa‟id ramadhan al-buthi, muhammad, dhawabith almaslahah fi as-syari‟ah alislamiyyah, damaskus: dar al-fikr, 2014 ar-raisuni , ahmad dan jamal barout, muhammad, alijtihad: an-nash, al-waqi‟, al-maslahah, damaskus: dar al-fikr, 2000 480 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 al-qardhawi, yusuf, fiqh praktis bagi kehidupan modern, kairo, maktabah wahbah, 1999 syatibi, imam, al-muwafaqat fi ushul asy-syari‟ah, beirut, dar al-kutub al-islamiyyah, juz i jaya bakri, asafri, konsep maqashid asy-syari‟ah menurut asy-syatibi, jakarta, rajawali press, 1996 abu zahrah, muhammad, ushul fiqh, mesir, daral-fikr, al„arabi, 1958 website: saudi arabia country profile, http:// www.bbc.com/news/worldmiddle-east-14702705, diakses 1 oktober 2017 lajnah ad-daaimah lil buhuuts wa alfataawa lihat; hai‟ah kibar alulama‟ as-su‟udiyyah, https:// ar.wikipedia.org/wiki/%d9%87% d9%8a%d8%a6%d8%a9_%d 9%83%d8%a8%d8%a7%d8% b1_%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b9 %d9%84%d9%85%d8%a7%d 8%a1_%d8%a7%d9%84%d8 %b3%d8%b9%d9%88%d8%a f%d9%8a%d8%a9, diakses 1 oktober 2017 qiyadah al-mar‟ah li as-sayyarat bi as-su‟udiyyah, http://aljazeera. net / news/ reportsandin t e r v i e w s / 2 0 1 7 / 9 / 2 7 / الب س ي-ع ارا لل ت س ا ق-ةأرمل ةداي ال ل-ح ال ي-ا مارح بص يح-ح دو-ن ,ةي diakses pada 30 september 2017 http://www.alifta.net /search / resultdetails.as px? lang uagena m e=id&lang= i d &vie w =re sult&fat wa nu m=&fatwan umid=&id =6529& searchsco pe=3&search scop e evels1= & search scopelev els2 =& highlight= 1& searcht ype=ex act & search moesar= false& bookid = & lef tval=0& rightval = 0& simple=&se archc ri te ria=allw ords& p agepath= &site section=1&s earchk eyword=10 411 7107 1171 09 03 2 109 1011 101 21 101 1 16 105 1140 3 2 11 0 9711 01 0511 6097#firs tkeywo rdfound. teks t ersebut diterjemah ke laman fatwa saudi berbahasa indonesia, fatwa nomor 6412, dari laman resmi abd al-„aziz ibn baz: http://www.binbaz.org.sa/ article/339. keduanya diakses pada 29 september 2017 madzhib al-fuqaha al-mu‟ashirin fi hukm qiyadah al-mar‟ah li as sayyarah, pada laman http:// www .fiqh. islam message. com/ new details .aspx? id=9246, diakses pada 29 september 2017 reza bakhtiar ramadhan & irham shofwan 481 keputusan hukum izin mengemudi bagi perempuan saudi arabia qiyadah al-mar‟ah li as-sayyarat bi as-su‟udiyyah, http://aljazeera. net / news /reportsandinterviews ا 9/27/ 2017/ ق -ةأرمل يح /ةداي -ن الب س دوع لل -ةي س اراي -ت ح ال -الال ي -مارح بص diakses -ح pada 30 september 2017. selengkapnya ada pada siaran televisi as-su‟udiyyah, direkam dalam youtube dengan judul almalik salman yashduru amrahu bis samah li al-mar‟ah biqiyadah as-sayyarah, diupload 26 september 2017, diakses pada 30 september 2017 kibar ulama: qiyadah al-mar‟ah li as-sayyarat la yuharrimuha ahad, dalam laman as-syarq al-ausath di http://m.aawsat. com /home/article/1035681/ ق د ة ا م أرل ة لعل ء < < اي ك ار ام اب ي ا دح ال اهمرح لل ةر س , < <اي diakses pada tanggal 30 september 2017 sakina rakhma diah setiawan, mulai 2020 arab saudi tidak peduli lagi dengan harga minyak, http://ekonomi .kompas .com /read /2017 /05 /19 /101500526 /mulai.2020 .arab.saudi . tak.peduli .lagi. dengan.harga .minyak, diakses 19 agustus 2017 fahmi huwaidi, nahnu nantahir wa hum yarbahun, http://www. shorouknews .com /columns / view.aspx? cdate= 22042015 &id= e7574a 0e-c1354cf7 b90e 42c65 2afe7b5, diakses pada 30 september 2017 http://www.reuters.com /article / ussaudibudgetsecurity / saudisecurityspendingrises-5-3billion-in-2015 -minister iduskbn0ub1 9f20151228 , diakses pada 1 oktober 2017 ibnu burdah, jebolnya bendungan wahabisme, http://www. geotimes .co.id /kolom / internasional/ jebolnya bendungan wahabisme /, diakses pada 18 oktober 2017. http://www.arabic.rt.com /business وس 904781/ ال -ق س دوع ا -ةي ةأرمل لمالم ال ةك س اراي diakses /-ت pada 1 oktober 2017 efek wacana terorisme atas pelarangan masuk warga negara islam ke amerika serikat ahmad jamaludin program interdisciplinary islamic studies, universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga yogyakarta konsentrasi kajian timur tengah jmldn90@gmail.com abstrak artikel ini membahas keterkaitan wacana terorisme dengan kebijakan amerika serikat yang melarang warga negara islam masuk ke as. wacana terorisme selain menjadi permasalahan global, secara lebih khusus menjadi masalah bagi negara-negara islam karena senantiasa distigma sebagai negara teroris. dalam kancah hubungan internasional, persoalan ini kian mempersulit negara-negara islam untuk menjalin hubungan dengan negara lain. dari penelusuran tersebut ditemukan kesimpulan bahwa selain meraih dukungan politik dalam negeri dan luar negeri as, wacana terorisme di kancah internasional semakin memperlebar ketimpangan antara negaranegara maju dengan negara-negara islam berkembang. this article examines relation between terrorism discourse and united states of america‟s policy of restricting people from islam countries to enter usa. terrorism discourse is global problem, especially for islam countries because they used to stigmatize as terrorist countries. in international relation field, this problem interferes islam countries to build relationship with others. from this examination writer found conclusion that discourse of terrorism used by usa government to grab internal and external political support and in other hand increase the gap between leading countries and islam as developing countries in international field. kata kunci; terorisme, negara islam, amerika serikat, dan hubungan internasional. islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 500 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 pendahuluan pasca berakhirnya perang dingin yang membaiat amerika serikat sebagai negara adidaya tunggal, perang ideologi liberal melawan komunis seolah padam. namun hal tersebut tak berlangsung lama. satu dekade kemudian, pada permulaan abad 21 dunia internasional kembali guncang setelah menyaksikan runtuhnya gedung world trade center (wtc), yang jadi simbol supremasi as, akibat serangan teror. sembilan pria anggota al qaeda membajak empat pesawat komersil as dan menabrak masing-masing gedung kembar wtc, gedung pentagon, dan yang terakhir jatuh di ladang dekat shansville, pennsylvania. total korban meninggal dalam serangan teror tersebut adalah 2,977 orang. gedung kembar wtc menjadi fokus utama karena selain jumlah korbannya yang besar, 2,753 orang meninggal, juga menjadi pusat ekonomi dunia (cnn library, 2018). peristiwa yang terkenal sebagai september hitam itu seolah jadi penanda titik balik kabijakan politik luar negeri as yang sempat melunak pasca kekalahan dan keruntuhan uni soviet dalam perang dingin. as pada masa perang dingin lebih mengedepankan langkah persuasif dalam menjalin relasinya dengan negara lain. namun pasca peristiwa september hitam perang terhadap teror menjadi retorika utama politik luar negeri agresif as. sasaran pertama perang as terhadap terorisme adalah al qaeda, pihak yang mendaku bertanggung jawab atas peristiwa teror september hitam. al qaeda yang mengusung ideologi islam kemudian menjadi paralel sederhana untuk identitas teroris di mata as. namun belakangan terkuak bahwa retorika perang terhadap teror ini berkelindan dengan kepentingan politik dan ekonomi as di kancah internasional. pandangan as tersebut menjadi determinan penting atas wacana islam sebagai agama teror di kancah internasional. hal mencolok kiwari yang bisa dirujuk adalah kebijakan pemerintah as yang melarang tujuh warga negara islam masuk ke negaranya di awal 2017. kebijakan tersebut secara resmi dikeluarkan presiden as, donald trump, pada tanggal 27 januari 2017. tujuh negara islam yang terdampak yakni iran, iraq, libya, somalia, sudan, suriah dan yaman yang warga negaranya dilarang masuk ke as dalam kurun 90 dan 120 hari untuk pengungsi (bbc newsround, 2017). pelarangan itu diberlakukan dengan ahmad jamaludin 501 efek wacana terorisme atas pelarangan masuk warga negara islam alasan demi menjaga warga as dari ancaman teroris. secara eksplisit trump mengatakan bahwa, “saya membangun langkah-langkah baru ini untuk menjaga teroris islam radikal keluar dari amerika. [saya] tidak ingin mereka di sini” (suastha, 2017). meski kebijakan ini mendapat perlawanan dari dalam negeri as sendiri karena dianggap melanggar hukum dan konstitusi, trump tetap kukuh menjalankannya. kebijakan pelarangan muslim sempat melonggar dengan dihapusnya irak dan syria dari daftar negara terlarang. namun pada juni 2017 pembendungan itu kembali mengetat pasca kebijakan trump ditetapkan oleh mahkamah agung as sebagai kebijakan yang sah dan tidak melanggar konstitusi. kebijakan ini mengalami pasang surut, namun tidak lantas membuka pintu secara lebar untuk warga negara islam masuk ke as. pada september 2017, kebijakan yang kerap disebut sebagai „larangan muslim bepergian‟ ini kembali direvisi dengan enam negara islam masuk daftar larangan yaitu iran, chad, libya, somalia, syria, yaman (bbc newsround, 2017). kebijakan versi baru ini kembali mendapat gugatan hukum, sehingga pada april 2018 direvisi lagi dengan menghilangkan chad dari daftar. namun pada juni 2018 mahkamah agung as kembali menetapkan legalitas kebijkan pelarangan tersebut. (taylor, 2018). atas kemenangan versi ketiga kebijakan pelarangan muslimnya ini trump berkata bahwa ia akan senantiasa menjaga as dari serangan terorisme dan ekstrimisme (shear, 2018). jika merujuk ke belakang, kebijakan ini searah dengan kampanye trump pada tahun 2015 sebelum terpilih, bahwa cara melindungi warga as dari teroris islam adalah dengan menerapkan pembatasan kunjungan. trump lantas menjanjikan program “penutupan total dan menyeluruh bagi muslim-muslim memasuki amerika serikat” yang mulai ia jalankan seminggu setelah memasuki gedung putih (independent, 2017). dalam taraf tertentu trump sekadar mengeksplisitkan retorika yang menstereotip islam sebagai identitas atau ideologi teror di as pasca september hitam. islam dan terorisme islam dan terorisme menjadi dua kata yang seolah identik pasca teror 9/11. dalam wacana politik global keidentikan islam dan terorisme mengemuka akibat kampanye besar as dalam “war 502 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 against terrorism.” jika dilihat dari sekup dan efeknya pada hubungan internasional, perang atas terorisme ini telah setara dengan perang dingin karena melibatkan banyak aspek seperti keamanan, ekonomi, hukum, pemerintahan, dan politik (jackson, 2018). dalam konteks ini wacana terorisme bisa dilihat sebagai sebuah praktik kekuasaan yang erat kaitannya dengan di namika politik global. lebih spesifik wacana terorisme berupaya mengkonstruksi suatu subjek teror dalam relasinya dengan negara (ditrych, 2014). walter reich berpendapat bahwa terorisme secara garis besar bisa didefinisikan sebagai, “suatu strategi kekerasan yang dirancang untuk meningkatkan hasil -hasil yang diinginkan, dengan cara menanamkan ketakutan di dalam masyarakat.” dengan mengutip brian jenkins, hendropriyono menambahkan bahwa terorisme cenderung digunakan untuk mencapai sebuah tujuan politik (hendropriyono, 2009). oleh karena itu retorika perang terhadap teror bisa diartikan sebagai perang antar kekuatan politik. merujuk pada pengertian terorisme di atas, tidak ada keterkaitan langsung antara islam (sebagai agama atau ideologi) dengan terorisme. namun dalam konteks war against terrorism-nya as, cukup terang kiranya bahwa alqaeda selaku dalang dibalik peristiwa 9/11 telah diidentifikasi sebagai subjek teror. hal tersebut lantas diperkuat oleh wacana dalam laporan-laporan media massa yang menggambarkan kekerasan dan kebrutalan al qaeda adalah akibat fanatisme keagamaan dan doktrin jihad dalam islam melihat bahwa pelekatan islam dengan terorisme adalah efek dari retorika yang bergerak liar mengikuti logika global yang dikomandoi as dalam war againt terrorism (hasan, 2012). peran wacana terorisme dan kebijakan politik luar negeri as pasca 9/11 berperan besar dalam pelabelan atas islam tersebut. dalam pidato presiden as, george w. bush, di depan dewan sepuluh hari setelah peristiwa 9/11, menyebut terorisme adalah praktik dari ekstrimisme islam yang menghendaki pembunuhan terhadap kristen, yahudi, dan amerika (guardian, 2001). tindakan teror yang dilakukan al qaeda bisa juga dikategorikan sebagai islam politik. islam politik adalah sebuah gejala sosial-politik yang dicirikan oleh tiga hal: (1) aktor, (2) aktivisme, (3) ideologi (hasan, 2012). dalam peristiwa ahmad jamaludin 503 efek wacana terorisme atas pelarangan masuk warga negara islam 9/11 kita tahu pelakunya adalah al qaeda yang notabene adalah kelompok sosial yang beragama islam, sehingga al qaeda adalah aktor. penyerangan gedung kembar wtc dan pentagon adalah bentuk aktivisme atau gerakan yang dilakukan oleh aktor sebagai sebuah manifestasi dari ideologi. islam bisa dianggap sebagai ideologi karena mempunyai konsep kekuasaan dan tata sosial tertentu (hasan, 2012). meski sebenarnya keduanya berbeda, agama dan ideologi dalam beberapa aspek memiliki karakter dan tujuan yang sama. masing-masing menghendaki penjelasanatas dunia sekitar, menawarkan suatu program untuk dijalankan, dan tujuan untuk dicapai. keduanya bisa dibedakan dari metode penjelasannya atas dunia, agama menerangkan realita dengan pendekatan ketuhanan dan supranatural, sedangkan ideologi lebih kepada rasio dan penjelasan sistematis. namun ada dua aspek penting mengapa agama bisa berfungsi sebagai ideologi, (1) otoritas yang dimiliki agama bisa menjadikannya ideologi, karena tendensi penjelasan ilmiah ideologi adalah untuk mencapai suatu otoritas. (2) ketika sain didamaikan dengan dogma agama yang akan memberikan penjelasan ilmiah sebagaimana ideologi (desai, 2007). beberapa istilah juga hadir seiring menguatnya wacana terorisme antara lain; fundamen talisme, radikalisme, dan jihadisme (arif., 2010). dalam wacana terorisme global doktrin jihad dalam islamlah yang dianggap menjadi pemicu merebaknya terorisme. karena itu publik internasional cenderung memahami bahwa dalam ajaran islam terdapat konsep yang melegalkan kekerasan dan teror. jihad sendiri dalam bahasa arab berarti “perjuangan” atau “usaha yang bersungguh-sungguh” untuk mencapai tujuan. jihad dalam islam jadi relevan manakala ada pengingkaran hukum-hukum tuhan di ranah sosial. sehingga amar ma’ruf nahy munkar (memerintah kebenaran dan melarang kejahatan) perlu dilakukan (arif., 2010). dalam aspek longgar, jihad bisa dipahami sebagai penegakan kebaikan di ranah sosial. namun jihad, dan secara spesifik jihadisme, memiliki definisi lain ketika dikaitkan dengan wacana teorisme. jihadisme bisa didefinisikan sebagai pemikiran, wacana, dan aksi yang memaknai jihad secara eksklusif sebagai perang suci dan menggunakannya untuk melegitimasi kekerasan 504 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 untuk mencapai tujuan. jihadisme kemudian menjadi salah satu varian dari islam politik. karena karakter kekerasan yang melekat tersebut, jihadisme dianggap sebagai benih terorisme, atau lebih tepatnya disebut terorisme atas nama islam (hasan, 2012). politik luar negeri di kancah internasional politik luar negeri suatu negara pada dasarnya adalah kombinasi kondisi dalam negeri dan situasi internasional (wuryandari, 2011). dalam aspek tersebut bisa dijelaskan bahwa kebijakan perang atas terorisme as adalah repre sentasi kondisi internal as yang lantas memengaruhi dinamika politik internasional. as yang kuat dalam persenjataan, ekonomi, dan politik internasional sekaligus salah satu dari lima dewan keamanan perserikatan bangsa-bangsa jelas mampu mempengaruhi dinamika politik internasional dengan kebijakan luar negerinya. oleh karena itu politik luar negeri as yang agresif dalam perang atas terorisme kemudian mendiskreditkan islam dan warga negara islam yang senantiasa menjadi simplifikasi wajah terorisme di kancah internasional. kebijakan politik trump yang membendung masuknya beberapa warga negara islam menjadi episode lanjutan kebijakan politik luar negeri as dalam perang atas terorisme. adapun argumen yang dipakai trump dalam pelarangan tujuh warga negara islam masuk ke as di awal 2017 adalah mereka masuk dalam kategori “negaranegara yang diwaspadai”. negaranegara itu dianggap memiliki organisasi teroris atau menjadi tempat berlindung para teroris (goodman, 2017). secara lebih konkret pelarangan ini berkenaan dengan imigran dan pengungsi yang mungkin masuk ke as. pemerintah as hendak membendung masuknya warga negara islam karena dianggap mengancam keamanan warga negaranya. pemerintah as juga melakukan pengetatan ijin masuk dengan menerapkan sistem pem buatan surat pernyataan guna memperoleh ijin masuk as. dengan jumlah 80 juta warga negara islam yang disinyalir terdampak kebijkaan tersebut, terbukti hanya sebagian kecil saja yang bisa memperoleh ijin masuk. hingga 30 april 2018, dari 33,176 surat pernyataan yang masuk, hanya 576 surat atau 2% yang disetujui oleh departemen ahmad jamaludin 505 efek wacana terorisme atas pelarangan masuk warga negara islam terkait (gladstone & sugiyama, 2018). meski sejak awal kebijakan pembendungan muslim sangat kontroversial, ternyata tidak banyak pemimpin negara-negara di dunia yang menolaknya secara tegas, kecuali beberapa negara islam yang terdampak dan bersimpati seperti irak dan indonesia (taylor, 2018). dalam kancah dunia internasional bisa dibilang kebijakan ini tidak mengganggu kepentingan as dalam menjalin hubungan dengan negara lain. bahkan arab saudi yang notabene negara islam dan dekat dengan as tidak memberi pernyataan apapun terhadap kebijakan pelarangan trump yang telah belangsung selama hampir dua tahun tersebut. sehingga kebijakan politik luar negeri as berkenaan dengan terorisme yang mendiskreditkan negara-negara islam tersebut tidak berefek buruk bagi posisinya di kancah internasional. faktor dukungan internal yang solid telah tampak melalui bertahannya kebijakan pelarangan muslim masuk ke as hingga versinya yang ketiga disahkan oleh mahkamah agung pada juni 2018. namun politik luar negeri bukanlah representasi kondisi politik internal saja, ada aspek eksternal yang mesti dipertimbangkan, yakni dinamika dunia internasional (wuryandari, 2011). dalam kancah internasional, penting untuk dicatat bahwa tidak banyak pemimpin negara-negara maju yang meresponnya. minimnya respon negara maju semakin menerangkan realitas politik internasional yang unipolar pasca perang dingin dengan as sebagai kekuatan utama di kancah internasional. ada beberapa perubahan men dasar kondisi politik internasional sebelum dan sesudah perang dingin. karakter utama realitas global ketika perang dingin adalah, (1) kondisi bipolar yang membagi wilayah dunia menjadi dua blok, as selaku blok barat dan uni soviet sebagai blok timur. (2) pertentangan ideologi didominasi oleh kapitalisme dengan komunisme. (3) konflik dan kekerasan terjadi di negara dunia ketiga (wuryandari, 2011). sedangkan kondisi setelah perang dingin lebih berkarakter seperti berikut, (1) realitas politik internasional yang unipolar, dengan amerika serikat sebagai pusat. (2) pertentangan ideologi telah bergeser menjadi barat-islam seiring munculnya tesis benturan peradaban dan 9/11. (3) konflik dan kekerasan telah merambah hingga dunia pertama, meskipun perang 506 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 tetap berkobar di negara dunia ketiga terutama kawasan timur tengah. berubahnya konstelasi politik internasional tersebut meng akibatkan politik luar negeri berbagai negara mesti menye suaikan. dalam konteks ini kebijakan politik luar negeri as yang cenderung mendiskriminasi negara-negara islam tampak tidak banyak mendapat tantangan karena posisi kuatnya di kancah internasional. penolakan yang disampaikan oleh inggris dan perancis saat pertama dimunculkan gagasan „pelarangan muslim bepergian‟ tidak muncul lagi dalam versi ketiga pelarangan muslim tersebut, bahkan perancis berbalik mendukungnya (taylor, 2018). sebaliknya, stigma teroris yang kerap ditempelkan pada negaranegara islam membuat mereka sulit menegosiasikan kepentingannya di kancah internasional. inferioritas itu telah berlangsung bahkan sebelum kebijakan pelarangan muslim bepergian dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah as di bawah kepemimpinan trump. sejak kampanye perang atas terorisme dan ekspansi as ke timur tengah inferioritas negara-negara islam di kancah internasional telah nyata. perang melawan teror dan ekspansi as ke timur tengah pasca september hitam, wacana terorisme kental mewarnai retorika politik internasional. as terus mendorong wacana ini dengan disertai kebijakan politik luar negeri yang agresif terhadap teroris sangat memengaruhi dinamika politik internasional. tindakan ini berdampak ke beberapa negara islam karena doktrin yang dianut as adalah serangan pendahuluan (pre-emptive strike). doktrin tersebut membuat as merasa berhak untuk masuk dan menyerang negara yang dianggap sebagai sarang teroris (hasan, 2012). korban awalnya adalah afghanistan dan irak. dari peristiwa pendudukan afghanistan dan irak oleh as, ada beberapa hal yang bisa ditelaah. yakni; perspektif keamanan yang mewujud dalam perang melawan terorisme seringkali disandingkan dengan isu kebebasan dan demokrasi. ekspansi afghanistan bisa menjadi contoh konkret bagaimana pendekatan keamanan global seolah melegitimasi as untuk melakukan ekspansi. hal ini serupa dengan isu senjata pemusnah massal yang didengungkan sebelum dan tatkala menyerang irak. pelanggaran teritorial negara yang dilakukan as dalam ahmad jamaludin 507 efek wacana terorisme atas pelarangan masuk warga negara islam ekspansinya ke afghanistan dan irak menjadi persoalan serius dalam konteks hubungan internasional. namun wacana keamanan global dan kebebasan yang dalam asumsi as akan diperoleh irak dan afghanistan ketika menerapkan demokrasi seolah membungkam suara penolakan. adapun klaim keberadaan senjata pemusnah massal di irak yang akhirnya tidak terbukti semakin menampakkan bahwa ada persoalan yang mengendapdi balik kebijakan perang melawan terorisme dan demokratisasi negara islam oleh as. berdasarkan beberapa fakta yang ada, david harvey menyebut ekspansi as ke berbagai negara islam di timur tengah sebagai bentuk imperialisme baru (harvey, 2011). terlebih jika menilik proyek demokratisasi as di negara-negara islam timur tengah tersebut cenderung tebang pilih. hal itu tergambar pada hubungan as dengan sekutu negara islam utamanya di timur tengah yaitu arab saudi yang bersistem kerajaan. hingga kini tidak ada desakan atau usaha pihak as atas pemerintah negara saudi untuk mengubah tata pemerintahannya menjadi demokrasi. as juga punya peran penting dalam kudeta presiden mesir, mohamed morsi, pada tahun 2013. morsi sebagai presiden terpilih dalam pemilu yang sah dikudeta oleh pihak militer yang saat itu didukung oleh pemerintah as (roberts, 2013). diketahui kemudian bahwa pihak as menolak menyebut pendongkelan morsi dari kursi presiden oleh militer sebagai kudeta. hal ini bisa dipahami karena pelabelan kudeta militer dalam demokrasi mesir akan menutup jalan pemerintah as sendiri untuk mengintervensi mesir. karena dalam konstitusi as, pemerintah negara tersebut mesti memutus hubungan dengan negara yang presiden terpilihnya mengalami kudeta (holland, 2013). sedangkan mesir adalah negara yang strategis bagi kepentingan as di kancah internasional. karena secara geografis mesir menjadi titik temu mediterania, afrika, dan dunia arab. selain itu, mesir adalah negara terbesar di timur tengah dan berperan penting dalam pengaturan distribusi minyak di terusan suez. secara ekonomi, as telah memberikan kucuran dana hingga 1,5 triliun dolar per tahun untuk mesir yang 1,3 triliun dolar di antaranya khusus buat militer (cenghu, 2013). kehilangan kontrol atas mesir akan sangat merugikan kepentingan as di timur tengah 508 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 dan dunia internasional secara umum, karena itu as mesti mengorbankan demokrasi mesir. sampai di sini, menarik untuk menyimak pernyataan presiden bush di new york times pada satu tahun peringatan september hitam. “kita akan menggunakan posisi, kekuatan, dan pengaruh kita yang tak ada tandingannya untuk membangun suatu atmosfer ketertiban dan keterbukaan internasional dimana di dalamnya kemajuan dan kebebasan bisa tumbuh berkembang di banyak negara. suatu dunia bebas yang tumbuh dalam kedamaian adalah kepentingan jangka panjang yang ingin diciptakan amerika karena mencerminkan nilai-nilai ideal amerika yang abadi sekaligus telah menyatukan amerika dengan sekutu-sekutunya. (harvey, 2011)” imperialisme baru dan kepen tingan ekonomi as imperium dalam pandangan hardt dan negri adalah subjek politik yang secara efektif mengatur pertukaran (ekonomi) dunia, suatu daulah kekuasaan yang mengatur dunia. imperium ini berbeda dengan pola imperialisme lama bangsa eropa. yang mencolok adalah di masa kini tidak ada teritori yang menjadi batas kedaulatan wilayah sehingga lebih cocok disebut sebagai imperium (negri, 2001). namun dengan pendekatan materialisme geografis -historis harvey mendedahkan bahwa imperium yang ada saat ini tak jauh berbeda dengan imperialisme sebelumnya. secara tipologi imperium menurut harvey bisa dikategorikan dalam dua bentuk. pertama, model pendekatan halus (soft power) dengan toleransi multikultural serupa imperium ottoman di masa jayanya yang cenderung bersifat multirateral. kedua, model pendekatan represif (hard power) dengan kekuatan dan penaklukkan serupa perancis era napoleon yang cenderung unilateral (negri, 2001). searah dengan konsepsi tersebut, as yang notabene adalah negara besar pemenang perang dingin telah serupa dengan imperium sebab sifatnya yang unipolar. meskipun definisi hardt dan negri sedikit berbeda dengan harvey terkait imperium, secara garis besar penjelasannya serupa dan berupaya untuk gambaran tatanan dunia yang unipolar dalam kaitannya dengan perkembangan kapitalisme global. dari dua tipe imperium yang telah disebutkan di atas, as telah menerapkan kekuatannya ahmad jamaludin 509 efek wacana terorisme atas pelarangan masuk warga negara islam guna menopang kepentingan ekonomi dan politiknya di dunia internasional. dalam ekspansi as ke afghanistan dan irak terlihat jelas pendekatan hard power yang berorientasi pada penguasaan ruang secara de facto. irak yang tercatat sebagai negara pemilik cadangan minyak nomor tiga di dunia adalah lahan produktif untuk korporasi-korporasi as. cadangan minyak irak sebelum invansi as tercatat dalam laporan tahunan opec (organisasi negara-negara pengekspor minyak bumi) berjumlah 115 miliar barel, dengan produksi 1,5 juta barel per hari (otterman, 2005). jumlah tersebut hanya kalah dari arab saudi dengan 264,3 miliar dan iran 132,5 miliar barel yang merupakan pemuncak daftar negara pemilik cadangan minyak terbesar dunia (opec, 2004). restrukturisasi afghanistan dan irak ke demokrasi bertaut erat dengan kebijakan liberalisasi ekonomi-politiknya secara nyata. harvey sendiri melihat bahwa afghanistan dan irak sebatas langkah awal. target utama as adalah penguasaan timur tengah secara geografis selaku sumber minyak dunia. harapannya, dengan mengontrol teritori sumber minyak, as bisa menyetir perekonomian dunia internasional (miller, 2006). pendekatan yang lebih lembut (soft power ) bisa dilihat dalam kasus pemulihan ekonomi indonesia pasca krisis moneter yang meruntuhkan sistem perbankan indonesia tahun 1997. guna memulihakan krisis tersebut imf (dana moneter internasional) menyodorkan nota kesepakatan yang menderegulasi dan memprivatisasi perusahaan publik (badan usaha milik negara) yang sebelumnya dipegang oleh negara. perlu dicatat bahwa as adalah penyumbang dana terbesar untuk imf (yusuf, 2017). nota kesepakatan ini secara konkret menceburkan indonesia ke dalam arus ekonomi neoliberal. sektor publik yang awalnya di monopoli oleh negara jadi terbuka untuk investasi. secara praktik, tidak ada lagi sektor ekonomi yang tertutup pada investasi asing. produk hukum perdana yang mengindikasikan hal ini adalah diluncurkannya undang-undang nomor 10 tahun 1998 tentang perbankan. di sana tertera bahwa investasi perbankan diperbolehkan hingga 99%. beberapa perubahan signifikan akibat nota kesepakatan tersebut seperti sektor industri karet yang sebelumnya membatasi investasi pada angka 45% melonjak hingga 100%. hal serupa juga berlaku untuk pembangunan 510 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 jalan tol dan pengelolaan sampah (khoiriati, 2017). tak bisa ditutupi kepentingan as sangat kental dalam penanda tanganan nota kesepakatan yang disodorkan imf tersebut. bahkan bill clinton, presiden as saat itu, menghubungi soeharto selaku presiden indonesia secara langsung guna menyukseskan proposal imf. dorongan serupa juga dilakukan oleh kanselir jerman, helmut kohl, dan perdana menteri jepang, hashimoto ryutaro (republika, 2014). motif yang paling kentara dari desakan as dan jepang tentu saja untuk melebarkan elan investasinya sekaligus mengamankan aset ekonomi yang mereka tanam melalui investasi. wacana terorisme dan ketimpangan relasi negara-negara islam di kancah internasional dari pelarangan masuk tujuh negara islam ke as awal tahun 2017, terlihat jelas bagaimana wacana terorisme berpengaruh dalam hubungan internasional negara islam di kancah internasional. pelarangan yang tanpa pandang bulu tersebut seolah menempatkan semua warga negara islam terkait sebagai teroris yang mengancam as. kebijakan imigrasi peme-rin tahan trump ini bisa dipahami karena searah konsep pemerin- tahannya yang bertajuk mendahulu kan kepentingan as, “american first”. ini adalah kebijakan populis nasionalistik untuk memproteksi kepentingan as dari segala bentuk ancaman. namun dalam penerapannya trump memakai metode unilateralisme, yaitu bertindak secara sepihak demi kepentingannya sendiri (pujayanti, 2017). metode ini menegaskan kembali karakter imperium as yang diketengahkan hardt dan negri perihal unipolarisme tatanan dunia internasional. adapun efek yang nyata dari tatanan unipolar adalah ketakberdayaan negara kecil, terutama negara-negara islam, menghadapi kebijkan politik pelarangan masuk ke as. menyikapi kebijakan tersebut organisasi kerja sama islam (oki) hanya mampu mengeluarkan kecaman dan menilai kebijakan ini cuma menyuburkan benih anarkisme dan terorisme di tengah upaya internasional melawan terorisme. sementara komisi tinggi pbb untuk urusan pengungsi (unhcr) dan organisasi inter nasional untuk migrasi (iom) sekedar menyeru pemerintah as tetap membuka pintu terhadap ahmad jamaludin 511 efek wacana terorisme atas pelarangan masuk warga negara islam pengungsi dan korban perang (pujayanti, 2017). dari ketujuh negara islam yang dilarang masuk as pada kebijakan pelarangan muslim bepergian versi pertama yang merespons tegas hanya iran. dalam pernyataan resminya iran berencana memberlakukan kebijakan serupa. yakni membatasi warga negara as masuk ke iran. pemerintah iran menilai kebijkan pelarangan yang dilakukan as tersebut ilegal. iran berpendapat bahwa pemerintah as menerapkan “standar ganda” dalam kebijakannya memerangi terorisme mengingat negara lain seperti arab saudi, mesir, lebanon, uni emerat arab tidak disertakan dalam daftar. padahal dari negara-negara tersebutlah asal para pelaku teror 9/11 (chapple, 2017). menanggapi pelarangan itu irak, yaman, dan sudan hanya menyayangkan tindakan yang telah diambil pemerintah as. secara terang pemerintah irak dan yaman justru memahami alasan keamanan yang mendasari langkah presiden trump itu. sedangkan empat negara sisanya; yordania, libia, dan somalia tidak merespon (charlie brinkhurst-cuff, 2017). bersamaan dengan pelarangan itu, presiden trump juga menge-sahkan sebuah perintah penangguhan penerimaan peng ungsi dan penerapan pengawasan ketat bagi wisatawan dari negaranegara islam. protokol ini secara khusus melarang pengungsi suriah masuk ke as hingga waktu yang tidak ditentukan. aturan eksekutif ini memastikan pemerintah as menangguhkan sementara seluruh program penempatan pengungsi di as untuk setidaknya 120 hari ke depan (suastha, 2017). bahkan pada 7 april 2017, pasukan militer as secara frontal menyerang pangkalan udara suriah. serangan udara pasukan as terhadap suriah tersebut menembakkan 59 pucuk rudal jenis tomahawk ke pangkalan udara shayrat di suriah barat (hutapea, 2017). trump mengatakan bahwa serangan tersebut demi keamanan nasional as dan mencegah penggunaan senjata kimia. dalam pernyataan yang dibacakan di kediamannya west palm beach, florida, pada april 6, 2017 trump menyeru, “malam ini, saya memanggil semua bangsa beradab untuk bergabung dengan kami untuk mengakhiri pembantaian dan pertumpahan darah di suriah dan juga untuk mengakhiri terorisme dari apapun” (rampton, 2017). 512 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 kesimpulan dari pemaparan di atas, perang atas terorisme yang merupakan bentuk kebijakan politik luar negeri as telah memberikan dampak negatif pada negara-negara islam di kancah internasional. kebijakan pelarangan masuk warga negara islam ke as yang berkait dengan perang atas terorisme yang berdampak pada 80 juta warga negara islam sangat merugikan kepentingan negara dan individu islam di kancah internasional. meski pada awalnya banyak suara protes atas kebijakan pelarangan, namun dengan legitimasi wacana ancaman terorisme yang melekat pada islam telah memberikan keleluasaan pemerintah as menjalankan kebijakan diskriminatif tersebut. kebijakan pelarangan muslim bepergian secara internal telah menadapat dukungan melalui penetapan mahkamah agung as bahwa kebijakan tersebut absah dan tidak melanggar konstitusi. kebijakan tersebut cukup memberikan stabilitas politik bagi pemerintahan baru trump karena bertahan hingga versinya yang ketiga. adapun suara penentangan dan gugatan atas kebijakan tersebut tidak lantas membuatnya surut. pendiaman yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah negara-negara besar di dunia, bahkan perancis secara terang kemudian mendukung, semakin menegaskan sokongan politik kebijakan diskriminatif tersebut. sejak wacana perang terhadap teroris digencarkan pasca peristiwa 9/11, telah banyak negara -negara islam yang dirugikan oleh wacana tersebut. secara ekonomi irak adalah bukti nyata bagaimana sebuah negara islam porak-poranda ekonominya akibat ekspansi as. dalam aspek tatanan sosial selain irak dan afghanistan, contoh yang baru adalah mesir dan syria yang bergejolak pemerintahannya akibat intervensi as dengan dalih demokratisasi. dalam ranah hubungan internasional, profil teroris yang melekat akibat wacana perang atas terorisme as telah menyulitkan negara-negara islam menjalin hubungan, menegosiasikan kepentingan, dan meraih dukungan di kancah internasional. oleh karena itu, negara-negara islam yang notabene negara berkembang semakin timpang posisinya dibanding negara-negara maju di kancah internasional. daftar pustaka arif, syaiful. deradikalisasi islam: paradigma dan strategi islam ahmad jamaludin 513 efek wacana terorisme atas pelarangan masuk warga negara islam kultural. 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16/1/2019 https://www. huffingtonpost . com/2013/07/08/white-houseegypt-coup_n_3562857.html diakses pada 16/1/2019 https://www.foreignpolicyjournal. com/2013/07/06/us-backed-c o u p h i j a c k s e g y p t s revolution/ diakses pada 16/1/2019 https://www.opec.org/library/ annual%20statistical%20 ahmad jamaludin 515 efek wacana terorisme atas pelarangan masuk warga negara islam bulletin/interactive/2004/ text-trump-statement-on-u filez/xl/t33.htm diakses s-military-strikes-in-syria pada 16/1/2019 iduskbn1790a1 diakses pada https://www.reuters.com/article/ 16/1/2019 us-mideast-crisis-syria-text/ decision making process dalam kebijakan israel (studi kasus penolakan israel terhadap resolusi dk pbb 2334) muhammad abdillah ihsan pasca sarjana universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga yogyakarta interdisciplinary islamic studies, kajian timur tengah email : rajasawardhana206@gmail.com abstrak resolusi dewan keamanan (dk) perserikatan bangsa-bangsa (pbb) yang memiliki kekuatan hukum mengikat bagi seluruh negara anggota memiliki konsekuensi diterapkan sanksi terhadap pelanggarannya. berkaitan dengan itu, terdapat penolakan terhadap resolusi dk pbb nomor 2334 tahun 2016 oleh israel sebagai bagian dari putusan yang dikeluarkan dalam resolusi. tulisan ini mencoba menelaah kasus penolakan tersebut menggunakan teori decision making process (dmp) dalam kaitannya dengan rasionalitas pengambilan keputusan, organisasi pengambilan keputusan, dan faktor individu pengambil keputusan. melalui kacamata dmp, secara eksternal dapat dilihat bahwa penolakan tersebut memiliki rasionalitas yang tinggi berkaitan dengan kepentingan nasional israel. dengan superioritas dan dukungan amerika serikat (as) serta sikap yang diambil oleh negara lain, tidak akan memberikan pengaruh apapun terhadap keputusan israel ini. secara internal, komposisi dan kedudukan pengampu kebijakan di israel sendiri berwujud sebuah formasi yang sangat solid di bawah kepemimpinan perdana menteri (pm) benjamin netanyahu, hal ini memungkinkan lahirnya satu keputusan bulat sebagai satu kebijakan negara meskipun bertentangan dengan resolusi internasional. kata kunci: decision making process, kebijakan israel, resolusi dk pbb 2334. islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 muhammad abdillah ihsan, 449 decision making process dalam kebijakan israel abstract the united nations security council resolution which has binding legal force for all member countries has the consequences of imposing sanctions on violations. in this regard, there is a rejection of the unsc resolution 2334 of 2016 by israel as part of the decision issued in the resolution. this paper tries to examine the case of rejection using the decision making process (dmp) theory in relation to the decision making rationality, decision making organization, and individual decision making factors. through the dmp’s glasses, externally it can be seen that the rejection has a high rationality with regard to israel’s national interests. with the superiority and support of the united states (us) and the attitude taken by other countries, it will not have any influence on this israeli decision. internally, the composition and position of policy makers in israel itself is in the form of a very solid formation under the leadership of prime minister (pm) benjamin netanyahu, this allows the presence of a unanimous decision as a state policy even though it contradicts international resolution. keywords: decision making process, israel policy, unsc resolution 2334 a. pendahuluan israel adalah sebuah negara yang hadir sebagai rumah umat yahudi dan berangkat pada semangat zionisme yang berasal dari tulisan theodor herzl tokoh zionisme dan peletak konsep negara yahudi dengan judul der judenstaat (negara yahudi) (1896), semangat zionisme juga banyak dipengaruhi oleh tulisan vladimir jabotinsky dalam the iron wall (1923) serta leon pinsker dalam auto emancipation (1882). menurut garaudy (1996), israel merupakan negara yang menerapkan gaya kolonialisme dan rasisme dalam sikap politiknya. sejak berdirinya pada tahun 1948 di tanah palestina, konflik terus terjadi antara israel dan palestina. tulisan ini akan menjabarkan terkait dengan kebijakan israel dalam menanggapi kondisi terkait tanah palestina. proses dalam perumusan kebijakan dan faktor-faktor apa yang mempengaruhi proses pembuatan kebijakan serta signifikansinya. tulisan ini akan mengemukakan teori decision making process (dmp) dalam melihat fenomena yang hampir selalu tidak rasional 450 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 dalam kebijakan-kebijakan israel terkait dengan pendudukan dan nasib bangsa palestina. fokus utamanya terletak pada proses pembuatan kebijakan israel dalam kaitannya dengan pendudukan dan pemukiman di tanah palestina, termasuk di dalamnya status kota jerusalem. penggunaan teori dmp dimak sudkan untuk membaca situasi dan kondisi terkait dengan kebijakan dan sikap politik israel dalam konteks tersebut. penulis mencoba mengedepankan beberapa hal yang dalam teori dmp penting untuk diperhatikan. beberapa hal tersebut adalah rasionalitas pengambilan keputusan, organisasi pengambilan keputusan, faktor individu peng ambil keputusan meliputi motivasi, karakteristik, pemikiran serta psikologi pengambilan keputusan. permasalahan yang menjadi titik tolak dalam bahasan ini adalah sikap penolakan israel terhadap resolusi dewan keamanan (dk) perserikatan bangsa-bangsa (pbb) no. 2334 tahun 2016 yang menyatakan tidak sahnya pen dudukan dan pembangunan pe mukiman orang-orang yahudi di tanah palestina yang diokupasi setelah perang tahun 1967. (united nations security council resolution 2334). sebagaimana diketahui, resolusi dk pbb sebagai satu kesepakatan internasional yang dikeluarkan dk pbb memiliki kekuatan hukum mengikat (legal binding force) dan memaksa (imperatif). hal ini berlaku bagi seluruh negara anggota pbb dan juga negara bukan anggota pbb sebagaimana termaktub dalam pasal 25, pasal 2 ayat (6), dan pasal 49 piagam pbb. sanksi yang dapat diterapkan terhadap pelanggaran terhadap resolusi dk pbb ini dapat berupa sanksi militer maupun nonmiliter sebagaimana terdapat dalam pasal 41 dan pasal 42 piagam pbb. meski demikian, penolakan israel terhadap resolusi dk pbb 2334 tahun 2016 ini merupakan suatu realita yang ada dilapangan. pertanyaan risetnya adalah rasionalisasi seperti apa yang di gunakan israel dalam pertimbangankebijakan tersebut? faktor apa saja yang memberikan pengaruh dalam prosesnya? bbc indonesia melaporkan (24/12/2016) resolusi dk pbb nomor 2334 yang lolos tanpa veto dari as pada tahun 2016 diindahkan begitu saja oleh israel. (lihat juga timesofisrael.com, 23/12/2016). resolusi tersebut menyatakan pendudukan dan pembangunan pe mukiman di wilayah yang diduduki israel setelah perang tahun 1967, muhammad abdillah ihsan, 451 decision making process dalam kebijakan israel merupakan sebuah tindakan ilegal dan sangat menyalahi dengan aturan internasional, bahkan tindakan tersebut melanggar kon vensi jenewa. reaksi dan kebijakan yang diambil oleh pemerintahan benjamin netanyahu untuk men anggapi resolusi tersebut sebagai mana yang dilaporkan oleh new york times (26/12/2016) adalah penolakan dan pengingkaran dengan tetap melangsungkan perluasanpembangunan dan pendudukan. di kota jerusalem, pemerintah israel pertama-tama akan menyetujui 600 unit rumah di bagian timur kota yang didominasi palestina dari target sekitar 5.600 rumah baru. (the new york times, 26/12/2016) penolakan israel terhadap resolusi tersebut bisa dilihat melalui kacamata national interest israel sendiri yang secara nyata menurut garaudy (1996) memiliki tipikal kolonialis dan terorisme negara. bahkan atas dasar kepentingan nasional ini pulalah tawaran kwartet internasional terhadap upaya perdamaian israel-palestina dalam peta jalan damai mendapatkan tanggapan keras dan sinis oleh pemerintah israel saat itu. teori decission making (dm) memusatkan perhatian utama pada situasi atau masalah yang berkembang, teori ini melihat sebuah kasus secara mikro dan fokus utamanya merupakan sesuatu yang jauh lebih kecil daripada keseluruhan sistem politik. (dougherty dan pfaltzgraff: 1971). berikutnya penulis akan membahas terkait rasionalisasi yang diterapkan pemerintah israel sebagai landasan kebijakan yang diambil. b. rasionalisasi reaksi dan kebijakan konsep kepentingan nasional dijadikan tolak ukur untuk me rumuskan rasionalisasi proses pengambilan kebijakan yang dilakukan pemerintah israel dalam kaitannya penolakan terhadap resolusi dk pbb 2334. menurut donald e. nuechterlein, empat poin penting dalam menjelaskan konstruk kepentingan nasional adalah sebagai berikut; 1) kepentingan pertahanan, 2) kepentingan ekonomi, 3) kepentingan ketertiban dunia, dan 4) kepentingan ideologi. (akbar: 2013). penulis berpendapat kepen tingan pertahanan atau keamanan negara dan kepentingan ideologi adalah dua hal yang paling men dasari kebijakan yang dikeluarkan israel. 452 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 kepentingan ideologi israel tidak keluar dari spirit gerakan zionisme dan klaim historis serta teologis tentang eretz israel (israel raya), tanah palestina dipilih sebagai tempat berdirinya negara yahudi berdasarkan klaim historis dimana pada masa lalu bani israil adalah penguasa dan tuan di tanah tersebut, yaitu tanah kanaan. klaim teologis tentang tanah yang dijanjikan didasarkan pada kutipan dalam kitab perjanjian lama bab genesis 15: 18.“pada hari ini tuhan membuat perjanjian dengan ibrahim melalui firman “untuk keturunanmu aku berikan tanah ini, dari sungai mesir hingga sungai eufrat”. bangsa israel mengklaim diri mereka sebagai pewaris yang paling berhak atas tanah sepanjang sungai mesir hingga sungai eufrat, membentang melewati garis demarkasi negara-negara modern mulai dari sinai-mesir, israel, palestina, jordania, bagian selatan syiria, dan bagian selatan lebanon. (husaini: 2004). mengenai tanah yang direbut dari bangsa palestina, jabotinsky mengatakan “tidak akan ada pem­ bahasan tentang rekonsiliasi sukarela antara kita dengan orangorang arab. tidak untuk sekarang dan tidak untuk di masa akan datang… coba kita temukan satu contoh dimana kolonisasi sebuah negeri terjadi dengan persetujuan penduduk asli”. dalam manifesto partai likud pada tahun 1973 tertulis “the right of the jewish people to eretz yisrael (great israel) is eternal and indisputable”. (husaini: 2004). kepentigan nasional israel lainnya adalah urusan keamanan yaitu kelangsungan keberadaan negara israel. secara geografis israel dikelilingi oleh negaranegara arab yang mayoritas muslim dan memiliki resistensi terhadap israel. dengan menempati dataran rendah hampir di semua wilayahnya, israel sangat riskan dan mudah untuk diserang melalui segala penjuru dataran tinggi negara-negara tetangganya. oleh karenanya israel wajib untuk memiliki kekuatan pertahan di atas kemampuan negara tetangganya. banyak di antara pemimpin israel berpikir bahwa batas-batas tahun 1948 tidak termasuk wilayah yang cukup untuk sebuah negara yang layak bagi israel, apalagi bagi mereka yang menginginkan keseluruhan wilayah palestina (eretz israel). kesempatan untuk mendapatkan tanah tambahan datang sebagai hasil dari perang tahun 1967. (sniegoski: 2008, 46). berdasarkan keyakinan ini dan hasil kemenangan dalam perang, mereka muhammad abdillah ihsan, 453 decision making process dalam kebijakan israel berkeyakinan tanah yang mereka duduki saat ini adalah sepenuhnya hak mereka yang telah mereka rebut kembali. sejak perang 1967, isu utama dalam politik israel adalah apa yang harus dilakukan dengan wilayah yang ditaklukkan dan pen duduk palestina. konvensi jenewa keempat, yang diratifikasi pada tahun 1949, telah secara tegas melarang deportasi warga sipil di bawah pendudukan. (sniegoski: 2008, 47). muncul beberapa pertanyaan terkait dengan rasionalitas yang digunakan oleh pengambil kepu tusan di israel diantaranya adalah; bagaimana pembuat kebijakan melihat situasi permasalahan tersebut? atas dasar apa mereka merumuskan kebijakan nasional mereka? mengutip charles lerche, dougherty dan pfaltzgraff (1971) mencatat bahwa para pengambil keputusan harus memper timbangkan dengan hati-hati tiga faktor ; (1) pola kekuatan dalam situasi tertentu, termasuk yang mungkin dikendalikan oleh satu negara dan yang tidak dapat diken dalikan; (2) kebijakan yang ditem puh oleh negara lain yang terlibat dalam situasi tersebut; dan (3) kemampuannegara dm untuk melaksanakan berbagai kebijakan berdasarkan konteks situasional total. mengikuti pola tersebut, rasio nalisasi dalam penolakan israel terhadap resolusi dk pbb yang dimaksud dapat dilihat melalui beberapa penjabaran berikut: pertama, pola kekuatan israel dalam situasi dimana konflik ini sedang berlangsung. israel memiliki superioritas dibandingkan dengan negara lain yang juga terlibat dalam kondisi tersebut, terlebih terhadap otoritas palestina. dari sisi ekonomi, israel salah satu negara paling maju di asia barat daya dalam pembangunan ekonomi dan industri, menurut indeks kemudahan berbisnis bank dunia dan laporan daya saing global forum ekonomi dunia, israel menempati posisi ke-3 di kawasan. pada 2007, amerika serikat (as) menyetujui bantuan dana sebesar 30 miliar usd kepada israel untuk sepuluh tahun berikutnya. untuk produk domestik bruto (pdb), israel menduduki peringkat ke-39 di dunia pada 2009. israel memiliki peringkat pembangunan manusia, kebebasan pers, dan daya saing ekonomi yang tertinggi dibandingkan dengan negaranegara arab. komoditas ekspor utama israel adalah buah-buahan, 454 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 sayur-sayuran, obat-obatan, piranti lunak, bahan-bahan kimia, bahan bakar fosil, bahan–bahan mentah, teknologi, peralatan militer, serta intan. (akbar: 2013, 37-38) kekuatan militer yang dimiliki israel juga adalah yang terbesar dan tercanggih di kawasan. sebagian besar pdb israel dibelanjakan untuk keperluan pertahanan. statistik mencatat, israel menganggarkan belanja pengembangan militernya sebesar 9.110.000.000 usd per tahun. israel satu-satunya negara di timur tengah yang memiliki senjata nuklir, senjata konvensional yang canggih, senjata pemusnah masal berupa senjata biologi dan kimia. (akbar: 2013, 37-38). mes kipun secara geografis israel terlihat rentan, namun dengan superioritas kekuatan, israel dapat menjamin keamanan negaranya. pada bulan september 2016, pemerintahan obama menyetujui sebuah kesepakatan bantuan militer untuk israel sebesar 38 miliar usd selama sepuluh tahun, kesepakatan terbesar yang pernah ada. israel terus membeli submarinir yang canggih dari jerman dengan harga diskon, sehingga menurunkan biaya menjadi 2 miliar dolar as. (scheindlin: 2017, 5). faktor as sebagai faktor eksternal yang signifikan memeng aruhi dunia perpolitikan israel, terlebih terkait dengan kebijakan luar negeri. as dan israel memiliki hubungan yang sangat erat, as adalah kolaborator yang menjanjikan dengan bantuanbantuan baik secara politik seperti misalnya beberapa veto as terhadap resolusi-resolusi pbb memberikan keleluasaan bagi israel untuk melakukan apapun. bantuan materil juga diberikan, diantaranya berupa bantuan ekonomi, pinjaman dana khusus dengan pajak minimum, dan kerjasama persenjataan militer. keberlangsungan kebertahanan dan superioritas israel dalam bidang militer tidak terlepas dari campur tangan as, tanpa sokongan senjata dari washington, israel akan kehilangan keuntungan kualitatif. tanpa tunjangan ekonomi dari negeri paman sam, israel akan kolap. kebergantungan israel menempatkan negara ini hanya bisa bertindak atas persetujuan as (schoenman : 2013). faktor lainnya adalah kuatnya lobi yahudi melalui american israel public affairs committee (aipac) dalam proses pengambilan keputusan dan pemilihan di as, hal ini memberikan impact bahwa sikap politik as, terlebih di timur tengah akan selalu pro-israel. (husaini: 2004) muhammad abdillah ihsan, 455 decision making process dalam kebijakan israel kedua, kebijakan yang ditempuh oleh negara lain dalam konteks tersebut sangat bervariasi. as di bawah pemerintahan barack obama (2009-2017) adalah satusatunya negara di dk pbb yang abstain dalam perhitungan suara, as memilih berdiam diri untuk melakukan perlindungan terhadap israel. as di bawah kepemimpinan donald trump bersikap sebaliknya, kamis, 7 desember 2017 dunia menjadi heboh menyaksikan pengumuman yang dikeluarkan oleh presiden trump dengan menyampaikanpengakuan as terhadap kota jerusalem sebagai ibukota resmi negara israel. (the guardian, 07/12/2017) beberapa hari setelahnya as melalui duta besar as untuk pbb, nikki haley, memveto resolusi dk pbb yang menyayangkan dan mendorong pemerintah as untuk menarik pernyataan resminya atas jerusalem sebagai ibukota israel. resolusi tersebut dikecam dengan menggambarkannyasebagai se buah penghinaan yang tidak akan terlupakan. (the guardian, 19/12/2017) otoritas dan penduduk palestina, dunia arab dan muslim, bahkan seluruh dunia tidak akan mampu atau mau berbuat banyak terkait hal tersebut. mesir, jordania, saudi arabia, dan uni emerat arab memiliki hubungan baik dengan israel secara diam-diam (kramer: 2016, 52), mereka tidak akan menukar kepentingan negaranya “hanya” untuk kepentingan palestina. semuanya hanya akan melontarkan kecaman yang tidak akan memberikan pengaruh signifikan terhadap israel dan as. sebagaimana dilaporkan cnn indonesia (22/12/2017) resolusi majelis umum (mu) pbb yang disahkan pada kamis, 21/12/2017 terkait status kota jerusalem dengan hasil 128 setuju, 8 tidak setuju, dan 35 abstain, hampir dapat dipastikan akan menjadi angin lalu bagi israel. resolusi yang berisi desakan kepada presiden trump untuk menarik keputusannya soal jerusalem sebagai ibu kota israel dikomentari oleh perdana menteri netanyahu sebagai hal yang tidak masuk akal dan sidang majelis umum itu disebutnya sebagai “teater kaum absurd”. ketiga, kemampuan israel dalam mengimplementasikan ke bijakannya. di tanah palestina yang menjadi wilayah pendudukan, israel hampir menguasai seluruh aspek kehidupan, mulai dari banyaknya pemukiman yahudi yang saling bertaut dari satu lokasi dengan lokasi yang lain, aturan militernya 456 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 di wilayah pendudukan yang sangat mendeskriditkan penduduk palestina, keberadaan pasukan ke amanan yang arogan, dan bahkan masyarakat yahudi itu sendiri yang seringkali bersikap tidak ramah. kemampuan untuk mendomi- nasi dan menghegemoni ini secara eksternal sangat terkait dengan superioritas kekuatan militer dan ekonominya, dan lobi aipac, serta respon dari negara lain yang terlibat yang tidak dapat berbuat apa-apa. dan secara internal, penduduk palestina tidak memiliki kekuatan apapun untuk melawan, bahkan termasuk otoritas palestina dan organisasi hamas. terlebih israel memiliki sejarah panjang dalam hal penolakan terhadap resolusi pbb yang akan merugikan kepentingan nasionalnya. maka sangat rasional jika kebijakan yang bertentangan dengan resolusi dk pbb itu bisa dikeluarkan oleh israel. beberapa ahli teori tradisional berpendapat selalu sulit untuk membedakan kepentingan nasional dari kepentingan subnasional atau dari kepentingan pembuat keputusan itu sendiri, untuk itu penulis merasa perlu untuk me lihat lebih dalam terhadap ke lompok kepentingan yang ada di balik kepentingan nasional yang isarel bicarakan di depan publik dengan menjabarkan organisasi pengambilan keputusan. c. organisasi pengambilan ke putusan dalam menjabarkan organisasi pengambilan keputusan maka perlu diketahui terlebih dahulu karakteristik pemerintahan dan politik di israel. sebagaimana di ketahui, israel memiliki sistem politik yang sangat terbuka, sistem demokrasi parlementer yang dianut memberikan ruang kompetisidan diaklektika yang luas. kepala pemerintahan israel adalah seorang perdana menteri yang ditetapkan dalam parlemen, sedangkan untuk kepala negara, israel memiliki seorang presiden dengan kekuasaan terbatas dan hanya bersifat seremonial. israel termasuk dalam negara dengan sistem politik terbuka, dengan sejumlah indikasi: adanya pemilihan reguler yang bersifat kompetitif, legalisasi dua atau lebih organisasi yang bertujuan menggantikan kepemimpinan dalam pemerintahan, tingkat toleransi yang tinggi terhadap kelompok-kelompok otonom dalam politik, dan adanya kese- pakatan terhadap aturan-aturan konstitusional bagi penguasa pemerintahan. meskipun israel muhammad abdillah ihsan, 457 decision making process dalam kebijakan israel menyebut dirinya sebagai negara yahudi akan tetapi keseluruhan perangkat dan pemangku kebijak- annya lebih didominasi dengan pola-pola politik yang sekuler (husaini: 2004) dalam pemilu legislatif israel terakhir yang dilaksanakan pada 17 maret 2015, sedikitnya melibatkan dua puluh lima partai yang turut berpartisipasi dan pada akhirnya sepuluh partai mendapatkan jatah kursi dalam knesset sebutan parlemen di israel. hasil pemilu menempatkan perdana menteri petahana benjamin netanyahu sebagai pemenang. berbeda dengan pemilu sebelumnya pada tahun 2013 yang menempatkan koalisi partai revisionis zionisme sayap kanan likud dan yisrael beiteinu memuncaki perolehan suara, pada 2015 pemenang kontestasi, yakni partai likud yang mendapatkan 30 kursi dalam knesset harus bersusah payah membentukpemerintahan koalisi dengan merangkul partai partai sayap kanan yang relatif kecil untuk mencapaistandar minimun 50%+1 kursi koalisi dalam pemerintahan. (lihat www.voaindonesia.com, 18/03/2015, www.cnnindonesia. com 18/03/2015) pada saat-saat terakhir batas waktu pembentukan pemerintahan, netanyahu mengumumkan bentuk koalisi yang mungkin akan sangat rapuh ke depannya, sebagaimana dilaporkan vox (5/6/2015), likud membentuk pemerintahan dengan menggandeng partai-partai sayap kanan seperti the jewish home, united torah judaism, dan shas, juga partai tengah kulanu sebagai rekan dalam pemerintahan sehingga mendapatkan 61 kursi dalam koali sinya dari total 120 kursi. proposisi minimum yang di pegang oleh pemerintah israel sangat memungkinkan terjadinya riak-riak bahkan gelombang kepentingan yang akan menggoyahkan posisi dan keberlangsungan legalitas pemerintahan. sedikit saja ketidakstabilan dalam memposisikan rekan koalisinya akan berpengaruh besar pada kepemimpinan netanyahu. sangat jelas terlihat kekuatan pemerintah israel sepenuhnya didukung oleh kekuatan partai-partai yang berideologi zionis-kanan. choudhary (2017) menulis bahwa blok kanan politik israel berawal dari gerakan revisionis yang dipimpin oleh vladimir jabotinsky pada tahun 1925. berpandangan konservatif dan nasionalisme yang sempit, kelompok ini memiliki gerakan dan idealisme yang berseberangan zionisme sosialis. versi jabotinsky 458 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 tentang zionisme ini berfokus pada penciptaan kerajaan israel dengan mayoritas orang-orang yahudi di kedua sisi sungai yordan. choudhary (2017) juga mengutip sprinzak yang mengatakan para pendiri gerakan revisionis me nyadari kebajikan demokrasi liberal, namun meragukan nilai mereka dalam perjuangan nasional. likud dibentuk dan berdiri dengan latar belakang ini pada bulan september 1973 oleh blok herut-liberal. selain berpegang teguh pada ideologi zionis -revisionis, likud selalu menjadi pelopor gerakan ekonomi bebas yang sangat me minimalkan peran negara. pendapat mereka, ekonomi yang diliberalisasi lebih baik daripada ekonomi sosialis dan ekonomi yang dikendalikan negara. ide dasar dari partai tersebut adalah bahwa kewiraswastaan individu akan menciptakan per tumbuhan, sehingga memenuhi manfaat sosial. kebijakan ekonomi pemerintah likud akan berfokus pada pertumbuhan yang cepat, defisit yang rendah, pengurangan pengeluaran pemerintah, reformasi struktur perpajakan dan inflasi terkendali (choudhary: 2017). berada di luar koalisi pemenang pemilu, partai zionist union yang berwatak sosialis demokrasi dan percaya akan konsep two state solution sebagai jawaban konflik panjang israel-palestina di bawah pimpinan isaac herzog yang sekaligus menjadi pimpinan oposisi bersama partaipartai kiri lainnya sangat mungkin memainkan peran dalam setiap kebijakan yang akan diputuskan baik oleh pemerintah maupun oleh parlemen. dua kelompok dominan dalam perpolitikan israel ini dapat di gambarkan sebagai kelompok yang memiliki peran besar dalam proses pengambilan kebijakan negara. kelompok partai keagamaan dan sentris yang masuk dalam koalisi pemerintah juga akan memberikan warna tersendiri dalam prosesnya. partai buruh merupakan pilar penting dari blok politik di israel. meskipun secara ideologis dan strategi pergerakan, blok partai buruh dapat ditempatkan di sisi kiri dan kanan dalam politik partai israel. (choudhary: 2017, 121). blok buruh yang dipimpin oleh partai sosialis tidak konsisten dalam konstruk ideologi dan kadang memiliki ambiguitas terhadap dukungan pemilihnya. ini adalah hasil dari berbagai penyesuaian dan penataan kembali, inklusi dan pengecualian, dan pemisahan dan penggabungan. akibatnya, konglomerasi kekuatan politik dalam blok sosialis partai buruh kurang lebih tidak koheren muhammad abdillah ihsan, 459 decision making process dalam kebijakan israel dan rentan terhadap pertikaian. (choudhary: 2017, 122) choudhary (2017: 124) men jelaskan bahwa don peretz dan gideon doron menemukan bahwa partai buruh pada pertengahan tahun 1990-an memiliki struktur, orientasi, dan dampak yang berbeda pada masyarakat dibanding pada tahun 1970an. ia mendefinisikan partai buruh sebagai partai yang tidak memiliki konsistensi terhadap orientasi tunggal dalam agenda nasional. tujuan paling penting dari partai tersebut untuk membuat para pendukungnya tetap bersatu untuk melawan kebijakan dan aturan yang berasal dari partai likud. untuk mengidentifikasi pe mangku kebijakan yang memiliki peran sangat besar dalam kasus pendudukan dan pemukiman di tanah palestina dapat dilihat posisi paling berpengaruh di dalamnya. selain perdana menteri itu sendiri, jabatan menteri luar negeri, menteri pertahanan, dan dalam kasus israel juga melibatkan pimpinan oposisi sebagai agen lain yang memiliki peran dalam prosesnya. jabatan menteri luar negeri sekaligus juga dipegang oleh benjamin netanyahu, aturan di israel memungkinkan hal demikian. posisi strategis menteri pertahan yang sebelumnya berada dalam kuasa penuh partai likud melalui moshe ya`alon, sejak bergabungnya partai yisrael beiteinu pada tahun 2016 dalam kabinet, menempatkan avigdor lieberman, pimpinan partai nasionalis revisionis-zionis, yisrael beiteinu. hal ini semakin menguatkan posisi netanyahu dan pemerintahannya, memberikan dampak sulitnya kebijakan yang diambil untuk disangkal legal itasnya. d. faktor individu pengambil keputusan ada juga kecenderungan untuk mengidentifikasi sebuah kasus bahwa dalam proses dm mungkin terdapat bias terhadap unsur-unsur rasional dengan faktor nonrasional, irasional atau suplementasional (dougherty dan pfaltzgraff: 1971). faktor yang tidak rasional biasanyadapat dilihat melalui komponenmotivasi, karakteristik, pemikiran dan psikologi dari pengambil keputusan (dougherty dan pfaltzgraff: 1971), oleh sebab itu perlu disebutkan individu mana memiliki kuasa yang cukup luas dalam proses pengambilan keputusan. penulis berkeyakinan individu yang paling signifikan perannya adalah pejabat kursi perdana menteri sebagai pucuk 460 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 dari segala kebijakan, dalam hal ini berarti benjamin netanyahu. faktor-faktor individu yang akan penulis paparkan diharap kan dapat membantu untuk melihat peran individu tersebut dalam menghasilkan kebijakan israel dalam kaitannya dengan pendudukan dan pembangunan pemukiman di palestina. berangkat dari masa lalu, benjamin netanyahu dilahirkan pada tahun 1949 di tel aviv, dibesarkan di jerusalem. masa pendidikannya dihabiskan sepenuhnyadi as. ia kembali ke israel pada tahun 1967 dan terdaftar sebagai prajurit dan perwira di sayeret matkal, unit pasukan khusus israel defense force (idf) sampai tahun 1972. pada tahun 1973 netanyahu terlibat dalam perang yom kippur dan usai perang ia dipromosikan sebagai kapten. karir politik netanyahu adalah yang paling luar biasa setelah david ben-gurion, berbagai jabatan penting di pemerintahan israel pernah diembannya, diantaranya; tahun 1982 -1984 sebagai wakil kepala misi, kedutaan besar israel di washington, dc, tahun 1984-1988 duta besar israel untuk pbb, tahun 1988-1991 deputi menteri luar negeri, tahun 1991-1992 wakil menteri di kantor perdana menteri, tahun 1993-1996 dan 2005-2009 pemimpin oposisi, tahun 20022003 menteri luar negeri, tahun 2003-2005 menteri keuangan, dan menjabat sebagai perdana menteri sebanyak empat kali pada tahun 1996-1999 dan 2009sekarang. netanyahu sepenuhnya terafiliasi dengan partai likud dan men jalankan ideologi likud dalam sikap-sikap politiknya, netanyahu konsisten didampuk sebagai pimpinan partai. (wikipedia, ensiklopedia bebas: 2017) karakteristik pribadi netanyahu berangkat dari ideologi zionisme dan kapitalisme liberal. untuk melangggengkan kekuasaannya ia juga melakukan kontrol yang sangat kuat terhadap pers dan sebisa mungkin membatasi pergerakan kritis dari pers dan blok kiri sebagai saingan politik (scheindlin: 2017). ia juga menggunakan populisme politik untuk memperkuat bloknya dan melemahkan blok lainnya (benn: 2016). netanyahu telah mengangkat lima jabatan menteri sejak pemilihan 2015, yang memberinya tingkat kontrol yang belum pernah terjadi sebelumnya dan telah memungkinkan beberapa kebijakan kontroversialnya. (scheindlin: 2017, 11) sebuah wawancara bersama majalah foreign affairs, tzivi livni – mantan anggota likud muhammad abdillah ihsan, 461 decision making process dalam kebijakan israel dan pimpinan partai hatnua yang berkoalisi dengan kelompok buruh mengatakan : dalam demokrasi, anda perlu memiliki sistem peradilan yang kuat. anda memerlukan kebebasan berbicara, anda memerlukan seni, dan anda memerlukan kebebasan pers. semua hal ini sekarang sedang terancaman. kita perlu mendorong gagasan bahwa demokrasi adalah masalah nilai bukan hanya tentang mayoritas. (tepperman: 2016, 10) motivasi yang dilihat dari sosok netanyahu bisa dikatakan untuk melanjutkan dan melengkapi perjuangan manachim begin – pendiri likud dan mantan perdana menteri israelyang belum tercapai untuk mereformasi israel dan mendepak blok kiri. livni juga mengatakan netanyahu dan orang-orang di pe merintahan mengatakan bahwa sikap asing tidak ada hubungannya dengan apa yang kita lakukan. apa yang kita perbuat sepenuhnya didasarkan pada diri kita sendiri: dunia ini antisemit, jadi mereka akan membenci kita apa pun yang kita lakukan. (tepperman: 2016, 15) benjamin netanyahu melihat demokrasi identik dengan su perioritas mayoritas yang tidak dapat dikontrol dan tidak mem punyai batas seperti judicial review atau perlindungan minoritas. pandangan mayoritas blok kanan di israel, israel adalah sebuah negara yahudi dan negara demokratis. oleh karenanya hanya orang yahudi yang bisa menikmati hak penuh, sementara orang-orang non-yahudi tidak. meski agak ekstrem, keyakinan ini sekarang banyak dipegang, survei opini publik pew yang dipublikasikan pada bulan maret 2016 menemukan bahwa 79% orang israel yahudi mendukung “perlakuan istimewa” untuk orang yahudi. (benn: 2016, 16) masyarakat israel telah ber ubah selama kepemimpinan netanyahu. terdapat situasi politik dan demografi yang dimainkan. publik terlihat lebih nasionalis, lebih xenofobia atau etnosentris, dan secara eksplisit tidak memper masalahkan tren tersebut, agak berbeda dengan yang terjadi di masa lalu. terlepas dari peran netanyahu dalam mengobarkan dinamika ini, dia tentu telah memperdalam dan mendorong tren tersebut dan memanfaatkannya sebagai elemen integral untuk kesuksesan politiknya. dia juga mengasah gaya kepemimpinan yang jelas, mengedepankan kepemimpinan terpusat dengan kontrol personal atas pertumbuhan sektor masya rakat. (scheindlin: 2017, 12). 462 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 sementara solusi dua negara dalam kasus israel-palestina telah diambil dalam perundingan, israel di bawah pemerintahan netanyahu terus melakukan pendudukan di jerusalem timur dan tepi barat. kelompok hak asasi manusia dan aktivis yang berani mengkritik pendudukan dan mengekspos pelanggarannya akan mendapat kecaman oleh otoritas di israel. pemerintah telah berusaha untuk mengeluarkan undang-undang baru yang membatasi aktivitas mereka. hubungan arab-yahudi di negara tersebut telah mencapai titik terendah, dan masyarakat israel telah menghancurkan sukusuku konstituennya. netanyahu memenfaatkan isu kesukuan tersebutuntuk meningkatkan elektabilitasnya, untuk mencapai tujuannya mengganti elite israel hanya dengan yang selaras dengan filosofinya. kondisi yang demikian telah berkembang sejak masa perdana menteri sebelumnya. sesuatu yang cukup sederhana untuk dimengerti adalah, seseorang harus melihat lebih jauh ke belakang dalam sejarah israel. : untuk apa negara ini didirikan pada 1948. (benn: 2016, 16) e. simpulan melalui kacamata dmp dapat dilihat bahwa penolakan israel terhadap resolusi dk pbb no. 2334 terlihat sangat rasional mengingat kepentingan nasional israel seperti kepentingan ideologi dan kepentingan keamanan masih terus diyakini dan diperjuangkan. memiliki kekuatan superior dibandingkan dengan negara lain baik dari sisi ekonomi, sumber daya militer, dan dukungan eksternal as meneguhkan posisi israel bahwa mereka memang memiliki superioritas tersendiri. sikap yang diambil oleh negara lain seperti palestina, dunia arab dan muslim, dan lain-lain tidak akan memberikan dampak apapun terhadap keputusan israel, terlebih ketika negara superpower as kembali berada dibelakang isreal. dengan dominasi dan hegemoninya, isreal mampu untuk mengimplementasikan kebijakannya dengan cukup mudah, mereka hanya akan mendapat “sedikit” kecaman dan mungkin juga perlawanan kecil dari kelompok-kelompok islam. di dalam negeri sendiri pemerintahan israel dikuasai oleh partai likud dan kelompok sayap kanan revisionis di bawah netanyahu yang sepenuhnya bisa memobilisasi pemerintahan dan parlemen di israel. dengan ideologi yang sama terkait dengan eretz israel dan tanah palestina yang muhammad abdillah ihsan, 463 decision making process dalam kebijakan israel mereka yakini menjadi hak mereka, kebijakan apapun dengan cepat akan dilegalisasikan, terlebih terkait dengan isu pendudukan, stabilitas di internal pemerintahan akan ter jamin dengan baik. semua posisi startegis yang berhubungan dengan pendudukan dan pembangunan pemukiman dipegang sepenuhnya oleh koalisi sayap kanan. kelompok kirisosialis-demokratis yang pada masa lalu pernah menguasai perpolitikan israel, hari ini berada dalam tekanan yang sangat kuat dari pemerintah dan kelompok sayap kanan, oposisi sangat sulit bergerak dan mendapatkan tempat, terlebih dengan politik populisme dan kontrol terhadap kebebasan pers dan kelompok kiri yang dilakukan pemerintah. kontrol yang dilakukan pemerintah ini dimaksudkan untuk melancarkan pergerakan politik dan memudahkan mengeluarkan dan menerapkan berbagai kebijakan. pengalaman di masa lalu, ketika perdana menteri aktif dalam idf dan terlibat perang yom kippur pada 1973 akan memberikan kesan bahwa netanyahu memiliki sifat yang keras dan tegas khas militer. karir politik netanyahu dengan berbagai jabatan penting di pemerintahan israel yang pernah diembannya memperlihatkan bahwa sosok netanyahu adalah sosok yang sangat berkarakter. karakteristik pribadi netanyahu berangkat dari ideologi zionisme dan kapitalisme liberal, dengan latar belakang demikian itu, bukan sesuatu yang janggal jika ia memiliki resistensi terhadap resolusi dk pbb tersebut. motivasi yang dilihat dari sosok netanyahu adalah bahwa ia sepenuhnya berangkat dari orientasi partai likud, orientasi ini selaras dengan apa yang dimulai oleh manachim begin untuk mereformasi israel dan mendepak blok kiri di masa lalu. dari beberapa hal di atas, penulis berkesimpulan, kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintahan benjamin netanyahu adalah kebijakan yang paling “israel”, sesuai dengan semangat masa lalu sejak negara ini berdiri dan sepenuhnya diproyeksikan sesuai dengan nilai-nilai yang dianut oleh partai likud dan kelompok sayap kanan, yang juga mengklaim kelompok mereka sebagai representasi mayoritas masyarakat israel. daftar pustaka akbar, angga aulia. menguak hubungan dagang indonesiaisrael. tanggerang: marjin kiri, 2013. benn, aluf. “the struggle for israel: the end of the old israel”. new 464 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 york city: foreign affairs, vol. 95 no. 4 juli/agustus 2016. choudhary, sunil k., the changing face of parties and party systems a study of israel and india singapore: springer nature/palgrave macmillan, 2017. dougherty, james e. dan robert l. pfaltzgraff, jr., contending theories of international relations. philadelphia: j. b. lippincott company, 1971. garaudy, roger. zionisme sebuah gerakan keagamaan dan politik. jakarta: gema insani press, 1996. husaini, adian. pragmatisme dalam politik zionisme israel. jakarta: penerbit khairul bayan, 2004. kramer, martin. “the struggle for israel: israel and the postamerican middle east” . new york city: foreign affairs, vol. 95 no. 4 juli/agustus 2016. scheindlin, dahlia. ten years with netanyahu. berlin: friedrich ebert stiftung, 2017. schoenman, ralph. di balik sejarah zionisme. terj. joko s. kahar. yogyakarta: mata padi pressindo, 2013. sniegoski, stephen j., the transparent cabal : the neoconservative agenda, war in the middle east, and the national interest of israel. norfolk, virginia: enigma editions, 2008. tepperman, jonathan. “the struggle for israel: a conversation with tzipi livni”. new york city: foreign affairs, vol. 95 no. 4 juli/agustus 2016. united nations security council. resolution 2334, 23 desember 2016. fortal berita armandhanu, denny. “hasil pemilu terpaut ketat, netanyahu sudah klaim menang” (www.cnnindonesia. com, 18/03/2015) diakses pada 26 nopember 2018. baker, peter. “a defiant israel vows to expand its settlements” (www.nytimes.com, 26/12/2016). diakses pada 25 desember 2017. bbc indonesia. ”permukiman yahudi: israel sebut resolusi dk pbb „memalukan‟” (www. bbc.com, 23/12/2016). di-akses pada 26 nopember 2018. beauchamp, zack. “benjamin netanyahu will keep his job — barely, and maybe not for long” (www.vox.com, muhammad abdillah ihsan, 465 decision making process dalam kebijakan israel 06/05/2015). diakses pada 25 desember 2017. beaumont, peter. “us outnumbered 14 to 1 as it vetoes un vote on status of jerusalem” (www.theguardian.com, 19/12/2017). diakses pada 25 desember 2017. borger, julian. dan peter beaumont, “defiant donald trump confirms us will recognise jerusalem as capital of israel” (www.theguardian. com, 07/12/2017). diakses pada 25 desember 2017. cortellessa, eric “choosing not to veto, obama lets antisettlement resolution pass at un security council” (www.timesofisrael.com, 23/12/2016). diakses pada 26 nopember 2018. suastha, riva dessthania. “delapan sekutu amerika tolak resolusi pbb soal yerusalem” (www.cnnindonesia. com, 22/12/2017). diakses pada 25 desember 2017. voaindonesia. “partai netanyahu menang dalam pemilu israel” (www.voaindonesia. com, 18/03/2015). diakses pada 26 nopember 2018. situs website benjamin netanyahu. (2017, desember 19). di wikipedia, ensiklopedia bebas. diakses pada 08:42, desember 19, 2017. islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 women’s political participation in bangladesh in 2008-2018: status quo, obstacles and future prospects. diana mutiara bahari1, favian dwi tantra2, risky fauzi widodo3 1,2,3 universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia email: dianaaaamb@gmail.com abstract in the contemporary world, the involvement of women in parliament is necessary. however, not all nations uphold the idea of gender equality. many countries are still trapped by their values and norms such as the patriarchy system. bangladesh is an example of a country where the patriarchy system has become an obstacle for women to participate in political activities. the current fact has shown its progressivity to involve women in political activities. therefore, the question arises as of how the future prospect for women in bangladesh to be able to participate and to involve in the political and parliament activities. this study uses the theory of feminism to examine women’s demand that will affect bangladesh’s future policies on women’s involvement in political activities. this paper will discuss the current condition and the obstacles faced by the women in bangladesh regarding political activities. some obstacles such as women dual role, prohibition of women leadership in islam, absent of women friendly electoral system as well as present negative women psychology of political culture. the method used in this study is a qualitative based research method. this paper concludes demands appears from the women in bangladesh to increase their involvement in political activities. keywords: bangladesh, women political participation, obstacles, affirmative action 606 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 introduction many new issues have brought up into international scale in this contemporary world. from the environmental issues, human right issues, transnational crime and gender equality. at the beginning of the emergence of gender equality concern, it was started as the part of human right issues which sees that women have not been given an equal chance in many aspects compared with the men. while gender equality itself means the balance or equal right given to both known gender, masculine and feminine where both gender is highly associated with man and woman. the international actors who concern on this issues have given their thought that there should be an equal chance for man and woman to have the same position in many fields, since it is often men that get higher position or status in the society rather than woman. the unequal or balance position or status between man and woman has triggered some feminine activist who see that woman is as capable as man to handle certain, to show their efforts on promoting the equality on both gender. in the contemporary world, the development of politics also becomes one of field that women has not been given much equal position as man do, especially in the decision making process. not all of nations uphold the idea of gender equality that can be seen from the small number of women involved on their political activities. even for certain countries, the limited number of women involvement in the parliament or political activities is merely a tradition or cultural value that women should not be put into any public space activities and only can have their job at the private life. this particular value known as the patriarchal system. this value has limit women to express their desire and involved themselves in the public society, including in the parliament or politics activity. an example of a country that still applied this patriarchy system into their daily activities is bangladesh. surrounded by strong various culture and norms has sent bangladesh into one of countries that has less gender equality number among the world. as the developing country, bangladesh still faced a high number of poverty, which led to the poor condition of education, health and uneven distribution of facilities, especially for women. this make only wealth people that can reach the higher education and better facilities to develop themselves. in the 1979 elections, diana mutiara bahari, favian dwi tantra & risky fauzi widodo women’s political participation in bangladesh in 2008-2018 607 the military regime only have 17 women among 2,125 candidates for 300 seats; none of the women won, and only 3 polled over 15 percent of the vote. according to the 1988 parliamentary election, the provision for reserved seats for women had been allowed to lapse. in the 1981, the awami league (al) chose sheikh hasina wazed as their first female head of the party and the bangladesh nationalist party (bnp) chose begum khaleda zia as the first female party chairman. both are from political families who received sympathy and support of the masses and the media. khaleda zia was the wife of former president general zia (whom assassinated in 1981), proclaimed independence of the country, while sheikh hasina is the daughter of father of the nation, sheikh mujib (also assassinated in 1975. it is completely seen that the women involvement in bangladesh’s political activities was strongly depends on its family relations or history to the country and none of ordinary women who does not come from a political families have been chosen to have rights in the parliament (iwanaga, 2008). literature review there are many articles discussing about women participations in politics in the area of south asia including bangladesh. article entitled women’s political par ticipations in bangladesh: rhetoric and reality by lasna kabir mostlikely examine the obstacles faced by bangladeshi woman participating in politics. thus kabir sees that any policies given by the legal government seems just rethoric relate in the fact that the number of women join in any political activities are still in small number. other article by pranab panday entitled women’s political participation in bangladesh and india gives us comparison on how those countries give space for women in joining political activites. the reason why panday made that comparison is because both countries faced the similar problem which is patriarchy value that still practiced by most of their society. while most of scholar discussing about the obstacles, on our paper we are not just discuss about those factors but we also provide the future prospect for women in bangladesh by giving analysis where women will have bigger opportunity since there are many supportive actors push the presence of women in bangladesh. theoretical framework feminism is ideology that 608 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 states equality of rights between man and woman. feminism is often interpreted as the women’s emancipation movement voiced about the improvement of women’s status and refused a difference in degree between man and woman. equality between man and woman in this ideology applies in all aspects. in the early days of its appearance, feminism known as “the struggle of women” but today feminism has developed and known as “the struggle against all forms of injustice”. in history, feminism was born as the beginning of the rise of women to shift status as the second creature after man in this world. feminism developed in medieval europe in 16-18th bc. the first feminism is an attempt to deal with patriarchy system. patriarchy is a system that put men in important position and predominate in roles of political leadership, moral authority, social privilege and control of property. the focus of first feminism is to against the patriarchy system view regarding subordinate position of women who are considered a weaker creature, more emotional and irrational (suwastini, 2013). feminism spearheaded by woman divided into several waves and each wave has a very rapid development. characterized by the enlightment era happened in europe where lady mary wortley montagu and marquis de condoracet were the pioneers. first wave feminism the first wave of feminism took place in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, emerging out of an environment of urban industrialism and liberal, socialist politics. first wave of feminism doesn’t refer to the first feminist thinkers in history but it refers to the west’s first sustained political equality for women: to open opportunities for women focusing on suffrage. the first wave officially began at the seneca falls convention in 1848 when almost 200 women for the purpose of equality for women: the social, civil, and religious condition and rights of women. in 1920, congress passed the 19th amendment granting women the right to vote (grady, 2018). second wave feminism the second wave began in the 1960s which was signed by the publication of the feminine mystique by betty friedan, followed by establishment national organization for women in 1966 diana mutiara bahari, favian dwi tantra & risky fauzi widodo women’s political participation in bangladesh in 2008-2018 609 and the interaction of conscious raising (cr) groups in the end of 1960s. the second wave of feminism themed “women’s liberation” is considered as a revolutionary collective movement. this wave appear as a reaction to women’s dissatisfaction with the various discriminations they experienced even though legal and political emancipation had been achieved by the first wave of feminism. therefore, the second wave of feminism focuses more on issues that directly affect women’s lives such as reproduction, childcare, sexual violence, female sexuality, and the problem of domesticity (rampton, 2015). third wave feminism the third wave of feminism began in the early 1980s to the early 1990s, was marked by an understanding of the increasingly diverse feminism movement. wherein the political movement has prioritized women’s politics, ethnicity, and subject positions that are often discussed in the “postmodern politics” rubric. wherein something that has been marginalized and marginalized in the “postmodern theor y”, specification of their position begin to be highlighted with their differences of opinion from other groups and individuals (grady, 2018). so, even though each wave has a different focus, feminists provide support, encouragement, and inspiration about the importance of women’s roles and positions, special roles and positions in the realm of culture and politics. based on this explanation, we use the concept of feminism especially the first wave of feminism. the focus of feminism in the first wave is to fight for women’s suffrage or emancipation in the political sphere. through the concept, we can find out obstacles in parliament and woman in parliament in future prospect. methodology this research uses qualitative descriptive research methods with a secondary data analysis approach. the qualitative approach in this research is to match empirical reality with the prevailing theory by using descriptive methods. whereas qualitative secondary data is a method by using secondary data as the main source. secondary data may include field notes, personal documents, and other official documents. 610 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 result and disscussion bangladesh progress for woman to participate in jatiya sangshad (national parliament) as d e ve l opi ng c ou nt r y, bangladesh is quiet progressive in terms of woman’s political participation despite it is not significantly shown in the number. since getting independence in 1972, bangladesh has recognized and legalized their constitution to guarantee woman presence in any political activities. on the article 28(1) stated that “the state shall not discriminate against any citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth”, it means that the bangladesh constitution has no limitation and recognizes woman in the aspect of politics. again, in article 28(2) stated that “women shall have equal rights with men in all spheres of the state and public life”. table 1. elected women in joining parliament 1973-2001 year % of women candidates won in direct seats or byelections total elected women reserved seats % off women in the parliament 1973 0.3 0 0 15 4.8% out of 315 seats 1979 0.9 0+2 2 30 9.69% out of 330 seats 1986 1.3 5+2 7 30 11.21% out of 330 seats 1988 0.7 4 4 0 1.33% out of 300 seats 1991 1.5 8+1 9 30 11.81% out of 330 seats 1996 1.4 13+2 15 30 13% out of 330 seats 2001 1.8 6 6 0 2% out of 300 seats source: election commission of bangladesh diana mutiara bahari, favian dwi tantra & risky fauzi widodo women’s political participation in bangladesh in 2008-2018 611 both articles shown that bangladesh actually aware towards woman participation in any political activities throughout the country. in order to involve more women in parliament, bangladesh government also establishes several legislations such as women and children repression act 1995 that amended in 2000 and dowry prohibition act 1980 that amended in 1982, these legislations are an attempt to ensure women presence in political activities in bangladesh (ahmed, 2008). however, since its independence, in terms of number, women political participation in bangladesh has not showing the significant number in the past decades due to bangladeshi women are disadvantaged and denied equal rights with men. in the period of 1973 election to 2001, there are no more than 12% of women joined in parliament. however in 2014 the election result show the percentage of women conquer the parliament seats increase up to 20.3% or 71 seats out of 350 seats (kumar, 2017). the affirmative action given by the bangladesh government atleast can attract women participation to compete for legislative seats despite its number, bangladesh government did not remain silent in order to push the involvement of women in joining political activities. since the 1979 cedaw introduced gender based quotas, many countries start to adopt this form of affirmative action (baldez, 2006). affirmative action itself is a form of policy to give particular entities such as gender based, race, religions and faith and so on who are underrepresented in various position such as parliament in order to create and to accommodate a good policy for their entities interest. however, before the enactment of 1997 act, the participation of women in parliament was meager. before amended in 1997, seats for woman in parliament was reserved and filled by nomination or indirect election because in political contest women will find difficulties against men (panday & li, 2014). the 1997 act was a starting point for the development of women participation in politics, in this time the affirmative action to allow women to compete for parliament seats through direct election by suffrage to the three women-only reserved seat, in which they can only compete with another woman candidates and men are not allowed to compete against women. this policy is the first time for women in bangladesh to compete through direct election with women 612 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 candidates only to provide elected candidates equal legitimacy, power and rights as what men earned (sultana, 2000). despite the separation policy for women through direct election, there is also other policy which is territorial demarcation to appoint a ward for woman members, the nine wards for general member were grouped into three larger wards for the purpose of election for women in parliament seats (panday & li, 2014). even though in the national level, women still find difficulties to have a seats, after 1997 act established women in local level dramatically increase as around 12.828 women were elected in 1997 local level election (zaman, 2016). on may 2004, bangladesh parliament called jatiya sangshad have passed the 14th constitutional amandement to add extra 15 reserved seats for women in parliament to 345 which 45 (15%) seats are reserved for women only. in the 2018 election, bangladesh government add extra 5 seats for reserved seats for women, so in total is 350 seats where 50 seats are reserved. this table below show the increasing women seats in parliament after establishment of 14th constitutional amandement (kumar, 2017). table 2. parliament election result 2008-2018 year women in reserved seats women in general seats total number of women in parliament percentage 2008 45 6 51 14.7 2014 45 19 64 18.6 2018 50 22 77 22 source : election commission of bangladesh the bangladesh government make a progressive attempt to always involve women in any political activities including for national parliament. even though the result is not that significant, but the fact prove that in every election period shown the rise of women elected in national parliament. the affirmative action given by bangladesh government can boost the involvement of women. obstacles that hamper women participation in national parliament bangladesh is a country located in south asia identic with its diana mutiara bahari, favian dwi tantra & risky fauzi widodo women’s political participation in bangladesh in 2008-2018 613 patriarchy system where society tend to look man upper than woman. patriarchy itself is a social system in which males have greater accesses in occupying political roles, moral authority and control of property. even though the participation rate of women in political activities in bangladesh is always progressive, but then their presence in political agenda and decision making process are still seen as a symbolic role since the affirmative action always overshadowing their presence. however survey conducted by the asian development bank (adb) back in 2004 show that more than 70% women joined in political activities both in national or local level were not aware of their rights and responsibilities as woman represntatives in parliament (mukhopadhyay, 2005). the big argument talking about the obstacle for women to participate in politics is that the idea of patriarchy value that still adopted by most of bangladeshi. moreover in the other part of the world, feminist movement have no longer need the acknowledgement about their presence in any activities including politics. there are several factors that support the existence of patriarchy value that hamper the presence of women in bangladesh to join in politics even though the world have progressive anyway with globalization. first factor is lack of control over corruption and their own incomes. it is not surprised when the election period come in bangladesh there will be “black money” easily thrown in rural area such as district. black money refers to money that is illegal and unaccounted consider as result of corruption that used by the political candidates to win the election by bribing or “buying votes” especially from people stayed in slum area. the political candidates which dominated by men are depended towards this black money since it needs bigger money to win election and women have no control towards this. the fact show that many businessmen are involved in national parliament since the very first election held in bangladesh and its number always increase in every election continuously. in the ninth parliament there are around 59% of the elected members of parliament are businessmen and they are the person who will be nominated by their party leaders by paying huge amount of money and the result is many businessman were elected to become corrupt member of parliament through such of nominations process (chowdhury, 2009). 614 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 in the other hand talking about private income, it is still hard for women to independently spend their own income for themselves. most of women spend their money jointly with their husbands, therefore they could not manage their money for political purpose. due to the patriarchy value, husband tend to look women as their property thus women income automatically belong to their husband since their wives also their own property. men always take control towards their wives income so that women have no autonomy towards their personal income used for political activities. second factor is related to the economic incapability that lead to the less access to the education. education is primary source to obtain knowledge used for woman to have equal political position with man and it can influence woman political outlook. however woman in bangladesh are still lack of access towards education considering number of illiteracy is quiet high especially in slum area. it reflect on the member of parliaments itself when the member of parliament in 1996-2001 consist by 37 woman, only around 37% of them had degree from university level. in contrast, most of man in parliaments seats were hold bachelor degree, it made the presence of woman in parliament be more overshadow when it came to the decision making process. the exact thing also happened in local level (union parishad), woman who sat for legislative in local level were dominated by housewife where they are actually not aware about political process. therefore many of them assigned assistant from men to help them run the local legislative, and it is create stigma in society that woman actually incapable to do job as society representative in legislative. for the society live in slum area, the presence of women in politics did not contribute that much towards their life. they not even aware towards their political rights and responsibility so they can easily bribed by the candidates using black money and taking for granted giving their votes to them (chowdhury, 2009). those two basic factors lead to the preservation of patriarchy value in bangladesh that hamper the political development for woman. lack of control and limit education makes woman difficult to break their boundaries in order to join political activities. beside that, most of society live in slum area are not supportive towards woman in politics since they are not aware about their political rights since diana mutiara bahari, favian dwi tantra & risky fauzi widodo women’s political participation in bangladesh in 2008-2018 615 they lack of access toward proper information about politics. this condition getting worse when their representatives in parliament doing corruption and use that money to ensure their position in parliament. this going to create an evil circle where parliament are dominated by “powerful men” and the other especially women remain in their position future prospects the success of the struggle for feminism and the demands of democracy so that all citizens actively participate in politics, for better governance requires the participation of women in all fields including politics, in other words women are expected to take part in decision making procedure. sue thomas offered five reason why woman needs to increase their participation in politics. first, the equal opportunities for both sexes to hold political office can increase the legitimacy of democratic governments that claim to represent all of their citizens. second, citizens believe that all citizens have equal opportunities to participate in decision making procedure. if it can be realized, so it can be increase the level of trust and support government and this can help create a more stable government. third, women are large talent group. their abilities, points of view and ideas can give benefit society by involving male and female office holders at once. fourth, a government that embraces male and female leaders convey message to the young men and women, as well as adults from age groups, that the political world is open to all people and all groups, not only as an exclusive men. fifth, the importance reason of including women in ranks of political leaders is based on the fact that men and women have different experiences. with this difference, men and women can complement and enhance their respective roles (idris, 2010). the participation of woman is also important for reasons of fairness, legitimacy, stability and political symbolism. political activists and politicians who struggle to increase the number of female office holders argue that women will make a difference in politics, women will represent the perspectives, needs and interests of female citizens. some observers have concluded that the presence of woman is needed in politics to ensure the voices, interests and priorities of woman are so underrepresented in 616 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 government and in laws enacted by the government. furthermore, the united nation declared “international women’s day”. it is a day when woman is recognized for her achievements without regard to divisions, whether national, ethnic, linguistic, cultural, economic or political. it also increases the attention of citizens, politicians and academics about the role of woman in politics, especially her role as holder of political office. so, this charter was the first international agreement to affirm the principle of equality between women and men (international women’s day , n.d.). at this time, bangladesh, the community has begun to agree and hope for greater women’s participation, although for women there are still many obstacles that must be overcome. in addition, it is not easy for women to enter the political world, even though there are no formal rules that block but it is also a difficult choice. when a woman has chosen to pursue a career in politics, woman must be fully prepared to bear all the risks of professionalism. they must be prepared to sacrifice time, feelings, opportunities that should be given to their families. supporting actor of women in politics woman’s own organizations which are fighting to ensure equal social and political rights for women, have been important factors that led both the governments of bangladesh to bring about changes in policies regarding woman’s participation in politics. the experience in bangladesh shows that woman’s activism picked up them the space that they presently have and which they likewise need to shield and secure (panday p. k.). for more than five decades, feminist organizations in bangladesh have been trying to increase the resources of the various bases and have focused on the mobilization against gender inequality in the country. organization that were initially only concerned about women’s issues began to promote and demand that the government focus more on the fate of national women. a few examples of the hundreds of organizations that are dedicated to the advancement of women bangladesh such as ‘jatiya mahila sanshad’, ‘women for women’,’naripokho’,’bangladesh nat i o n a l wo m e n’s l aw y e r association (bnwla), ‘bangladesh nari progati sangha’,’democracy watch’, and ‘khan foundation’ are diana mutiara bahari, favian dwi tantra & risky fauzi widodo women’s political participation in bangladesh in 2008-2018 617 strong advocates of women’s rights, gender equality, and women’s empowerment (ahmed, 2008). furthermore, these organization also acts as a social actor that connects between woman and the government of bangladesh and seeks to contribute towards gender issues. organizations that appear to act as a forum for leadership training for woman and as a conduit to bring woman’s voices into proper perspective in the future. it can be said that there is an opportunity for woman to join parliamentary positions by the many actors who support them. conclusion although the number of womens participation in the bangladesh’s parliament and political activities shows an increasing number, yet the obstacles remain exist and faced a challenges or difficulties to completely free out of the obstacles. as it still restricted by norms and values in the surrounding environment and societies, such as patriarchy system and islamic values which says women should stay at the private life since bangladesh is one of largest number of muslim followers. as it seen at the graphic table above, we can conclude that there is increasing number of women participation in the bangladesh’s political activities, especially in the parliament with almost 80 women. while in the general seats, the number of women involved has significantly increased since 2008 to 2018 and in the reserved seats, it remains stable or does not increased much. 618 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 ble: the commonwealthjournal of international affairs, 98(404), 559-560. grady, c. (2018, july 20). the wa ves of feminism, and why people keep fighting over them, explained. retrieved from vox: https://www.vox.com/ 2 0 1 8 / 3 / 2 0 / 1 6 9 5 5 5 8 8 / fe m i nism-waves-explained-firstsecond-third-fourth idris, n. (2010). phenomenon, femi nism and political self selection for women. wacana, 117. international women’s day . (n.d.). retrieved from united nation: http://www.un.org/en/events/ womensday/history.shtml iwanaga, k. (2008). women’s political participation and representation in asia: obstacles and challenges. malaysia: nias press. kumar, p. (2017). participation of women in politics: worldwide experience. iosr journal of humanities and social science, 22(12), 82-83. mukhopadhyay, m. (2005). decentralization and gender equity in south asia : an issue paper. canada: the international development of research centre. panday, p. k. (n.d.). women’s political participation in bangladesh but the development of technology and information has spread the values of gender equality to reach the bangladesh’s society and encourage the emergence of supporting actors to make woman able to involved in any kind public activities, including in the political field. as the supporting actors in which formed as woman organization such as women for women, bangladesh’s national women for law association are growing significantly to support the women’s right and gender equality, the future prospect for women to be more involved in the parliament activities will likely increased and create a fairness between men and women’s right at any public activities. references ahmed, k. u. (2008). women in poli tics bangladesh . women’s political participation and representation in asia, obstacle and challanges, 279-280. baldez, l. (2006). the pros and cons of gender quota laws: what happens when you kick men out and let women in? poli tics and gender, 2(1), 102-109. chowdhury, f. d. (2009). problems of women participations in bang ladesh politics. the round tadiana mutiara bahari, favian dwi tantra & risky fauzi widodo women’s political participation in bangladesh in 2008-2018 619 and india: symbolic or real empowerment? 31. panday, p., & li, l. c. (2014). women’s political participation in bangladesh: role of women’s organizations. international journal of public administration, 37(11), 730-731. rampton, m. (2015, october 25). four waves of feminism. retrieved from pacific university oregon: https://www.pacificu. edu/about/media/four-wavesfeminism sultana, a. (2000). the role of train ing in the empowerment of wo men in union parishad: an ana lysis. lok proshashon samoyke, 14-15. suwastini, n. k. (2013). perkembangan feminisme barat dari abad kedelapan belas hingga postfeminisme: sebuah tinjauan teoritis. jurnal ilmu sosial dan humaniora, 199. zaman, f. (2016). bangladeshi wo men’s political empowerment in urban local governance. south asia research, 32(2), 8586. gerakan islam indonesia: mengurai belenggu, membangun peradaban* mohammad syifa a. widigdo magister studi islam universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: syifamin@gmail.com abstrak “gerakan islam indonesia (gii) pada umumnya tidak mempunyai pengaruh, kontribusi, dan peran global yang berarti meskipun kiprah dan kontribusinya di tingkat nasional tidak perlu disangsikan lagi. kalaupun ada bagian dari gii yang mempunyai jaringan internasional, mereka berada dalam posisi inferior karena hanya memosisikan dirinya sebagai cabang, proksi, atau simpatisan dari organisasi islam internasional. akibatnya, gii tidak saja hanya menjadi gerakan lokal atau gerakan proksi organisasi transnasional, tapi juga tidak sanggup menghadapi tantangan global yang semakin kompleks. dalam artikel ini, saya berusaha memetakan kelemahan dan keterbatasan gii tersebut dan menyajikan beberapa tawaran jalan keluarnya. salah tawaran solusinya adalah bahwa gerakan islam se-asia tengara penting untuk berkolaborasi dan bergerak secara aktif sehingga islam di asia tenggara tidak lagi dianggap sebagai pinggiran. sebab, gerakan islam di asia tenggara mempunyai cukup potensi dan modal untuk menjadi salah satu pusat peradaban islam di dunia.” kata kunci: gerakan islam, jaringan internasional, asia tenggara, dan tantangan global abstract indonesian islamic movementsgenerally do not show a global influence and contribution although in a national level its crucial role and contribution are undeniable. some of these movements may have an international network islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 issn: 2614-0535 e-issn: 2655-1330 mohammad syifa a. widigdo 387 gerakan islam indonesia: mengurai belenggu, membangun peradaban but their power and authority are limited since their position is merely as a branch, proxy, or sympathizer of a certain transnational islamic organization. as a result, these local and proxy movements are unable to cope with global challenges, which are increasingly complex. in this article, i attempt to map weaknesses and limitations of indonesian islamic movements and offer some altenative solutions to cope with such weaknesses and limitations. one of the altenative solutions is for indonesian islamic movements to operate and collaborate more actively with other islamic movements in southeast asia. in this way, islamic movements in indonesia in particular, and in southeast asia in general, are not deemed peripheral. they have sufficient potentials and capabilities to be one of the centers of islamic civilization. key words: islamic movement, international networking, southeast asia, and global challenge pendahuluan istilah “gerakan islam” belakangan cenderung mengalami peyorasi karena seringkali diasosiasikan dengan gerakan-gerakan yang berorientasi politik, radikal, at au meng ha l a l kanc ara c ara kekerasan untuk mencapai tujuan politik.peyorasi ini tampak dalam beberapa kajian dan penelitian membahas gerakan islam, biasanya dikaitkan dengan varian radikal dari gerakan tersebut (lihat tulisan ahyar, mei 2015 pp. 1-26; ar, september 2013; chaq, mei 2013). tidak mengherankan jika kemudian gerakan islam diidentikkan dengan gerakan politik yang bertujuan merubah tatanan rezim di tingkat nasional maupun global(lihat basyir, november 2016, pp. 339 362) .sementara kegiatan dan perjuangan organisasi islam yang menggunakan cara-cara transformatif dan damai seringkali tidak mendapatkan label sebagai “gerakan islam.”istilah yang dipakai untuk menggambarkan gerakan ini, misalnya, adalah “organisasi  sebagian (diskusi tentang tantangan dan belenggu gerakan islam indonesia) dari artikel ini pernah dipublikasikan di harian umum republika dengan judul “peran global gerakan islam indonesia” pada tanggal 10 februari 2016. artikel ini merupakan versi yang lengkap dan mendalam, termasuk diskusi tentang solusi untuk menaklukkan tantangan dan keluar dari belenggu, yang penulis olah dari dari hasil penelitian terhadap gerakan islam indonesia. 388 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 islam”(lihat misalnya collins, oct., 2004). padahalistilah “gerakan” dalam konteks sejarah islam mengacu pada dua konsep, yakni pembaharuan (tajdīd) dan reformasi (iṣlāḥ), yang meniscayakan makna perubahandan transformasi secara damai dan beradab.3misalnya, gerakan pembaharuan (tajdīd) muhammad abduh (w. 1905) di mesir di bidang pemikiran melalui jurnal “al-urwat alwuthqā” dan reformasi (iṣlāḥ) di bidang pendidikan dengan memperkenalkan bidang studi sains di kurikulum universitas al-azhar(hourani, 1983, pp. 130-192).oleh sebab itu, dalam artikel ini, saya menggunakan istilah “gerakan islam” dalam pengertian yang luas, tidak hanya untuk gerakan yang berorientasi politik dan radikal, tapi juga (bahkan utamanya) merujuk pada organisasi dan gerakan keagamaan berorientasi sosial, intelektual, atau kultural, seperti nu (nahdlatul ulama), muhammadiyah, persis (persatuan islam), hidayatullah, hmi (himpunan mahasiswa islam), 3 untuk mempelajari lebih lanjut perbedaan antara tajdīd, iṣlāḥ, dan iḥyā’, silahkan baca abū khalil, as‟ad and mahmoud haddad. “revival and renewal.” in the oxford encyclopedia of the islamic world. oxford islamic studies online, http://www. oxfordislamicstudies.com/article/opr/ t236/e0682 (accessed apr 30, 2013). dan pii (pelajar islam indonesia), bahkan perguruan tinggi-perguruan tinggi islam negeri maupun swasta. saya melihat adanya beberapa kelamahan dalam “gerakan islamindonesia (gii)” dalam konteks pembaharuan (tajdīd) dan reformasi (iṣlāḥ) tersebut. di satu sisi, gii yang direpresentasikan oleh organisasi-organisasi islam yang sudah mapan tidak mempunyai kredensial dan jaringan di tingkat internasional yang membuatnya hanya berpengaruh di tingkat nasional saja. organisasi-organisasi islam seperti nu, muhammadiyah, persis, hidayatullah, hmi, dan piimeskipun mempunyai pengaruh kuat di tingkat nasional, tapi pengaruh visi dan gerakan keislamannya tidak merambah ke tingkat yang lebih luas. di sisi yang lain, gii yang mempunyai jaringan di tingkat internasional kebanyakan hanya merupakan cabang, proksi, atau simpatisan dari gerakan-gerakan islam transnasional. daripada menyebarkan visi berislam yang bercorak keindonesiaan ke tingkat internasional, kelompok-kelompok islam ini lebih bersemangat untuk menerjemahkan doktrindoktrin induk organisasinya di tanah indonesia. hal ini terjadi, misalnya, dalam kasus gerakan salafi, hti mohammad syifa a. widigdo 389 gerakan islam indonesia: mengurai belenggu, membangun peradaban (hizbut tahrir indonesia), berbagai kelompok simpatisan negara islam iraq dan suriah (niis). dua mainstream gerakan islam indonesia sebagaimana disebutkan di atas, selain bermasalah dalam konteks skala pengaruh dan corak pemikiran, juga mempunyai kelemahan dalam cara pandang dunianya. walhasil, gerakan islam indonesia tidak saja hanya menjadi gerakan lokal atau gerakan proksi organisasi transnasional, tapi juga tidak sanggup menghadapi tantangan global yang semakin kompleks. melalui refleksi pendek atas fenomena gerakan islam indonesiakontemporer dan literatur yang saya baca, saya berusaha memetakan kelemahan dan keterbatasan gii tersebut dan menyajikan beberapa tawaran jalan keluarnya. salah satu jalan keluarnya adalah penggalakan internasionalisasi gerakan islam indonesia, minimal dimulai dari lever asia tenggara. tantangan dunia modern yang semakin terbuka dan saling terkoneksi memberikan tantangan yang kompleks baik di sektor ekonomi, politik, sosial, budaya, maupun dalam kehidupan keagamaan. ketika proses modernisasi di hampir segala bidang merambah ke dunia muslim, kaum muslim mempunyai respon yang beragam. sebagian dari mereka menyambut modernisasi dengan antusias. nilai-nilai yang lahir dari rahim modernitas seperti demokrasi, kebebasan individu, kemerdekaan berfikir, persamaan hak, hak asasi manusia, ide kemajuan (the idea of progress), dan sejenisnya diadopsi dan diinjeksikan ke dunia muslim tanpa melalui proses penyaringan yang ketat. mereka kemudian sering disebut sebagai muslim liberal. sebagian yang lain melihat modernitas dengan nilai-nilai dibawanya sebagai sebuah ancaman dan karenanya harus ditolak dan dilawan. modernitas diidentikkan dengan nilai, budaya, dan politik negara barat yang dinilai tidak cocok dengan islam. mereka kemudian melihat islam tidak hanya sebagai agama tapi juga sebagai ideologi politik, ekonomi, sosial, dan budaya. islam, bagi mereka, adalah alternatif sistem nilai yang orisinal dan solusi bagi segala permasalahan (al-islām huwa al-ḥall).beberapa kalangan bahkan berpendapat bahwa tawaran sistem dan peradaban islam lebih superior dan bisa menggantikan peradaban barat modern. kalim siddiqui(1983) bahkan menganggap bahwa kohesi peradaban islam yang dianggap superior itu dapat 390 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 direduksi dalam bentuk negara islam. dia mengakatan, “the islamic movement, as demonstrated in earlier discussion, has the network of mosques, political culture, common memory and shared expectations necessary to hold together until a higher state of cohesion is reached. the highest stage of this cohesion is of course the islamic state”(siddiqui, 1983). meskipun mereka juga menikmati dan menggunakan hasil modernitas seperti teknologi dengan berbagai produknya, namun secara umum mereka tetap resisten terhadap modernitas dengan pelbagai turunan nilai dan sistemnya. untuk mencapai tujuan-tujuan perlawanan tersebut, sebagian memakai caracara yang persuasif dan akademik, namun sayangnya sebagian yang lain menghalalkan dan memakai cara-cara kekerasan. karena klaim keislamannya, mereka sering disebut sebagai kelompok islamis. namun demikian, sebagian kaum muslimin yang lain meng hadapi modernitas dengan sikap kritis dan selektif. di satu sisi, mereka menghargai nilai-nilai modern tersebut karena dianggap paralel dan ekuivalen dengan semangat ajaran islam. mereka bahkan mampu merumuskan nilainilai yang tidak saja bersesuaian dengan nilain-nilai modern tapi juga berakar dalam tradisi khazanah intelektual islam. di sisi yang lain, ketika nilai-nilai tersebut dipisahkan dari akar keagamaan, dijadikan jargon ideologis, dan kemudian dipaksakan melalui dominasi politik, represi ekonomi, dan kekuatan militer, mereka me nolaknya. penolakan tersebut, misalnya, terefleksi dalam resistensi mereka terhadap sekularisme se bagai sebagai faham ideologis, ter hadap struktur kapitalisme atau neo -liberalisme yang eksploitatif, dan terhadap imperialisme politikmiliter negara-negara barat di negeri-negeri muslim. persepsi gerakan islam ter hadap tantangan global tergantung pada model penyikapan mereka terhadap fenomena modernitas tersebut. bagi kaum muslim liberal, tantangan utama yang ada dalam benak mereka dalam sikap konservatif, apologetik, dan resisten dari kalangan muslim sendiri. bagi mereka, sikap seperti itu malah menarik islam ke dalam kemunduran dan menghambat potensi partisipasi dan kontribusi islam bagi peradaban modern. sementara bagi kalangan islamis yang resisten terhadap modernitas, tantangan utama yang menghantui pikiran mereka adalah peradaban mohammad syifa a. widigdo 391 gerakan islam indonesia: mengurai belenggu, membangun peradaban barat yang menginisiasi dan mengendalikan modernisme. islam sebagai sebuah agama dan peradaban dianggap berlawanan secara diametral dengan peradaban barat modern tersebut. sedangkan bagi kalangan muslim kritis, tan tangan utamanya adalah memilah bagian-bagian yang positif dari peradaban barat modern dan khazanah islam untuk kemudian dijembatani dan disinergikan, dan pada yang bersamaan, menanggalkan bagian-bagian yang negatifdari keduanya. bagi mereka, masa depan dunia bukanlah konflik antar dua peradaban, barat dan islam, melainkan dialog dan sinergi antar berbagai tradisi peradaban di dunia.dalam bahasa bassam tibbi dengan mengutip william m. watt, hubungan antara barat dan islam itu tidak melulu konfliktual, tapi juga saling memberi dan menerima,” the history of islam and europe is not only a history of mutual conquests (jihad and crusade), but is also a history of cultural encounters in the course of which decisive process of cultural borrowing took place in both sides”(tibi, 2012, p. 17; watt, 1991). belenggu tipologi gerakan islam di indonesia tidak jauh dari tiga bentuk respon kaum muslimin terhadap tantangan modernitas sebagaimana dijelaskan di atas. hanya saja, gerakan islam indonesia (gii) mempunyaibeberapa keterbatasan dan kelemahan yang membuatnya tidak maksimal dalam berpartisipasi dan berkontribusi bagi konstruksi peradaban dunia, khususnya peradaban islam. keterbatasan dan kelemahan tersebut muncul bukan semata dipicu oleh sebab eksternal seperti proses modernisasi(tibi, 2001),tapi lebih karena sebab-sebab internal yang saya sebut sebagai belenggu-belenggu yang menghambat dan membatasi kemampuan eksplorasi, kreatifitas, dan kebebasan mereka. belenggubelenggu tersebut adalah, pertama, belenggu ideologis danepistemologis (pemikiran), dan kedua, belenggu pergerakan. gerakan islam indonesia yang memiliki masalah berupa belenggu ideologis dan peimikiran adalah kalangan muslimliberal dan islamis. kalangan liberal mengalami kesulitan untuk membayangkan masa depan peradaban tanpa menjadikan barat sebagai referensi utama.imajinasi mereka terjerat dan terbatas pada apa yang telah dicapai dan dimiliki oleh barat. barangkali mereka memang realitis karena kemajuan peradaban barat 392 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 bisa dilihat secara empirik di abad ke-21 ini. namun demikian, sikap ideologisdan pemikiran yang membebek kepada barat dan hanya berorientasi untuk menerjemahkan pencapaian barat dalam konteks indonesia seperti itu membuat mereka tidak kreatif untuk mencari referensi lain dalam konteks pembangunan peradaban di masa depan. hal yang serupa terjadi pada kalangan islamis. mereka secara ideologis dan epistemologis menjadikan pencapaian masya rakat islam di masa lalu sebagai rujukan utama. bahkan, mereka tidak bisa melepaskan imajinasi dan pemikiranya dari bayangan kejayaan masa lalu untuk dibangkitkan kembali di masa kini atau masa depan. idealisasi tentang kekhalifahan, generasi masa awal islam yang saleh (salaf al-ṣāliḥ), atau para imam yang terjaga dari dosa (maʿṣūm) mendominasi imajinasi dan aspirasi mereka. sikap seperti ini tidak saja utopis tapi juga membuat mereka tidak kreatif dalam konteks menerjemahkan nilai-nilai luhur yang terpendam dalam khazanah teks dansejarah islam dalam konteks kekinian. mereka lebih terobsesi pada bentuk, institusi, dan struktur dari sejarah masa lalu islam daripada isi dan nila-nilai luhur yang diwariskannya. kedua sikap dan pemikiran tersebut di atas, baik dari kalangan liberal maupun islamis, mempunyai dua konsekuensi yang kontraproduktif bagi pembangunan peradaban masa depan: satu, membelenggu kemerdekaan dan kemampuan gerakan islam indonesia untuk secara kreatif dan orisinal merumus kan sendiri model per-adabannya, dua, membuat gerakan islam indonesia kedap rasa dan empati sehingga tidak bisa mendengar dan menyelami suasana batin masyarakat indonesia yang bergelut dengan berbagai pemasalahannya. oleh sebab itu, hemat saya, satusatunya yang bisa diharapkan untuk mempimpin agenda pembangunan peradaban masa depan adalah gerakan islam indonesia yang kritis dan transformatif. gerakan ini tidak saja terbuka terhadapkebijaksanaan (wisdom) dan keutamaan (virtue) baik yang datang dari barat maupun dari khazanah teks dan sejarah masa lalu islam, tapi juga, mempunyai kemampuan untuk menyelami suasana batin masyarakat indonesia karena mereka memang bergelut dengan permasalahan masyarakat dalam aktivitas kesehariannya. hanya saja, gerakan islam indonesia yang kritis tersebut mempunyai belenggunya tersendiri. tidak seperti kalangan liberal dan mohammad syifa a. widigdo 393 gerakan islam indonesia: mengurai belenggu, membangun peradaban islamis yang mempunyai jaringan internasional kuat karena afinitas ideologis dan epistemologisnya, gii yang kritis dan transformatifbelum ditunjang oleh kredensial, integritas, dan jaringan untuk dapat berpartisipasi dan berkontribusi secara global. itulah yang menjadi belenggu pergerakannya. berbeda dengan jenis beleng gu gii yang bersifat kritis-trans formatif, gii yang berkarakter liberal dan islamis memiliki belenggu pergerakannya tersendiri. mereka tidak terlalu memiliki masalah dengan jaringan. masalah mereka terletak pada integritas dan kredensial sebagai gerakan islam yang mempunyai jiwa keislaman dan keindonesiaan. gerakan kalangan liberal menempatkan barat sebagai pusat orientasi pergerakan dan indonesia sebagai cabangnya. pergerakan mereka umumnya berada di level pemikiran dan ditujukan hanya untuk mendapatkan legitimasi, afirmasi, atau anggukan dari barat bahwa mereka telah menjadi pegerakan islam yang modern dan liberal di tanah air. orientasi keislaman dan keindonesiaan seringkali absen dari agenda-agenda pemikiran dalam pergerakannya. gerakan kaum islamis memiliki belenggu yang serupa. mereka menjadikan timur tengah, khususnya jazirah arab bagi kalangan sunnī dan iran bagi kalangan syi‟ah, sebagai episentrum gerakan. kiprah mereka di indonesia tidak lebih dari sekedar menjadi simpatisan, cabang, atau proksi bagi pusat pergerakan mereka di timur tengah. dalam istilah bassam tibi, mereka adalah tumpahan (spill-over) dari pro blematika dan pergerakan di timur tengah yang dianggap sebagai pusat (the core)(tibi, 2012, p. 22).oleh sebab itu, tidak mengherankan jika pergerakan mereka umumnya mengandung orientasi politik dan hanya ditujukan untuk men dapatkan legitimasi, afirmasi, dan pengaminan dari kelompokkelompok induk mereka di timur tengah. gii yang berkarakter kritistransformatif tidak memiliki problem atau belenggu sebagaimana yang dimiliki oleh gerakan liberal dan islamis dalam konteks kehausan untuk mendapat legitimasi, afirmasi, dan persetujuan dari pihak luar. mereka telah memiliki legitimasi, afirmasi, dan dukungan sosialmaupun kultural dari masya rakat indonesia. mereka juga telah bergelut dengan teks, sejarah, dan menjadi bagian tak terpisahkan dari kehidupan masyarakat islam di dunia. hanya saja, sebagaimana 394 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 yang tadi dikemukakan, masalah utama bagi mereka adalah minim-nya tingkat partisipasi dan kontribusi mereka di tingkat global. masalah ini diperparah dengan belenggu-belenggu yang membatasi pergerakan dan kiprah mereka, seperti krisis kredensial, integritas, dan jaringandi dalam pergerakan mereka. namun, dalam hal krisis kredensial dan integritas, mereka berbeda dengan kalangan liberal dan islamis. jika kalangan liberal mengalamai krisis kredensial dan integritas dalam konteks komitmen keislaman dan kalangan islamis dalam konteks komitmen keindonesiaan,maka krisis kredensial dan integritas yang dimiliki oleh gerakan islam kritis berada dalam konteks pergaulan global. mereka masih dianggap sebagai pemain figuran. keislaman mereka masih dianggap islam yang pinggiran dan inferior(tibi, 2012, p. 22).bagaimana cara mengatasi belenggu-belenggu gerakan islam indonesia yang seperti ini? pinggiran membangun kredensial, integritas, dan jaringan pada awal islam, dari zaman nabi hingga al-khulafā‟ alrāshidūn (622-661), pusat keagamaan dan kekuasaan berada di madinah. kota -kota lain diang gap sebagai kota pinggiran yang tidak mempunyai otoritas ke agamaan maupun kekuasaan. setelah berhasil merebut kekuasaan dari tangan alī b. abī tālib pada tahun 661, mu‟āwīyah mendirikan daulah umayyah yang berpusat di damaskus, syria, hingga tahun 750. pusat kekuasaan dan keagamaan pun berpindah ke sana. kota-kota lain dianggap sebagai pinggiran dan tidak punya signifikansi kekuasaan dan keagamaan yang setara dengan pusat. termasuk mekah dan madinah, kufah, dan basrah. pesaing-pesaing utama politik yang tinggal di kota-kota pinggiran tersebut dihabisi, seperti husayn b. „alī di kufah pada tahun 680 dan „abdullāh b. zubayr di mekah pada tahun 692. namun demikian pusatpusat kajian kagamaan di luar damaskus mulai merebak. hasan albasri (642-728) mempunyai pusat kajian yang ramai dan berpengaruh di basrah. „abdullāh b. „abbās (w. 687), „abdullāh b. „umar (w. 693), dan mālik b. anas (711-795) mengembangkan tradisi kesarjanaan tersendiri di mekkah dan madinah. abū hanīfah (699 767) merumuskan dan menularkan metodologi hukum tersendiri di kufah. tradisi keilmuan yang berkembang baik di kota-kota mohammad syifa a. widigdo 395 gerakan islam indonesia: mengurai belenggu, membangun peradaban pinggiran kekuasaan tersebut membuatnya tidak kehilangan signifikansi keagamaan. kota-kota tersebut tetap mempunyai legitimasi keislaman yang setara, bahkan beberapa lebih kuat, dibandingkan dengan damaskus. kecenderungan seperti ini terus terjadi ketika pusat kekuasaan beralih ke daulah abbasiyah di tahun 750 hingga 1258. pusat ke kuasaan dunia islam boleh saja berada di baghdad dan sebagian dibagi dengan dinasti fatimiyyah yang berpusat di kairo (dengan kekuasaan meliputi afrika utara dan mesir) dan dinasti umayyah di andalusia yang berpusat di kordoba. namun demikian, kotakota baru di luar lingkaran pusat kekuasaan juga berkembang. di wilayah khurāsān, terdapat nīshāpūr, herat, marw, dan balkh. di asia tengah, terdapat kota-kota seperti samarqand, bukhara, dan khawarizm. di andalusia, selain cordoba juga ada granada. kotakota di pinggir kekuasaan tersebut tidaklah inferior terhadap pusatpusat kekuasaan. sebagian menjadi kota perdagangan yang strategis dan ramai, seperti samarqand dan nishapur, salah satunya karena memang berada di jalur perdagangan silk road. namun demikian, selain menjadi kota perdagangan, kota-kota tersebut juga menjadi pusat-pusat keilmuan yang menjadi tiang penyangga zaman keemasan islam. „ulamā‟ di bidang ilmu al-qur‟an, hadīth, fiqih, kalām, ta‟awwuf, filsafat, dan kesusastraan kebanyakan berasal dari kota-kota pinggiran tersebut. demikian pula dengan para ilmuwan di bidang matematika, optik, kimia, astronomi, kedokteran dan ilmu-ilmu rasional lainnya. mereka banyak yang berasal dan berkarya di wilayah luar pusat kekuasaanitu. dinamika kesarjanaan dan perdagangan semacam inilah yang membuat kotakota tersebut tetap memiliki kredensial di bidang kesarjanaan islam, integritas di bidang ekonomi, dan jaringan yang kuat baik di bidang keilmuan maupun ekonomi. dengan demikian, daerah-daerah pinggiran tersebut mempunyai daya tawar, tidak dipandang sebelah mata, dan mampu berkontribusi secara signifikan dalam konteks kejayaan peradaban islam di abad pertengahan(hodgson, 1974a, 1974b). narasi sekilas tentang kotadan wilayah pinggiran dala sejarah islam tersebut memberi gambaran tentang peran dan sumbangan kota-kota itu terhadap pembangunan peradaban. kota-kota tersebut 396 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 tidak hanya menjadi salah satu tiang kuat penyangga peradaban. beberapa kotabahkan menjadi pusat kesarjanaan, ekonomi, dan politik yang baru, termasuk baghdad, kairo, cordoba, dan samarqand. catatan sejarah ini dapat dijadikan inspirasi dan pijakan bagi negerinegeri di luar pusat dan sumber diskursus keislaman di masa kini, termasuk indonesia. gerakan islam di indonesia tidak perlu meminta dan mencari legitimasi keberagamaan dan kesarjanaan islam dari negeri -negeri di timur tengah. mereka bisa mengakses sendiri sumber-sumber keislaman dari yang primer seperti al-qur‟an dan sunnah hingga yang sifatnya literatur kesarjanaan seperti yang ditulis oleh para sarjana dan „ulamā‟. oleh sebab itu, salah satu hal yang penting dilakukan adalah pembangunan kredensial kesarjanaan islam di indonesia, terutama melalui tradisi riset dan publikasi yang kuat. hal ini penting dilakukan agar para sarjana islam di indonesia dapat berdiksusi secara setara dengan koleganya di negaranegara timur tengah maupun barat dan memberikan kontribusi yang penting bagi kesarjanaan islam di tingkat dunia. hanya saja, tradisi kesarjanaan islam saja tidak cukup. pem bangunan kredensial dan integritas keislaman di indonesia juga perlu ditopang oleh kredensial dan integritas di bidang-bidang yang lain, terutama di bidang ekonomi, ilmu pengetahuan, sosial, serta politik. negara-negara islam di kawasan timur tengah cenderung menganggap negeri-negeri islam di luar kawasan mereka sebagai kurang islam (less islamic) dan oleh karenanya mereka perlu diislamkan lagi. anggapan semacam ini akan luntur dengan sendirinya apabila negeri-negeri muslim di luar timur tengah itu mempunyai kredensial dan integritas di bidang ekonomi, ilmu pengetahuan, sosial, serta politik. pengalaman hubungan antara negara-negara timur tengah dengan negara-negara barat meng ajarkan tentang pola hubungan yang penuh penghormatan itu. timur tengah lebih respek (untuk tidak mengatakan, inferior) terhadap negara-negara barat daripada negara-negara muslim di luar kawasan timur tengah bukan karena bertambahnya jumlah populasi muslim atau majunya kesarjanaan islam di barat, melainkan, karena sumber daya ekonomi, keunggulan ilmu pengetahuan, tatanan sosialnya yang relatif adil dan damai, dan mohammad syifa a. widigdo 397 gerakan islam indonesia: mengurai belenggu, membangun peradaban kekuatan politiknya.4oleh sebab itu, agar peradaban islam di indonesia mempunyai daya tawar, posisi sejajar, dan tidak lagi dianggap remeh, figuran, inferior, atau lemah oleh koleganya di timur tengah dan di belahan dunia yang lain, maka gerakan islam indonesia dituntutuntuk menjadi peolopor bagi pembangunan bukan saja iklim dan tradisi kesarjanaan yang kuat, tapi juga kekuatan ekonomi, 4 hal ini tercermin dalam kenyataan bahwa negera-negara timur tengah mengirimkan pelajar-pelajar terbaiknya untuk belajar di barat. para sarjana dan professional terbaik mereka juga banyak yang berkarir di negera-negara barat. bahkan, para pembesar politik maupun tokoh intelektual mereka pun kebanyakan pernah menempuh pendidikan di barat. ini menunjukkan betapa mereka mempunyai respek yang besar terhadap kemajuan peradaban dan perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan di barat. bukan itu saja, beberapa negara di timur tengah, seperti qatar, uea, dan arab saudi bahkan membuka cabangcabang perguruan tinggi barat di negara mereka atau merekrut secara besarbesaran para pengajar lulusan barat untuk mengajar di perguruan tinggi mereka. hal yang sama terjadi dalam konteks politik dan ekonomi. ketergantungan mereka terhadap barat, terutama amerika dan sekutunya, sangat besar baik dalam konteks menyelesaikan konflik di wilayahnya, mengkonsumsi minyak yang diproduksinya, atau untuk membangun gedung, hotel, dan tokotoko di kawasannya. keunggulan institusi pendidikan, keteraturan sosial, dan stabilitas politik. dalam konteks indonesia kini, stabilitas politik indonesia dan negara-negara yang berpenduduk muslim di kawasan asia tenggara jauh lebih baik daripada kondisi politik di negara-negara timur tengah. gerakan islam indonesia tidak perlu untuk terobsesi di sektor politik, apalagi dengan hanya glorifikasi struktur politik masa lalu (baca: khilāfah atau imāmah). pada dasarnya,yang diperlukan di sektor inihanyalah terusmerawat demokrasi sehingga proses pergantian politik dapat berlangsung secara damai dan problem-problem kerakyatan dapat diselesaikan. pekerjaan rumahgii kemudian tinggal mengerucutpada tigabidang, yaitu membangun kekuatan ekonomi, mewujudkan tatanan sosial yang adil dan damai, dan keunggulan ilmu pengetahuan. gerakan islam di indonesia sebenarnya mempunyai kapasitas yang cukup untuk dapat menger jakan dan menyelesaikan pekerjaaan rumah tersebut. untuk hal yang pertama, yakni membangun ke kuatan ekonomi, gerakan islam di indonesia mempunyai lembaga perbankan syariah, keuangan mikro, pengelola zakat atau wakaf, 398 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 dan bahkan asosiasi pengusaha yang dapat menjadi aktor utama dalampemberdayaan ekonomi umat dan bangsa. sementara untuk hal yang kedua, yaitu mewujudkantatanan sosial yang adil dan damai, gerakan islam di indonesia juga memiliki organisasiorganisasi islam yang mapan untuk dijadikan sebagaiujuk tombak dalam mewujudkancitacita sosial tersebut. organisasi masyarakat (ormas) keagamaan seperti nu, muhammadiyah, persis, dan hidayatullah menjadi aktor penting tidak saja dalam menyebarkan pemahamankeagamaan yang moderat dan damai, tapi juga menjadi pemain utama dalam membangun hubungan yang saling menghargai dan menghormati antar agama serta membela hak-hak kelompok yang dianggap sesat dan minoritas. organisasi pelajar dan mahasiswa seperti hmi, pmii (pelajar mahasiswa islam indonesia), dan imm (ikatan mahasiswa muhammadiyah)telah menjadi organisasi perkaderan dan perjuangan yang teruji. mereka tidak saja telah berhasil mendidik generasi muda indonesia untuk menjadi pemimpin di berbagai sektor kehidupan. lebih dari itu, mereka juga merupakan pemain utama dalam konteks mengembangkan pemahaman keislaman yang progresif dan transormatif di kalangan generasi muda islam indonesia. sementara organisasi non-pemerintah (ornop) atau yayasan, seperti the wahid institute, maarif institute, fahmina institute, dan lsaf (lembaga agama dan filsafat) berperan penting dalam konteks mengadvokasi kelompokkelompok yang terpinggirkan, hakhak perempuan, dan pluralisme kepercayaan berdasarkan pema hamanislam yang progresif dan transformatif. untuk hal yang ketiga, yakni membangun keunggulan ilmu pengetahuan,gerakan islam di indonesia juga mempunyai banyak institusi pendidikan dan lembaga penilitian yang dapat didorong untuk menjadi pusat-pusat keunggulan ilmu pengetahuan. selain pesantren, madrasah, dan sekolah islam, indonesia juga mempunyai perguruan tinggi islam yang negeri (i.e. uin, iain, stain) maupun swasta (e.g. perguruan tinggi muhammadiyah, uii, unisma, umi) yang tersebar di seluruh pelosok negeri. lembagalembaga penelitian yang terkoneksi dengan perguruan tinggi (e.g. ppim uin syarif hidayatullah) maupun di luar perguruan tinggi (e.g. the habibie mohammad syifa a. widigdo 399 gerakan islam indonesia: mengurai belenggu, membangun peradaban center) juga ada.5 yang diperlukan selanjutnya adalah pembangunan kapasitas dan kompetensi mereka agar dapatmendidik, meneliti, dan berkarya di level yang setara, atau bahkan, mengungguli, pusat-pusat keunggulan dunia. di samping perlu keberpihakan dan keterlibatan pemerintah, mereka juga perlu untuk membuka jaringan dan berkolaborasi dengan pusat-pusat keunggulan dunia. dengan demikian, diharapkan, kapasitas dan kompetensi mereka dapat meningkat dan karya-karya mereka dapat memberi sumbangan yang berarti bagi kesarjanaan dan kemanusiaan dalam skala global. kesimpulan: sinergi untuk peradaban dengan sumber daya gerakan islam di indonesia seperti yang dikemukakan di atas, seharusnya umat islam indonesia melalui gerakan -gerakan tersebut di atas mampu mengambil peran aktif dan strategis dalam konteks 5 berikut kepanjangan dari beberapa singkatan yang disebut di atas: uin (universitas islam negeri), iain (institut agama islam negeri), stain (sekolah tinggi agama islam), uii (universitas islam indonesia) di yogyakarta, unisma (universitas islam malang), umi (universitas muslim indonesia) di makassar, ppim (pusat pengkajian islam dan masyarakat). pembangunan peradaban. tidak perlu di tingkat dunia tampaknya masih terlalu muluk dan utopis. partisipasi dan kontribusi gerakan islam di indonesia dapat dimulai dengan membangut jaringan yang kuat di lingkup negara-negara asia tenggara. mungkin selama ini asosiasi jaringan gerakan islam di asia tenggara dilekatkan dengan kelompok-kelompok radikal yang menghalalkan kekerasan. jaringan kelompok-kelompok radikal (islamis) tersebut akan kalah dan terhenti dengan sendirinya jika gerakan islam yang kritis dan transformatif di asia tenggara dapat berkolaborasi dan bersinergi secara struktural maupun kultural di sektor ekonomi, sosial, serta ilmu pengetahuan.jaringan formal secara ekonomi telah terbuka melalui pemberlakuan masyarakat ekonomi asean (mea) pada akhir tahun 2015. masyarakat asia tenggara ke depan akan semakin terkoneksi dan terintegrasi antara yang satu dengan yang lain. kenyataan ini memberikan kesempatan bagi gerakan islam di indonesia. mereka dapat mempelopori kolaborasi dan sinergi elemen-elemen masyarakat dan perguruan tinggi untuk meningkatkan kompetensi diri, menciptakan karya unggul di bidang ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi, 400 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 dan sekaligus memberi sumbangan penting bagi peradaban dunia. di samping itu, kolaborasi dan sinergi pusat-pusat keunggulan yang dipelopori oleh gerakan islam di asia tenggara juga diharapkan dapat mengatasi beberapa tantangan yang dihadapi oleh umat islam selama ini. tantangan internal masyarakat asia tenggara, seperti kemiskinan, menjadi masalah yang diharapkan dapat diatasi dengan pembukaan mea. namun tantangan-tantangan lain, terutama ideologi kekerasan yang dibawa oleh sebagian gerakan islamis dari timur tengah dandereligiusasi6pemikiran dan budaya yang diimpor kalangan liberal dari dunia barat, bukan menjadi domain dan konsentrasi mea untuk menyelesaikannnya. dalam hal ini, gerakan islam di asia juga dapat mengambil peran penting. jika organisasi islam dan pusat-pusat keunggulan asia tenggara berkomitmen danterus mengeksplorasi hubungan antara islam denganpemahaman moderat 6 saya memilih untuk memakai istilah “dereligiusisasi” daripada “sekularisasi” dengan pemikiran bahwa yang paling dikhawatirkan dari proses sekularisasi adalah tersingkirnya aspek-aspek religius dari nafas kehidupan masya rakat. penghargaan terhadap etika dan norma agama dihilangkan dan digantikan dengan etika dan norma yang bersifat positivis dan materialistik. (wasa’iyyah ) dalam beragama, pluralisme keagamaan dan kepercayaan di asia tenggara, hakhak kaum minoritas, pemberdayaan dan pembelaan perempuan, serta ekonomi kerakyatan dan pemberdayaan, maka mereka akan mendapatkan dua manfaat sekaligus. pertama, mereka akan dapat mencegah dan mengobati penyakit radikalisme dalam gerakan islam melalui pemahaman keagamaan yang moderat dan, kedua, menangkal penyingkiran nilai, etika, dan norma keagamaan dari masyarakat melalui penyajian islam di asia tenggara yang dapat berdialog dengan modernitas dan realita yang terus berkembang. pada akhirnya, diharapkan, masyarakat islam di asia tenggara mampu menampilkan peradaban tersendiri. yaitu, peradaban yang menunjukkan bahwa islam di asia tenggara dapat berjalan beriringan dengan demokrasi politik dan ekonomi, mendorong keunggulan ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi, menghargai keragaman agama dan kepercayaan, melindungi kaum minoritas, membela hak-hak kaum perempuan, serta dapat hidup harmonis dalam perbedaan sekte, etnis, dan agama. dengan demikian, jika peradaban islam di belahan dunia lain, misalnya mohammad syifa a. widigdo 401 gerakan islam indonesia: mengurai belenggu, membangun peradaban timur tengah, ingin belajar tentang hal-hal tersebut di atas, mereka akan pergi belajar ke pengalaman paradaban islam di asia tenggara. saat itulah, peradaban islam yang awalnya dianggap pinggiran, akan sejajar atau bahkan mengungguli peradaban yang menganggap dirinya sebagai pusat islam. daftar pustaka ahyar, m. (mei 2015 ). membaca gerakan islam radikal dan deradikalisasi gerakan islam. walisongo, 23(1), 1-26. ar, e. h. (september 2013). pola gerakan islam garis keras di indonesia. jurnal khatulistiwa – journal of islamic studies, 3(2). basyir, k. (november 2016). ideologi gerakan politik islam di indonesia. al-tahrir, 16(2), 339 362. chaq, m. d. u. (mei 2013). pemikiran hukum gerakan islam radikal. tafaqquh, 1(1), 16-42. collins, e. f. (oct., 2004). islam and the habits of democracy: islamic organizations in postnew order south sumatra. indonesia(78), 93-120. hodgson, m. g. s. (1974a). the venture of islam 1: conscience and history in a world of civilization (vol. 1: the classical age of islam). chicago: the university of chicago press. hodgson, m. g. s. (1974b). the venture of islam 2. chicago: the university of chicago press. hourani, a. (1983). arabic thought in the liberal age, 1798-1939. cambridge: cambridge university press. siddiqui, k. (1983). struggle for the supremacy of islam— some critical dimensions. in k. siddiqui (ed.), issues in the islamic movement 1981-82. london: the open press limited. tibi, b. (2001). islam between culture and politics. new york: palgrave. tibi, b. (2012). islam in global politics: conflict and cross civilizational bridging. new york: routledge. watt, w. m. (1991). muslim christian encounters. new york: routledge. pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya human right violations on rohingya conflict m. angela merici siba magister ilmu hubungan internasional universitas muhammadiyah yogya-karta email: angelmerici8@gmail.com anggi nurul qomari’ah magister ilmu hubungan internasional universitas muhammadiyah yogya-karta email:, angginurul11@gmail.com, abstrak konflik yang terjadi di myanmar antara agama islam dan budha berdampak jangka panjang bagi etnis rohingya yang beragama islam. egoisme pemerintah myanmar yang tidak mengakui adanya etnis rohingya di myanmar membuat adanya pelanggaran hak asasi manusia terhadap warga rohingya. tulisan ini berusaha menjelaskan tentang konflik yang terjadi di myanmar sejak diterapkan sebuah kebijakan yang disebut burmanisasi. burmanisasi merupakan kebijakan yang hanya mengakui adanya agama budha di myanmar. oleh sebab itu, etnis rohingya yang merupakan salah satu etnis di myanmar tidak diakui kewarganegaraanya hingga dilakukan tindakan kekerasan dan diskriminasi. tindakan tersebut seperti pembunuhan, pemerkosaan, pembakaran tempat tinggal, penganiayaan dan penindasan. akibat dari berbagai tindakan ini, mengakibatkan warga rohingya mengalami luka hingga akhirnya meninggal dunia. tercatat bahwa tahun 2017 jumlah korban yang meninggal adalah 13.759 jiwa termasuk anakanak. berdasarkan jumlah korban dan berbagai tindakan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia, maka tindakan tersebut masuk dalam kejahatan genosida. sebagian yang merasa tidak nyaman di myanmar memilih untuk mengungi ke negara-negara terdekat seperti bangladesh dan indonesia. pelanggaran demi pelanggaran yang terjadi membuat respon dari berbagai negara agar islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 issn: 2614-0535 e-issn: 2655-1330 368 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 konflik ini segera di selesaikam oleh pemerintah myanmar. kata kunci: etnis rohingya, burmanisasi, hak asasi manusia dan genosida abstract conflict in myanmar between islam and buddhism has long-term impacts on ethnic rohingyas who are muslims. the egoism of the myanmar government that does not recognize rohingyas in myanmar makes human rights violations on rohingyas. this paper seeks to explain the conflicts that have occurred in myanmar since the adoption of a policy called burmanization. burmanization is a policy that recognizes only buddhism in myanmar. because of that, rohingya who is one of the ethnic in myanmar is not recognized citizenship of myanmar, being discriminated and getting violation act. the violation act such as murder, rape, arson, abuse and oppression. as a result of these actions, the rohingyas were injured and died. it is recorded that in 2017 the number of dead victims is 13,759 people including children. based on the number of victims and various acts of human rights violations, they are included in the crime of genocide. some of rohingyas who feel intimidated choose to flee to nearby countries such as bangladesh and indonesia. violation that has been occured, make some response from various country pushing myanmar government to resolved the conflict immediately. keyword: ethnic rohingya, burmanization, human rights and genocide a. latar belakang etnis merupakan sekelompok orang yang memiliki ciri khas dalam hal suku maupun agama. namun, eksistensi dari sebuah etnis sering menimbulkan terjadinya konflik. setiap etnis perlu mendapat pengakuan dari pihak lain sebagai bentuk bahwa etnis tersebut ada dan mempunyai ciri khas tersendiri. ketika etnis dari seseorang atau sekelompok orang tidak diakui, akan timbul rasa tidak nyaman, muncul rasa takut, bahkan merasa terancam. sebuah etnis akan merasa nyaman apabila mereka diterima dan diakui pada sebuah komunitas besar seperti negara. dalam sebuah negara terdiri dari keberagaman etnis yang menjadi ciri khas dari negara tersebut. tetapi ada berbagai permasalahan yang kemudian m. angela merici siba & anggi nurul qomari’ah 369 pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya muncul akibat adanya etnis sehingga menyebabkan sebuah negara tidak mengakui etnis tersebut. didalam sebuah etnis hal yang sangat mendorong terjadinya konflik adalah agama. agama merupakan pedoman penting manusia dalam kehidupannya setiap hari dan menjadi elemen yang berpengaruh terhadap peradaban manusia. agama menjadi pembanding tingkat keyakinan seseorang, di mana yang merasa seagama dianggap saudara sedangkan berbeda dianggap pesaing. agama, di satu sisi mengajarkan tentang kebaikan serta perdamaian tetapi di sisi lain menjadi alat yang digunakan untuk menciptakan konflik. contohnya, konflik israel-palestina antara islam dengan yahudi, konflik di irlandia utara antara katolik dan protestan, dan konflik islam-budha di rakhine, myanmar. konflik agama di myanmar antara islam dan budha, lebih dikenal dengan sebutan konflik etnis rohingya dan rakhine. meskipun konflik ini terjadi di internal myanmar tetapi membawa dampak bagi dunia internasional terutama negara-negara yang berdekatan dengan myanmar seperti indonesia, malaysia dan bangladesh. etnis rohingya mendapatkan perlakuan diskriminatif dari pemerintahan myamar sehingga banyak yang melarikan diri kemudian mengungsi ke negara-negara tetangga. awal pemicu konflik kekerasan etnis rohingya terjadi pada bulan juli 2012 dan terus menjadi per bincangan dunia internasional hingga sekarang. banyak yang mengatakan bahwa konflik ini terjadi antarkaum minoritas dan mayoritas yaitu etnis budha dan rohingya yang menempati wilayah rakhine. secara umum, kekerasan dipicu oleh kasus pemerkosaan dan pembunuhan terhadap perempuan budha yang diduga dilakukan oleh laki-laki muslim, yang kemudian dibalas dengan pembunuhan 10 orang laki-laki muslim (raharjo, 2015: 40). dari kejadian tersebut menyebabkan terjadinya pemberontakan dan perlawanan hingga perlakuan tindakan kekerasan yang terdiri dari pembunuhan, penyiksaan, pembakaran rumah dan pemaksaan untuk meninggalkan tempat tinggalnya. konflik tersebut terus berlanjut hingga pihak myanmar tidak mengakui rohingya sebagai salah satu etnis di negaranya. tindakan ini menimbulkan ketidaknyamananrohingya serta termasuk dalam pelanggaran hak asasi manusia (ham). hak asasi manusia (ham) 370 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 merupakan hak seseorang untuk hidup nyaman, bebas berpendapat, bebas menganut agamanya tanpa membedakan suku, ras, warna kulit, jenis kelamin, kewarganegaraan, serta tidak mendapat perlakuan yang tidak adil dari pihak lain (nasution, 2006: 22). ham bersifat universal di mana hak manusia itu tidak dibedakan berdasarkan agama, ras, suku, bangsa, bahkan jenis kelamin. tetapi yang terjadi terhadap etnis rohingya adalah bentuk pelanggaran ham berat. mereka tidak diberikan hak untuk hidup secara nyaman serta tidak mendapat pengakuan yang layak sebagai warga negara dari myanmar. banyak korban yang akhirnya dibunuh hingga mencari kenyamanan dengan mengungsi ke negara tetangga. yang memilih tinggal, mendapat perlakuan yang tidak adil serta ditindas oleh warga myanmar. sedangkan yang lain memilih untuk mengungsi agar bisa mendapat perlindungan terhadap hak-hak mereka. akhirnya masyarakat rohingya mendapatkan status stateless atau tidak mempunyai kewarganegaraan. konflik ini pun mendapat perhatian dari dunia internasional karena dari negaranya sendiri tidak mau mengakui etnis rohingya. b. framework dalam jurnal ini, penulis menggunakan konsep konflik etnis menurut michael e. brown. konflik etnis terjadi dalam tiga level yaitu: 1. level sistematik penyebab pertama terjadinya konflik etnis adalah lemahnya otoritas pemerintah, baik nasional maupun internasional, untuk mencegah kelompok-kelompok etnis yang ada untuk saling ber konflik. otoritas yang ada juga sangat lemah, sehingga tidak mampu menjamin keselamatan individu-individu yang ada di dalam kelompok tersebut (hartati, 2013: 8). otoritas tersebut berkaitan dengan sikap dari pemerintah yang memobilisasi tentara serta semua perlatan militer dalam menjaga pemerintahanya. namun tindakan ini dianggap ancaman oleh pihak lain atau biasa disebut dilemma keamanan. oleh sebab itu, pihak lain pun melakukan hal yang sama untuk mempertahankan diri (self defense). hal ini yang dikatakan brown sebagai security dilemma (dilemma keamanan). kelompok yang satu tidak menyadari bahwa tindakan self defense berpengaruh terhadap pihak lain. m. angela merici siba & anggi nurul qomari’ah 371 pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya 2. level analisis domestik menurut brown, level domesticini terkait dengan ke mampuanpemerintah untuk memenuhi kehendak rakyatnya, pengaruh nasionalisme dan relasi antarkelompoketnis didalam masyarakat, serta pengaruh dari proses demokratisasi dalam konteks relasi antarkelompok etnis (hartati, 2013: 9). pemerintah harus mampu memenuhi kehendak rakyatnya yang menginginkan keamanan dan stabilitas ekonomi. kedua aspek ini menuntut pemerintah untuk adil serta merata dalam menyediakan dan memenuhi keinginanan rakyatnya. dalam pemerintahan sebuah negara juga harus menerapkan nasionalisme di mana ketika pemerintah harus menerapkan pemikiran bahwa setiap warga negara memikil hak dan kewajiban yang sama. tetapi ketika pemerintahan yang berkuasa lemah, justru paham nasionalisme berubah berdasarkan perbedaan etnis. berkaitan dengan demokratisasi antarkelompok, bisa menyebabkan terjadinya konflik akibat demokratisasi langsung yang menyebabkan adanya ketidakstabilan politik. hal ini justru meningkatkan konflik etnis di sebuah wilayah. 3. level persepsi beberapa ahli berpendapat, bahwa penyebab terjadinya konflik etnis adalah, karena adanya pe mahaman sejarah yang tidak tepat mengenai relasi antara dua atau lebih kelompok etnis (hartati, 2013: 9). hal ini disebabkan karena pemahamana tentang sejarah bukan berdasarkan penelitian tetapi berdasarkan rumor, gosip serta legenda yang diceritakan secara turun-temurun. cerita tersebut akan mengalami perubahan setiap generasi sehingga keakuratan dari cerita tersebut tidak benar. ada banyak versi cerita sejarah yang terkadang diceritakan dengan memperburuk etnis lain sehingga menimbulkan kebencian terhadap etnis tersebut. kelompok lain dianggap jahat dan telah merusak sejarah mereka, oleh sebab itu, dapat menimbulkan konflik. c. pembahasan 1. akar konflik sebelum masuk ke akar konflik, lebih baiknya kita mengetahui tentang negara myanmar itu sendiri. wilayah myanmar terbagi menjadi 7 negara bagian yang dinamai ber dasarkan etnis minoritas. sebagai wilayah yang masuk ke dalam asia tenggara, myanmar memiliki 372 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 ibukota di yangoon dengan dikelilingi oleh banyak negara yaitu tiongkok, india, laos, thailand dan bangladesh. terdapat lebih dari 135 kelompok etnik yang masingmasing memiliki budaya dan ba hasanya sendiri-sendiri. etnis terbesar adalah burma (bamar). mereka berasal dari sino-tibet dan tinggal di dataran tengah myanmar. agama mayoritas etnis burma adalah budha theravada. mereka juga menguasai pemerintah dan militer dan tentunya menjadi etnis mayoritas di myanmar. namun peta myanmar di asean awal mula konflik ini terjadi sejak pemerintahan junta militer merebut kekuasaan melalui kudeta pada tahun 1962, politik diskriminasi terhadap etnik minoritas mulai diberlakukan hal lain terjadi di negara bagian rakhine yang berbatasan dengan bangladesh. di wilayah ini terdapat etnis rakhine yang beragama islam/ arakan. jumlah etnis rohingya diperkirakan meliputi 4% dari penduduk rakhine, tetapi bila dibanding dengan jumlah penduduk rakhine yang budha, muslim rohingya menjadi kelompok minoritas di myanmar secara umum jika dibandingkan dengan etnis burma (raharjo, 2015: 39). terutama terhadap etnis rohingya yang dianggap bukan orang asli burma. pada tahun 1962 ketika jendral ne win melakukan kudeta hingga ne win menjadi presiden, sistem politik myanmar langsung m. angela merici siba & anggi nurul qomari’ah 373 pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya berubah menjadi lebih otoriter. etnis rohingya dianggap rezim ne win sebagai sebuah ancaman sehingga dilancarkanlah sebuah operasi untuk menumpas pergerakan separatis dan mengontrol penduduk rohingya pada tahun 1978 (triono, 2014: 2), dan mengakibatkan hijrahnya etnis rohingya ke bangladesh. pada masa rezim ne win hingga tahun 2000, etnis rohingya mengalami keadaan diskriminasi yang sangat berat. kebijakan burmanisasi dilakukan melalui marginalisasi orang-orang muslim rohingya. munculnya kebijakan ini pada tahun 1982 yang disebut burma citizenship law (bcl), yaitu rohingya tidak mendapat kewarganegaraan, hak atas tanah, dan pendidikan serta pekerjaan yang layak dan cukup (mitzy, 2014: 154) . akses mereka untuk berpindah, menikah, dan mencari pekerjaan dibatasi dan harus mendapat izin terlebih dahulu dengan membayar uang sogokan. mereka juga hanya diperbolehkan untuk memiliki maksimal dua anak per keluarga dan tidak diberikan sertifikat kelahiran untuk anak mereka. hak anak-anak muslim rohingya untuk mengakses pendidikan dan pelayanan kesehatan dasar juga sangat dibatasi. upaya upaya lainnya yang dilakukan junta militer myanmar adalah mempengaruhi gaya hidup etnis rohingya yang beragama islam untuk pindah ke agama budha. pada masa rezim militer mulai era ne win berkuasa hingga tahun 2000, etnis rohingya mengalami situasi yang berat, hingga puncaknya konflik mengalami eskalasi pada tahun 2012, di mana pemberitaan media internasional mulai mem buka fakta-fakta terjadinya konflik yang ada di rohingya. adanya kasus ini kemudian memancing etnis rakhine yang kemudian berujung pada lingkaran konflik yang tidak terhenti. pada juli 2012, konflik ini memuncak dengan adanya pembakaran besar-besaran terhadap perumahan yang dihuni oleh etnis rohingya serta penyerangan yang dilakukan oleh kedua etnis (triono, 2014: 2 -3). banyak faktor yang menjadi pemicu awal meledaknya konflik di provinsi rakhine terhadap etnis rohingya. tidak hanya pemerintahan yang otoriter atau kejam dalam memimpin rakyatnya, tetapi konflik yang terjadi juga terletak pada penggolongan etnis. akar yang menjadi awal konflik ini terjadi ialah adanya kecemburuan sosial terhadap etnis rohingya yang dalam beberapa dasawarsa terus meningkat. meskipun sebagai etnis 374 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 minoritas1 tetapi etnis rohingya mampu terlibat dan bekerja dalam pemerintahan myanmar. hal ini menyebabkan kecurigaan dan kecemburuan pada etnis mayoritas rakhine. bagi mereka keberadaan etnis rohingya dianggap dianggap sebagai sesuatu yang mengganggu dan mengurangi hak lahan dan ekonomi, khususnya di wilayah arakan, rakhine yang menjadi pusat kehidupan etnis muslim. kemudian pada tahun 1962 undang-undang kewarganegaraan burma tahun 1982 telah meniadakan rohingya sebagai etnis di myanmar. selanjutnya peniadaan ini adalah menghilangkan dan membatasi etnis rohingya dalam hal yaitu: hak untuk bebas bergerak dan berpindak tempat, hak untuk menikah dan memiliki keturunan, hak atas pendidikan, hak untuk berusaha dan berdagang, hak untuk bebas berkeyakinan dan beribadah, dan 1 the largest group in the state are the rakhine buddhists, who make up about 60 percent of the 3.2 million total population. muslim communities, including the rohingya, are about 30 percent, and the remaining 10 percent consist of chin (who are buddhist, christian, or animist) and a number of other small minorities, including the kaman (also muslim), mro, khami, dainet and marmagyi. dikutip dalam “myanmar: the politics of rakhine state”, international crisis group. hak untuk bebas dari penyiksaan dan kekerasan (islamedia, 2012). sejatinya etnis rohingya tidak ada niatan memisahkan diri dan merdeka dari myanmar, mereka hanya ingin diakui sebagai warga negara myanmar yang berhak untuk hidup bebas dari rasa takut dan kemiskinan serta bebas berekspresi dan beribadah dalam menjalankan agamanya. 2. tindakan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia terhadap rohingya konflik etnis antara mayoritas rakhine dan minoritas rohingya telah berlansung lama yang menyebabkan terjadinya pelanggaran seperti pembunuhan, pembakaran rumah, dan tidak diakui etnis rohingya sebagai salah satu bagian dari negara myanmar. ham merupakan hak yang melekat kuat dan tidak bisa dipisahkan dari kehidupan manusia. ham mengalami perkembangan pada tiga generasi. generasi pertama berkaitan dengan hak sipil dan politik yang berdasarkan pada prinsip kebebasan individu. generasi kedua berkaitan dengan hak ekonomi, sosial dan kebudayaan yang lebih ditujukan kepada manusia dalam hubungannya dengan kelompok masyarakat lain. m. angela merici siba & anggi nurul qomari’ah 375 pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya generasi ketiga adalah hak -hak asasi manusia, yang menjadi hak bangsa-bangsa dan memperoleh dasarnya dalam solidaritas bangsabangsa, seperti hak bangsa-bangsa untuk menentukan nasib sendiri, hak untuk perdamaian, untuk kemajuan, untuk lingkungan yang layak untuk hidup, dan lain-lain (baehr, 2001: 10). namun, dalam kenyataanya di myanmar hak-hak diatas tidak didapatkan oleh etnis rohingya. justru mereka mendapatkan perlakuan tidak adil dari pemerintah myanmar yang membatasi hak-hak mereka termasuk hak untuk hidup. pelang garan ham yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah myanmar adalah adanya tindakan pemerkosaan, pembunuhan serta pembakaran rumahrumah etnis rohingya. adapun tindakan diksriminasi yang dilakukan terhadap etnis rohingya hingga pencabutan kewarganegaraan mereka. akhirnya, etnis rohingya menjadi warga stateless. etnis rohingya menjadi statelles karena adanya diskriminasi serta pencabutan terhadap status kewarganegaraan. myanmar menghapus rohingya dari delapan etnis utama yaitu burmans, kachin, karen, karenni, chin, mon, arakan, shan, dan dari 135 kelompok etnis lainnya. dalam rome statute of the international criminal court 1998 (statuta roma tahun 1998) dijelaskan mengenai definisi dari pelanggaran ham. bentuk-bentuk pelanggaran ham yang terdapat dalam statuta roma berupa kejahatan genosida, kejahatan ter hadap kemanusiaan, kejahatan perang, dan kejahatan agresi (susanti, 2014: 4). pemerintah myanamar membuat kebijakan burmanisasi terhadap warga negara myanmar yang dengan jelas membuktikan bahwa adanya tindakan diskriminasi. kebijakan burmanisasi berarti hanya mengakui adanya agama budha di myanmar. tetapi dalam kenyataannya, ada agama lain yang menetap di myanmar termasuk islam (etnis rohingya). etnis rohingya yang terlibat dalam politik pemerintahan myanmar seperti menteri, sekertaris parlemen, dan sebagian di posisi pemerintahan lainnya, dicabut hingga pemberlakuan hukum bahwa etnis rohingya maksimal hanya mempunyai dua anak. tindakan lain yang dilakukan adalah menghapus semua sekolah -sekolah islam yang selama ini sudah berjalan. kebijakan ini membuat perlakuan diskriminasi terhadap etnis rohingya serta pencabutan status kewarganegaraan. akibatnya, etnis 376 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 rohingya mencari kenyamanan dengan mengungsi ke beberapa wilayah seperti malaysia, indonesia dan bangladesh. tentunya etnis rohingya berhak mendapatkan perlindungan hak asasinya. perlakuan buruk yang terjadi terhadap etnis rohingya telah dijelaskan di bagian akar konflik yaitu ketika masa pemerintahan ne win tahun 1962. hingga puncaknya pada tahun 2012 di mana penduduk dari etnis rakhine menyerang bis dan membunuh 10 orang muslim yang diduga oleh etnis rakhine sebagai rohingya yang berada dalam bis. tuduhan tersebut dikarenakan 3 orang muslim rohingya telah memperkosa dan membunuh perempuan yang berasal dari etnis rakhine. sehingga permasalahan ini meluas hingga menyebabkan ratusan korban kelompok etnis rohingya, puluhan ribu rumah dibakar, dan ratusan orang ditangkap secara paksa (susanti, 2014: 5). tindakan-tindakan kekerasan yang ditujukan kepada kaum rohingya telah berlansung lama dan akan berpengaruh terhadap psikologi mereka terutama anak-anak. anakanak yang merasa tidak nyaman dan aka mengalami kesulitan dalam melakukan berbagai tindakan. tidak hanya anak-anak, orang tua juga akan kesulitan dalam melakukan atau mencari pekerjaan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan setiap hari. hal ini dikarenakan akses mereka dalam hal mencari pekerjaan bahkan hidup pun diatur dan dilarang oleh pemerintah myanmar. oleh sebab itu timbul rasa tidak aman dan merasa nyaman di tempat mereka sendiri dan akhirnya memilih untuk keluar dari myanmar. namun, sebagian warga rohingya masih memilih untuk menetap di rakhine meskipun keadaan mereka sering terancam dan tidak diakui. ada alasan kenapa sebagian masyarakat rohingya masih tetap tinggal di rakhine karena mereka merasa bahwa rakhine adalah tempat asal mereka dan sudah sangat lama mereka berdomisili di tempat tersebut. bahkan sebagian warga pernah terlibat dan berpartisipasi dalam dunia politik myanmar. sebagian dari mereka juga mengalami kesulitan dalam mengungsi ke wilayah lain karena akses dan transportasi yang begitu sulit. dibawah ini akan dijelaskan tindakan-tindakan pelanggaran ham serta jumlah korban, yang terjadi di myanmar dari tahun 2012 sampai 2017, terhadap etnis rohingya yang dirangkum dari berbagai sumber. m. angela merici siba & anggi nurul qomari’ah 377 pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya tabel bentuk pelanggaran hak asasi manusia terhadap rohingya no. tahun keterangan 1. 2012 merupakan puncak konflik yang mengakibatkan 98 orang terbunuh, 123 terluka, 5.338 rumahnya di bakar dan 75.000 mengungsi. konflik itu terus memanas sehingga jumlah korban tahun 2012 terus mengalami peningkatan yaitu 140.000 etnis rohingya memilih untuk mengungsi sedangkan 120.000 lainnya memilih untuk tetap tinggal di rakhine dan hampir 200 orang meninggal dunia 2. 2013 para pengungsi yang telah menetap di bangladesh memilih untuk meninggalkan bangladesh serta 3.000 di antara memilih untuk mengungsi ke malaysia, indonesia dan thailand 3. 2014 adanya penyerangan dari gerombolan etnis rakhine yang mengakibatkan pembunuhan dan dievakuasi 300 orang serta 140.000 orang terlantar 4. 2015 700.000 etnis rohingya dirampas haknya yaitu tidak diakui sebagai warga negara myanmar. sedangkan 30.000 anak muslim harus kehilangan pendidikan serta tempat untuk belajar. adapun total sekitan 2000 orang yang meninggal dilaut akibat melarikan diri untuk mengungsi 5. 2016 pada bulan oktober 2016 telah terjadi searangan militer oleh etnis rokhine yang melakukan pembalasan berupa pembunuhan, pemerkosaan dan pembakaran yang mengakibatkan 100.000 melarikan diri ke bangladesh 6. 2017 merupakan tahun dengan jumlah kekerasan terbanyak selama konflik etnis rohingya berlansung. 9.000 orang meninggal sejak 25 agustus sampai 24 september. namun konflik itu terus mengalami peningkatan. akhir september meningkat menjadi 13.759 orang meninggal termasuk 1.000 anak usia dibawah 5 tahun. untuk persentasenya: 69% kematian karena kekerasan, 9% rumah dibakar hingga korban meninggal dan 5% dipukuli sampai mati. untuk anak-anak dibawah 5 tahun: 59% tertembak, 15% dibakar sampai mati, 7% dipukul hingga mati dan 2% meninggal karena ledakan ranjau darat. 378 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 sumber: diedit oleh penulis dari beberap sumber: http://www.bbc. com/indonesia/dunia-41105830, http://www.msf.org/en/article/ myanmarbangladesh-msf-surveysestimate-least-6700-rohingya-werekilled-during-attacks, dan http://global.liputan6.com/ read/3195783/6700-wargarohingya-tewas-dalam-bulanpertama-kekerasan-myanmar setiap tahunnya jumlah korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia terhadap etnis rohingya mengalami peningkatan, terutama tindakan kekerasan yang menyebabkan warga rohingya mengungsi. hingga sekarang konflik ini belum menemukan solusi yang tepat, meskipun banyak negara dan organisasi internasional turut serta dalam upaya menyelesaikan konflik tersebut. karena tindakan kekerasan yang terus dilakukan mengakibatkan jumlah warga rohingya yang mengungsi terus mengalami peningkatan di beberapa negara seperti indonesia dan bangladesh. tindakan yang dilakukan merupakan tindakan yang melanggar hak asasi manusia karena etnis rohingya merasa tidak nyaman dan merasa hak mereka untuk hidup telah dibatasi bahkan diambil oleh para militan dari myanmar. oleh sebab itu, untuk mencari kenyamanan dan mempertahankan hidup, mereka memilih untuk mengungsi. konflik yang memuncak pada tahun 2012 tersebut akhirnya menambah jumlah korban pengungsi dalam skala besar hingga tahun 2017. pada tahun 2017 jumlah korban yang mengungsi ke wilayah bangladesh mengalami peningkatan yang cukup tinggi. hal ini dapat ditunjukan dalam grafik berikut: grafik jumlah pengungsi di bangladesh m. angela merici siba & anggi nurul qomari’ah 379 pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya sumber: https://reliefweb. int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/ resources/180127_weekly_iscg_ sitrep_final.pdf grafik tersebut menunjukan bahwa jumlah warga rohingya di tahun 2017 sampai januari 2018 mengungsi ke bangladesh dalam jumlah yang tinggi hingga mencapai 900.000 orang atau jiwa. dengan demikian, tingkat kenyamanan warga rohingya di myanmar tidak terjamin sehingga mereka lebih banyak mengungsi ke negara tetangga. tidak hanya di bangladesh, warga rohingya juga mengungsi ke indonesia dengan menggunakan perahu-perahu kecil. jumlah pengungsi di indonesia tidak sebanyak yang berada di bangladesh. indonesia sendiri menerima pengungsi rohingya di penampungan imigrasi. penampungan imigrasi kelas 1 khusus medan menampung 319 orang. rinciannya 144 orang di penampungan hotel braspati, 27 orang di penampungan belawan, 128 orang di penampungan hotel pelangi, dan 20 orang di penampungan hotel top inn (tribun medan, 2017). namun, ada pula diagram yang menunjukan jumlah korban rohingya yang mengungsi ke wilayah indonesia khususnya di aceh. aceeh merupakan wilayah yang paling terbuka dalam menerima pengungsi rohingya dari awal konflik itu terjadi. diagram jumlah pengungsi di aceh sumber: jurnal indonesian perspektive, vol. 2 no. 2, januari-juli 2017. hal. 12 380 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 jumlah korban ini diambil terkahir pada tahun 2015 dan tentunya akan mengalami pe-ning katan, karena konflik yang terjadi di myanmar belum mencapai solusi yang tepat untuk myanmar sendiri dan juga warga rohingya. jika, ditelusuri kembali, konflik yang terjadi sangat berpengaruh terhadap jumlah pengungsi di suatu wilayah. semakin besar konflik, maka semakin banyak jumlah korban yang mengungsi. dari jumlah pengungsi yang berada di indonesia dan bangladesh dapat diketahui bahwa warga rohingya belum mendapat perlakuan yang adil serta hak mereka untuk hidup dari pemerintah myanmar. oleh sebab itu, masih terus terjadi tindakan pelanggaran hak terhadap warga rohingya. berdasarkan tabel, grafik, dan diagram di atas, penulis dapat menganalisa bahwa konflik yang terjadi di rohingya masuk ke dalam tindakan pelanggaran ham berat. oleh sebab itu, pelanggaran ham ini masuk ke dalam tindakan genosida (pembantaian etnis secara besar-besaran) . genosida merupakan tindakan kejahatan yang berkaitan dengan pemusnahan etnis, ras atau agama. tindakan tersebut berupa pembunuhan, pembantaian dan tindakan lainnya yang mengakibatkan kerusakan fisik atau mental sebagian orang (etnis tertentu). genoside dalam konvensi pencegahan dan penghukuman terhadap kejahatan genosida (convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide) tahun 1948 adalah suatu tindakan dengan maksud menghancurkan atau memusnahkan seluruh atau sebagian kelompok bangsa, ras, etnis, atau agama (turangan, 2011: 6) . yang terjadi terhadap etnis rohingya, masuk dalam salah satu kejahatan genosida. hal ini dibuktikan dengan data jumlah korban akibat berbagai tindakan kekerasan yang terus mengalami peningkatan sejak tahun 2012. upaya etnis rakhine dalam melakukan tindakan kekerasan merupakan upaya pemusnahan terhadap etnis rohingya yang beragama islam, karena sudah ada kebijakan yang dikeluarkan dari pemerintah myanmar yaitu burmanisasi. oleh sebab itu, etnis yang bukan beragama budha akan dihilangkan dari myanmar dan salah satunya adalah etnis rohingya. tindakan genosida yang dilakukan merupakan tindakan yang sudah direncanakan secara sistematis dalam hal ini dibuktikan dengan mengeluarkan kebijakan burmanisasi. dari kebijakan tersebut m. angela merici siba & anggi nurul qomari’ah 381 pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya terjadi tindakan pembunuhan dan pemusnahan terhadap etnis rohingya agar rohingya tidak lagi berada di myanmar. adanya kebijakan burmanisasi, membuat etnis dari myanmar yang merupaka agama budha dengan sewenangwenang melakukan segala bentuk tindakan dari pembunuhan, pembakaran rumah-rumah hingga tidak mengakui kewarganegaraan seseorang. tujuannya adalah agar etnis rohingya dimusnahkan atau keluar dari myanmar. konflik etnis yang telah me makan ribuan korban etnis rohingya merupakan konflik yang berlangsung sepanjang tahun 2012 sampai 2017 dengan tindakan kekerasan dan jumlah korban yang terus mengalami peningkatan. hak hak etnis ini telah dirampas dan mereka sama sekali tidak memiliki hak sebagai seorang warga negara termasuk hak untuk hidup. mereka dibantai, dibunuh bahkan tempat tinggal pun dibakar. anak-anak yang seharusnya mendapat pendidikan yang layak pun harus menderita dan harus menerima bahwa tempat belajar mereka telah dibakar. karena tidak diakui dan hak mereka pun tidak dihargai, akhirnya etnis rohingya memilih untuk mengungsi ke beberapa negara. namun, karena kekurangan transportasi, mereka menggunakan perahu-perahu dengan jumlah orang diluar kapasitas perahu. akibatnya perahu pun tenggelam dan mengakibatkan banyak orang yang meninggal di laut. etnis rohingya juga mengalami kelaparan karena usaha-usaha mereka dibatasi oleh pemerintah myanmar. semua ini merupakan bentuk kejahatan genosida terhapa etnis rohingya. 3. respons asean dan dunia terhadap pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya konflik ini pada awalnya mulai terkuak di dunia internasional pada bulan juli 2012 di mana pemberitaan media internasional mulai membuka fakta-fakta tentang adanya konflik rohingya. pada juli 2012 konflik ini memuncak dengan adanya pembakaran besar-besaran terhadap perumahan yang dihuni oleh etnis muslim rohingya. melihat kondisi yang terjadi, perserikatan bangsabangsa (pbb) dan uni eropa mengecam kekerasan yang terjadi pada konflik tersebut, namun hanya sekedar mengecam dan tidak menyalahkan pemerintah myanmar. lembaga lain seperti amnesty internasional dan organisasi hak asasi manusia (ham) dunia menilai bahwa 382 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 pemerintah myanmar telah melaku kan diskriminasi secara sistematis terhadap etnis rohingya dan menyebabkan penderitaan yang tak kunjung usai (triono, 2014: 3). myanmar merupakan wilayah yang masuk ke dalam regional asia tenggara. adanya organisasi association of southeast asian nation (asean) menjadi sebuah sarana bagi berkumpulnya 10 negara yang tergabung menjadi anggota asean. dalam permasalahan rohingya yang terjadi di myanmar, terutama indonesia yang masuk ke dalam anggota asean tidak tinggal diam. bantuan kemanusiaan yang diberikan pemerintah indonesia kepada pengungsi rohingya di aceh telah membuka mata dunia untuk ikut serta dalam membantu krisis kemanusiaan di rohingya, myanmar. namun, dalam meng hadapi konflik rohingya harus berhatihati hal ini dikarenakan asean menganut prinsip nonintervensi yaitu prinsip untuk memastikan bahwa masalah tiaptiap negara harus diurus masingmasing tanpa adanya campur tangan dari pihak luar. namun upaya-upaya yang telah dilakukan oleh asean sebagai organisasi internasional antara lain berperan dalam mengelola konflik dan sejumlah kepala negara asean sepakat untuk menekan agar konfik bisa terselesaikan dan mengakhiri konflik antara etnis budha dan muslim (triono, 2014: 9-10) selain itu, organisasi kerja sama islam (oki) juga melakukan beberapa kontribusi demi terselesaikannya konflik yang terjadi di rohingya. antara lain, oki sebagai mediator ketika pada tanggal 25 juli 2012 setelah mendengar konflik hebat yang terjadi di rakhine, sekretaris jenderal oki ihsanoglu yang menjabat pada saat itu langsung mengirimkan surat kepada presiden myanmar thein sein. di dalam surat tersebut, berisi oki mendesak kepada pemerintah myanmar untuk segera menyelesaikan konflik yang terjadi. kemudian pada tanggal 10 agustus 2012 oki mengirimkan delegasinya ke rakhine, myanmar yaitu ketua palang merah indonesia jusuf kalla, asisten sekretaris jendral oki atta el mannan, presiden bulan sabit merah qatar muhammad gahnim al mahdeed dan menemui presiden myanmar thein sein dan meminta agar bantuan kemanusiaan dari oki bisa diterima oleh pengungsi di rakhine, dan pada akhirnya pemerintah myanmar menerima bantuan kemanusiaan dari oki (dewinta, 2016: 5). m. angela merici siba & anggi nurul qomari’ah 383 pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya d. kesimpulan dunia internasional tahun 2012 diwarnai oleh konflik yang terjadi di myanmar yaitu konflik etnis rohingya. konflik yang terjadi di myanmar sudah terjadi sejak lama namun media internasional baru mulai meliput tahun 2012 sehingga banyak negara mulai mengklaim tindakan pemerintah myanmar. akibat respon dunia internasional, konflik semakin memanas yang ditandai dengan pembunuhan, pemerkosaan dan pembakaran rumah-rumah warga etnis rohingya. selanjutnya konflik etnis antara rohingya dan rakhine tak mendapat titik damai. upaya-upaya yang dilakukan oleh lembaga internasional maupun non internasional serta negara-negara, tidak membuat konflik itu terselesaikan. justru semakin banyak tindakan kekerasan yang dilakukan terhadap etnis rohingya. semenjak diterbitkannya kebijakan burmanisasi, etnis rohingya tidak diakui. warga rakhine dengan segala tindakan yang brutal berusaha melakukan segala cara untuk mengusir etnis rohingya dari myanmar. kebijakan burmanisasi yang telah dikeluarkan membuat etnis rohingya harus menjadi stateless atau tidak mempunyai kewarganegaraan. tindakan demi tindakan ke kerasan diluncurkan kepada etnis rohingya sehingga timbul rasa tidak nyaman yang mengharuskan etnis rohingya harus mengungsi ke beberapa negara seperti bangladesh, indonesia, malaysia dan thailand. tidak peduli banyaknya anak-anak yang harus mendapatkan kesempatan untuk hidup dan belajar, etnis rakhine dan anggota militer myanmar tetap melakukan serangan demi serangan terhadap etnis rohingya. memuncaknya konflik pada tahun 2012 membuat etnis rohingya harus kehilangan keluarga, tempat tinggal bahkan harus mengungsi. setelah itu tahuntahun berikutnya konflik itu tak kunjung redah. justru semakin terjadi pembunuhan, pembakaran rumah -rumah dan tempat belajar hingga meningkatnya jumlah pengungsi di beberapa negara. jumlah korban yang terus meningkat maka, konflik etnis yang terjadi di myanmar termasuk dalam kejahatan genosida. di mana, ada tindakan untuk memusnahkan etnis rohingya dari myanmar dengan cara membunuh, membantai hingga tidak mengakui etnis rohingya sebagai warga negara myanmar. 384 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 referensi aluna, hardi s.d dan m. kholit juani, 2017. kebijakan pemerintah indonesia melalui sekuritisasi migrasi pengungsi rohingya di aceh tahun 20122015. indonesian perspective, vol. 2, no,1 januari-juli ayu, tiara dewinta, 2016. peran organisasi kerja sama islam (oki) dalam menangani konflik etnis rakhinerohingya di myanmar tahun 20122013. journal of international relations, vol. 2, no. 2. fakultas ilmu sosial dan politik universitas diponegoro baehr, pieter, dkk, 2001. instrumen internasional pokok hak-hak asasi manusia. yayasan obor indonesia, jakarta. buyung, adnan nasution dan a. parta m. zah, 2006. instrumen internasional pokok hak asasi manusia. yayasan obor indonesia, jakarta. international crisis group asia, 2014. myanmar: the politics of rakhine state. 22 oktober. ichikaya, gulia mitzy, 2014. perlawanan etnis muslim rohingya terhadap kebijakan diskriminatif pemerintah burma-myanmar. indonesian journal of international studies, vol.1, no. 2 desember nur, sandy ikfal raharjo, 2015. peran identitas agama dalam konflik di rakhine myanmar tahun 2012-2013. jurnal kajian wilayah, vol.6 no. 1. yulia, anna hartati, 2013. studi eksistensi etnis rohingya di tengah tekanan pemerintah myanmar. jurnal hubungan internasional, vol. 2 no. 1. triono, 2014. peran asean dalam penyelesaian konflik etnis rohingya. jurnal tapis vol.10 no.2 juli-desember susanti, aviantina dkk, penye lesaian kasus pelanggaran ham berat terhadap etnis rohingya di myanmar berdasarkan hukum internasional. fakultas hukum universitas brawijaya. turangan, doortje d. “tindakan kejahatan genosida dalam ketentuan hukum inter nasional dan hukum nasional”. karya ilmiah. internet 6.700 warga rohingya tewas dalam bulan pertama kekerasan myanmar diakses dari http://global.liputan6.com/ read/3195783/6700-wargarohingya-tewas-dalam-bulan m. angela merici siba & anggi nurul qomari’ah 385 pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dalam konflik rohingya pertama-kekerasan-myanmar, diakses pada 17 januari 2018 data dan fakta tentang rohingya, arakan dan rakhine diakses dari web http://www.islamedia. id/2012/08/data-dan-faktatentang-rohingya-arakan.html, diakses pada 22 januari 2018 krisis terbaru rohingya: bagaimana seluruh kekerasan bermula? diakses dari web http:// www. bbc . com/indonesia/ dunia-41105830, diakses pada 17 januari 2018 muslim rohingya pilih mengungsi ke indonesia, begini perlakuan malaysia dan thailand pada mereka diakses dari http://medan.tribunnews. com/2017/09/05/muslimrohingya-pilih-mengungsi-keindonesia-begini-perlakuanmalaysia-dan-thailand-padamereka?page=all, diakses pada 09 februari 2018 myanmar/bangladesh: msf surveys estimate that at least 6,700 rohingya were killed during the attacks in myanmar diakses dari http://www.msf.org/en/ article/myanmarbangladeshmsf-surveys-estimate-least6700-rohingya-were-killedduring-attacks, diakses pada 17 januari 2018 situation report: rohingya refugee crisis diakses dari https:// reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb. int/files/resources/180127_ weekly_iscg_sitrep_final.pdf, diakses pada 11 februari 2018 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 the reality behind the rhetoric: an examination of saudi vision 2030 using imminent critique muhammad fauzi abdul rachman universitas pertamina email: mfarachman@gmail.com abstract the saudi vision 2030 is a saudi statement of intent to transform the economic structure of saudi arabia from oil-based exports to a more skill-based economy. this paper conducted a critical review of the statement, comparing the stated intent of the saudi authorities with the political situation in the country and region. it was found that given the present power structure, which the government has no intention of changing, the vision is unlikely to be successfully implemented. one of the strongest points in this vision concerns human development of skills needed in the new order. however, the overt of human right violations within the regime would make realizing the full potentials of its citizens difficult. in particular, the misogynistic policy of denying half its population equal rights would neglect the potential of half of its people. furthermore, the policies of the state directly contravene the rights and freedoms of people and of other countries in the region as proclaimed in the vision. this state, then, would be extremely unlikely to fulfil its vision unless it begins to recognise the basic human rights of all of its citizens. in other words, the saudi regime would need to adopt less dogmatic policies for the vision to have any chances of succeeding. keywords: human development; economic transformation; oil politics introduction saudi arabia proclaimed the saudi vision 2030 in april 2016 in preparation for a post-oil economic. it is centre of their grand strategy to reform their economy, since the monarchy state can no longer provide everything for its citizen muhammad fauzi abdul rachman the reality behind the rhetoric. 671 by oil exports alone, and the full utilisation of its people’s potential is the main strategy for the future prosperity of the kingdom (young, 2016). a vibrant society is one of the three themes that underpins the vision. they understand that their people will be their strongest asset to achieve the vision’s target. the vision states: “we have enormous untapped opportunities and a rich blend of natural resources, but our real wealth lies in our people and our society.” therefore, there is a strong need for a good relationship between the kingdom and its citizens if the ambitious project is to succeed. as john edwards, a member of the board of the reserve bank of australia, said, the success of the vision requires profound changes in saudi society and politics (khashan, 2017). this article will critically assess the saudi vision 2030 in several areas which may affect its successful implementation. these are: human rights violations including women rights, lack of press freedom, no freedom of assembly, intervention to yemen government and diplomatic crisis with qatar. the saudi government talks of about ambition, tradition, religion, kingdom, technology, modernity, development, investment, job opportunities, but they neglect humanity, which seems to go against the central tenets of the vision. literature review vision 2030 the gulf cooperation council countries bahrain, kuwait, oman and the united arab emirates have the similar concept of their economic visions (mitchell, 2018). however, the kingdom of saudi arabia’s vision steals the world attention since they are the largest regional economy and one of the most influential countries in the middle east. ksa launched vision 2030 based on three pillars and three themes. the three pillars are becoming the heart of arab and islamic worlds, the investment powerhouse and the hub connecting three continents, whilst the themes cover a vibrant society, a thriving economy and an ambitious nation (kingdom of saudi arabia, 2016b, p. 13). the vision gives the direction of saudi’s economy for the future but is not offer a sense of political vision. however, it is very unclear what kind of political change would emerge in saudi that follows the vision (kinninmont, 2017). bernard haykel named it “revolution from above” (gause, 2018) without strengthening on the “below” that is 672 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 facing tensions in the house of saud and unstable regional situation. women rights merlyna lim wrote that western views on feminism are adverse to saudi arabia’s local knowledge (lim, 2018) while acker (2009) posits the concept “inequality regimes”. acker claims that the idea can capture complex, interlocking practices and processes that result in continuing inequalities in all work organisations, including top management levels. the processes of inequality shape work organisations and the experiences of employees at every level, leaving women in lower positions within the hierarchy (acker, 2009; abalkhail, 2017). studies have found that within arab countries, institutional forces are responsible for the limited progression of women to leadership positions, which is rare in patriarchal societies (abalkhail, 2017). in saudi arabia, however, women have less access to organisational resources, for i ns t an c e s , i n for m at i on , participation in strategic planning and financial decision making (abalkhail, 2016). furthermore, vertical segregation, where women’s roles simply support man is familiar. the dominant religion in saudi arabia is islam, which has played a significant role in defining and shaping its culture. the ideas of qiwama, which is mentioned in the qur’an (4:34), for example, is widely interpreted by religious scholars as meaning that god created men superior to women (mernissi, 2011. abalkhail, 2017). according to mernissi, (2011) and abalkhail (2017), however, that is a misinterpretation of islam based on patriarchy. this misinterpretation has resulted in saudi females being culturally socialised to adopt certain attitudes, such as the importance of caring for their husbands and their families (tlaiss and kauser, 2011. abalkhail 2017). even though there were development plans to reduce gender inequality, including in the education system, women’s participation in the labour market remains very low (abalkhail, 2017). gave the right to drive, does not mean lifting the ban for some figures that fight for the privilege. loujain al-hathloul, an important figure who fought for the driving reforms, is still in jail. furthermore, women freedom to choose many basic decisions is still blocked by strict guardianship laws (the new york times, 2019). reema bint bandar bin sultan bin abdulaziz al saud is the first female ambassador who has muhammad fauzi abdul rachman the reality behind the rhetoric. 673 been appointed by the kingdom as an ambassador to the u.s., but she is a royal family member. saudi labour laws, although espousing the need for equal treatment, discriminates against women (abalkhail and allan, 2015). such laws assume males are the primary income providers, whereas women work either to subsidize family income or for self-satisfaction (abalkhail, 2017). abalkhail asserts that vision for 2030 can be a promising path for greater equality, and the saudi government’s also made some efforts to achieve united nations’ mdg, but it needs collaboration b e t w e e n t h e g o v e r n m e n t , organisations and individuals if this to be realised. next, heightened uncertainties over an unexpected event (terrorist attacks, brexit, trump’s win in the 2016 us presidential elections) (bouoiyour, 2018) have prompted a decline in investment (branden and yook, 2012. boe and jordal, 2016). furthermore, the gruesome killing of a journalist and the arrest of women activists have hindered the progress of the vision. it was proved when many big companies take back their willingness to invest on the kingdom, including the suspension from sir richard branson related to his investment to saudi and condemnation by dara khosrowshahi, uber ceo who also cancelled his attendance to fii conference in riyadh, because of the jamal khashoggi’case. regional issue around 9.5% of the world’s total size is covered by the 22 arab countries and they have a population of about 4% of the whole world. the arab world has become more important since they own abundant oil and gas resources and strategic position in geopolitics (yao, 2007). the middle east has nonstop chaos related to regional instabilities, global order, and political-economic order. religious reformists versus religious extremists, sunni versus shia, and other differences of beliefs are playing a big role (or has been only used as a rumour) on the regional instabilities. in terms of global order, the middle east is a battlefield for big power countries such as the u.s., russia, and other european countries. the rising of china as a new big power also make the problem more complicated at the struggling of influence and economy in this region. besides, the relation of the u.s.-israel in the region exacerbates the chaos, particularly on the land seizure to palestinian territories. it made a 674 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 huge disadvantageous influence on the arab world and held back the pace of their reform and development (yao, 2007). for instance on saudi’s case, alshabnan declared on his paper that the saudi foreign ministry stated that qatar is “harbouring terrorist and sectarian groups that threaten regional stability, including the muslim brotherhood, isis and al-qaeda, and promoting their literature and plans consistently through its media outlets.” in contrast, al-jazeera reported, supported by the iranian foreign ministry, that saudi is the lead supporter of extremist ideology and terrorism (alshabnan, 2018). a prove that shown regional disharmony can create a bad effect on the economy in the middle east can be found when the yom kippur war by a coalition of arab states led by syria and egypt against israel and the islamic revolution in iran made an economic downtrend in the region (klare, 2017). it was a disharmonic situation that the u.s. and european government need, which lead them to control oil resources in the middle east and to keep their influence at the area, as israel’s strategic relationship with the u.s. has been stronger since then (kumaraswamy, 2007). methodology a document analysis and qualitative research method was held in order to fulfil the objective of this paper. the saudi vision 2030 and national transformation program 2020 were analysed, interpreted and used as the main resource to collect the data and to do the critical review. numerous pieces of previous academic research related to the vision were utilised to sharpen the criticism and to wrap up the literature review.the research was conducted between december 2018 and february 2019. the research is limited to the vision’s rhetoric, which also means this focal point is in circa 2016 and afterward. during the processing, time limitedness was the main problem, as some deadlines appeared in short notice.through the methodology mentioned above, the paper’s aim is to explore one main notion: the kingdom would be extremely unlikely to fulfil its vision unless it begins to recognise the basic human rights of all of its citizens and respect the sovereignty of other countries in the region to ensure a peaceful environment conducive to economic development. muhammad fauzi abdul rachman the reality behind the rhetoric. 675 results mbs around a year after the launching of the vision 2030, prince mohammed bin salman bin abdelaziz al saud (often referred to as ‘mbs’) was named by his father king salman as saudi arabia’s new crown prince. mbs is known as the key person behind vision 2030 (kinninmont, 2017). nevertheless, the appointment of mbs was labelled as saudi’s arab spring by new york times in 2017 (bouoiyour, 2018). mbs is suspected by us intelligence agencies as the mastermind behind the killing of journalist jamal khashoggi. furthermore, it has been widely speculated that he is the chief protagonist in the military intervention in yemen since 2016, the qatar diplomatic crisis in june 2017, the arrest of his rivals in november 2017, and the detention of the lebanese prime minister saad hariri in december 2017 (bouoiyour, 2018). for now, mbs can do anything that is considered will lead to his goal because he is backed by his father, king salman, age 83. including to clear any obstacles that can ruin his power. it is proven on the arrest of some family members of the royal family as well as wealthy businessmen and ministers. the problem will occur if king salman dies, the princes who are in the opposite position to mbs could fight back his reign. it is clear that one of the world’s richest men, prince alwaleed bin talal is against mbs. the domestic dispute, moreover inside the royal family, can interrupt the vision goal that really needs political stability. saudi has a long record about the story of friction within the kingdom, one of the most prominent events was the assassination of king faisal in 1975. not only a concordance inside the kingdom and the nation but also saudi foreign policy should be set as a support system to aim the vision’s main purpose. on the contrary, mbs put some pressure on the lebanese political system during his early dominion and intervene in the domestic politics of their neighbours (gause, 2018). regional relations saudi gdp is the highest in the middle east, with a value of sar 2.4 trillion (vision, 2016). it needs constructive relations with islamic and foreign countries, particularly within its region. goods, people and capital should have a smooth flow by air, maritime and other transport operators to strengthen businessfriendly environment. saudi is also a member of the gulf cooperation 676 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 council (gcc) that focuses on political and economic aspects between six countries, including qatar, and they are considering giving membership to yemen. however, saudi and qatar have been in a diplomatic war since june 2017. saudi led a coalition of arab countries that claimed qatar was supporting terrorism in several countries, including saudi arabia, egypt, bahrain and the united arab emirates. based on those accusations, it has closed the land, sea and air borders with qatar. this conflict is very contradictory with the rhetoric contained within the vision. besides qatar, saudi is also having a trouble with another bordering country to the south, yemen. saudi military intervention has been launched towards yemen sovereignty since 2015. one of the most saudi killing actions in there was a bombing on a school bus packed with children in 2018. children, with most between the ages of six and eleven, were killed. two weeks after, other saudi-led coalition airstrike killed other 26 children and four women in the western province of hudaydah (guardian, 2018). furthermore, a cnn’s report states that saudi arabia and uae transferred usmade weapons to al-qaeda-linked groups and a salafi militia, who worked with isil, in yemen (aljazeera, 2019). freedom of assembly karen e. young stated that one of saudi main problems is that the state has not created an institutional framework that allows citizens (not to mention foreign laborers and foreign investors) to create new organisations. the kingdom wants to keep tight control of every organisation which is formed inside their territory. the abuse of power by the saudi authorities in keeping its citizens on a tight leash could damage the future prospects of the kingdom. if the saudi regime were to relax its tight grip and allow its citizens more freedom to express their creativity, it would help the human development which is the stated aim of the vision. people need freedom to fully realise their potential, and the current restrictive saudi regime is not conducive to this. for any economy to fully prosper, there need to be creative space for people to think and act freely, within reason. people must be free from the fear of transgressing undue restrictions from the kingdom’s unjust laws. muhammad fauzi abdul rachman the reality behind the rhetoric. 677 the logical result of freedom of assembly are public demonstrations, which are not permitted in the kingdom under any circumstances. the former interior minister prince nayef bin abd al-aziz said that demonstrations were “not compatible” with the kingdom’s social system (human rights watch, 2002). of course, what he means is that demonstrations are not in the interest of his authoritarian ruling order. it always begs the question when regimes without a popular mandate declare this or that is not compatible with a certain social system or not in the people’s interest, on what basis are they qualify to make such statement? in fact, even in the absence of universal suffrage, peaceful demonstrations could be useful controls to prevent abuses of power and act as a safety valve before discontent turns into something more serious. however, reforms is not likely to happen, as the kingdom has a long tradition of authoritarian rule, and keep a tight control over their own people. the raise of nongovernmental organisations and people power may well weaken the regime. however, without the freedom of association, the vision could never be realised maximally. the regime may be afraid to relax their control by giving people such basic freedom as freedom of assembly will likely be followed by demands other freedom and better awareness towards other rights. women rights “we are determined to build a thriving country in which all citizens can fulfil their dreams, hopes and ambitions.”, or so it is boldly proclaimed the foreword of saudi vision 2030. however, women are marginalised by long traditions of misogyny in saudi arabia. for gender parity, saudi arabia has been ranked 141 out of 144 countries by the world economic forum’s 2016 global gender gap report (baqi, et. al, 2017). patriarchy culture has been, and still are, rooted in saudi daily life. therefore, there is a need to change the culture if the saudi regime is serious about the vision, rather than making rhetorical noises. misunderstanding of social tradition, islamic teaching and culture are the main hindrance for women to participate in the workforce (arabi, 2018). the vision mentions the strong foundation of a vibrant society is based on the family, which means family harmony should to give a stronger foundation for a better 678 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 society. however, in saudi, a father is interpreted as the head of the family based on islam, and this gender inequality runs through every level of society. the proclaimed vision would appear that the kingdom is focusing on the future of the children in families, and that the engagement of parents in their children’s future is the key. parents, however, are more than the father making all the major decisions. it must also include the wife if human potentials are to be utilized to the maximum. gender inequality case can also be found in the education system. the second theme of vision 2030 is “a thriving economy provides opportunities for all by building an education system aligned with market needs…” in reality, even though 58 percent of all university graduates are women, their educational background cannot guarantee an access to the labour markets (baki, 2004). since women can only choose particular field during their study, such as dentistry, education, medicine, nursing, and public administration, they are excluded from studying engineering, journalism, pharmacy, and architecture. the facts, then, do not coincide with the vision. saudi will lose the potential of half of its people if gender inequality is tackled seriously. the world bank data in 2017 showed that 42.93% of saudi arabia population are female. however, females make up takes 16% of total saudi’s labour force in 2018. however, the vision states that there 22% of women participate in the workforce and they want to increase this to 30%. many “new” rights are given to saudi women to support the vision, such as women can vote and get elected, is allowed to become notary publics, to be the head of the stock exchange and to attend into sports stadiums and music concert. one of the most significant decisions for saudi women was the lifting of the ban on women driving, a mass protests to this issue started in june 2011 (lim, 2019), which lead to over 120,000 women applied for driver’s licenses. it will bring massive change for saudi social life. it boosts the work force, as women can become more productive and men will have more spare time to do something else instead of driving. unfortunately, this policy brings also counteraction from some clerics who are regarded as “not ready” or “too conservative” religious (gause, 2018). islam as saudi’s main pillar human capital development in saudi arabia will become an muhammad fauzi abdul rachman the reality behind the rhetoric. 679 unavoidable conflict between reformists and religious conservatives (yamada, 2018). economic reforms are associated with westernisation while most historical political opposition for the kingdom claimed themselves as representatives of authentic islamic values (kinninmont, 2017). religious studies take 29.3% of the total curriculum in saudi in the primary school level, the highest portion among other subjects (yamada, 2018). the religious studies tend to a piece of knowledge about islam’s dogma, but the vision 2030 needs more than that, skills, creativity, analytical and critical thinking. saudi always bring islam into almost every single context related to them, including this vision. islam’s doctrine, surely, is not teaching muslims to kill and to silence people voice and to hinder muslims to do the pilgrimage. islam teaches muslim to respect all human dignity and rights, including honesty, not only as an icon for branding. on the blueprint, mohammad bin salman bin abdulaziz al-saud wrote their status as the land that was given the two holy mosques by allah the almighty as their first pillars (kingdom of saudi arabia, 2016). this rhetoric contains problem which is that allah the almighty would not give sacred sites to a single nation. muslims are all over the world, and their prayer direction cannot be monopolised by a single nation. furthermore, saudi arabia uses islam and islamic holy sites for business or political bargaining position. when a belief is being monetized by a kingdom or a nation, the sacred itself can be questioned. indeed, in the foreword of the saudi vision 2030, mohammad bin salman said, “we will do our utmost to ensure that muslims from around the world can visit the holy sites.”. this, however, is not currently the case. qatari citizens, for example, are only being given a 1,200 quota to attend the pilgrimage and was actually banned from entering the country in 2018. riyadh claims this is an exceptional blockade due to the hajj, but travel agents in qatar stated the opposite. they said that the online registration for qatari was blocked by saudi arabia’s ministry for the hajj (al jazeera, 2018). universal declaration of human rights stated in article 18 that everyone has the right to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance. as in islam, pilgrimage to the holy city of mecca is one of the five pillars of islam which state 680 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 that all adult muslims, who are physically and financially capable of undertaking the journey, must do so regardless of their nationality. press freedom the state has duties to implement this right. those are their duties to make sure that this fundamental right can be enjoyed without any undue restriction. saudi, through their ntp (the national transformation program), plight to a more transparent government. unfortunately, it has not been followed by any freedom of speech and press freedom (kinninmont, 2017). the assassination of jamal khashoggi and arrest of samar badawi and nassima al-sadah are two examples that the kingdom has not fully committed to this right. khashoggi is one of the most prominent saudi journalists and a consistent critic of the saudi state. the cia has voiced its suspicions that mohammad bin salman is responsible for the killings (bouoiyour, 2018). the saudi regime uses islam and islamic values as a pretext for their authoritarian rule. it also mentions values such as moderation, tolerance, excellence, discipline, equality, and transparency. this rhetoric, however, is far away from reality. what kind of transparency do they mean? there is strong evidence that jamal khashoggi was killed in the saudi embassy in turkey. even though the kingdom said that they are not involved in the journalist’s murder, this case has led to mass withdrawals (including jp morgan, ford, softbank, uber technologies, aol, siemens, bnp) from the saudi future investment initiative (fii) summit and had the most adverse impact on banks and financial services, materials, and technology (bouoiyour, 2018). richard branson, the virgin president, resigned from his directorship of two saudi’s tourism projects around the red sea and believes the disappearance of jamal khashoggi would change the business relationship between the kingdom and the west (branson, 2018). prior to the event, bouoiyour found that banking and financial services were negatively affected by 5.09% after two days and -9.16 % after 10 days. materials were adversely influenced by -2.74% on the first day of trading, and by about -8.6% after 10 days. software and computer services (i.e., technology) were negatively impacted by −3.64% after 5 days and by -4.52 after 10 days. in contrast, the oil and gas muhammad fauzi abdul rachman the reality behind the rhetoric. 681 sector responds differently to this event. it reacts positively by 1.49 on the first day of trading, negatively and modestly by -0.37% after two days, while it did not record any statistically significant results up to 10 days. those aspects are also some focus of this vision. unctad’s publication in 2017 showed inward investment into riyadh dropped markedly (bouoiyour, 2018). it proved that the serious human right violations can substantially hinder progress in the realisation of the vision. discussion to be more correct on an empirical basis, the saudi vision 2030 should have added some sentences on the foreword, on the lines of, “we will do our utmost to ensure that muslims from around the world can visit the holy sites, as long as the nation which the muslim come from does not have a problem with saudi arabia.” or the kingdom should follow its own words and allowed all muslims all over the world to do the pilgrimage, regardless of the political situation. repressions towards human rights can only lead to a greater bounce back-resistance against the kingdom. even if people have no choice to express their interests, it could give them an intention to build a stronger attempt to send the message, the only political alternative: political violence. a worse and more unstable condition could arise both within saudi arabia and regionally, culminate in a business-unfriendly environment. the stability of the political s i t u a t i o n r e g i o n a l l y a n d domestically is essential to ensure a peaceful environment conducive to economic development. therefore, they need to lower their interference in the other country’s internal affairs. notably, saudi should stop their support of military action in yemen and syrian civil wars that cause to emerge a massive international censure. the kingdom should also give loosen their suppression to their own people. the forcible suppression only can generate bigger or violent protest. some nations and companies have shown that they want to do business with saudi only when there is no human rights violation. saudi need to bear in mind that. in the domestic issue, thereto, the kingdom’s conservative interpretation of islam may bring other dissension with the vision’s way. the vision contains many western notions that contradicted with the view of saudi’s conservative clerics. 682 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 conclusion at the 27th annual arab-u.s. policymakers conference, titled “what paths forward for america in and with the arab region?” mr. hani ukayli fti consulting managing director; former world bank and saudi arabian atomic and renewable regulatory authority specialist, said that the vision is not merely meaningless rhetoric, but a vision and a statement of intent (national council on u.s.arab relations, 2018). ms. fatimah salem a. baeshen spokesperson at embassy of saudi arabia in the united states, added that this vision is aimed at 2030, not for the next one year or two, therefore it should not be judged in the short term. however, even they regard the vision as a vision, not just rhetoric and the vision should be assessed in 2030, unless there are changes to the way the regime operates, the statement of intent and the vision is unlikely to be successfully implemented. lest we forget, 2030 is only 11 years away. moreover, instrumental reasons are not the only reasons the kingdom should refrain from not human rights violations. the dignity of humans is also a strong moral reason for the protection of fundamental human rights. references kumaraswamy, p.r., 2007, revisiting the yom kippur war: introduction, routledge abalkhail, jouharah m., 2017, women and leadership: challenges and opportunities in saudi higher education, vol. 22 no. 2, 165-183 alshabnan, ali, 2018, the politicization of arab gulf media outlets in the gulf crisis: a content analysis, global media journal, 16 (30), 1-6 arabi, khalafalla ahmed mohamed, and faiz awad bin zafrah, 2018, the impact of human capital on saudi economic growth: emphasis on female human capital, archives of business research, 6 (12), 189203 baki, roula, 2004, gender-segregated education in saudi arabia: its impact on social norms and the saudi labor market, education policy analysis archives, 12 (28) baqi s, albalbeesi a, iftikhar s, baig-ansari n, alanazi m, alanazi a, 2017, perceptions of gender equality, work environment, support and social issues for women doctors at a muhammad fauzi abdul rachman the reality behind the rhetoric. 683 university hospital in riyadh, kingdom of saudi arabia. bouoiyour, jamal, selmi, refk., 2018, the gruesome murder of jamal khashoggi: saudi arabia’s new economy dream at risk? gause, f gregory, 2016, the future of u.s.-saudi relations: the kingdom and the power, foreign affairs, 95 (4) gause, f gregory, 2018, fresh prince: the schemes and dreams of saudi arabia’s next king, foreign affairs, 97 (3) hvidt, martin, 2018, the new role of women in the new saudi arabian economy, center for mellemoststudier khashan, hilal, 2017, saudi arabia’s flawed “vision 2030”, middle east quarterly. kinninmont, jane, 2017, vision 2030 and saudi arabia’s social contract: austerity and transformation, middle east and north africa programme klare, michael t., 2017, from scarcity to abundance: the new geo politics of energy, current history lim, merlyna, 2018, unveiling saudi feminism(s): historicization, heterogenity, and corporeality in women’s movements, canadian journal of communication, 43, 461-479 mitchell, brendan, and alfuraih, abdulrahman, 2018, the kingdom of saudi arabia: achieving the aspirations of the national transformation program 2020 and saudi vision 2030 through education, journal of education and development, 2 (3) yamada, makio, 2018, can saudi arabia move beyond “production with rentier characteristics”? human capital development in the transitional oil economy, middle east journal, 72 (4) yao, kuangyi, 2007, development of sino-arab relations and the evolution of china’s middle east policy in the new era, journal of middle eastern and islamic studies (in asia), 1 (1) young, karen e., 2016, can the saudi economy be reformed?, current history, 355-359. kingdom of saudi arabia, 2016, vision 2030. kingdom of saudi arabia, 2016, national transformation program 2020. al-jazeera, 5 february 2019, saudi arabia, uae gave us arms to al-qaeda-linked groups: report, https://www.aljazeera. 684 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 c o m / n e w s / 2 0 1 9 / 0 2 / s a u d i a r a b i a u a e g av e w e ap o n s a l q a e d a l i n k e d g r o u p s cnn-190205055102300.html bayoumi, moustafa, 2018, us bombs are killing children in yemen. does anybody care?, the guardian, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/ aug/25/us-bombs-yemen-children-humanitarian-disaster specia, megan, 24 june 2019, saudi arabia granted women the right to drive. a year on, it’s still complicated, the new york times, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/24/world/ middleeast/saudi-driving-bananniversary.html national council on u.s.-arab relations, how best to understand saudi arabia’s “vision 2030” plan? 2018 arab-u.s. policymakers conference, youtube branson, richard, 2018, my statement on the kingdom of saudi arabia, virgin.com, https:// www.virgin.com/richard-branson/my-statement-kingdomsaudi-arabia human rights watch, 2002, saudi arabia: right of peaceful assembly denied, https://www. h r w. or g / n e w s / 2 0 0 2 / 0 4 / 0 4 / saudi-arabia-right-peacefulassembly-denied the world bank, 2017, population, female (% of total), https://data.worldbank.org/ indic ator/sp.pop.totl.fe .zs?locations=sa the world bank, 2018, labor force, female (% of total labor force), https://data.worldbank. org/indicator/sl.tlf.totl. fe.zs?locations=sa islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 industry 4.0 and its effect on reorientation of international trade patterns javier ashar master of international relations, postgraduate programs of universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, bantul, d.i. yogyakarta correspondence author: azharjavier@gmail.com abstrak dunia industri sejak awal hingga saat ini setidaknya telah mengalami 3 kali revolusi. revolusi pertama terjadi pada tahun 1784 di inggris yang ditandai dengan mekanisasi produksi. revolusi kedua terjadi di akhir abad 19 hingga tahun 1970an dengan dipergunakannya mesin-mesin bertenaga listrik untuk kegiatan produksi massal, sedangkan revolusi ketiga terjadi pascatahun 1970an hingga saat ini yang ditandai dengan penggunaan teknologi komputer/ digital untuk otomasi kegiatan produksi. pertama kali diperkenalkan di the hanover fair di jerman, istilah industri 4.0 dimaksudkan untuk mewakili konsep revolusi industri keempat. layaknya revolusi industri di era-era sebelumnya, revolusi industri keempat yang ditandai dengan digitalisasi alat produksi dan integrasinya dengan internet diprediksi akan memberikan banyak peluang manfaat sekaligus potensi resiko bagi siapa saja yang terlibat didalamnya. beberapa hasil studi sebelumnya telah banyak mengupas definisi, karakteristik revolusi industri keempat dibandingkan dengan revolusi industri sebelumnya beserta adanya perubahan orientasi negara dalam kebijakan aktivitas dagangnya dengan negara lain dalam kerangka industri 4.0. oleh karena itu, artikel ini bertujuan untuk menelaah bagaimana industri 4.0 beserta dengan berbagai macam karakteristiknya dapat mempengaruhi pola aktivitas dagang antar negara. artikel ini akan menggunakan pendekatan ekonomi liberal-kapitalis dan konsep pasar bebas untuk memberikan gambaran tentang bagaimana revolusi industri keempat dapat mempengaruhi pola aktivitas dagang antar negara. melalui pendekatan tersebut, artikel ini berpendapat bahwa perkembangan teknologi pada era industri 4.0 memberi pengaruh kepada perubahan interaksi antara produsen dan konsumen yang kemudian memicu perubahan interpretasi pola javier ashar industry 4.0 and its effect on reorientation of international trade patterns 165 perdagangan yang seharusnya terjadi antara produsen dan konsumen. kata kunci : industri 4.0; pengaruh; perdagangan antar negara abstract from the beginning until today, the industrial world has experienced at least three revolutions. the first revolution occurred in 1784 in england, marked by the mechanization of production. the second revolution occurred in the late 19th century until the 1970s with the use of electric-powered machines for mass production activities, while the third revolution is after the 1970s until now, which is characterized by the use of computer / digital technology for automation of production activities. first introduced at the hanover fair in germany, industry 4.0 was intended to represent the fourth industrial revolution concept. like the industrial revolution in previous eras, the fourth industrial revolution marked by digitizing production equipment and its integration with the internet is predicted to provide many opportunities for benefits and potential risks for anyone involved. some of the results of previous studies explored the definitions, characteristics of the fourth industrial revolution compared to the previous industrial revolution and changes in the state’s orientation in its trade activity policies with other countries within the framework of industry 4.0. therefore, this article examines how industry 4.0 and its various characteristics can influence trade activities between countries. this article used the liberal-capitalist economic approach and the concept of free markets to provide an overview of how the fourth industrial revolution could influence the pattern of trade activities between countries. by implementing the approach mentioned above, this article argues that the development of technology in the era of industry 4.0 influences the interaction between suppliers and consumers, leading to changes in the interpretation of what should happen in the pattern of trades afterward. keywords: industry 4.0; influence; trade between countries introduction industry 4.0 or the fourth industrial revolution (4ir) is one of the hottest issues currently being discussed by many groups, including scientists, economic practitioners, and policy-making politicians (schwab, 2016). industry 4.0 was first mentioned in germany on occasion called the hanover fair in 166 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 2011 to describe the 4th industrial revolution (rainer drath, 2014). based on references from the european parliamentary research service, the industrial sector in this world has evolved three times and is currently completing its fourth revolution. the first revolution occurred in 1784 in england, marked by the mechanization of production where steam-powered machines began to replace human hands to make a product. the second revolution occurred at the end of the 19th century until the 1970s with electric-powered machines for mass production activities. in comparison, the third revolution is after the 1970s to the present, marked by using computers / digital technology to automate production activities. today, the rapid development of digital technology, sensors, and the internet has led to integrating it into production factors to achieve more efficient and profitable results. this latest idea marks the start of the fourth industrial revolution. angela merkel reveals that industry 4.0 is a comprehensive transformation of the industrial world’s entire production sector by integrating digital and internet technolog y with conventional industrial technology. all aspects of production in the industrialized world are expected to be related to one another in a digital connection to increase effectiveness and integration (davies, 2015). based on this definition, the public has taken an illustration or description of the new concept. some terms that have been widely circulated are smart factories, smart industry, or industrial internet. although different, the highlight of these concepts remains the same. they describe a situation in which a computer-based production system will monitor physical processes and make decentralized decisions independently. this situation is made possible by integrating a production system with a digital information network via the internet. it then increases the adaptability and effectiveness of the production system, reduces costs, encourages income and investment growth to make the countries’ competitiveness to improve the face of dynamic global market competition (j. smit, 2016). as the central aspect of industry 4.0, digitalization plays an essential role in influencing the global economy. for example, the internet can increase capital owners’ ability to observe markets, find patterns of demand in them, and javier ashar industry 4.0 and its effect on reorientation of international trade patterns 167 enable capital owners to take part and compete in global markets. of course, this technology makes the global market broader and more accessible (papachashvili, 2018). with his research, riker added a positive relationship between the openness of a country to international trade and the increasing use of the internet. the results of riker’s research revealed that at least there would be an increase in trade openness of 6.88% in developed countries and 1.67% in developing countries if calculated and reviewed through predictions of increasing internet users in the next five years (riker, 2014). seeing this pattern, the concept of industry 4.0 has influenced trade patterns between countries recently. another fact shows that many countries have started to adjust their international trade policies to take advantage of the current transition. in his research, mishra (2017) underlined that the trend of preferential trade agreements (ptas) such as the japan-mongolia eco nomic partnership agreement and the trans-pacific partnership agreement raised policies about cybersecurity, data protection, network neutrality, and online intellectual property. they are intended to expedite and facilitate electronic/online transactions. this fact is interesting because it shows the tendency to reorient and review the trends in trade policies between countries that have been made so far (mishra, 2017). based on the arguments above, this article will attempt to discuss how the aspects and changes have occurred because the industry 4.0 concept can affect trade patterns between countries. this article will use the liberal-capitalist economic system approach to view and compare the phenomena in the history of the industrial revolution in the world from its first appearance to the present (industrial revolution 4.0). it is expected to provide an overview of patterns or trends in trade activity between countries before industry 4.0 and how these patterns or trends can undergo adjustments or changes when implementing industry 4.0. history of the industrial revolution 1.0 to 4.0 and its impact on trade patterns between countries according to schwab (2016), the word “revolution” describes a fundamental and fast/sudden change from various forms of the revolution taking place nowadays. these revolutions arise when new 168 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 and different technologies and world views appear. new technologies and perspectives trigger changes in the existing social and economic structures (schwab, 2016). the term “industrial revolution” is always related to technology, as friedrich engels explained that the industrial revolution emerged as the climax of the technological development of production, especially at that time the textile industry. this development then gave rise to fundamental and prolonged changes (griffin). in its historical development, this world has experienced at least three times the industrial revolution, so the last industrial revolution is marked as 4.0. according to davies (2015), the first industrial revolution occurred in 1784 in england, marked by the mechanization of pro duction where steam-powered machines began to replace human hands to make a product. (davies, 2015). according to landes (1969), the first means of production to undergo mechanization was textile production tools. the textile industry, especially wool and cotton, was the industry with the largest number of workers in england. with the mechanization of production tools in spinning machines, the production percentage increased rapidly, making the textile industry develop, which could absorb more labor. this situation gradually increased the income per capita so that the economy and the community’s welfare would also increase. this trend continued to spread not only in the uk but also to other countries, causing textile products and raw materials to increase rapidly and became a trade trend between countries. the rapid increase in one production sector would usually increase or the emergence of innovations in other sectors. in this case, the rapid growth of the textile industry and innovation in the mechanization of production tools at that time triggered developments in the distribution sector (steam vehicles, railroads), mining, and other raw goods (coal, iron, etc.) (landes, 1988). in this era, trade activities between countries still focus on fulfilling the need for raw materials, exploring potential areas of resources, and distributing free market values. the second revolution occurred at the end of the 19th century until the 1970s with electric-powered machines for mass production activities (davies, 2015). at that time, electric power triggered a large-scale evolution of production javier ashar industry 4.0 and its effect on reorientation of international trade patterns 169 machines. with electricity, some large machines driven by steam power could be more efficient with no larger size and increased precision. some examples of the evolution and development of machines in this second industrial revolution were the means of communication (telegraph), cars, weapons of war, and other means of production. besides the significant development of production machines, the application of concepts such as assembly line, mass production, and intensive labor division in each production process in factories had also helped to realize the second industrial revolution. ford (1922) introduced the assembly line as a design of an item’s manufacturing process by separating parts of the item into specific manufacturing posts to be more efficient. this concept, combined with mass production and division of labor or division of workers based on their specializations, would increase production efficiency. (ford & crowther, 1922). here is an illustration that explains how this concept combination works—first, the assembly line. if a factory wanted to build a car with an assembly line, a production series of cars would be sorted according to its parts. for example, the car assembly line would consist of 5 posts, each of which would be in charge of making one of the car parts such as body, engine, chassis, wiring, interior, and final finishing post. in the assembly line, workers did not need to move because each part must be put together from the car delivered via conveyor or other means of transportation such as a forklift until it was finished at the last post. second, mass production, if one assembly line could complete its task in 5 hours multiplied by the total number of assembly lines in 1 factory for example, 10 then every 5 hours, a factory would produce 50 cars. this concept could not be compared to the car production done small team. mainly if the concept of division of labor or labor division, according to specialization, was applied, the entire production process could run even faster. based on these phenomena, the second industrial revolution trig gered higher economic and te chnolog ic a l g rowt h. wit h an efficient production factor, consumer desires would be easily fulfilled, and transactions became increasingly popular with large profits. the attractiveness of these production machines was so high that the demand for these 170 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 machines also increased. with increasingly sophisticated and fast communication and distribution machines, consumers’ barriers to transfer their wants and interests to the market decreased. demands for private vehicles, goods, or resources exclusive to other remote areas could be brought in. even telegram services were gradually becoming popular (landes, 1988; davies, 2015). however, it turned out that the positive trend was slowly finding its saturation point. with sophisticated pro duc tion to ols that were increasingly cheap and accessible, the percentage of production factors increased dramatically. they created two consequences: an increase in the unemployment rate because workers were replaced by machines and the percentage of supply beyond its equilibrium point to the percentage of demand. the price of goods decreased and resulted in economic depression (wells, 1889). based on the explanation described above, the trade pattern between countries at that time had undergone significant changes in the scale of production and distribution speed. however, on a more fundamental basis, the trade patterns during the first and second industrial revolutions had not changed. the trade pattern during the second industrial revolution still focused on meeting the need for raw materials, exploration of areas rich in potential resources (natural and human), and the distribution of freemarket values, although with a few exceptions regarding the limitation or prohibition of the use of atomic/ nuclear energy sources referring to the conditions after the world war. at that time, sustainability had not yet developed into an issue closely related to trade and production activities. next, the third industrial revolution is after the 1970s to the present, marked by computer / digital technology to automate production activities. in this era, the production factors increase performance again with increasingly sophisticated technolog y and globalization. t h rou g h g l o b a l i z at i on , t h e interaction between individuals becomes easy. long distances in this era can be closed due to the influence of increasingly fast transportation technology and the more efficient interconnection of communication devices. if individuals’ interaction gets more comfortable, their access to the free market will also become more accessible. however, behind these beneficial potentials, there javier ashar industry 4.0 and its effect on reorientation of international trade patterns 171 will still be consequences that must be faced. over time, the sophisticated pro duc ts that have already numbered will always need a supply of energy to operate. the energy used to utilize production is still in fossil energy, which many predict will not last long because they are not renewable. on the other hand, the result of the continuous and massive use of fossil energy begins to cause problems for this planet’s inhabitants, as proved by global warming, sea-level rise, and forest fires (rifkin, 2012). in this era, the trade pattern between countries still refers to fulfilling the needs for goods and services with a change in orientation, especially those concerned with preserving nature. trade activities between countries in this era begin to review sustainability or their influence on environmental sustainability openly. some evidence of concern for this problem is the kyoto protocol’s initiation, which urges each country owner to monitor the level of carbon emissions produced by their means of production and the growing movements of used goods and environmentally friendly materials. today, the rapid development of digital technology, sensors, and the internet has led to the idea of integrating them into production factors to achieve more efficient and profitable results. this latest idea marks the start of the fourth industrial revolution. angela merkel reveals that industry 4.0 is a comprehensive and comprehensive transformation of the industrial world’s entire production sector by integrating digital and internet technolog y with conventional industrial technology. all aspects of production in the industrialized world are expected to be related to one another in a digital connection to increase effectiveness and integration (davies, 2015). in this era, production means have experienced significant growth due to their integration into an internet connection and an artificial intelligence (ai) program. this program allows them to monitor physical production processes and even react to the dynamics of demand in the market to run automatically, massive and fast. as an illustration, the speed of production of a manufacturing pro cess t hat combines t he concepts of the assembly line, mass production, and division of labor (which have been applied in the previous industrial revolution era) becomes two times more 172 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 efficient because of these means of production. they can also identify demand trends in the market while monitoring the smooth running of the production process and the obstacles they might face—all of that without human intervention. however, there is no perfect system. the industry’s state, integrated with the internet and other digital software, also creates new consequences. some of these consequences are cybersecurity, data protection, piracy, and legalformal problems (j. smit, 2016; papachashvili, 2018; mishra, 2017). seeing this pattern, the concept of industry 4.0 has in a way provided a stimulus for countries globally to review their patterns of trading activity in this era. trade interests, which are basically to meet the need for goods and services, are typical. however, adjustments to the risks that may arise due to the consequences mentioned earlier also need attention. recently, public awareness of the need to adjust the trading activity patterns in the industrial era 4.0 has increased, as mishra mentioned (2017). in his research, that preferential trade agreements (ptas) such as the japan-mongolia economic partnership agreement and the trans-pacific partnership agreement have generated policies relating to cybersecurity, data protection, network neutrality, online intellec tual prop er ty, intended to facilitate market transactions taking advantage of the implementation of industry 4.0 (mishra, 2017). 1. industry 4.0 in the capitalist economy’s eyes after discussing the history of the industrial revolution and the trends in trade activity patterns between countries, there should be a discussion about the primary system for countries in doing their trading activities to explain how each variable in industry 4.0 can affect trade activity patterns between countries. the system is a liberal-capitalist economic system. according to adam smith, the market a gathering place for supply and demand factors should be separated from the government’s influence, and the government should let the market run itself without intervention. if individuals are given the freedom to pursue their interests, the free market’s invisible hand mechanism will automatically force each individual to behave responsibly (gregory & stuart, 2014; smith, 1776). javier ashar industry 4.0 and its effect on reorientation of international trade patterns 173 the products that consumers want (demand) will be absorbed by the producers (suppliers), who will then be produced according to the type and quantity through the most efficient production means. such a cycle will continue and automatically run without government intervention or other structured social action. individuals acting in their interests will almost certainly act to serve their interests properly. government action may interfere with this natural process. the government should be limited in providing essential public services, which private capital owners cannot produce or realize (gregory & stuart, 2014). after knowing the capitalist economic system’s outline, especially those directly related to markets and trade interactions, the next issue that needs to be parsed is the market’s definition and aspects. parsing the market definition and its aspects is essential because the industry 4.0 concept is implemented directly into the market and its aspects. returning to the theory of capitalism formulated by smith, according to him, the market is an organized structure, which functions to bring together sellers and buyers (seller and buyer). if sorted out, at least three crucial variables must exist for a market to be formed: buyers, sellers, which automatically coincide with the next variable, namely the means of production. according to smith’s market concept, the buyer represents the demand variable, and the seller represents the supply. simultaneously, production means the variables that affect the equilibrium or balance between demand and supply in the market (gregory & stuart, 2014). in practice, consumers will always want to maximize their interests following the desire to get a product at the lowest possible price. therefore consumers/buyers are a source of demand. sellers/ producers, on the other hand, will always be willing to maximize their profits by offering as many products as they can produce with a price forecast that is higher than demand, of course, while paying attention to production costs. the market will then bring together them and their conflicting interests (gregory & stuart, 2014). according to smith, this phase is where the invisible hand’s natural process comes into play. if the number of products requested exceeds the quantity supplied (demand exceeds supply), the price will automatically increase. these 174 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 results in reduced demand because consumers with lower purchasing power will retreat and, on the other hand, attract producers to produce more. this tug of war continues so that a balance is reached where the buyer agrees to buy the producer’s product at the current price (gregory & stuart, 2014). below is a scheme showing a state in which an equilibrium or supply and demand balance has been reached. price x quantity p q supply demand scheme 1 illustration of supply and demand relations in the market (gregory & stuart, 2014) through the above discussion, ever y variable in the market producers affect consumers, consumers influence producers, and even conditions or technological developments will influence each other and make adjustments independently and naturally, leading to achieving equilibrium (gregory & stuart, 2014). after describing the factors of production and how they work in influencing the market, the next step is to ascertain the scope of industry 4.0 in the capitalist economic system, especially the free market. in its history, the term industry 4.0 was first used in germany in 2011. therefore it is only natural that the definition expressed by angela merkel that industry 4.0 is a comprehensive and comprehensive transformation of the entire production sector in the industrial world through the integration of digital technology and the internet with conventional industrial te ch n ol o g y ( d av i e s , 2 0 1 5 ) . through this definition, the central aspect of implementing industry javier ashar industry 4.0 and its effect on reorientation of international trade patterns 175 4.0 is technology integration. the technological aspect in the market concept can be categorized as a means of production, where technology is a tool for producers/ owners of capital to make products. looking at the market concept formulated by adam smith, the digital technology intended by industry 4.0 will not be found. however, looking at its function as a means of production, digital technology functions as labor. according to smith, workers’ availability (labor) is essential to producing other goods by consumers. the higher the productivity level and the number of workers under a producer is, the higher the supply level will be. if producers can accommodate consumer demand in the market, the number of transactions will increase. it is undoubtedly useful and can increase the economy and prosperity where the market is located. however, increasing the number of workers does not always have a good impact because workers have costs that capital owners will later be borne. workers are human beings who also need food and clothing and have different skills. the capital owners’ expertise owners to manage workers will ultimately be needed to maintain production costs, affecting the market’s trade equilibrium. therefore, in his book, wealth of nations, smithave rise to the term division of labor (smith, 1776). in line with history, technology has evolved, and the industry has undergone a revolution. the industrial revolution has always been associated with technological developments that have made industrial production tools more efficient. in industry 4.0, conventional production technology integrated with digital technology can also be categorized as workers. this technology will apply a digital manufacturing process where a production tool is integrated with a digital device, software, and the leading internet. it will also monitor physical production processes and react automatically to demand dynamic massively and quickly (j. smit, 2016). technology development can then minimize time, reduce errors, and accommodate flexibility in the production process, resulting in reduced production equipment owners’ reduced costs. cutting costs means increased profits earned by producers. from the consumer side, the speed and flexibility of the new technology’s production process can accommo date consumer 176 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 interests. even more than only a c c o m m o d at i n g c o n s u m e r s’ interests in the scope of getting the goods and services requested, today’s technological sophistication also allows consumers to choose or monitor how the goods and services requested get to them. through the implementation of industry 4.0, trade dynamics have become much faster. individual producers and consumers can access the market more easily and quickly. the digitalization of technology allows consumers to make more demands, and producers can produce faster and better quality. from the point of view of a capitalist economy, it will help bring a broader and more inclusive free market. on the other hand, the increased speed of access to information and markets and interconnectivity between producers means of production and consumers globally also provide new consequences and challenges. some of the consequences and challenges are legal-formal issues, cybersecurity, data protection, and even a lack of skilled human resources in t hes e te chnolog ies (d avies, 2015) (papachashvili, 2018). the emergence of these consequences and challenges, in the end, made the public realize that there needs to be a reorientation or review of trafficking practices in recent times. 2. conclusion based on the previous chapters’ explanation, the concept of industry 4.0 can influence changes in patterns/policies of trade activities between countries through the aspect of digitizing production. the digitization of production technology allows consumers to make more demands, and producers can carry out the production process faster and with higher quality. from the side of a capitalist economy, it can help realize a broader and more inclusive free market. however, carelessly encouraging the digitization of production growth without having a plan and measurable standardization cannot always bear positive results. on the other hand, the increased speed of access to information and markets and interconnectivity between producers means of production and consumers globally also provide new consequences and challenges such as cybersecurity issues, data protection, and formal legal problems that will not be so quickly resolved without them—sufficient skill and understanding in their field. this phase is where the gap in which trade patterns between javier ashar industry 4.0 and its effect on reorientation of international trade patterns 177 countries are reoriented. producers need to increase their capabilities in dealing with consumers. the high level of interaction between producers and consumers in the industrial era 4.0, which is not found at other industrial levels, is a new commodity that the producer needs to process correctly. the density of information regarding consumer interac t ions w it h producers based on the internet and similar technologies can add value for individual producers if the information can be maintained, manage d, and implemente d correctly. however, it can also be an inhibiting factor and a source of significant loss if the opposite happened. recently, several countries have tried to implement the industry 4.0 concept in their domestic industrial policies or international trade activities, including indonesia (adb & bappenas, 2019; bppi, 2018). even though market dynamics will dash supported by increasingly sophisticated information and production technolog y, each country needs to review its trade or industrial policy orientation before implementing the concept of industry 4.0 to take every opportunity and benefit optimally. 3. references adb, & b app enas. (2019). policies to support the development of indonesia’s manufacturing sectorduring 2020-2024. manila: asian development bank. bppi. (2018). making indonesia 4.0. kementrian perindustrian republik indonesia. davies, r. (2015). industry 4.0 digitalisation for production a n d g r o w t h . eu r o p e a n p a r l i a m e n t a r y r e s e a r c h service. ford, h., & crowther, s. (1922). my life and work. new york: garden city. gregory, p. r., & stuart, r. c. (2014). the global economy and its economic system. mason: cengage learning. griffin, e. a. (n.d.). the ‘industrial revolution’: interpretations from 1830 to the present. norwich: uea, school of history. j. smit, s. k. (2016). “industry 4.0,” policy department a: economic and scientific policy. rep. european parliament’s c ommitte e on indust r y, research and energy (itre). landes, d. s. (1988). the unbound prometheus : technological c h a n g e a n d i n d u s t r i a l 178 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 development in western europe from 1750 to the present. new york: press syndicate university of cambridge. mishra, n. (2017). international trade, internet governance and the shaping of the digital economy. ssrn electronic journal. papachashvili, n. (2018). industry 4.0 and its impact on the international trade. rainer drath, a. h. (2014). industrie 4.0 – hit or hype? in i. i. magazine, ieee industrial electronic magazine (pp. 5658). ladenburg: ieee industrial electronic magazine. rifkin, j. (2012, march 3). the world financial rev iew. r e t r i e v e d f r o m w w w. w o r l d f i n a n c i a l r e v i e w . c o m : h t t p s : / / w w w . worldfinancialreview.com/thethird-industrial-revolutionh o w t h e i n t e r n e t g r e e n electricity-and-3-d-printingare-ushering-in-a-sustainableera-of-distributed-capitalism/ riker, d. (2014). internet use and openness to trade. washington: u.s. inter national trade commission. schwab, k. (2016). the fourth industrial revolution. geneva, switzerland: world economic forum. smith, a. (1776). the wealth of nations. london: w. strahan and t. cadell, . wells, d. a. (1889). recent economic changes and their effect on production and distribution of wealth and well-being of society. new york: d. appleton and company. islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 towards ‘another of me’: random para tolol : v and the language games faudyan eka satria department of anthropology, universitas gadjah mada, indonesia email: fesdio@gmail.com abstract when social media experiences an escalation in the number of users until today, now social media offers an alternative for the community in constructing more intimate social relations. this is likened to a new world that tom boelstorff has tried to discuss in second life. absolutely, here, the identity will find its intersection: could it reproduce? in some cases, that question turns the answer: “yes”. for example in a facebook group called random the tolol: v (rpt: v). not just building an image as a community that shares jokes as shown on its group’s timeline, there is a tendency to “become spanish” when its members almost use spanish phrases in each of their post captions frequently. what is interesting is that rpt: v is an indonesian community. at the same time, to be honest, this language politics case also involved me who had long joined the rpt :v. therefore, by using the method of digital ethnography research that has an autoetnographical character, i will try to explore more deeply what the meaning of language for members of rpt :v which simultaneously can (re) form their identity in the internet? keywords: language games, identity, social media. introduction presently, social media has entered its new space. it’s too narrow to imagine the function of social media only as a “sharing information” platform. in fact, social media now becomes a new dimension that allows its users to create a virtual community after each of them has established intensive communication in its. we could look it on facebook’s 686 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 case, which many of us, nowadays, may find various groups based on themes and different interests. we cand find a group that come as a united of football club lovers. we also may find a group that call theirself as government’s opposition movement. among many groups that crossing on facebook, random para tolol: v (rpt: v), for me, considered as an attractive virtual group. with its background as an entertainment group , rpt: v allows its members to share posts with jokes. for other members who do not act as thread starters or content posters, they can still enliven the group by giving reactions and comments. these posts cannot only be enjoyed by rpt members: v along its group’s character as an public group. with the availability of the “share” feature in each post in the group, the members of the rpt :v can disseminate it to the others. so the people who has not joined yet as a member of the rpt: v still could watch, react, and share the group posts even though they cannot provide comments like members of rpt :v. but when we look it deeper, rpt: v had another interesting thing that makes me want to explore in this research. it is about the construction of “spanishness” through the use of spanish by its members. in their daily lives, if we observed it, the members of rpt: v often use spanish when they are involved in a conversation in the comments column or when each of them gives a caption in the post uploaded in the group. in fact, as far as i have observed, the members of rpt: v that involved in in the group’s communication dynamics were indonesian. on many occasions, the sentences that shared by group’s members were not arranged based on the the standard grammar in the spanish language. on the contrary, the members of rpt: v, frequently, mix spanish phonemes with the native indonesian vocabularies or regional languages that exist in indonesia. however, it must be admitted that the phenomenon of planting spanish-language cultures in rpt group: v, actually, is not a new case. because on social media, there have been a number of groups that did the same thing before when they tried to revived the culture of a particular language in their daily lives. take for example, the info salafi group, which many of it’s group members use various arabic vocabulary in conversations with the fellow group members in faudyan eka satria towards ‘another of me’: random para tolol :v and the language games 687 the comments column, as well as when they post some information in group’s timeline. in another example, almost exactly with rpt: v, we can also see how a community called “cosplay semarang” became a mouthpiece for japanese culture. the difference is, they are not adapting the japanese language in the “cosplay semarang” group posts, but rather through showing the japanese anime characters they worrn which anyhow, it is also a part of japanese culture. in my opinion, when the members of rpt :v using spanish along with their indonesian identity at the same time, actually, give an indication that, nowadays, a countr y’s culture can grow anywhere. this is also understood by manuel castells (in mubah, 2011). according to him, the expansion of communication networks that able to connect the world community quickly and closely, raises a dilemma for the community itself. they could remain in the real identity (the self ), but at the same time, they also could participate into the community that identifies itself as the net network society. afterwards, this strong penetration of globalized culture is not surprising to make some people feel their original identity has been obsolete because it is not in line with globalization. in the midst of this identity crisis moment, there’s a trace of many netizen which joined in rpt :vthat they have decided to constructing their new identity. therefore, in this research, the main question i want to explore is “how the rpt :v members interpreting their identities as “indonesians “through spanish language games on social media.” literature review could the identity be ever? for pre-mo der n s o ciety, the identity is not a problematic thing and cannot be rethought or rediscussed (kellner, 2010: 315). but nowadays when the human enters the modern era, the identity becomes more free to move, multiply, tends to change, and can be remade (castells, in mubah, 2011: 252; kellner, 2010: 315). this condition is nothing but departing from the fact that modernity makes a series of rules and norms that are no longer intact (kellner, 2010: 315). we may test it through the way to understanding that modernity is prevalent to push innovation, continuous reversal, and novelty. in some formulas, modernity marks the destruction of various forms of life, values, and past identities combined with the production 688 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 of new things (berman, 1982, in kellner, 2010: 317). the implication is a person’s identity can be out of date, futile, or illegitimate socially (kellner, 2010: 317). furthermore, wiradi added, identity is a sign of someone’s awareness of himself as a unique being that makes him/her different from others. the identity, as berger and luckmann said, is a key in the formation of social-subjective reality. thus, identity is a social dialectic that can be changed through a process of modification that involves elements of social change itself (firmansyah, 2013: 16; muis, 2001: 144; hadi, 2005: 155; timmermans, 2015: 11) slouka agreed this argument. because he understands that basically, every person, as a social creature, has and performed various kinds of roles that are appropriate to do in social drama as well as fulfillment of our natural desires and sense of humanity (hadi, 2005: 164). moreover, according to foncha (2013), the identity never stands for prolonged homogeneity. this means that we, as humans, have never been born with the given identity, but have adopted an identity that born from our environment. therefore, it is possible that we can leave an identity, to move towards another identity that we want (in foncha, 2014; prastowo, 2012: 202; nasrullah and onggoboyo, no year: 8). that is why stuart hall through yasraf amir piliang revealed, “identity ... is never perfect, always in the process, and always built from within” (hadi, 2005: 157). identity anomaly as one of human character, later, could explored in the cyber world. in this world, to be a certain “self ”, the users will exchange and replace their body parts to fit their new identity (piliang, in slouka, 1999: 77; pahlevi, 2013: 39; boyd and ellison, in gunduz, 2012: 88) . the reality of cyberspace is considered to be able to enrich human capabilities in formulating their own reality. it means that humans have great opportunities to create new realities, which have never been experienced before. humans have a power to choose the reality they use, without being limited by space and time (piliang, in slouka, 1999: 16). in this moment, everyone can pretend to be someone else, or can be a number of different people at the same time. what is formed, here, is an arena of game identity: a new identity, fake identity, multiple identities, and virtual identity (piliang, in slouka, 1999: 20). in other terms, the communication process allows faudyan eka satria towards ‘another of me’: random para tolol :v and the language games 689 someone to experience what is called profile fictionalization (otrar and argin, in gunduz, 2017: 88). language games: a part of identity reconstruction as we know, in every context of life, humans use certain languages with certain game rules that have certain goals and meanings. this kind of language game is then termed wittgenstein with language games (danesi, 2010: 112; hadi, 2005: 89). the existence of language games actually comes from the realization that in language, there are performative expressions and descriptive expressions which are always based on facts. language games at the next level become the limit for investigating how their words and expressions authentic function in everyday (storey, 2003: viii; purwoko, 2014: 98). therefore, every linguistic phenomenon has different rules of the game and in the context of the delivery of messages it cannot be confused with one another. because it will be occuring “a chaos” when we use the rules of one language to another (hadi, 2005: 90). we can contextualize this idea in the case of “cyberspace language” as a new phenomenon in the global information and communication universe lately. when referring to hadi’s opinion (2005: 90), we may call this language a product of “language game chaos”. because according to him, the concept of cyberspace, is plurally and filled with overproduction of images, symbols, and signs that are full of meaning and frequently overlapping each other. this concept, later, defined by baudrillard as a characteristic of hyperreality communication (hadi, 2005: 90). according to baudrillard, the simulation production model not only produces hyperreal objects, but also compression and deconstruction which gives rise to sign and also language game (hadi, 2005: 94). when cyberspace language expressions depart as a simulative expressions and behavior, the consequence that occurs is the emergence of abuse and piracy of signs as a mechanism of representation and language (hadi, 2005: 93). when we departing from a post-modernist understanding, this phenomenon is common to end with the obscurity of meaning in revealing the “reality of truth” (hadi, 2005: 92). it could be understood, that cyberspace, in the reality of internet, naturally creates its own language reality as well as its essence to reconstructing our whole identity (hadi, 2005: 690 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 85). the language of cyberspace in cultural discourse today leads to the reality of production and the reality of simulation. this means that cyberspace’s linguistic relationships depend on the usage of its symbols and codes. the production of working system and simulation era in the mechanism of language pushing humans and it’s social phenomena to follow the flow of pop culture and present various language games and signs with the intersection between various communities, cultures, and ideologies. regarding to this, more far away, baudrillard then assured that “... in a simulation system, a sign does not refer to any reference. simulation is actually the creation of reality models without origin or reality reference.” so, in the context of the language of cyberspace, every meaning, every sign or image, no longer refers to the real reality . it is only a language game that is not intended to achieve effective message communication and the depth of the meaning of communication itself. it is merely the pleasure of playing with language and enjoyment which roland barthes calls jouissance, or what baudrillard termed “ecstasy of communication” (hadi, 2005: 97) methodology this study is an auto-ethnographic-based study, using a digital ethnographic approach (douglas and carless, 2013: 85; murthy, 2008: 840; riomandha, 2016: 14; garcia et al, in ardevol and cruz, 2012: 10). i use this approach along with the theme that i examine, that is the social media group and the language culture which is created in it. furthermore, the data mining process i will do by, first, reflecting on my memories of a number of things that lead to my activities before and when i have enjoyed the shitpost from the random para tolol (rpt) group :v. it start from the relationship between my social media life, foreign language activities, and humorous activities. it’s all, further, contextualized with my encounter process with meme content, which led to the process how i can enjoy shitpost, especially from rpt :v. to complete it all, i will use some of information i got from in-depth interviews with some people, involved in that historical process; namely afiq, my cousin who influenced me to consume memes as my first favorite humor style; pras and bintang , as my colleague who influenced me to consume shitpost; and adrian, as the admin of rpt :v. these data, then, will presented faudyan eka satria towards ‘another of me’: random para tolol :v and the language games 691 in narrative-interpretation of the experience i have received. research findings: the intersection of my and their life long before i know random para tolol :v, a group of spanish language-based jokes, foreign languages and humor are separate things in my daily life on social media. in the early days i used social media, it is about on 2009, the humorous posts that i made, were mostly derived from the results of my conversations with my peers who were delivered in indonesian or javanese. these posts, were purely made by myself and from the other people’s posts on social media. this separation between joking and foreign languages can not be separated from the limitations of my understanding of foreign languages even in english, which i often learned at school at that time. this is also supported by the lack of translation applications‘s capabilities at that time. although i was already familiar with google translate, at that time, the sophistication of this application in harmonizing grammar of the translation results were still inadequate -compared to the present. this also happens with an offline-based translation application, like the trans tool, which i also used. however, it must be admitted, google translate and many offline translating application, became my first access to be able to understand the foreign content that i encountered in the social media world. however, my revolution in combining the world of humor and foreign languages came when i began to enjoy memes. my acquaintanceship to memes began when i got a recommendation from my cousin, afiq, to take a look at meme posts based on meme comic indonesia (mci), a fanpage on facebook. indeed, the content in the group is basically in indonesian. however, i feel that mci’s meme brings an urge to understand the material of a relatively new joke, through the appearance of its typical figures and sentences. what might have been famous until now and it has been known to many people is the product of caricature of yao ming with the interlude of the phrase “bitch please”. as far as i observed, the variety of meme-style humorous elements in indonesia, including what i found in mci, were adapted from meme’s material that had previously been spread in the rest of the world. this was known by me, when i also watched prominent 692 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 international meme site at the time, namely 9gag.com. the familiarity of these memes to its audiences, including that recognized by afiq to me, was caused by a new nuance that manifested in visual products in the form of adding character illustrations from memes. “when you want to make a meme, you can take photos, and just keep write something in them. well, afterwards, we can sketch images too. for example, carricaturing yao ming. then we made a stickman body (in the figure of yao ming),” afiq said to me. although the image is aesthetically inadequate, but as far as i have caught, the simplicity of the image has no effect. moreover, its idea of humor that contextualized along with the illustrationplays a vital role in making its humor sense. i continue to enjoy this style humor, until i met my colleague, named pras, in 2014. for us, the contents of some memes fanpage, including indonesian meme comic, still shows its humorous value before it was held back by the stagnation of the idea only to the themes about love. for us, it’s quite boring. however, as introduced by pras, i began to enjoy new-style humor called shitpost. the concept of humor contained in shitpost is actually not much different from memes. it’s just that, shitpost bases its content more on real and actual moments. shitposting also emphasizes visualization of moments that are considered funny, without having to provide captions or humorous sentences like memes. the difference is that as pras showed me, shitpost’s content is not only found on the shitpost fanpage, but also on many groups. so, in this place, beside interacting with the other members and consuming some posts, we also have a chance to share the post we have. i must admit, the pras’s knowledge about shitposting is more adequate than mine. because, many of shitposting sources that i know were the recommendations of pras, such as cocoklogi science and seep/zeeblogi science. until finally, i got information from pras about a shitpost group called random para tolol. for me, the special character of this group lies in their member’s language culture. in a glance, i can understand that this group means to be a jokes group that spice up their shitpost posts with spanishlanguage captions. but in many 5moments, the spanish language used by its members being distorted by mixing spanish phonemes with the indonesian grammatical structure. of course, with the faudyan eka satria towards ‘another of me’: random para tolol :v and the language games 693 presence of the spanish-indonesian language caption, the shitpost content presented in the rpt: v has more distinctive compared to other shitpost groups. random para tolol :v, according to adrian, began with his con versation with tommy and chval. as he recalled, it happened in march 2018. “it was originally when we chatting in discord. then, chival, who described by adrian as an absurd person, watch a post from random para todos, a facebook group that based their post by spanish language. after tommy watched itu, suddenly he said “random para tolol”. suddenly all of them were laughed. afterwards, based on adrian’s story, chival then realized the idea to create a group called random para tolol. “is it true that all of you have already become the official member of random para todos?” i asked. “no we haven’t. no one of us has officially joined random para todos, “he admits. however, for them, this group is nothing more than a fad to create a random para todos’s competitor. “it just a random post group. random para todos based on spanish. so we, in indonesia, made rpt :v more similar like it. because we also want people in the groupto speak spanish. “actually, who were initiated to push the spanish language using in this group?” asked me to adrian. then, he replied, “ yeah, actually, it was inspirated by random para todos which used spanish. then, it also because of me when i watching the mafia characters from the trans tv’s program, sketsa. when we watched him, he likes to give some extra accent --os behind the words he said. so that’s the reason behind the using of indonesian language to be spelled in spanish. actually, i realized that (the character of the mafia) meant to follow italian. it’s just because i think there’s a likeness between that, so it’s finally applicated by me and then the other members.” adrian also admitted that the popularity of spanish in rpt :v was also influenced by the intensity of group members in using that language. however, according to adrian, the language used by the members leads to mixing spanish and indonesian. this is different from the caption given by the admin when they upload posts in the group, which seems to use the correct spanish even though the caption eventually makes people more complicated to directly understand the meaning. 694 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 but, the emergence of the spanish language in random para tolol :v, on the main point according to adrian, was because the will to following the absurdness of random para todos. he admitted, together with his friends, that actually they did not understand what was contained on the random para todos’s shitpost language. “because we couldn’t understood it, then we translated it. but in fact, these spanish sentences evidently meaningless. well, it may be correct on gramatical, but the meaning made us awkward. it motivated us to bring it on rpt by interfering indonesian with spanish ” this absurd nature, by adrian and his friends, were complemented by adding pacman emoticons to the group’s name. “i think pacman has the impression of cringe. well as i know, it was brought by mci. then to make our group character more cringe, we give pacman emoticon (on our group nme). pacman emoticon, incidentally also used by random para todos on their posts and group name. “ but as i observed from the group rpt: v, and as adrian told to me, in rpt :v, we will not only find the members using spanish. but there are also english, japanese and indonesian in the words that the admin and the members said in some caption’s or comment’s posts.” actually, the use of these languages, including spanish, according to adrian, is just to have fun. “but what we made as our special character is the using of spanish and mix it with indonesian,” said adrian. but there is an interesting thing that i found if i talked about adrian’s statement. in one group rule, i found one point: “gunakanlah bahasa grup yang benar (google translate ke bahasa spanyol, etc), kurangi penggunaan (kata bahasa indonesia+os), pelanggaran akan berujung kick atau penghapusan konten.” this p ost’s p oint tends to command the members to use the right spanish. but as adrian admitted, this points are actually points that have not been renewed. initially, this regulation, as explained by adrian, arose because of his outrage with the other rpt’s :v admin when they saw its members seem to be use spanish without translating it. “at that time, the regulation of making a posst were very strict. it must be translated correctly. as i recall, this is come from me,” adrian told, “the history of pure spanish using in rpt, is following to our ideal, that indonesian language (for the caption) was too mainstream. but, at faudyan eka satria towards ‘another of me’: random para tolol :v and the language games 695 that time, i couldn’t use spanish, so i decided to using indonesian with the extra phrases --os.” however, as adrian realized then, the purity of spanish became lost. this made his ideal and the other founder of rpt :v to equate the group with random para todos were faltering. therefore, adrian gives that strict rules as written in the group. “ but unfortunately, many of rpt :v members eventually rebelled. so this make us cancelled that regulation realization.” arriving at this statement, i have a question, does adrian mean that members can only choose one language they will use indonesia or spain in each post, without being able to mix them. so i asked him about it. however, this was denied by adrian. “no. we just using spanish as well as random para todos. moreover, if we find some post request but didn’t deliver by spanish, it won’t be on accept on our group timeline”. from this statement, i concluded that there’s a such of adrian’s efforts to grow spanish in the variety of indonesian shitposts. for adrian, the image that was awakened from spain, was only felt when he saw the random para todos group . “we already too mainstream using indonesian. so, using the spanish, as i think, could make the world of shitposting is more colorful. “ as a prank, random para tolol :v, according to adrian, were established without any systematic and long-term planning. but as far as adrian admitted to me, the netizen’s enthusiasm for random para tolol group was extraordinary. “mostly, we invite from each friend list. and initially, the number of rpt’s :v members was 500. after that, as i remembered, the group members were reached 1500 people. that’s about four or three days after it was established. and the next day the group has reached 2,500 members. i don’t know how can it be explosive (the number of members),” he concluded. furthermore, as far as i observe, this group has more than 80,000 members in the end as i checked it in january 2019. i think the group has good potential to become a new “influencer” for the humorous world in indonesian social media along with the rapid development of its members amount. but adrian said oppositely that he and the rpt founders: v honestly didn’t want the group spread too many people. “what really we avoided is rpt :v will enter mainstream media, such as television. we don’t want it. because the problem is, when you 696 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 have entered mainstream media, the target consumption will be different if you have entered the community, then for the wider community. for example, nurhadi-aldo’s page that make themselves complicated and finally reduces its shitpost quality and quantity. we want to be exist but we don’t want to spread it rapidly. becuse, if it gets crowded, there’s such a chaotic potention that may endanger our shitpost character and identity,” he explained. “so it means that you want to maintain the life of the rpt, huh?,” i asked to him. “yes. the problem is that the trend is potentially always coming and missing,” adrian explained. what adrian said about his vision of rpt :v was in line with what pras and bintang said, one of the members of the rpt :v. on another occasion, i met them while also questioning adrian’s statement. for pras, who has long observed the development of shitposting, acknowledged that there are some shitposting group that limiting its post’s target. he justified bintang’s opinion to me, that the shitposting world would always struggle with the norms of a society. this shitposting’s nature which seeks to break through the norm limits then become a concern when shitposting content can be funny, but at the same time, shitposting will also be considered strange and controversial. regarding to this, pras continued, this is what made many shit posting groups closed . “what do you mean ‘closed’?,” asked me. “well, there are restrictions about its audience. they don’t want many people to join and follow their style. they have their own values and styles.” he replied. to present his opinion clearly, pras described several cases to me. “ just to give you example, like in bykswlogi, when they say, ‘why you have a baldy god’; ‘ah, y’all was cilok, sundanese. you guys are just slave’.” what i caught here, later, that shitposting was able to make the members involved to have their own language culture . for example, what happened to the bykswlogi group as pras said, when the letters “a” they say are often replaced by “w”, then the letters “k” or “ng” replaced by “x”, to bring up new terms like asw (derived from the word asu) , ngamox (derived from the word ngamuk) , and mamanx (derived from the word mamang). pras also continued, “this is also can be explored on the case of random para tolol. when they make a spanish slang by mixing it with indonesian, e.g. akuos makanos (derived from the faudyan eka satria towards ‘another of me’: random para tolol :v and the language games 697 phrase ‘aku makan’ in indonesian or ‘i eat’ in english).” so, through what i captured from pras’s, that’s why shitposting is a kind of social segregation forming including in this case what happened to the rpt: v. as i men tioned earlier, their language characteristics have encouraged the brand to limit anyone who can be a connoisseur and member of the shitposting group. “that’s why adrian said why he didn’t want to expose the group further. i think it’s a true decision,” pras continued telling me. “because i think there are two probability if he wasn’t took it decision. if they don’t die, their group will become a normies. normies is a term for the people with mainstream humor style. then edgy is a term for the people with absurd or anti-mainstream humor style.” if we back to the sentence i wrote earlier, personally, i assume that the rpt :v has more distinctiveness compared to other shitpost groups. related to this, pras also apparently admitted, “i think the rpt is a bit different. its content hasn’t derivativeness from seep / zeeblogi or cocoklogi science.” at this point, i find the next attraction about rpt: v. it is not only departed as a joke group that tried to distinguish itself including its members through linguistic construction in their shitpost content. as far as i found from the information given by pras, rpt :v as part of the indonesian shitpost world, is a fairly revolutionary group. as pras explained, the shitposting group is always in potention to death. this potention, based on his observations, is based on the segregation of edgy and normies groups. when a group is considered normies, there will be a kind of ultimatum from a number of group members to maintain the edgyness of the group. generally, this can be overcome by limiting its group members. but on the other hand, there is one part of the group that actually lets the group’s edgyness be snatched away by overwhelming the number of its members. it may implicate their sense of humor to become mainstream or in their term is normies. this, as pras observed, had happened to the cocoklogi science group, where some members of its group defected and formed a new group called seep/zeeblogi science. in the next time, with a similar case, several members of seep/zeeblogi science initiated a new group called seep/zeeblogi science reborn. but if we look it generally, these groups have similarities in terms 698 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 of mentioning something cool to translated in their respective terms. if you we look at cocoklogi science, a something cool is called “cocok”, then in seep/zeeblogi science including seep/zeeblogi science reborn it is called “z e e b”. here, rpt: v, according to pras, revealed itself as a group with distinctive character. although it is in line with the absence of relations with other shitposting groups, rpt :v along with its memberswas actually able to created its typically character through their slang language. this is accompanied by their efforts to maintain their edgyness, by giving restrictions about who can join the group. moreover, they didn’t hesitated to eject anyone who is considered to disrupt the humorous style of rpt :v by bringing humorous culture from people they call normies. because for them, the humor style that only allowed in this group is must be accordding to the group rules that have been set and included by the admin in the “announcements” points available in the group. this is their way of making their members toward “the other”. discussion from what i have written above, there is one big point that i need to explain, that random para tolol (rpt) :v, in my opinion, does not only exist as a shitpost-style group that breaks into shitpost culture like other groups. rpt :v also led its members including me to treat the edgyness standard they had formed, through the use of slang language, n a m e l y sp a n i s h in d on e s i a n . furthermore, the construction of this language which is so typically, is too narrow for us to say as a characteristic of rpt :v especially as a factor that makes them look funny. in this research, we have understood how the use of this language is so glorified as a distinction between rpt :v which the combination of its language culture and shitpost content should not be known to another people. the strategy adopted by the admin of rpt :v against its members is a way for them to fight the trauma of destruction experienced by other shitposting containers, such as nurhadi-aldo fanpage. because thanks to their openness to all netizens to be able to enter and dynamically within the group, nurhadi-aldo’s shitpost fanpage has decreasing its quality and intensity in posting the shitpost. more importantly, the shitpost content on nurhadi-aldo page is ultimately no longer known to be edgy or has faudyan eka satria towards ‘another of me’: random para tolol :v and the language games 699 the sense to look differentbecause in reality everyone now can imitate and intervene in the direction of the shitposting style of nurhadi-aldo’s pages. conclusion at this point, the edgyness of nurhadi-aldo’s page has turned into a shitpost with the normies style or in other languages, namely mainstream. although impressed a new style of social segregation, rpt’s :v effort to maintain its diversity however is their way to stay alive: this is caused rpt :v to be selective in choosing and retaining its prospective members and current members. acknowledgement this research is the basis of development of the undergraduate thesis that i am working on. therefore, i hope that through this research, i will get some critical view, to improve my next research about digital culture. i present this research to those who believe that everything which possessed by us will not last forever. references ardevol, e. dan e. g. cruz. 2012. digital ethnography and media practices. the 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world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 gunduz, u. 2017. the effect of social media on identity construction. mediterranean journal of social sciences vol 8 no 5 september 2017 hadi, a. 2005. matinya dunia cyberspace: kritik humanis mark slouka terhadap jagat maya. yogyakarta: lkis. kellner, d. 2010. budaya media. yogyakarta: jalasutra. mubah, a. s. 2011. revitalisasi identitas kultural indonesia di tengah upaya homogenisasi global. jurnal global & strategis, edisi khusus, desember 2011 muis, a. a. 2001. indonesia di era dunia maya: teknologi informasi dalam dunia tanpa batas. bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya. murthy, d. 2008. digital ethnography: an examination of the use of new technologies for social research. sociology volume 42 number 5 october 2008 nasrullah, r. dan a. onggoboyo. no year. konstruksi identitas melalui bahasa alay di dunia virtual. https://dokumen.tips/ documents/konstruksiidentitasvirtualalay-55888f6351d40. html pahlevi, a. r. 2013. globalisasi dan kosmopolitanisme: studi empiris mengenai pengalaman mahasiswa hi belajar ke luar negeri dengan pembentukan identitas global. skripsi fisipol ugm. prastowo, f. r. 2012. proses transformasi identitas kampung bahasa inggris pare. skripsi fisipol ugm. purwoko, j. h. 2014. muatan budaya, sosial dan politik dalam bahasa dan komunikasi. yogyakarta: graha ilmu riomandha, t. 2016. mencari jalan ketiga pendidikan: studi autoetnografi mengenai krisis akulturasi dalam keluarga. tesis universitas gadjah mada. slouka, m. 1999. ruang yang hilang: pandangan humanis tentang budaya cyberspace yang merisaukan. bandung: mizan. timmermans, j. 2015. playing with others: the identity paradoxes of the web as social network dalam frissen, v. dkk (ed). play ful identities. amsterdam: amsterdam university press. islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 industrial relations between ojek online drivers with pt. gojek indonesia branch of surakarta devi intan chadijah1, mahendra wijaya2, raden bagus soemanto3 1,2,3 sebelas maret university email: intanchadija@gmail.com abstract this study to analyze about understanding the driver and the company of gojek about partnership agreements which is different with work agreements that has been set up by labor law in indonesia, so it became a new study, and then analyze to know the relation that partnerships between the driver, company, government and consumer. this research is assessed using the theory social exchange peter blau. the method of this study is naturalistic inquiry. we find there is a different understanding between the driver with the company of partnership agreements. according to the drivers, contract offered by the company gojek have not answered the rights of driver as a partner or as worker, like social security, a system of compensation, and working time. partnership agreements that should have mutually beneficial, but in fact a working relationship which is interwoven as a working relationship on workers that have must always be subject to any company policy. therefore the drivers agree if online transportation of ojek arranged by the government. the absence of a labor union official and there is no industrial relations commonly called tripartite between the driver, company, government and consumer. keyword: industrial relations; partnership agreements; the rights of workers; online ojek transportation; gojek introduction the limited job opportunities in formal sector reform the people looking at other alternatives like the informal sector. this aims to meet the needs of its economy. generally the informal sector do not have social security is facilitated by the employer, but this was not the halting intention for workers devi intan chadijah, mahendra wijaya & raden bagus soemanto industrial relations between ojek online drivers with pt. gojek 621 who don’t have the ability to work in the formal sector. data from the central bureau of statistics in 2018, indicate roughly 58% the amount of labor in indonesia took the lead is the informal sector. the number of informal sector workers is greater than workers in the formal sector. therefore, the informal sector jobs are considered to be more rapidly than employment growth in formal sector reform. not many of the intervention of a government against, informal sector the government focus on workers in the formal sector. as a result, the informal sector wasn’t capable of being raised in bargaining position workers better welfare standard, even have to find out how to survive. on the other side, the existence of the informal sector isn’t inferior on all fours with the formal sector in encouraging the development continuity and the whole economy. one of the field work in informal sector which is being demanded by the breadwinner is to be ojek online drivers. one whose business services of ojek online hot issue right now is gojek. service industry it began operations in the city of surakarta in may 2016 with the income promising and far greater than conventional transportation, put the target gojek job opportunities for the breadwinners. some only joined as a partner to work with side, but there are also some who work fulltime and become the main livelihood for his family. gojek is one based company ridesharing and ridehailing with a system of sharing economy. the system is based on the role of a share of the revenue that is mutually beneficial to both parties. like other companies, pt. gojek indonesia also has an agreement as a guideline cooperation between the company with their partners namely the driver. work agreements be offered the partnership agreements. this is very different with the undangundang ketenagakerjaan in general have rules working time, wages, social security and social facilities with a view so that workers feel comfortable for work, and can increase productivity performance. partnership agreements offered by the company to the driver which isn’t having hours or come home from work for sure, there is no guarantee social and not provided social facilities as a place to stop or to rest for the ojek online drivers. partnership agreements between companies gojek with the driver is to use a sharing economy system, namely 90 % for the 622 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 driver and 10 % for the company. because of that , according to lora (2018:69) it is perfectly natural to companies did not facilitate in their entirety about social security and social facilities for the driver. the relationship between gojek and drivers in partnership agreements is not an employment relationship which is usually in general the existence of a party boss (employer) and the subordinate (laborer), so if his position as a worker then he should get the full facilities from the company. it was because, the partnership agreements does not meet the wages and command were elements of a cooperative re l at i on s h ip ( l or a , 2 0 1 8 : 7 8 ) . partnership agreements of gojek is a work that puts forward on the basis of partnership with the mutual benefit of each other. but based on the field findings on the driver gojek in jebres district at surakarta city, there are several cases have according to the ojek online drivers are very injurious to his side. it was because the parties the driver consider their position as a partner. one of them is as the slow process of transactions in the bank accounts of driver, that there were some changes of any tariff or suspend suddenly of company without notice and consensus with the driver. in this case, partnership agreements that should benefit each other, have a parallel position, there are no positions such as superiors or subordinates, but without realizing it, there is an unequal relationship in which the drivers require that they always comply with any policy and not given space to consult before changing existing policies. literature review in this discussion, there are several conceptuals such as in dustrial relations, partnership agreements and social exchange theory from peter michael blau. industrial relations according to labor law no.13 in 2003 chapter 1 paragraph 16, industrial relations is a system relationships formed between actors production of goods or services comprising of elements entrepreneurs, workers, and the government based on values pancasila and the undang-undang of the republic of indonesia 1945. interested parties in those relationships, namely workers a businessman, as well as a labor organization, employers organization, government and the community as a consumer (suprihanto,1992:29). the relationship devi intan chadijah, mahendra wijaya & raden bagus soemanto industrial relations between ojek online drivers with pt. gojek 623 need to ensure are kept and developed in the interests of all parties involved. the purpose of training or the development of industrial relations is to create a secure relationship and harmonious between parties is to increase productivity business (simanjuntak,2003:25). thus, industrial relations management is one of the development of human resources management. one from management at the company is industrial relations has formulated regulations corporation or partnership agreement which contain rights and obligations of workers and the authority and obligations of employers. the rights of workers is fulfillment of an obligation entrepreneurs. an obligation workers based on the authority employers to take care of that. the workers a job in accordance with the leaders to work and discipline in the work that has been set up. in return for the employment services it, workers eligible for wages, allowance and other social security, rest, on leave, fight for their rights directly or indirectly through the union. in addition to the workers are entitled to various kinds of protection, such as the protection of the health and safety, protection of the right to associate and negotiate with employers, as well as the protection of wages and incomes at the time were unable to do the job (suprihanto,1992:31). industrial relations started from the working relationships were more in the nature of individual between employers and workers. setting the rights and obligations workers governed by an employment agreement. this work agreement is carried out at the time of receipt of workers, among other contain provisions related to the extraction time , the problem of probation, office concerned, salary or wages, facilities available, the responsibility of, job description and work placement (batubara,2008:63). in industrial relations both the company and workers has the same right and legitimate to protect matter considered as their interests each, also to secure their aims. thus industrial relations is legality of an official nature. on the one hand, workers and entrepreneurs have the same interests, which is survival and progress company, but on the other hand the relationship between they also have the potential conflict, especially if both relating to the perception or interpretation who do not same points about the interests of each side (batubara, 2008:67). industrial relations involves a number of the concept, for example 624 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 the concept of justice and equality, power and authority, individualism and collectivity, rights and obligations, and integrity and trust (djokopitojo,1994:92). this is in line with the elements contained in the social exchange theory which is used as a problem analysis tool in this study. meanwhile, the main function of the government in industrial relations is to establish or compile labor laws and regulations so that the relationship between workers and employers goes hand in hand and is balanced, based on the regulation of fair rights and obligations (batubara,2008: 69). in addition the government also obliged to finish fairly dispute or conflict. basically, the interests of the government also to maintain the sustainability of the production process in the broader. according to simajuntak (2003:55), the ultimate goal of industrial relations is to increase productivity and their welfare and entrepreneurs. both these goals are intertwined, not separate, even affect each other. productivity a company that was preceded by work productivity of its employees can only occur if the company supported by the workers prosperous. according to batubara (2008: 71) the key success created a safe and dynamic of industrial relations is communication. with main taining the a communication that in an orderly fashion are both sides, the workers and employers , will to be able to draw a tremendous benefit. the main supporting this communication is a good positive interaction between employers and workers. this kind of interaction and maintained regularly and sustainable will create mutual understanding and trust. both of these are dominant factors in creating work calm and entrepreneurship or also called industrial peace (batubara, 2008:83). for workers communication can be used to know early and deep about the state of the company and the company in the future. in addition, workers can also convey their various views to help improve company performance. this kind of thing to be taken positively by the management of the company, as well as be recognition and appreciation to workers who care the company. in this case, the relationship that is built between gojek drivers and gojek companies has not yet had official industrial relations such as bipartite and tripartite. bipartite relationship is a relationship between two parties namely the workers and the company, while devi intan chadijah, mahendra wijaya & raden bagus soemanto industrial relations between ojek online drivers with pt. gojek 625 tripartite is between three parties, namely workers, companies and the government. the relationship between the gojek driver and company is still informal, but not familial. the relationship that exists is still a gap between the driver, the company and the government. based on field findings, all the main informants (gojek drivers) wanted the gojek company to be regulated under the auspices of the government. this is so that the driver gets the rights that are worthy of being accepted as workers, so that the partner status offered by the gojek company can be an employee status under the authority of the government. there are three elements that supports the achievement of the aims industrial relations, namely the first, rights and obligations guaranteed and implemented. second, if a dispute arises, it can be resolved internally (bipartite). third, strike by workers as well as closing company (lock out), by employers, should not need to be used to impose the will of each other, because the disputes that occurs can be solved well. partnership agreements according to umar kasim in lora (2018:29) the partnership agreement is a general form a legal relationship between one party and another party on the basis of a partnership agreement. forms of agreements do work on the basis of partnerships, namely: profit sharing agreements, agency agreements (in person or corporation), core-plasma, sub-contracts, payment agreements (deposits) for a certain amount of money, and others. therefore, the partnership agreement puts forward a mutually beneficial relationship between the parties so that the position of the parties is the same. whereas, in a work agreement, it contains elements of work, wages, and orders where the position of the employer as the boss and the employee as subordinates. in the relationship of work agreements, workers have rights in general, which partners do not have in partnership relationships such as overtime wages (additional wages given in the event of additional working hours than specified), health insurance, and old age benefits if the employment relationship ends (sovia in lora,2018:33). in this case, relationship between the application provider company gojek and drivers is a partnership relationship based on a partnership agreement. partnership agreement pt. gojek indonesia with drivers 626 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 does not fulfill the characteristics and elements of work agreements such as wages, orders and elements of work. based on the attachment to the contents of the partnership agreement, it has also been mentioned that gojek drivers act as partners. not only that, the drivers do not get a salary from the gojek application company but the ojek drivers must share their income with the company. gojek drivers income itself depends on how many passengers place an order through the application and the willingness of the driver to deliver services according to passenger demand. social exchange theory the theory used in this study is the social exchange theory from peter michael blau. blau focuses on problems that originate in social processes, which regulate very complex social structures from more fundamental processes that extend to the daily activities of relationships between individuals and their interpersonal relationships (ritzer, 2014: 192). blau places power, domination, and conflict of interest as the center of his analysis. man was born as individuals interconnected to each other, so that they also interdependent and affect one another. therefore, in fulfillment of the needs of his life. man must exchange needs, even is not limited in just the materialistic, but also social needs so as to form a social bond. these exchanges build on the purpose to be achieved by each the drivers of gojek and the company of gojek. the concept of social exchange that was mentioned by blau, the limit on the act of that depends on reaction from others namely action that will be lost when a reaction that is expected to follow up appear. according to blau , the attracted to each other for various reasons that drives they build social association. when the initial bond is built, return given to each other serves to maintain and strengthen ties. the exchanged rewards can be intrinsic (example love or respect) or extrinsic (example money or physical labor). each party cannot always provide equal compensation. when inequality occurs, differences in power will appear. this supported by statement blau in ritzer (2014:198): to speak of social life is to speak of the association between people, their associating in work and in play, in love and in war, to trade or to worship, to help or to hinder. it is in the social relations men establish devi intan chadijah, mahendra wijaya & raden bagus soemanto industrial relations between ojek online drivers with pt. gojek 627 that their interest find expression and their desires become realized. the links between theory and problem in this study is generally social relations consisting of some individuals. each individual has behaviors that influence each other in the relationship where there are elements of rewards, beliefs, profitloss rationales, values, norms, power, dominance and conflicts of interest that has each party. the gojek company offers a work system such as profit sharing with a percentage of 90% for the driver and 10% for the company, besides that the company also provides bonuses to drivers who have high work productivity. the rights and obligations of the gojek only manage the application and monitor the order of the order. methodology this study uses naturalistic inquiry. in naturalistic inquiry researchers are the main key in collecting and interpreting data. informants are treated as subjects and their relationship with researchers is interactive. the location of the study was conducted in surakarta city in jebres, this is because the city of surakarta is a city of culture and strongly supports conventional transportation such as becak, ojek pangkalan or kosti (local taxi). the beginning of the entry the gojek at surakarta in may 2016 is a denial of surakarta city government, and is only allowed for deliver goods is not to take passengers. but over time, now motorcycle online of gojek develop rapidly and to transport most favorite in the city of surakarta, either as transport drivers or as consumers. as for several reasons for jebres as research sites is administratively. in jebres is in both widest and having most populous second populated in surakarta. jebres sub-district also has many potentials such as tourism, education and industrial areas. the many potentials of jebres also support the high mobility of people in this region, and have an impact on the number of interested people use gojek and into the driver gojek while around the region. informants in this study consisted of gojek drivers, gojek comp anies, communit ies as consumers and government of surakarta city. informants was selected based on the basis that informants to reflect themselves and business partner. the informant retrieval technique uses purposive sampling. data validation involves thorough triangulation, which includes information sources (informants) and data collection 628 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 methods. data was collected through participatory observation, in-depth interviews, and interactive model data analysis. miles and huberman (1994:88), suggested that activity in qualitative data analysis was conducted in interactive place in a continuous until complete, so the data is saturated. the size of data saturation is indicated by no new data or information obtained. activities in the analysis of this model include data reduction, data display, conclusion drawing/ verification. result the research result refers to the formulation problem in this research namely to know meaning of ojek online drivers and pt. gojek indonesia in partnership agreements. in this case, information will be obtained in depth about the rights and obligations of each party in the partnership agreements, and to find out the industrial relations between ojek online drivers and pt. gojek indonesia. in this case also knows the relationship between the two parties to the role of the government and the role of the community as consumers. 1. the meaning of ojek online drivers and pt. gojek indonesia in partnership agreements in this case, to answer these problems, researchers collect information about the rights and obligations of each party in partnership agreements. based on field findings, there are differences in understanding between the driver and the company on the partnership agreement, the driver feels the employment contract offered by the gojek company has not answered the rights of the driver as a work partner or even as a worker who facilitates social security, wage system and working time arrangements. but according to the company of gojek, the company considers the distribution of 90:10 made by gojek with the partnership agreement has greatly benefited the driver. but most of the gojek drivers said that the cooperation system offered by gojek was still detrimental to the driver. this is because the partnership agreement made is not based on the results of a mutual agreement. this agreement is made by the gojek company. so that any policies offered must be forcibly followed. the driver considers their position as a partner, not a worker. so devi intan chadijah, mahendra wijaya & raden bagus soemanto industrial relations between ojek online drivers with pt. gojek 629 they feel that the partnership cooperation system offered by gojek like a system of employee cooperation. if indeed the cooperation that is built leads to the work system of the employee, the driver wants to get the right to social security, such as accident, health, death and pension plan. 2. industrial relations between ojek online drivers and pt. gojek indonesia in this case, to answer these problems, researchers obtain information to know relations between the two parties with the government role and roles of the people as consumers. the working relationship that exists between the driver and the gojek company, is a work relationship such as for workers who must always submit to any company policy, not the appropriate partner relationship. in this case the partnership agreement which should be mutually beneficial to each other, have a parallel position, there are no positions such as superiors or subordinates, but without realizing it, there are unbalanced relationships in which the driver must always comply with any policy and there is not given space for deliberation before changing existing policies the relationship between the gojek branch of surakarta drivers and companies is inharmonious, but productivity is still maintained. this is because the driver only works according to the maximum points. the driver must share his income with the company and the target work system, so that the driver only works according to the maximum point limit of 20 points a day, more than 20 points, they don’t get a bonus. on the other hand, the driver agrees that this online motorcycle transportation is regulated under the authority of the government. based on field findings, there is no official trade union, so there is no official relationship in tripartite institutions between the government, drivers, companies and consumers. the government does not have an official role in resolving disputes that occur between the driver and the company. likewise, consumers do not have insurance from the company if they 630 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 have an accident. in this case, consumers consider it not a problem, so those interested in online ojek services are still increasing. discussion the discussion in this study refers to the framework of thinking and the relation of problems to theory and conceptual. elements in industrial relations that want to be seen by using propositions in blau’s social exchange theory include power, domination, conflicts of interest, values, norms, social rewards, trust and social bonds and rational socio-economic concepts such as profit and loss. through these elements, the principles of exchange in the partnership agreement offered are balanced or not; and knowing the relationships that all parties have in harmony or not. thus the output to be achieved in this study is if the creation of harmonious industrial relations, then the productivity of workers will increase. but if industrial relations are inharmonious and power imbalances occur, then worker productivity will decline. t he c omp any c ons i d e rs the distribution of 90:10 made by gojek with the partnership agreement has greatly benefited the driver. but most of the gojek drivers said that the cooperation devi intan chadijah, mahendra wijaya & raden bagus soemanto industrial relations between ojek online drivers with pt. gojek 631 system offered by gojek was still detrimental to the driver. this is because the partnership agreement made is not based on the results of a mutual agreement (unbalanced exchange). this agreement is made by the gojek company. so that any policies offered must be forcibly followed (power). while the driver, must have all the attributes and equipment such as motorcycles, cellular phones, helmets, jackets to driving licenses. each party rationalizes profit and loss, this is because each party has an interest that if the exchange that are built is unbalanced (rewards, dominate) it will give birth to conflict. thus the trust of each other that has been built will be lost. the driver considers their position as a partner, not a worker. so they feel that the partnership cooperation system offered by gojek like a system of employee cooperation (rational profit-loss). if indeed the cooperation that is built leads to the work system of the employee, the driver wants to get the right to social security, such as accident, health, death and pension plan. so, the drivers agree more if transportation online arranged under the government authority. in this case, the element of the driver’s trust in the gojek company decreases, so the driver believes his fate will prosper if under the authority of the government (trust the government). the government does not have an official role in resolving disputes that occur between the driver and the company. likewise, consumers do not have insurance from the company if they have an accident. in this case, consumers consider it not a problem, so those interested in online ojek services are still increasing (social bonds & trust). industrial relations involves a number of the concept, for example the concept of justice and equality, power and authority, individualism and collectivity, rights and obligations, and integrity and trust. this is in line with the elements contained in the social exchange theory which is used as a problem analysis tool in this study which is used as a problem analysis tool in this research where rights and obligations in the partnership agreement are a social exchange. in this case, it can be seen that the exchange is balanced or unbalanced . based on the results of research, exchanges were built between pt. gojek indonesia with ojek online drivers is not balanced and the relationship that is established is less harmonious. but productivity is 632 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 should be mutually beneficial to each other, have a parallel position, there are no positions such as superiors or subordinates, but without realizing it, there are unbalanced relationships in which the driver must always comply with any policy and there is not given space for deliberation before changing existing policies. third, the relationship between the gojek branch of surakarta drivers and companies is inharmonious, but productivity is still maintained. this is because the driver only works according to the maximum points. on the other hand, the driver agrees that this online motorcycle transportation is regulated under the authority of the government. fourth, there is no official trade union, so there is no official relationship in tripartite institutions between the government, drivers, companies and consumers. recommendation from the results of the study, there are several things that can be suggested, first, in order to create an industrial harmony and economic development in the company, both workers and employers must obey and implement the applicable laws and regulations including determining the most effective cooperation agreements. second, still maintained. this is because the driver must share his income with the company and the target work system, so that the driver only works according to the maximum point limit of 20 points a day. more than 20 points, they don’t get a bonus. conclusions based on the research done it can be concluded, first, there are differences in understanding between the driver and the company on the partnership agreement, the driver feels the employment contract offered by the gojek company has not answered the rights of the driver as a work partner or even as a worker who facilitates social security, wage system and working time arrangements. but the company considers the distribution of 90:10 made by the gojek in the partnership agreement has greatly benefited the driver. so the concept of the partnership agreement is less effective if applied to the online motorcycle service industry. second, the working relationship that exists between the driver and the gojek company, is a work relationship such as for workers who must always submit to any company policy, not the appropriate partner relationship. in this case the partnership agreement which devi intan chadijah, mahendra wijaya & raden bagus soemanto industrial relations between ojek online drivers with pt. gojek 633 the need for roles and functions of bipartite and tripartite cooperation institutions in partnership agreements. third, guidance and supervision by technical institutions on a consistent and continuous basis to the implementation of the provisions of applicable laws and regulations in the field of employment in both the formal and informal sectors. reference batubara, cosmas. 2008. hubungan industrial. jakarta: jakarta: buana printing. cahyadi, antonius & donny danardono. 2009. sosiologi hukum dalam perubahan. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. creswell, john w. 1994. research design: qualitative and quantitative approaches, california: sage publications, inc. denzin & lincoln. 2009. handbook of qualitative research. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. djokopitojo. 1994. hubungan industrial dan organisasi ketenagakerjaan dalam perspektif pjpt ii. jakarta: yayasan tenaga kerja indonesia dan friedrich ebert stiftung. lincoln, y.s. & guba e.g. 1985. naturalistic inquiry. beverly hills, ca; sage. miles, m.b. & huberman, a.m. 1994. qualitative data analysis: a sourcebook of new methods. 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ketenagakerjaan. badan pusat statistik data tenaga kerja formal dan informal tahun 2018. journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 governance of local government of west kalimantan against illegal logging m. angela merici siba universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: angelmerici8@gmail.com abstract illegal logging is unauthorized logging and timber theft performed by the perpetrators wanting to manage forests for their individual needs. it has a negative impact on the habitat of forests and communities in west kalimantan. the felled trees are used for the needs of the perpetrators and exported to timber buyer countries. high timber demands have triggered the actors to perform such a crime. it occurs because some actors carry out document forgery in managing forests. this research utilized the political system theory from david easton and discovered that the local government of west kalimantan has made illegal logging rules. however, illegal logging remains to exist because the governance from the local government has not been maximized in issuing not binding policies and lack socialization from the government to the community regarding illegal logging. keywords: illegal logging, socialization, policies, the local government of west kalimantan abstrak illegal logging merupakan tindakan penebangan dan pencurian kayu yang tidak sah. tindakan ini dilakukan oleh para pelaku yang ingin mengelola hutan untuk kebutuhan individunya. penebangan pohon yang dilakukan telah memberikan dampak negatif bagi habitat yang ada di hutan serta masyarakat di kalimantan barat. pohon yang di tebang akan digunakan untuk kebutuhan para pelaku yaitu diekspor ke daerah bahkan negara yang membeli kayu tersebut. banyaknya permintaan kayu maka, para aktor memilih untuk melakukan penebangan pohon secara liar demi memenuhi permintaan pembeli. illegal logging dilakukan karena sebagian aktor masih 130 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 melakukan pemalsuan dokumen dalam mengelola hutan. penelitian ini menggunakan teori sistem politik dari david easton dan ditemukan bahwa pemerintah daerah telah membuat aturan-aturan mengenai illegal logging. namun, kegiatan illegal logging masih terjadi karena tata kelola dari pemerintah daerah kalimantan barat masih belum maksimal dalam mengeluarkan kebijakan-kebijakan yang tidak terlalu mengikat serta kurangnya sosialisasi dari pemerintah kepada masyarakat terkait illegal logging. kata kunci : illegal logging, sosialisasi, kebijakan, pemerintah daerah kalimantan barat introduction illegal logging is a widespread issue of environmental damage occurring in some countries with vast forests, including indonesia. illegal logging contains many meanings, such as logging or sawmills, timber theft and unauthorized carriage of timber. according to forest watch indonesia (fwi) and global forest watch (gfw), illegal logging is divided into two: legitimate operators who violate the provisions of their permits and timber thieves or people who fell trees without legal right to do so (supriadi, hukum hutan dan hukum perkebunan di indonesia, 2010). illegal logging activities will cause environmental damage. environmental damage, especially illegal logging, significantly impacts forests, flora, and fauna, including communities in the surrounding area. illegal logging refers to the activities of logging, transporting, and selling timber violating local area permits. however, as the forests progress, it diminishes due to the actors who manage the forests for their interests. the damage or loss of large-scale natural forests began to occur in indonesia in the early 1970s when forest enterprises started to operate (purba, 2014). the companies presence underscores changes in forest management, including in west kalimantan. based on the decree of forestry minister no. 936/menhut-ii/2013 dated 31 december 2013, west kalimantan has a forest area of 8,389,601 ha divided into a protected area and cultivation area. the protected forest area is 2,310,874 merici siba m. angela merici siba governance of local government of west kalimantan against ... 131 ha, while nature is 1,621,046 ha. the total production forest is limited to 2,132,398 ha, the usual production forest is 2,127,365 ha, and the conversion production forest only reaches 197,918 ha (cornelis, 2015). the community manages the forest area divided by each function for agricultural needs or oil palm land. forests are used to meet the economic needs of some people by cutting down trees of which the timber is sold to surrounding regions and even other countries. logging trees are declared illegal by looking at the quality of trees suitable for sale. this crime continues from year to year, thereby causing forest damage such as deforestation and the loss of animals in the forest area. document counterfeiting is one way to facilitate illegal logging. if not conducted in detail, it will make the perpetrators continue doing illegal logging. the government must carry out a detailed check to ensure the authenticity of the document. moreover, the government should monitor each forest area to see the activities undertaken by each forest manager (irawan, 2018). in the kuhp, illegal logging has been grouped into deployment, smuggling, theft, and counterfeiting activities. in 2017, there were about 6,000 illegal logging consisting of medang, kenange and bintangor timber (r, 2017). the timber of illegal logging was processed in round woods and boards and exported on request from the buyers through the kapuas river. this wood export has resulted in the widespread destruction of forest pdas in west kalimantan. the forest area of a region also influences forest damage. the size of the forest will increase the action of perpetrators in damaging the forest. it is also the case in west kalimantan, one of the largest forest areas in indonesia. however, it occupies the fourth position, but it does not mean there is no forest damage. illegal logging in west kalimantan forests continues to occur for various needs such as domestic and foreign sales and industrial and development needs. unlike other regions, it is easy to do illegal logging in west kalimantan, bordered by malaysia. the timber is sent through a borderless surveillance area. lack of oversight and easy fabrication of documents cause the perpetrators free to do illegal logging. in short, the leading cause of forest damage in west kalimantan is illegal logging. 132 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 table 1 five regions in indonesia with the largest forest area no. region forest area 1. papua 29,368,482 ha 2. central kalimantan 13,855,833 ha 3. east kalimantan 12,697,165 ha 4. west kalimantan 8,198,656 ha 5. riau 5,499,630 ha source: https://www.bps.go.id/ statictable/2013/12/31/1716/luask aw a s a n hu t a n d a n k aw a s a n konser vasi-perairan-indonesiamenurut-provinsi-berdasarkan-skmenteri-kehutanan.html the five forest areas led the government to establish regional regulations capable of reducing forest damage. nevertheless, forest and land management by the local government of west kalimantan is still far from good governance, evidenced by the absence of firmness from the local government. the determination of the local government in providing the law for perpetrators of illegal activity is very low, making it easier for perpetrators to continue damaging the forest. the autonomous regional policy is one reason for the local government to regulate its regional affairs, including the forestr y sector. by handling over forestry affairs to the autonomous region, the governor and regent/mayor authorize entrepreneurs to manage the forest in the region to pursue local revenue (supriad, 2010). the lack of supervision of forest land use permits allows the licensees to carry out illegal logging to achieve their goals or interests. some governments involve entrepreneurs to realize good governance in dealing with illegal logging. how is the governance of the west kalimantan government against illegal logging? this article describes government governance in making rules and policies regarding illegal logging in west kalimantan. framework in this journal, the author employed the theor y of the political system from david easton. according to david easton, it is a valuable system to view political life as a behavior (easton, 1984). it is a system of interdependence; a change in one section will affect the other part. some people become essential parts of the system and the environment that embodies the system. input c ome s f rom t he community’s demands and support merici siba m. angela merici siba governance of local government of west kalimantan against ... 133 from the environment that enter the political system. it consists of a community’s demands on the various issues in the environment. various demands entering the political system then produce output, a decision or action that will later be applied in the environment. once the decision becomes an action that must be applied, there is feedback or reciprocity. this reciprocity becomes a reference for evaluating the input, and then it becomes the new demand in the political system. decisions or actions in the political system may be policies. the process of policymaking is not detached from the support of the community. the policy formation process is inseparable from the efforts of specific individuals or groups attempting to influence decisionmakers to make the policy more profitable. a series of components, processes, allocations, resources, actors and powers play a role in setting the policy as a system. political life as a system consists of interconnected activities that find relationships affecting authoritative decisions (senjaya, 2017). results and explanation in recent decades, forests have been over-exploited, despite the establishment of various international and national regulations. unfortunately, the regulations do not influence the forest exploitation actors. forest damage in various forms continues to happen. the greatest damage to forests is illegal logging, followed by forest fires. according to kompas, indonesia annually experiences 684,000 ha of forest loss due to illegal logging, forest fires, forest encroaching and forest control (cipto, 2016). illegal logging is carried out for various purposes, such as for sale, the transfer of land to industrial and plantation areas, and the needs of people living around the forest area. forest damage and forest degradation due to illegal logging have occurred in production forest areas and entered into protected forest areas, national parks, and other conservation areas (narindrani, 2018). this damage has caused flooding and will damage the environment, and there are other impacts on the community and habitat in the forest. even though some people have felt the impact, they do not stop damaging the forest. if there is no effort or socialization to the community, the damaged forest area will widen and cause raids in the coming years. 134 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 illegal logging in west kalimantan is not a new problem and must be handled immediately to avoid damaging the forest continuously. there are three types of illegal logging. first, it is carried out by people or groups, whether living in a forest or even being away from a forest, without a legal right to fell trees. second, it is done by forestry companies that violate the provisions of their permits. third, it is performed by certain people on behalf of forest society. if there is no effort or socialization to the community, the damaged forest area will widen and cause a roughing (malik, problematika penanganan illegal logging di indonesia, 2011). these three types of illegal logging will keep existing if there is no awareness of each of the actors involved. apart from everyone’s awareness, the contributing factor is how the governance of the local government can overcome the forest damage problems. good governance is based on transparency, participation, accountability and coordination, indicating that the public utilizes forest management. therefore, the government should apply good forest governance principles to the community with all aspects. this governance is seen from the establishment and application of rules on all actors in west kalimantan. 1. the establishment of national rules on forestry forest resources are natural resources that ever yone must manage to avoid causing damage. hence, the government established a regulation stating that the forest belongs to the state and is given to the community. the government has become the institution controlling the forest. however, forest mastery aims to authorize the government to organize it properly and be given to the public and managed according to the rules. forest control by the state as mandated in article 33 paragraph (3) of the 1945 constitution authorizes the government to regulate and manage everything related to forests, forest areas and forest outcomes; forest areas and or change of forest area status; regulate and establish legal relationships between communities and forests or forest areas and forest outcomes, and regulate legal actions in the forestry sector. in addition, governments have the authority to grant permits and rights to other parties to conduct activities in the field of forestry (nurlinda, 2015). merici siba m. angela merici siba governance of local government of west kalimantan against ... 135 the country’s authority to regulate forest resources is a preliminary step taken to reduce the destruction of forests. however, various actions such as illegal logging, forest fires, and the transfer of forests to industrial and plantation areas harm the forest. the indonesian government then created several forestr y rules with the purpose of each related element ranging from the community, the company, and the government itself can carry out their duties in managing forests. these rules are the defining aspect of how everyone can safeguard or damage the forest. these rules govern how to preserve forests and sanctions for everyone who destroys them. the rules consist of law no. 41 of 1999 on forestry; government regulation of the republic of indonesia no. 34 of 2002 on forest governance and the preparation of forest management plan, forest utilization and use of forest areas; government regulation of republic of indonesia no. 44 of 2004 on forestry planning; government regulation of the republic of indonesia no. 6 of 2007 on forest governance, drafting forest management plan, and forest utilization; forestry ministerial regulation of the republic of indonesia no. p.02/menhutii/2010 on the forestry information system, law no. 18 of 2013 on the prevention and eradication of forest destruction; and trade ministerial regulation of the republic of in d on e s i a no. 8 4 / m dag / per/12/2016 concerning the export provision of the forestry industry. 2. the establishment of the local government regulation of west kalimantan to raise the awareness of each person related to the forest, the government of west kalimantan established a regional rule called the governor regulation. this regulation discusses the position, function, task, and governance of areas such as forestry service, explained as follows: • governor regulation no. 75 of 2018 on an amendment to governor regulation no. 117 of 2016 regarding the position, organizational structure, duties and functions and the work of the forestry department of west kalimantan province • governor regulation of west kalimantan no. 72 of 2018 concerning the position, organization structure, duties and functions, and the work of the department of industry 136 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 and trade of west kalimantan province • provincial regulation of west kalimantan province no. 8 of 2006 concerning the utilization and circulation of belian timber in the west kalimantan region 3. rule implementation illegal logging in west kalimantan is not new; it has been the case since the acceptance of timber management efforts. the business license to manage timber gives each person the space to manage the forest. the forest benefits everyone, such as in trade or development. the same space is also given to timber management companies. these companies saw the excellent opportunity to manage forest management production, then took the opportunity to enter the west kalimantan region and began to fell the trees for their needs. the companies exist because the government has established the rules on forest utilization. another rule in west kalimantan is the government regulation no. 6 of 1999 on forest administration and forest results collection in the production forest. this rule authorizes the company to manage and market forest outcomes. the government gives the company the right to manage the forest without damaging it. however, the provision of large forest conventions from the central government to forestbased companies (hph) has led to massive exploitation of forest resources and the marginalization of local communities (setiono, 2005). accordingly, the forest suffers damage. forest-based rights have allowed several companies to continue managing the forest by cutting and manufacturing based on their needs. however, these companies are willing to cut trees illegally, meaning that the boundaries determined to fulfill the buyers’ wishes continue to increase. companies managing forests in west kalimantan have acquired permission from the central and local governments. however, the companies committed more illegal logging actions. conservatively, the factories associated with forests (pulp, plywood, sawn timber) required more than 60 million/m3 of timber, while natural forests, planting forests, and public forests could only legally and sustainably produce around 20 million/m3 of timber (setiono, 2005). there is a discrepancy in which forest administration manages the forest more, resulting in forest destruction. the greater need for timber owned merici siba m. angela merici siba governance of local government of west kalimantan against ... 137 by the company will cause conflicts in local communities. the community also has the right to manage the forest inherited forest. this conflict occurs because the surrounding community still considers the forest as their own and has full rights to manage it. there have been laws regulating and dividing the forest-based on its status, namely indigenous forests, forest countries, and forest rights. everyone can use the three forests if the government has approved them. the social knowledge and understanding of the community are still lacking, thus having the potential to cause conflict. moreover, the socialization from the government on the status of forests is still minimal. the community believes that they can freely manage the forest for their needs (anonim, 2019). the government that has granted forest management permission without conducting routine supervision resulted in forest damage, especially illegal logging and illegal timber shipments. seeing forest management without being based on replanting and the increasing forest crimes, especially illegal logging, the local government of west kalimantan must have the authority to enforce regulations to reduce illegal logging. the authority of the local government to enlist illegal logging in the area is as follows: (1) granting permits, (2) establishing local regulations, (3) supervision, (4) cooperating with related agencies, (5) being firm and critical in granting and revoking forest governance permits (woy, 2013). the establishment of regional rules is one form of authority of the local government of west kalimantan in reducing illegal logging. it is an environmental law that requires everyone to obey it. environmental law is essentially a set of legal rules aimed at organizing a living environment. e nv i ron m e nt a l a r r a n g e m e nt implies that what is arranged is the relationship between humans and their environment, both with other living creatures (flora, fauna and other organisms) and with the natural or physical environment (abdul halim barkatullah, 2016). following the rules of the governor of west kalimantan, the whole duty in forestry is forestry service. the duty is to help the governor take care of all matters relating to forests, including forest management and conservation. the forestry department is fully responsible for 138 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 inviting people and corporations to safeguard and preserve the forests. moreover, the government also asks people not to trade other timber types not based on governor rules. timber that must be managed must meet the rules of the governor. besides, the government should supervise all actors who manage the forest to know how the forest is managed by everyone who has obtained the management permit from both the central and local governments. however, the demand for wood from various regions is getting higher, thereby carrying out timber management. the local government has conducted its duty to prevent illegal logging in west kalimantan. the effort is the application of central and regional regulations to forest destruction perpetrators and communities. another action is to expand and monitor, although it is still significantly less, especially in border areas (anonim, 2019). it indicates that the government has demonstrated a strict stance on illegal logging perpetrators in west kalimantan. despite being a destructive forest action, illegal logging is still being carried out. the government has carried out its duty by applying various rules, but illegal logging in west kalimantan still exists. it occurs not only by everyone cutting the forest arbitrarily but also because various government authorities regarding laws and regulations in the forestry are not well-organized. furthermore, government regulations not in sync will cause conflicts in local communities, especially communities living around the forest area. behind the community conflicts regarding forest management, the government has made various handling efforts to illegal logging in west kalimantan from 2014-2018. table 2 case handling of illegal logging by west kalimantan government no year description 1. 2014 timber seizure of illegal logging in mount dait protected forest, skendal village, serimbu district, landak regency, west kalimantan by the border safety task force (satgas) 2. 2015 merici siba m. angela merici siba governance of local government of west kalimantan against ... 139 no year description 3. 2016 the arrest of two perpetrators who did illegal logging in gunung melintan nature park, sambas regency, west kalimantan by the sporc team and handling seven illegal logging cases 4. 2017 handling ten cases of illegal logging occurring in 2017 by capturing perpetrators and confiscating illegal logging timber 5. 2018 the arrest of the perpetrators and foreclosures of 390 cubic meters of timber belonging to illegal companies by bareskrim mabes polri in three places: sandai in ketapang regency, wooden warehouse in ono ambawang jl. trans kalimantan km 21 and pontianak dwikora port and handling 13 cases of wild weeds source: edited by author the author faced difficulty interviewing the forestry department and the government of west kalimantan. the author sent an email and a contact, but the government said it was susceptible, so it was not allowed to conduct interviews. finally, the author carried out a show to the community to obtain various information on the socialization and the government’s role in overcoming illegal logging in west kalimantan. the information obtained reveals that the socialization of illegal logging and its impacts, as well as existing laws and governor regulations, are still not optimal. many people do not understand the rules and keep doing illegal logging to meet their needs. therefore, the government should socialize evenly in all circles. that way, the community will understand the rules and actions that must be taken to conserve the forest in west kalimantan. as stipulated in the west kalimantan governor regulation, one of the duties of the forestry department is to provide counseling on forestry areas. in fact, there has been no socialization about illegal logging at all. there is still much illegal logging in areas with vast forest lands. the lack of socialization has led to illegal logging. although there have been forest policies on 140 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 duty to supervise, every action performed in the forest can potentially be illegal logging. illegal logging keeps happening because local villagers still cooperate with the government and the company, resulting in no claim or sanctions for those who violate it (anonim, 2019). moreover, the legal sanctions given are not heavy, causing people to have the potential to continue to conduct illegal logging in the west kalimantan area. thus, preventing illegal logging will be very difficult. the local government must be strict and able to carry out the agreed rules, regardless of specific groups. the government must also impose the same penalty if involved in illegal logging. conclusions the central government has made various policies that the kalimantan local government made to prevent and overcome illegal logging. environmental and forest regulations are binding and must be obeyed by everyone. the west kalimantan regional regulations specifically govern timber management in forests. timber suitable for cutting must meet the government standards. in addition, the rules are also explicitly given to the forestry department to monitor, conserve and provide couns eling to communit ies, companies and all actors involved in forest management. it aims to provide an understanding of sustainable forest management and care. forestry department has the authority to supervise every activity of actors that damage the forest, especially illegal logging. since 2014-2018, the local government had made various efforts to reduce illegal logging. these measures include placing forest police officers in the forest area, providing sanctions for perpetrators of illegal logging, and applying timber legality documents. thus, the government has implemented governance to reduce illegal logging in west kalimantan. this effort is expected to increase the awareness of each actor involved to preserve the forest in west kalimantan. bibliography abdul halim barkatullah, d. a. 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(2018, januari 01). bareskrim polri bekuk bos illegal logging di kalimantan barat. retrieved januari 18, 2019, from kompas.com: https://regional.kompas.com/ read/2018/01/19/23490111/ bareskrim-polri-bekuk-bosillegal-logging-di-kalimantanbarat malik, h. (2011, april 22). problematika penanganan illegal logging di indonesia. retrieved agustus 12, 2019, from kompasiana.com: https ://www.kompasiana.com/unik /5500b567a333115b7451181e/ problemat i ka-p enangananillegal-logging-di-indonesia narindrani, f. (2018). upaya masyarakat dalam pencegahan dan pem berantasan pembalakan liar di indonesia. jurnal penelitian hukum de jure, 18(02), 241-256. nurlinda, i. (2015, desember). analisis dan evaluasi kehutanan. retrieved agustus 23, 2019, from bphn.go.id: https://www.bphn.go.id/data/ documents/ae_ttg_kehutanan. pdf purba, c. p. (2014). potret keadaan hutan indonesia periode 20092013. bogor: forest watch indonesia. r, m. a. (2017, november 20). baharkam polri gagalkan illegal logging di sungai landak kalbar. ret r ie ve d maret 24, 2019, from detiknews: h t t p s : / / n e w s . d e t i k . c o m / b e r it a / 3 7 3 6 3 3 6 / b a h ark am polri-gagalkan-ilegal-loggingdi-sungai-landak-kalbar senjaya, i. w. (2017). kebijakan publik perlindungan pertanian di kabupaten batang: analisis teori david easton. jurnal 142 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 hukum khaira ummah, 12(4), 825-832. setiono, b. (2005). memerangi kejahatan kehutanan dan medorong prinsip kehati-hatian perbankan untuk mewujudkan pengelolaan hutan yang berkelanjutan. jakarta: cifor. supriad. (2010). hukum hutan dan hukum perkebunan di indonesia. jakarta: sinar grafika. woy, r. n. (2013). kewenangan pemerintah daerah dalam u p a y a p e m b e r a n t a s a n pembalakan liar (illegal l ogging). jur nal hukum unsrat, 34-43. the dynamics of applying panislamism as a new politic concept sitti nurtina universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta sittinurtina10@gmail.com abstract this journal describes the dynamics of applying pan-islamisme as a new politic concept. pan islamism is a notion that aims to unite muslims worldwide. this notion comes from the idea of jamaluddin al-afghani. the purpose of pan islamism is all muslim countries should join in a forum for muslim unity as a way to strengthen the unity and internal unity of muslims in the world and has been widely introduced by the oic. the dynamics emerged when this understanding was spread as a new concept of islamic politics. this research is a library research by using the historical method. islamic thinkers disagree with pan islamism’s notion of being applied as a new political concept and applied in muslim countries including indonesia. the criticism came from naveed s. who assumed that politics run by the pan-islamic sometimes did not conclude an act of courage, sometimes even dictated by the west. meanwhile, mohammed arkoun thinks that there must be a renewal of a very traditional pan islamism in making policies for its member countries, there is stiffness in conducting international relations so that it has not been able to answer the problems experienced by contemporary muslim societies and still not be a place as channel aspirations and mission noble to unite muslims throughout the world. the oic as a forum for disseminating pan islamism is also considered slow in reacting to various problems faced. the oic seems to be only a forum for gathering political leaders from muslim countries. keywords : dynamic, pan islamism, new politic concept, oic islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 sitti nurtina 483 the dynamics of applying pan-islamisme a. pendahuluan politik islam dapat diartikan sebagai suatu cara untuk mem pengaruhi masyarakat atau umat agar berprilaku sesuai dengan ajaran allah menurut sunah. politik dalam islam dikenal dengan nama siyasah. politik atau siyasah mempunyai makna mengatur urusan umat, baik secara dalam maupun luar negeri. politik dilaksanakan baik oleh negara (pemerintah) maupun umat. negara mengurus kepentingan umat semntara umat melakukan koreksi terhadap pemerintah. salah satu ciri dari islam pada awal munculnya adalah kejayaan di bidang politiknya. islam tidak melulu menampilkan dirinya sebagai perhimpunan atau sekumpulan kaum beriman yang mempercayai yang satu dan yang sama, tetapi juga sebagai masyarakat yang total (hanafi, 1989). politik senantiasa diperlukan oleh masyarakat manapun, karena hal itu merupakan upaya untuk memelihara urusan umat di dalam dan di luar negeri. berpolitik adalah hal yang sangat penting bagi kaum muslimin. kita memahami betapa pentingnya mengurusi urusan umat agar tetap berjalan sesuai dengan syari’at islam (yudhiarista, 2012) . namun, ada masa dimana islam mengalami kemunduran yang juga turut mempengaruhi masalah politik. setelah perang dingin berakhir dan runtuhnya rezim komunisme di uni soviet, para ahli hubungan internasional menganggap bahwa islam sebagai ancaman idiologi yang terbaru, perkembangan islam yang sangat signifikan sebagai sebuah paham yang baru diaggap sebagai ancaman yang nyata bagi paham-paham yang lain. terdapat cara berfikir yang keliru dan salah tentang memahami islam. karena ahli hubungan internasional memahami islam hanya sebagai dan sebatas paham, bukan sebagai agama. hal tersebut tidak bisa lepas dari faktor sejarah dimasa lalu, di abad pertengahan khususnya di wilayah eropa, pemahaman terhadap muslim dan islam sangat dipengaruhi oleh idiologi konflik yang sangat kental antara islam dan kristen. sehingga pada akhirnya terbentuklah sebuah pola pemikiran yang baru mengenai dampak konflik yang sangat kental antara islam dan kristen di masa lalu yaitu lahirnya sebuah pemikiran mengenai konflik sebuah hubungan antara islam dengan barat.yang menjadi kekhawatiran barat dengan terpolarisasinya berbagai negara ke dalam jaringan system kapitalisme global, muncul sebuah anggapan 484 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 bahwa masa depan pola hubungan internasional yang menunjukkan kecenderungan antagonistic dan diwarnai konflik. konflik akan semakin meningkat jika antara islam dan masyarakat asia di satu pihak dan barat di pihak lain. maka bisa diprediksikan bahwa tantangan paling serius bagi hegemoni amerika pada masa yang akan dating adalah revivalisasi islam dan peradaban cina. pada tahun 1250-1800 m islam memasuki masa kemunduran dan statis. hal ini diakibatkan oleh berbagai fenomena sosial yang melanda ketentraman umat islam, diantaranya perpecahan wilayah timur tengah yang menyebabkan persatuan islam terpecah belah, perbedaan paham dan kepercayaan akan mahzab yang berbeda antar umat, serta ulah penguasa atau pemimpin yang sewenang-wenang. kemunduran ini terjadi diberbagai aspek kehidupan (politik,ekonomi, ilmu pengetahuan, sosial, dan militer). kemunduran dunia islam ditandai dengan tidak berkembangnya ilmu, sebagai akibat bekunya kegiatan berfikir rasional dikalangan umat islam, lemahnya ekonomi dan militer. di lain sisi adanya hegemoni negara-negara barat yang tengah giat-giatnya mengembangkan falsafah, sains dan teknologi, sehingga membuat mereka mulai dapat menguasai dunia, termasuk dunia islam (hawi, 2017). masuknya pengaruh barat ke dunia islam pada abad 19, membuat keadaan umat islam yang sebelumnya sudah terpuruk akibat adanya ajaran tarekat yang menyimpang, menjadi semakin terpuruk lagi. kejatuhan umat islam secara historis dimulai sejak abad ke 15 sebagai akibat dari pemikiran dan intelektualisme umat islam telah memasuki masa pembekuan diri. hal ditandai dengan karya kreatif bernilai tingga dari para intelektual sudah tidak bermunculan. di tambah lagi pemikiran barat yang mengatakan bahwa keterbelakangan umat islam adalah karena peradabannya yang inferior (berkualitas rendah) dan ini berkaitan dengan agama yang inferior (nasution, 1988). melihat hal yang demikian, para pembaharu islam mencoba menggagas pemikiran-pemikiran yang sekiranya mampu membangkitkan umat islam dari keterpurukan ini. banyak ide bermunculan misalnya seperti pemurnian agama, modernisasi di beberapa bidang, memajukan pendidikan, hingga mengubah struktur dalam pemerintahan islam. namun di sitti nurtina 485 the dynamics of applying pan-islamisme antara beberapa ide pembaharuan tersebut terdapat ide lain yang lebih menarik, yakni pan-islamisme. periode terakhir abad ke-19 lahirlah sebuah konsep baru mengenai politik islam yakni panislamisme (al-jami’ah alislamiyyah). pan-islamisme adalah paham politik keagamaan yang dikembangkan oleh para pemimpin muslim. secara luas, panislamisme dapat diartikan sebagai rasa solidaritas di antara seluruh umat islam (ukhuwah islamiyyah) yang telah ditanamkan sejak masa nabi muhammad saw (nasution, 1988). panislamisme itu sendiri adalah suatu paham yang bertujuan untuk mempersatukan seluruh umat islam di dunia yang memiliki perbedaan suku, ras, budaya, etnis dan bangsa. paham pan-islamisme berkembang sebagai respon atas hegemoni pengaruh barat di dunia islam (sheikh, 2003). paham panislamisme mulai diperjuangkan oleh wahhabiyah di arab, dan berpengaruh ke dunia islam hingga indonesia. gerakan ini berusaha untuk membangkitkan islam dari kebekuan dan memperbaiki dekadensi moral. kebangkitan itu kemudian berubah menjadi gerakan anti-barat ketika barat mulai merebut wilayah-wilayah islam. paham yang menginginkan bersatunya seluruh umat islam di bawah satu kepemimpinan khalifah. periode modern telah menyaksikan munculnya berbagai tren dalam pemikiran islam. sebagai agama yang mengandung nilai-nilai universal, islam dalam perjalanannya mampu menembus ruang dan waktu, yang pada gilirannya akan mempengaruhi paradigma para pemikir islam yang telah mengalami berbagai macam perubahan dan penyesuaian baik secara evolusi atau bahkan revolusi, yang sudah barang tentu kesemuanya ditujukan dan bertujuan dalam rangka mengagungkan din al-islam. sehingga suatu hal yang sulit dihindari dalam dinamika pemikiran keagamaan adalah ketegangan-ketegangan dan bahkan konflik yang muncul mengiringi perkembangan pemikiran tersebut. di satu pihak ketegangan itu muncul oleh suatu keharusan mempertahankan sendi doktrinal norma agama dan situasi dunia yang selalu berubah, sementara di pihak lain ketegangan lahir dari oleh proses sosiologis. meskipun demikian pergulatanpergulatan pemikiran dan gagasan keagamaan pada akhirnya memberi dasar bagi proses social, setelah terlebih dahulu gagasan itu teruji dan tahan atas falsifikasi. 486 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 lahirnya sebuah konsep, paham, ideologi, dan pemikiranpemikiran islam baru tentu akan menuai pro dan kontra atau dukungan atau kritikan dari kalangan-kalangan pemikir maupun ilmuwan lain, karena masing masing orang memiliki persepsi sendiri terhadap sesuatu hal. lahirnya politik islam baru pan islamic, juga menimbulkan reaksi yang berbedabeda dari para pemikir hi, teolog, dan sosial. sehingga dalam penerapan maupun aplikasi nyata dari paham pan islamisme mengalami dinamika dan tantangan. meskipun banyak yang mendukung adanya paham ini, tetapi dalam perjalanannya, paham ini tidak terlalu memberi pengaruh yang signifikan bagi dunia islam. pan -islamisme ini semakin menarik untuk dibahas karena upaya realisasinya yang ternyata tidak mudah karena mendapat pertentangan dari beberapa pihak. pan -islamisme tidak pernah terjadi dan tidak direalisasikan dalam suatu bentuk organisasi atau wadah apapun yang structural untuk menjalankan misi-misinya, tetapi hanya sebatas ide dan semangat yang berhasil disebarluaskan oleh jamaluddin al-afghani dan muridnya muhammad abduh. citacita susungguhnya dari jamaluddin adalah mengenai panislamisme ini adalah terciptanya satu pemerintahan islam yang dipimpin oleh pemimpin islam beserta ajaran-ajarannya ia membayangkan sebuah liga internasional berisikan umat islam. b. metode penelitian penelitian keilmuan sangat ditentukan keberhasilannya melalui keabsahan data dan metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ter sebut. pendekatan penelitian yang digunakan adalah melalui pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif. penelitian ini merupakan penelitian pustaka (library research), metode pengumpulan data ini merupakan teknik pengumpulan data sekunder dimana data – data yang diperoleh diambil, dianalisis, dan dikutip dari berbagai sumber melalui buku-buku ilmiah atau hasil penelitian, dokumen, jurnal, artikel, surat kabar dan dokumen lainnya yang relevan dengan penelitian ini. dalam penelitian ini metode yang digunakan adalah metode historis (penelitian sejarah). menurut samsul munir amin, metode historis adalah proses menguji dan menganalisis secara kritis rekaman dan peninggalan masa lampau. rekonstruksi yang imaginatif dari masa lampau berdasarkan data sitti nurtina 487 the dynamics of applying pan-islamisme yang diperoleh dengan menempuh proses penulisan sejarah (amin, 2009:4). c. pembahasan setelah mengalami periode penjajahan dan kemunduran pada abad sebelumnya, maka sejak awal abad ke 19 dunia islam mulai menyadari akan kelemahan mereka. kesadaran ini muncul setelah terjadi interaksi antara dunia islam dengan dunia barat modern. interaksi tersebut melahirkan kesadaran berpikir baru dikalangan umat islam, untuk kembali menggunakan metode berpikir rasional dalam memahami ajaran islam yang telah lama ditinggalkan, sehingga dengan demikian ajaran islam itu kembali menjadi ruh bagi kemajuan dunia islam masa selanjutnya. akibat adanya penjajahan dan ketertinggalan masyarakat mesir oleh bangsa barat, maka muncul beberapa tokoh islam yang berusaha merubah nasib masyarakat dan negaranya, salah satunya tokoh pembaharuan itu adalah “jamaluddin al-afghani” dengan pemikiran-pemikiran yang dimunculkan oleh afghani, baik dalam bidang politik maupun bidang agama. inti dalam dakwahnya bertujuan untuk mempersatukan umat islam, dengan maksud menginginkan agar umat islam di berbagai penjuru dunia islam berada dalam satu kekhalifahan yang besar, agar umat islam yang sedang terpuruk oleh kejumudan bisa bangkit bersama-sama dengan jalan bersatu. umat islam memasuki suatu gerbang pembaharuan pada abad ke 19 hingga abad 20. fase ini sering disebut sebagai abad modernisasi, dimana umat dihadapkan dengan kenyataan bahwa barat jauh meng ungguli mereka. keadaan ini memenculkan berbagai respon yang berbeda dari kalangan islam sesuai dengan corak keislaman mereka. ada dua respon yang disuarakan pada saat itu, pertama mengakui bahwa memang umat sedang terpuruk dan harus mengikuti bangsa barat agar dapat bangkit dari keterpurukan. kedua, menolak berbagai hal yang bersal dari barat yang diyakini berasal dari luar islam. sejumlah pemikir keagamaan muncul diantaranya jamaluddin alafghani dan muhammad abduh yang berusaha menghidupkan kembali kalam dan menambahkan ketertinggalan dengan menampikan tesis baru, serta berusaha menyelesaikan beberapa masalah yang muncul di kalangan umat islam yang diakibatkan oleh peradaban modern (amin h. a., 2000) 488 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 masa pembaharuan dalam islam tidak dapat lepas dari sosok berpengaruh tokoh jamaluddin alafghani, seorang pembaharu yang memiliki kekhasan, keunikan, dan misterinya sendiri. al-afghani yang memiliki semangat intelektual, tanggung jawab dan kesadaran, hadir menegakkan patriotisme, nasionalisme, serta yang paling utama adalah izzul (kemuliaan) islam. menyadarkan umat agar memiliki kekuatan untuk mengadapi imperialisme barat dan tidak terlarut dalam kenangan kejayaan islam pada masa lampau. islam harus bangkit dan melakukan gerakan intelektual ke depan mengikuti gerak pengetahuan modern. diperlukan perubahan radikal dalam pandangan umat, kecenderungan kepada keyakinan tradisional yang kaku harus ditransformasi pada keterbukaan pikiran dan rasionalisme yang lebih dapat dipertanggungjawabkan. al-afghani menekankan akan semangat pengetahuan yang kala itu sedang redup di dunia islam dan malah bersemi di dunia barat. sejatinya, semangat bangsa barat selaras dengan nilai-nilai islam yang sesungguhnya yang seharusnya juga berlaku di kalangan masyarakat muslim. dari berbagai pemikiran alafghani pan-islamisme adalah yang paling populer dan yang paling bertanggung jawab dengan ide tersebut. dengan pemikiran ini, alafghani umumnya dipandang sebagai penganjur yang sebenarnya entitas politik islam universal yang pada proyek politiknya terpusat pada pan-islamisme atau persatuan dan kesatuan negara muslim. lahirnya paham ini diawali pada tahun 1858 sultan mughal dising kirkan, dan sebagian besar negerinegeri muslim dikuasai oleh barat. hal tersebut mendorong para pemimpin dan pembaharu dalam islam berpikir bahwa islam harus bangkit dengan adanya solidaritas umat. jamaluddin al-afghani memang berusaha untuk mewujudkan persatuan itu dan kemudian dikenal dengan panislam. pan-islamisme bukan berarti leburnya kerajaan-kerajaan islam menjadi satu, melainkan mereka harus mempunyai satu pandangan bersatu dalam kerja sama. persatuan dan kerjasama merupakan sendi yang amat penting dalam islam. persatuan islam hanya dapat dicapai bila mereka berada dalam kesatuan pandangan dan kembali kepada ajaran islam yang murni, yaitu alquran dan sunnah rasul (hawi, 2017). inti pan-islamisme afghani sitti nurtina 489 the dynamics of applying pan-islamisme terletak pada ide bahwa islam adalah satu-satunya ikatan kesatuan kaum muslim dan apabila ikatan tersebut diperkokoh, jika menjadi sumber kehidupan dan pusat loyalitas mereka, maka kekuatan solidaritas yang luar biasa akan memungkinkan pembentukkan dan pemeliharaan negara islam yang kuat dan stabil. semua usaha itu dicurahkan salah satunya dengan menerbitkan makalah-makalah politik yang membangkitkan semangat. dalam rangka usaha pengem balian keutuhan umat islam, serta pemurnian akidah dan ajaran islam afghani menganjurkan pembentukan suatu ikatan politik yang mempersatukan seluruh umat islam (jami’ah islamiyah) atau panislamisme. menurut afghani, asosiasi politik itu harus meliputi seluruh umat islam dari segala penjuru dunia, baik yang hidup dalam negara-negara yang merdeka, mereka yang masih merupakan rakyat jajahan, termasuk persia. asosiasi tersebut didasarkan atas solidaritas akidah islam, bertujuan membina persatuan umat islam dan kesetiakawanan dalam perjuangan. yang dilakukan adalah menentang tiap sistem pemerintahan yang sewenang-wenang atau dispotik dan menggantikannya dengan sistem pemerintahan yang berdasarkan musyawarah seperti yang diajarkan islam. hal ini terbentur dengan sistem pemerintahan utsmaniyah yang absolut itu serta menentang kolonialisme dan dominasi barat. namun, paham yang awalnya tidak seutuhnya diterima karena sistem pemerintahan yang monarki absolut, kemudian bisa diadopsi dan diterima dengan baik oleh sultan turki. paham ini mulai diperjuangkan oleh wahhabiyah di arab dan berkembang di turki dengan tokoh utamanya adalah sultan abdul hamid ii. gerakan ini berpengaruh ke dunia islam dengan berusaha membangkitkan islam dari kebekuan dan memperbaiki dekadensi moral (alauddin., 1982) pada awalnya, pan islamisme memang tak lepas dari figur dan kepemimpinan khalifah. ada kaitan erat antara ide pan islamisme dan jabatan yang disandang oleh sultan turki. sejak abad ke-16, sultansultan turki telah mengangkat diri sebagai khalifah serta pelindung makkah-madinah. sejak abad ke-18 secara pelan-pelan sultan utsmani mulai memanfaatkan ide khalifah ini semacam “paus islam“. demikianlah sampai awal abad ke20, secara turun temurun kepala negara turki selalu menggunakan titel sultan dan khalifah. sebagai 490 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 sultan, ia memiliki kekuasaan duniawi untuk mengatur negara, dan sebagai khalifah mempunyai wewenang rohani untuk mengurusi masalah agama (suminto, 1996). menjelang akhir abad 20 pandangan dan pemikiran pan islamisme mulai diperkenalkan kepada masyarakat internasional melalui oki atau oic (organisation of islamic cooperation). oki merupakan salah satu organisasi negara islam di dunia yang memiliki kurang lebih 57 negara anggota, yang masingmasing negara anggota oki memiliki hak prerogatif untuk mengeluarkan pendapatnya mengenai situasi, kondisi umat muslim secara global dan bertujuan untuk memperkenalkan pan islamisme ke dunia internasional.  pendapat para pemikir islam mengenai pan islamisme berangkat dari pemikiran naveed yang mengkritisi pan islamisme dalam bukunya. dalam buku naveed membawa kefokus koeksistensi dan ketegangan antara islam nasionalis dan transnasional dalam konteks postmodern. naveed s. sheikh adalah sarjana kehormatan di kampus churchill dan kandidat doktor di pusat studi intenational universitas cambridge. naveed menilai politik yang dijalankan oleh pan islamisme terkadang tidak menyimpulkan suatu keberanian tindakan, bahkan terkadang didikte oleh barat (sheikh, 2003). secara umum kebijakan politik luar negeri yang telah dibuat oleh pan-islamisme (negara) tidak mewakilkan cita-cita bersama untuk mempersatukan umat muslim, tidak adanya niatan yang bulat untuk mempersatukan umat muslim diseluruh dunia, tidak adanya keberanian berupa tindakan untuk mempersatukan umat muslim diseluruh dunia dan terkesan justru kebijakan luar negeri yang telah dibuat oleh pan-islamisme (negara) dikontrol oleh barat. sheikh berusaha memberikan ulasan dan uraian alasan tentang kebijakan politik luar negeri pan-islamisme yang tidak mencerminkan cita-cita luhur pan-islamisme dari sudut pandang sejarah. ulasan dan uraian alasan yang pertama ialah mengenai situasi perpolitikan internasional, dalam hubungan internasional posisi negara sebagai unit analisa utama dalam pembuatan dan penentu kebijakan, akan tetapi pembuatan dan penentuan kebijakan tersebut sangat dipengaruhi oleh situasi dan kondisi perpolitikan internasional. ulasan dan uraian yang kedua ialah adanya negara super power sangat mempengaruhi seluruh kondisi sitti nurtina 491 the dynamics of applying pan-islamisme dan aspek produk politik negaranegara yang tergabung kedalam oki. ulasan dan uraian yang ketiga adalah di dalam organisasi oki sendiri. oki dinilai tidak memiliki bargaining position yang kuat di kancah perpolitikan internasional dan visi, misi serta tujuan oki tidak memiliki kejelasan. ketiga ulasan dan uraian tersebut sangat memiliki dampak dan efek bagi bersatunya umat islam di dunia internasional (sheikh, 2003). kita bisa menilai bahwa pan islamisme sangat tradisional dalam membuat kebijakan bagi negara anggotanya, adanya kekakuan dalam melakukan hubungan internasional dan masih belum mampu menjadi tempat untuk menyalurkan cita-cita dan misi yang luhur untuk mempersatukan umat muslim di seluruh dunia. pan islamisme masih meng gunakan metode/perspektif tradisional dalam hubungan dengan kebijakan yang akan dilakukan. kelemahan pan-islamisme karena tidak didukung para pemikirnya yang kontemporer. paham ini yang menutup diri dengan perkembangan liberaslime dan tidak mampu menjawab keinginan muslim modern. sehubungan dengan masalah ini, muhammad arkoun memberikan kritiknya atas bangunan epistemologi yang telah terbangun dalam tradisi intelektual islam. beliau adalah seorang cendikiawan muslim asal aljazair yang kini banyak dirujuk oleh cendikiawan muslim indonesia. menurutnya masyarakat muslim dewasa ini telah dikuasai oleh nalar islami yang memiliki karakter logosentrism dengan ruang perkembangan yang sangat sempit, belum membuka diri pada kemodernan pemikiran dan karena itu tidak dapat menjawab tantangan yang dihadapi ummat muslim kontemporer. arkoun mempunyai perhatian yang serius terhadap perkembangan pemikiran islam yang menurutnya pada saat ini beku, tertutup dan menjadi dogmatis dan menjadi mudah untuk menjadi islam fundamental (suadi putro & mohammed arkoun, 1998). menurut arkoun semua problematikaumat islam ini di sebabkan oleh matinya tradisi filsafat yang menyebabkan penerapan tradisi islam berjalan tanpa adanya investigasi yang kritis. dia melihat satu kebutuhan yang mendesak atas metode kritik untuk membaca pemikiran arab atau muslim. arkoun mencoba mengkaji permasalahan permasalahan tersebut secara konstektual sesuai dengan situasi kontemporer saat 492 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 ini. arkoun mengacu pada ilmu-ilmu sosial, bahasa, dan filsafat yang berkembang saat ini, khususnya di barat (perancis). sebagai contoh dia banyak menggunakan teori-teori antropologi karena menurutnya disiplin ilmu ini sangat penting bagi umat islam. dengan antropologi dia berharap dapat memahami dan membandingkan antara celah-celah kenyataan dan cita-cita ideal umat islam, dan akhirnya dapat menjembatani kesenjangan tersebut-. dalam hal ini upaya memahami alqur’an sebagai rujukan utama dalam mempelajari agama islam sangat penting dilakukan. arkoun menilai bahwa mufassir memberikan pemaknaan dan penafsiran terhadap ayat alquran yang berkaitan dengan pemikiran, kebudayaan, dan kebutuhan ideologis yang sesuai dengan zaman, lingkungan sosial, dan avilisasi politiknya. karena itu, tafsir ini bersifat mitologis dan bukan historis. bagi arkoun, penafsiran model ini hanya akan membuat agama sebagai penopang ideologi bagi para pemimpin, tempat persembunyian bagi para oposan, suaka moral bagi kaum tertindas, dan instrument promosi bagi calon pemimpin masyarakat (suadi putro & mohammed arkoun, 1998). dari kondisi sedemikian ini, arkoun mencoba melontarkan pemikirannya yang bercorak kritik epistemologis, dan membebankan beberapa tugas kepada intelektual muslim (termasuk dirinya sendiri). pertama, melakukan klarifikasi historis terhadap kesejarahan umat islam dan membaca alqur’an kembali secara benar dan baru. kedua, menyusun kembali seluruh syari’ah sebagai sistem semiologis yang merelevankan wacana alqur’an dengan sejarah manusia, di samping sebagai tatanan sosial yang ideal. ketiga, meniadakan dikotomi tradisional (antara iman dan nalar, wahyu dan sejarah, jiwa dan materi, ortodoksi dan heterodoksi dan sebagainya) untuk menyelaraskan teori dan praktik. keempat, mem perjuangkan suasana berfikir bebas dalam mencari kebenaran agar tidak ada gagasan yang terkungkung di dalam ketertutupan baru atau di dalam taqlid.  lemahnya lembaga penyebaran paham pan islamisme untuk menyebarkan panislamisme diseluruh dunia masih terbentur dengan berbagai masalah. oleh karena itu, dibutuhkan sebuah wadah untuk menampung aspirasi pembaharuan dan penyatuan islam, maka dibentuklah organisasi konferensi islam atau sitti nurtina 493 the dynamics of applying pan-islamisme oic (organisation of islamic coopertion). hal tersebut dianggap lebih efisien untuk menyebarkan paham ini karena melalui tokohtokoh penting dari negara anggota oki. pan-islamisme dengan kendaraannya oki sebagai sebuah alat penyebaran paham diharapkan mampu merangkul semua saudara muslim diselurh dunia dengan segala masalahya tanpa ada batasan. tetapi yang terjadi dilapangan, oki terdapat penjelasan secara holistic mengenai politik luar negeri pan-islamic. pertama, yakni kondisi politik internasional, premis konstitutive pada hubungan internasional dimana negara masih menganggap adanya suatu batas wilayah yang harus dihormati yang disebut dengan kedaulatan yang berbasis pada equality. kedua, suprastruktur yang ada terjadi dalam pola hubungan antar negara yang terkesan didominasi oleh barat, dimana negara muslim dipandang amat lamban dalam mereaksi berbagai masalah yang dihadapi. oki sepertinya hanya sebagai wadah berkumpulnya para petinggi politik dari negara-negara muslim. pertemuan para pemimpin oki lebih sering hanya berupa rapat tahunan tanpa menghasilkan suatu rekomendasi yang serius terhadap berbagai persoalan yang menimpa umat. yang tergabung dalam oki masih melihat barat sebagai super power. ketiga adalah pengorganisasian ditubuh oki, yang memerlukan superstruktur dan instutionalisasi yang lebih kuat untuk menghadapi kondisi politik internasional kedepan. tiga factor tersebut tentunya sangat berpengaruh terhadap sepak terjang islam dalam dunia internasional (sheikh, 2003). kita bisa lihat bahwa adanya suatu kecenderungan bahwa pan islamismemasih menggunakan 494 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 metode/perspektif tradisional dalam hubungan dengan kebijakan yang akan dilakukan. harusnya oki sebagai organisasi islam terbesar didunia mampu menjadi sebuah organisasi independen yang bisa merangkul semua negara islam dan mampu memberikan problem solving terhadap salah satu negara mayoritas muslim ketika terkena masalah. landasan konseptual oki adalah bercorak politik islam yang monolitik, hal tersebut dapat dilihat, dipahami dan dibuktikan dari kebijakan luar negeri negara-negara anggota oki yang berbeda -beda. sebagai contoh tiga negara kunci negara anggota oki (republik islam pakistan, republik islam iran, arab saudi). ketiga negara tersebut tidak pernah sepakat mengenai usaha untuk mempersatukan umat muslim di seluruh dunia dan me miliki kepentingan nasional yang berbeda-beda, karena tidak adanya kesepakatan dari tiga negara kunci negara anggota oki (republik islam pakistan, republik islam iran, arab saudi). rezim arab saudi dipandang sebagai pendukung palsu tentang internasionalisme islam, tidak pernah berupaya untuk mempersatukan islam secara global dan justru memanfaatkan posisinya yang dominan dinegara anggota oki untuk meningkatkan stabilitas pertahanan dan keamanan dari beberapa variabel ancaman keamanan seperti gerakan militansi shi’ism dari republik islam iran, gerakan nasserisme dan serangan radikal salafi (dalam negeri) (sheikh, 2003). amien rais pernah menga takan bahwa oki sebagai macan ompong karena lemahnya ke mampuan oraganisasi ini dalam menggerakkan potensi dunia islam (habsyiah, 2012). kenyataan ini menjadikan umat islam di berbagai negara cenderung menganggap oki sama sekali tidak punya pengaruh memadai dalam menjaga eksistensi umat islam itu sendiri. maka hal tersebut turut memberi dampak pada isu yang di bawa oleh oki yaitu pan islamisme. selain itu, panislamisme itu sendiri dianggap lemah karena paham ini terkesan lebih fanatic terhadap suatu ajaran. tidak hanya itu, muncul masalah lain yaitu sulitnya menyatukan umat islam dalam bingkai paham ini karena terutama perpecahan dalam bentuk mahzab suni dan syiah. seandainya oki dapat berjalan dengan semestinya dan mampu mengatasi berbagai permasalahan negara muslim, maka sudah hal pasti pan islamisme bisa tersebar sitti nurtina 495 the dynamics of applying pan-islamisme dengan baik di negara islam. (maarif, 1996). melihat beberapa contoh yang telah disebutkan di atas bahwa oki tidak memiliki kapabilitas dan kapasitas untuk membuat kebijakan bersama, membuat kesepakatan dan menjalankan kebijakan bersama untuk mempersatukan umat muslim di seluruh dunia, bahwa islam tidak dapat dipandang lagi sebagai “corps peradaban tunggal” dan apakah pan -islamisme berpotensi menjadi kekuatan yang berbahaya dan mengancam barat. di sini dapat terlihat bahwa batas penelitian mengenai pan-islamisme menjadi sangat jelas. arab saudi mungkin tidak membutuhkan oki sebagai organisasi dan media untuk menyebarkan paham fun damentalisme wahabi. akan tetapi arab saudi secara langsung men jadi negara yang mempelopori penyebarandan persatuan islam di seluruh dunia dengan cara memberikanbantuan secara lang-sung pembangunan mesjid, pondok pesantren, madrasah dan memberikan beasiswa penuh kepada pelajar muslim sebagai sarana untuk menyebarkan ajaran agama islam. arab saudi tetap membutuhkan oki sebagai tempat, wadah, forum dan organisasi negara-negara islam hanya sebatas untuk membahas permasalahan yang dihadapi dunia islam.  tantangan pan islamisme di indonesia pan islamisme merupakan gagasan dan tindakan baru di indonesia. sebagai suatu gagasan baru, tentu saja bisa mengundang dinamika masyarakat muslim yang bermuara pada terjadinya perubahan sosial. pada awal abad ke-20 dunia pergerakan modern islam indonesia, ide pan islamisme ini mula-mula diperkenalkan oleh sarekat islam. pengembangannya dilakukan lewat kongres al-islam hindia timur. dalam kongres ini sarekat islam menyeru agar faksi modern tradisional dalam masyarakat islam indonesia bisa bersatu dalam memajukan umat islam dengan landasan pan islamisme. awalnya, upaya ini masih belum diterima mengingat gagasan pan islamisme yang disarankan sarekat islam belum begitu kongkrit. namun, setelah bergulir persoalan khilafah di dunia islam, sarekat islam memperoleh momen sekaligus isu yang tepat. jadi pada fase pergerakan khilafah hampir tidak ada penolakan dalam umat islam di indonesia ketika itu. namun, pasca kemerdekan konsep khilafah yang diusung pan islamisme kemudian mendapat 496 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 pertentangan dari tokoh penting indonesia pada saat itu (somad, 2015) . konsep dari paham pan islamisme memiliki kesamaan tujuan dengan konsep yang dibawa oleh hizbut tahrir yaitu sama-sama menginginkan penyatuan ummat islam dibawah panji khilafah (feali, 2005). hal tersebut sesuai dengan paham mereka yaitu islamisasi yang merupakan pemahaman yang ditanamkan oleh sekelompok orang yang menganggap islam sebagai sebuah ideologi. secara historis lahirnya pandangan ini salah satunya tertanamnya semangat permusuhan antara islam dan barat yang mengakibatkan munculnya reaksi terhadap hal tersebut. dengan menekankan dan mengedepankan pemahaman bahwa khalifah adalah solusi untuk masalah seluruh bangsa di dunia termasuk indonesia, karena dengan system khilafah akan mampu membebaskan umat islam dari hegemoni barat mulai dari politik, ekonomi, militer dan budaya. di indonesia itu sendiri, dimasa demokrasi terpimpin pan islamisme yang di bawa oleh mohammad natsir menuai kritikan dari bapak bangsa. soekarno penganut nasionalisme mengkritik islam sebagai ideologi (pan-islamisme) seraya memuji gerakan sekularisasi mustafa kemal ataturk di kesultanan utsmaniyah. namun yang jadi pertanyaan, apakah indonesia pantas mengadopsi ideologi pan islamisme atau islamisasi dewasa ini? menurut penulis, hal tersebut tidak akan sesuai diterapkan di indonesia yang masyarakatnya terdiri dari berbagai agama yang berideologikan pancasila. hal ini akan melahirkan reaksi dari berbagai pihak, dengan komposisi penduduk indonesia majemuk dan plural terhadap kepercayaan, maka sudah barang tentu bahwa konsep islamisasi tersebut adalah sebuah keniscayaan. hizbut tahrir dengan konsep dan ideologinya menjadi bumerang di negara indonesia, sehingga berakhir pada pembubaran kelompok organisasi massa ini pada tanggal 8 mei 2017. d. kesimpulan politik dan agama merupakan dua aspek fundamental yang dibutuhkan manusia untuk bermasyarakat. kedua hal tersebut sering dikaitkan satu sama lain. dalam islam telah menyatakan bagaimana kedudukan dari politik. politik islam dalam islam dikenal dengan nama siyasah. politik atau siyasah mempunyai makna sitti nurtina 497 the dynamics of applying pan-islamisme mengatur urusan umat, baik secara dalam maupun luar negeri. politik dilaksanakan baik oleh negara (pemerintah) maupun umat. politik islam itu sendiri memiliki masa kejayaan dan kemudian mengalami kemorosotan, sehingga hal tersebut memunculkan lahirnya politik islam baru yang dikenal dengan pan-islamic. namun, dalam pelaksanaannya paham tersebut menemukan beberapa kendala. dimulai dengan penggunaan metode/perspektif tradisional sehubungan dengan pengambilan kepetusan kebijakannya, pengaruh dari barat, serta tidak jelasnya legitimasi dari wadah atau organisasi yang mengusung paham tersebut. pada akhirnya menimbulkan munculnya kritikan yang datang dari beberapa tokoh islam, terutama pemikir modern. pan-islamisme sebelumnya merupakan paham yang hanya sebatas untuk negara atau bangsa (dunia) islam saja. pada awalnya dinamika pan islamisme adalah dihadapkan dengan sistem kesultanan yang absolut yang sistem pemerintahannya yang sewenang wenang dimana bertentangan dengan cita-cita afghani yang menginginkan sistem pemerintahan yang berdasarkan musyawarah seperti yang diajarkan islam. kemudian pandangan dan pemikiran pan islamisme mulai diperkenalkan kepada masyarakat internasional melalui oki. oki merupakan salah satu organisasi negara islam di dunia yang memiliki kurang lebih 57 negara anggota. masing-masing negara anggota oki memiliki hak prerogatif untuk mengeluarkan pendapatnya mengenai situasi. kondisi umat muslim secara global bertujuan untuk memperkenalkan pan islamisme kepada dunia internasional. namun, pan islamisme yang dibawa oki belum mampu menjawab keinginan masyarakat muslim kontemporer. sejatinya pan islamisme bertujuan untuk mempersatukan seluruh umat islam di dunia yang memiliki perbedaan suku, ras, budaya, etnis dan bangsa, malah terbentur berbagai tantangan dengan kondisi umat muslim yang modern serta ideologi yang dimiliki masingmasing negara seperti indonesia. daftar pustaka buku amin, samsul munir. 2009. sejarah peradaban islam. amzah: jakarta. amin, husayn ahmad. seratus tokoh dalam sejarah islam. 498 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 bandung : remaja rosdakarya. 2000. arkoun, mohammed, 1998, logocentrisme et verite religieuse dans la pensee islamique dalam studia islamica xxxv, paris, 1972, hlm. 12-15, yang dikutip dalam suadi putro, mohammed arkoun, tentang islam dan modernitas, cet. i hlm. 38. jakarta: paramadina. hanafi, a, 1989,pengantar theologi islam, jakarta: pustaka al-husna. hawi, akmal. pemikiran jamaluddin al-afghani (jamal addin al-afghani) (1838 – 1897 m) . program pascasarjana universitas islam negeri 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e-issn: 2655-1330 ‘shock doctrine’ in indonesia in 2005: disaster capitalism in aceh post­tsunami asri wulandhari universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta correspondence author: asriwulandhari@gmail.com abstract economy is the most important thing in dealing with problem of individuals, groups, and even a country to meet unlimited needs based on honesty, in accordance with business ethics and prioritizing the public interest. the most ‘loved’ economic system is the capitalist economic system. capitalists tend to be more principled with economic growth than equality. even when natural disasters occur, there are some elements who take advantage of the post-disaster conditions. this is called disaster capitalism. this research analyzes disaster capitalism occurred in aceh. this paper uses a descriptive analysis method with library research as a data collection technique. data collection is analyzed with historical social approach focused to the process of tsunami 2004 and post-tsunami 2005 in aceh. the result is found that there are some people who ‘exploited’ post-tsunami situation in aceh, namely transfer of land ownership with the aim of converting oil palm lad on the export market. this project is carried out by artha graha group and its new conglomerate. the solution is from within a country itself. making the community united and high i solidarity will prevent capitalists from ‘roaming’ into a disaster. key words: aceh, disaster capitalism, economy, post-tsunami, shock doctrine. abstrak ekonomi adalah hal terpenting dalam menangani masalah individu, kelompok, bahkan negara untuk memenuhi kebutuhan yang tidak terbatas berdasarkan kejujuran, sesuai dengan etika bisnis dan mengedepankan kepentingan umum. sistem ekonomi yang paling ‘dicintai’ adalah sistem ekonomi kapitalis. asri wulandhari ‘shock doctrine’ in indonesia in 2005: disaster capitalism ... 199 kapitalis cenderung lebih berprinsip pada pertumbuhan ekonomi daripada kesetaraan. bahkan pada saat bencana alam terjadi, ada beberapa elemen yang memanfaatkan kondisi pascabencana. ini disebut kapitalisme bencana. penelitian ini menganalisis bencana kapitalisme yang terjadi di aceh. makalah ini menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif dengan studi pustaka sebagai teknik pengumpulan datanya. pengumpulan data dianalisis dengan pendekatan sosial historis yang difokuskan pada proses tsunami 2004 dan pasca tsunami 2005 di aceh. hasilnya ditemukan adanya beberapa orang yang ‘mengeksploitasi’ situasi pascatsunami di aceh, yaitu pengalihan kepemilikan tanah dengan tujuan mengkonversi anak kelapa sawit di pasar ekspor. proyek ini dikerjakan oleh grup artha graha dan konglomerat barunya. solusinya dari dalam negara itu sendiri. menyatukan komunitas dan solidaritas yang tinggi akan mencegah kapitalis dari ‘berkeliaran’ menjadi bencana. kata kunci: aceh, kapitalisme bencana, ekonomi, pasca tsunami, shock doctrine. introduction the shock doctrine by naomi klein binds history, economy, globalization, natural disaster and geopolitics into a grim picture. the shock doctrine is a basic assumption of capitalism and this is what is considered to have no “conscience”. because, there are some people who take advantage behind post-disaster conditions (klein, the shock doctrine: the rise of disaster capitalism, 2007). some main points related to shock doctrine are expansion of capitalism in neoliberalist, emergence of disaster capitalism and finally failure of free markets and neoliberalism. capitalism is presumed (mark, 2009) as corporate greed for maximizing profits through seizure of assets and market utilization of workers and consumer in free market area. it supports neoliberalism movement, which is economic theory needed about the granting of freedom gained by individuals and entrepreneurial skills in relations to those related to free trade (david, 2005). neoliberalisation has base target as followed deregulation, privatization, and spending public (klein, the shock doctrine: the rise of disaster capitalism, 2007). those three goals are very affected 200 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 to control of state by owners of capital. poor people who do not have ownership rights will face the ruling elite corporation. a monetarist economist and nobel prize winner in economics, milton friedman, is a person who always thinks that by campaigning ideas he has about capitalism system and the government is not allowed to take care of individuals in it as well as economics. friedman also believes that crisis is a right condition in increasing new ways to politic and economic aspects where government must release interference in the economic field. market must be free without government’s interference. because, it only causes inefficiencies not only in value but also economic process that cannot develop in a sustainable manner. further, friedman also said economy never happened without composing an unsettling system, whether it is a natural crisis created something similar. the effect, capitalism even unleashes the opportunistic side of humanity through the exploitation of profits by the ruling elite against disadvantaged people (robert, 2012). how the shock doctrine theory worked? it began with education. followers of free markets theory were friedman students (chicago boys) from university of chicago. considering that friedman was also a professor at the university of chicago, a place where he developed many free market theories. the origin of ‘disaster capitalism’ in america emerged in the 1970s with chile as the first country to implement an economic ‘shock doctrine’. for more than 3 decades, friedman and his followers had perfected this strategy: waited for a major crisis, then sold pieces of the state to private players while citizens stagger from surprise, then quickly made permanent ‘reforms’. these were the point where the two types of shock become closely related. first, surprise for the country, which would confuse the population into a situation where it was unable to prevent change. economic reforms such as cutting government spending and selling public goods were put in place immediately. second, torture. population segments that were not in accordance with the new order of individualistic free market capitalism, will disappear, be tortured by the pinochet regime. augusto pinochet is the president ad dictator of chile. he served as the 29th president of chile in 19741990. during his reign, he was charged with committing human rights violations by killing 3197 asri wulandhari ‘shock doctrine’ in indonesia in 2005: disaster capitalism ... 201 and torturing around 35000 people. he still served as chile’s military commander until 1998 and died in 2006 without being tried on charges. (utomo, n.d.). capitalism and neoliberalism which hitched a ride on shock therapy to progress, eventually led to a humanitarian disaster. that means, those two principles play an important role in conducting shock therapy, yet the facts inappropriate which had intended to advance the world instead destroy it. in thesis (klein, the shock doctrine: the rise of disaster capitalism, 2007) shock doctrine is way how a country firstly shocked by wars, terror attacks, indignity, and natural disaster; secondly by corporates and politicians that exploits fear and disorientation from the first shock to reap economic benefits; and thirdly by polices and interrogators if there is rejection of second shock. in other word, shock doctrine is a theory aims to practice those principles of a free market economy whose policy implementation must occur immediately after national shock therapy, one of which is the existence of disaster capitalism. sri lanka, for instance where industry changes through foreign investment and privatization were stronger when there were projects to improve tsunami affected areas. foreign companies in charge of tourism, development and privatization of country’s electricity and water companies c ont rol c ou nt r y ’s e c onom i c sector. according to sri lankan humanitarian activist, this is a matter of “second tsunami crisis” due to the dominance of beaches and other marine wealth by foreign companies that have support from sri lankan military (klein, the shock doctrine: the rise of disaster capitalism, 2007). this is called as disaster capitalism, namely privatization and securitization of interests in operating shock doctrine and taking advantage of therapy (mark, 2009). disaster capitalism that was originally presumed to be able to cause new problems for countries affected by disasters because of its base is based on foreign debt. even though the country experienced a very destructive disaster, as a ‘savior’, imf and world bank provided emergency financial assistance. emergency aid in this context is not in the form of grants, but in debt. world bank provides aids accompanied by “terms and conditions apply”, like privatization economic sector they presume it will be profitable and energy cuts 202 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 in health and education subsidies in assumptions imposed on state budget (apbn). if it does not have profitable wealth resources, the ‘world savior’ organization will not help a country. this principle is also often used to ‘help’ troubled countries. just as some projects are accommodated by debt rather than restoring small people’s economy like a fisherman, some development projects accommodated tend to prioritize the reconstruction of tourism and fisheries industry sector then, make farmers marginalized. this is appropriate with economic capitalist system according to milton friedman on his book “capitalism and freedom”, said : “the capitalist economic system is inf luenced by getting the maximum benefit with limited resources. this capitalist endeavor is supported by values of freedom to comply unlimited needs.” the capitalism side is very visible from the egoism side, freely accumulating personal wealth, increasing and spending it (baswir, 2009). how about human and natural disaster occurred in indonesia? in indonesia, the emergence of capitalist system caused by the emergence of misused foreign capital, namely by transfer of indonesia’s wealth by a nation other than indonesia. emerging capitalism is also caused existing social layers (malaka, 2008). despite differences from europe, capitalism in indonesia has always been based on capital ownership, it causes disparity in social classes. at the beginning of its independence, indonesia’s economic system was not as different as in colonial times. capitalist system applied often experiences irregularities and changes at time. thus, indonesian’s economic system was bad and apprehensive. plus, president soekarno had not been able to implement an advance economic system for indonesia at that time. sho ck d o c t r i ne t he r apy happened since 1965 for declaring neoliberalism flag in indonesia (hatley, 2012). when new order began (1965), the first shock was waged through a military coup against soekarno government with various mass killings. in this case, the government was supported by the berkeley mafia and loan recovery funds from iggi (intergovernmental group on indonesia) to overcome this problem. during new order (1998), president soeharto replaced economic system in indonesia by asri wulandhari ‘shock doctrine’ in indonesia in 2005: disaster capitalism ... 203 bringing up and improving capitalist system arbitrarily, by deregulation, privatization and elimination of social security promoted in the name of reformation. reformation, which is ‘said’ was an alternative way for new order, had actually become a penetration and expansion and economic interests both from within and outside indonesia. not only that, soeharto’s era government also paid attention to social hierarchy and political power (baswir, 2009). in new order era, wealthy was not used well, as disregard of people’s aspirations by authorities in social, political, or economic fields. general soeharto was a figure of president with power like a king with his dictatorial system for about 1/3 century. the differences in beliefs and opinions with system established by him, it would be removed target, even though he was a friend. according to klein, the driving issue that created the rift of differing perceptions is the advent of neoliberal capitalism, specifically the continuously deregulated one within an international anarchic system (rahmani, 2018). it is as klein said in her book that she wrote about shock and how countries are shocked by wars, terror attacks, coups d’etat and natural disasters. then, they are shocked again by corporations and politicians who exploit the fear and disorientation of the first shock to push through economic shock therapy. those who dare to resist this shock politics, if it is necessary will be shocked for a third time by police and prison interrogators (klein, the shock doctrine : the rise of disaster capitalism, 2007). the climax occurred in 2004 after tsunami surged aceh, private sectors controlled devastated development region. every capitalist really likes areas devastated by disasters. at that time, there were no more trees and buildings that stood tall in aceh. every capitalists’s perspective, empty land is a beauty (blank is beautiful). it is considered more efficient in construction for new business. it is obvious that fundamentalist form of capitalism always requires disaster to progress (klein, the shock doctrine: the rise of disaster capitalism, 2007). the writer of this research describes about disaster capitalism existence gives ‘shock doctrine’ effect to indonesian people, especially aceh, after tsunami 2005 titled “shock doctrine’ in indonesia in 2005: disaster capitalism in aceh post­ tsunami”. 204 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 research method this research uses descriptive analyses method and the writer tries to describe about shock doctrine phenomenon ever been written by an activist, naomi klein. the case study used by the writer is to describe a similar phenomenon existed in indonesia, namely disaster capitalism existed in aceh post-tsunami (2005). data collection techniques used is library research through various information sources, such as books, journals, articles, and relevant news collections. data collection is analyzed using a historical social approach, where it is focused in 2004 tsunami happened and posttsunami 2005 in aceh. literature review literature review found by writer related with title of this research. first, thesis by risky novialdi (novialdi, 2016), a magister international relations student in universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta titled tsunami disasters effect on increasing soft power diplomacy for aceh provincial government in 2004-2015. this thesis explains tsunami and earthquake disasters phenomenon in aceh, includes all “blessings” that were brought. tsunami disaster has led aceh to become a better province in regional governance and also improved its foundation for foreign relations. through this responsive governance and infrastructure disaster made aceh be ‘expert’ in disaster management. this ‘expert’ could be shared to all other regions at local and international level. so, finally it can increase soft power diplomacy for aceh government in establishing cooperation with outside parties. second, journal written by ratih herningtyan and surwandono from international relations major, un i v e r s i t a s mu h a m m a d i y a h yogyakarta titled “natural disaster diplomacy as sug gestion to increase international cooperation” (surwandono, 2014). this thesis analyses how disaster issues in indonesia can be modified into social capital to solve social, political, and socio-cultural problems in disaster prone areas. one of them is disaster that struck aceh (2004). the result is indonesia’s disaster management gained worldwide r e c o g n i t i o n a n d i n c r e a s e d indonesia’s competitiveness against other countries. it becomes source of indonesian soft power and used as strategy to build international collaboration and cooperation. asri wulandhari ‘shock doctrine’ in indonesia in 2005: disaster capitalism ... 205 of both literature reviews show the differences of research title raised by this writer. both literature reviews used natural disaster in aceh (2004) as study case and described disaster diplomacy influence at that time. however, the writer of this research more describing the condition after tsunami disaster in aceh (2005). the result found is there is a ‘blessing’ obtained by a handful of certain parties who took advantage of postdisaster condition by ‘utilizing’ situation behind natural disaster, namely tsunami in aceh (2004). result and discussion a disaster, both natural disasters, such as conflict and economic crisis, is a new economic event that can bring profits to increase dramatically. the disaster has become a foundation to build a capitalism or neoliberalism economic in area where disasters occur. disaster capitalism becomes a new economy. disasters can take many forms, (i.g earthquakes tsunamis). on december 26, 2016 was something that could never be forgotten for asian country, because earthquake with approximately strength 9,3 sr hit indonesia, precisely in western region of northern sumatera. tsunami was the biggest disaster occurred and devastated aceh region, especially banda aceh and meulaboh, and caused damage to a number of things that were fairly severe. the point was located in the waters of indian ocean (255 km) in the city of banda aceh with magnitude 9,2 at the depth of earthquake center 30 km and wave height reaches 10-12 meters (mohd. robi amri, 2015). ts u n am i h app e n e d h a d destroyed all beach communities in india ocean area, such as some regions in asean. there are some different survey and data reports about number of died and disappeared victims. according to data in bnpn output book, particularly tsunami in aceh, number of all victims were approximately about 283.100. meanwhile, death toll in indonesia was 108.100 and 127.700 people lost (hirokazu iemura, 2006). in another report from world health organization (who) shows about 500.000 people got injured (www. who.int). among other developing countries, aceh is categorized as having the most damage and losses from earthquake followed by tsunami. a comprehensive analyses conducted by indonesian government team and several 206 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 international experts noted that damage and losses caused by tsunami disaster reached rp 29,2 trillion or around us$ 3,2 billion. in social sector, damage and losses included housings, educations, health services, and prayer places. for environment around the coast, destruction of various kinds of natural and artificial ecosystems are also a big impact due to the disaster. however, damage most concentrated in tsunami occurred was housing and private sector buildings (http://siteresources. worldbank.org). the widespread coverage of natural disasters has brought aid from various directions, both private and personal, both ngo and central government. however, the national militar y and/or foreign military which needed to access the affected communities experience obstacles in sending basic humanitarian assistance due to the large scale of damage. things must be focused besides issues of coordination and ability to handle humanitarian emergence response are steps and efforts in channeling aid and development that are fairly close to complex power relations formed due to the national political situation and affected regions. nevertheless, the facts is only a fraction on systematic efforts that have been made in examining role of dynamics of political patterns that affect humanitarian aid and reconstruction in areas affected by disaster (couldrey, 2005). even supported by some kinds of meeting and public statements about interagency corporation, it is still hard to find dealt definition about right ‘recovery’. it is proven when aceh provided reference that when involvement of large number of external organizations was involved, the relief and reconstruction process was a problem. inside the book of naomi klein, the shock doctrine, focuses to cynical and opportunistic behavior often participates in post-conflict and post-disaster reconstruction processes. in a strong argument, klein assumes that government and corporate interests exploit conditions that create social trauma or doctrine of shock for large-scale local people to reap political and/ or economic benefits, and trigger conflicts (klein, the shock doctrine: the rise of disaster capitalism, 2007). the reconstruction of natural disasters and these disasters have become a very big and profitable business. some companies will succeed if there is a disaster (war or natural disaster, such as a tsunami), asri wulandhari ‘shock doctrine’ in indonesia in 2005: disaster capitalism ... 207 and they will damage the disaster if it does not occur. as such, there are clearly a number of cases where aid provide for development and emergency relief has been manipulated to achieve goals, such as social, economic and political. this is what came to be called disaster capitalism. the results of an assessment from one of the world rescue organizations, namely world bank in the early months after tsunami in aceh 2004 and early 2005, stated that there was a transfer of agricultural land in aceh to cash crops, or what is known as the ‘cash crop’ of the world bank assumes not too productive of food crop in improving the economy of the small people in aceh who work as farmers. it is clear that the idea proposed is none other than to convert oil palm land into the export market. likewise around the beginning of january (2005), the discussion was about the artha graha group project to build city of meulaboh designed like city of shanghai. in this regard, the artha graha group and its accomplices, namely its new conglomerate, a number of indonesian national army (tni) officers and international banks were quick to see disaster in aceh as a great opportunity in developing business (indonesia r. n., 2005). this is related with what george aditjondro (ga) delivered. he is a social-political observer in an interview with juliani wahyana via radio netherlands indonesia broadcast on february 2, 2005. on the interview, ga said that when tsunami occurred, it was very obvious that there were military actions in emergency, rescue and recovery or rehabilitation processes. it means, in apart from mountainous areas, there was still a shootout between tni and nangroe aceh army, even aceh region was seized by soldiers around 2/3 (two-thirds). those armies were tasked with clearing for the largest military business in indonesia, the artha graha group under direction of tommy winata. ga added that tsunami occurred and additional troops sent to aceh under protected or disguised as humanity project, as well as having a combat function against gam and while opening the path termed that they did clearing for artha graha centered in meulaboh area (indonesia r. n., 2005). in one of media published by artha group, tiras magazine, illustrates the reach of area towards some of their very broad posts. meanwhile, followers of the artha graha company that contribute 208 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 to the recovery of aceh region is a phase towards construction. artha graha group is a company which distributed the most aid in aceh. there is also a group of chinese businessmen and military businesses who are ‘participating’ in various businesses in southeast asia. as well as media group supervised by a businessman from aceh and also a military child, surya paloh (indonesia r. n., 2005). it can be said that those company groups are kind of indigenous bureaucrat capitalist group that used to be a supplier of funds for golkar or even still going, they are kalla and bukaka group owned by jusuf kalla (indonesia r. n., 2005). the last is bakrie group, that still so mastered oil palm plantations on island of sumatera through pt. bakrie sumatera plantation. there are allegations that they want to expand control of oil palm commodities to aceh (indonesia r. n., 2005). eventually, a disaster that should be completed well, instead create new disaster, especially for aceh people that exactly got disoriented when policies made unilaterally. in indonesia, 2005-2009, around 20-50 million lands hectares owned by poor people were privatized by corporate. more than 100 billion dollar made for acquisition of farmland covering ±50 million hectares. the real fact was the palm oil industry, it was obvious how country did land reorganization to ‘clean’ capital flow in new peasant order. worse, the land was not cultivated directly, but rather used as land stock giant companies. the indonesian palm oil commission stated that around 3,3 million hectares of untreated land had been accumulated by company. sadly, in indonesia itself was allowed to own more than 100,000 hectares in indonesia and there were no controls or restrictions on establishment of new companies to obtain additional land. the land tenure system that did not take sides at all to people started from new order. it was forcing indonesian people to be graceful and emergence of agrarian problems had been inherited by new order. the applicable policies need to be allocated to the businessmen at that time (agung, 2012). those who owned more capital had the right to control agricultural land. meanwhile, for poor people, even though in own town, forced to be marginalized. the permanent problem of inequality and economic poverty in indonesia as described above is inseparable from hegemony asri wulandhari ‘shock doctrine’ in indonesia in 2005: disaster capitalism ... 209 of neoliberalism. the monetary crisis that occurred in 1997/1998, neoliberal agendas began to massively enter indonesia. this can be seen from various memorandums of understanding signed by government and imf 9international monetary fund). these economic agendas switched oversight, namely by world bank, adb and usaid after the end of imf involvement (2006) (baswir, 2009). conclusion from the explanation above, it can be concluded that at one point of neoliberalism is capable to provide progress to human being. however, in other side, as a result of human greed, this progress is only enjoyed by few parties, especially the elite owners of capital. a quote from peter boettke, that there are no unintended consequences; bad things happen because bad people want it (looney, 2012). capitalism that produces its own scope and thinks that ‘it is also like people’s scope’. devoid think how fate that victims will face, capitalism enters and develops behind the word ‘condolences’ for a disaster. the fact that it does sound sad and adorable. however, it does not necessarily make social movements put an end to such conscience. in the end, the thing that can bring welfare of country is the strength from within country itself, namely by uniting all strengths and solidarity of people in it. when people are trapped in insistence of capitalism and state regulations that govern it, while people begin to be marginalized and accumulation of capital incessantly moves towards owners of capital, and state’s presence as an inverstment interest and not for welfare of people. then, unite and fight are ways that must be brave. reference agung, s. t. (2012). perubahan di atas lahan pendudukan pasca refomasi (studi kasus tanah cieceng desa sindangsih tasikmalaya). in e. d. bachriadi, dari lokal ke nasional kembali ke lokal perjuangan hak atas tanah di indonesia (p. 83). bandung: arcbooks. b asw ir, r . (2009). b ahaya neoliberalisme. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. couldrey, m. &. (2005). forced migration review, tsunami: b e l a j a r d a r i r e s p o n s kemnausiaan. oxford, uk. david, h. (2005). a brief history of neoliberalism. oxford: oxford university press. 210 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 hat l e y, r . ( 2 0 1 2 ) . praktik kapitalisme neoliberalisme d a l a m m e n a k l u k k a n perekonomian dunia. (shock doctrine-naomi klein: diskusi reboan. surabaya: fakultas ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik universitas airlangga surabaya. hirokazu iemura, e. a. (2006). dis aster pre vent ion and management, vol. 15 no. 1, dalam mohd. robi amri, dkk., 2015, rbi: risiko bencana indonesia. indonesia, r. n. (2005). cetak biru pembangunan kembali aceh pasca tsunami. klein, n. (2007). the shock doctrine: the rise of disaster capitalism. reviewed by dr. robert looney. klein, n. (2007). the shock doctrine: the rise of disaster capitalism. new york: henry holt. looney, r. (. (2012). “book review: the shock doctrine”. in book review: gulf research center. malaka, t. (2008). “kapitalisme indonesia” dalam aksi masa. yogyakarta: narasi. mark, h. (2009). credibility crunch: a comment on the shock doctrine. mohd. robi amri, d. (2015). rbi: risiko bencana indonesia. jakarta: bnpb press. novialdi, r. (2016). tesis: pengaruh bencana tsunami terhadap pe ning katan s of t powe r diplomacy bagi pemerintahan provinsi aceh tahun 2004-2015. rahmani, a. a. (2018). the shortcomings of rationalist claims: carbon taxation and political-economy approaches to climate change. jiwp: journal of islamic world and politics, 293. robert, l. (2012). book review: the shock doctrine. sur wandono, r . h. (2014). diplomasi b encana alam sebagai saran meningkatkan kerjasama internasional. jurnal hubungan internasional vol.3 no.2. utomo, a. p. (n.d.). biografi tokoh dunia: augusto pinochet, p r e s i d e n d a n d i k t at o r chile. retrieved november 26, 2018, f rom https:// inter nasional.kompas.com/ read/2018/11/26/21310531/ biografi-tokoh-dunia-augustop i n o c h e t p r e s i d e n d a n diktator-chile?page=all -industrial-revolution-how-theinternet-green-electricity-and3-d-pr int ing-are-usher ingi n a s u s t a i n a b l e e r a o f distributed-capitalism/ women’s participation in the digital economy in asean fitriani nengsi international relations universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta fitriani.nengsi.2015@fisipol.umy.ac.id abstract: digital economy over the past decade has become popular trend in the world, including in asean. asean, which is the sixth largest economy in the world, enjoys the revenue of the digital economy that reaches 150 billion usd per year. digital economy’s great potential has been widely utilized by society, especially women in asean to improve their standard of living. this paper aims to explain the development of women’s participation in digital economy in asean and accompanied by obstacle. the research method is qualitative method with literature study used secondary data. the results of this study indicate large increased in participation of women in digital economy living in urban areas and small increased of women living in rural areas in asean. understanding of this research may contribute to the improvement and enhancement of women’s participation in digital economy, especially for women living in rural areas in asean. keywords: women’s participation, digital economy, asean, rural areas, urban areas introduction a seemingly common belief is that the economic condition of women improves with economic development. this is because economic development improves the population‟s economy, thereby improving women‟s absolute economic condition. it also increases the education of women and the rest of society which raises awareness about women‟s inferior position, islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 fitriani nengsi 517 women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean thereby prompting remedial action. economic development certainly helps to improve women‟s economic position in society (xin, 1996). economic growth and development as such can contribute to women`s empowerment by driving down substantial inequalities between women and men, enhancing the fight against discrimination (lechman & okonowicz, 2013) the number of internet user has grown rapidly over the past decade. online services are most visible and most dynamic part of the digital value chain. in this environment, data and digital technologies are becoming increasingly essential for participation in the global economy. they have boosted the abilities of firms of all sizes and origin to find a niche in global value chains and gain access to new markets. the internet provides a platform on which entrepreneurs can construct new businesses and commercialize their ideas, lowering entry barriers and freeing up resources for innovative activity. at the macroeconomic level, these trends hold the potential for new sources of productivity and economic growth (box & lopez-gonzalez, 2017). asean, as part of the region of the world, also enjoys a great deal from the digital economy. the asean digital economy currently generates approximately $ 150 billion in revenues per year. ict investment has evolved phenomenally, which amounted to more than $100 billion us in 2014 (menon, et al., 2016). currently, there are four industries that driven the rapid growth of digital economy in asean, which are online travel, online media, e-commerce and ride-hailing and asean is currently home to 7 unicorns companies that have reached a valuation above $1 billion us which are grab, traveloka, g-jek, sea group, lazada, razer and tokopedia (asean up, 2018). women make up for 48,6 % of total population in asean in 2016 (world bank, 2016). this is a proof that shows women has a profound impact on asean dynamic region. there is increasing interest on how changing technology and world-trade patterns affect women‟s economy in asean. it has been found that these changes have caused asean women to participate more in the nonagricultural sector. if we consider that females were working in the agricultural sector with no independent income before working in „low-paid‟ clerical jobs, we may conclude that the economic position of females improved with the introduction of information 518 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 communication and technology (ict) (xin, loc. cit.) ict, the backbone of the digital economy, is vital tools for the development of women„s participation in the digital economy. e-commerce, business management and internet marketing are all solutions that can generate significant benefits in all areas of business (economic commission for latin america and the caribbean, 2013). transforming the position of women in the digital economy within asean as part of this process will bring immense benefits for women themselves, for their families and communities, for national economies and for asean as a whole. with the fast growth and great benefits from digital economy, people in asean countries has surely taken advantage of it in regards to increase their standard of living. the digital economy has created a lot of opportunities for people to branch in a new way to find their source of living. people are competing to harvest the great potential from digital economy, including men and women. it is, therefore, a great interest to understand about women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean as the digital economy could be a way to achieve equality between women and men in asean. theoretical framework concept of digital economy there is no consensus of what is the acceptable meaning of digital economy. the simple and straightforward meaning is, “an economy based on digital technologies” (bukht & heeks, 2017). however, some experts give the explanation about the broad definition of digital economy. the concept of digital economy was first introduced by don tapscott, in which digital economy is a sociopolitical and economic system that has characteristics as an intelligence space, including information, access to information instruments, information capacity and processing of formation. the first digitally identified digital economy namely ict infrastructure, e commerce activity and digital distribution of goods and services (tapscott, 1996). g20 detf 2016: g20 digital economy development and cooperation initiative; defined digital economy as “...a broad range of economic activities that include fitriani nengsi 519 women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean using digitized information and knowledge as the key factor of production, modern information networks as an important activity space, and the effective use of information and communication technology (ict) as an important driver of productivity growth and economic structural optimization” (bukht & heeks, loc. cit.). thus, from all of the definitions above, we can conclude that digital economy is an economy that based on digital technologies and comprises of three main pillars that are information and communication technology (ict), e-business and ecommerce. statistics data on women’s participation to explain about the development of women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean, based on the theoretical framework above, the author will use three statistic data which are the percentage of internet user by gender, the percentage of service sector employment by gender and the ict development index in 2013-2017 from 10 member asean countries that will be explain below. table 1. the percentage of internet user by gender year 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 itu (% total population female or male) country f e m a le f e m a le f e m a le f e m a le f e m a le m a le m a le m a le m a le m a le indonesia 9 11 9 11 20 24 20,3 23,7 malaysia 69 73 69 73 singapore 65 73 65 73 73 81 77,3 81,2 thailand 24 23 27 26 29 29 39 40 38,9 39,7 520 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 we are social ( % total facebook active user) brunei 44 56 44 56 44 56 cambodia 38 62 39 61 40 60 lao pdr 43 57 43 57 43 57 philipine 53 47 52 48 53 47 myanmar 36 64 36 64 36 64 vietnam 46 54 46 54 48 52 *sources : world economic forum global gender gap report 20132017, we are social digital report 2015-2017 ( (world economic forum, 2017) (world economic forum, 2016) (world economic forum, 2015) (world economic forum, 2014) (world economic forum, 2013) (kemp, 2017) (kemp, 2016 digital yearbook, 2016) (kemp, digital, social & mobile in apac in 2015, 2015) *note : world economic forum global gender gap report retrieved the data from international telecommunication union before we begin explain about the statistic, it is best to understand about the differences and the validity of the sources. only indonesia, malaysia, singapore and thailand has the data from itu, it is because of the asean countries, only singapore, thailand, indonesia and singapore consistently gather sexdisaggregated ict statistics. one study explain this phenomena happen because we know very little about the situation of women and icts, particularly in developing countries, because the data (sexdisaggregated statistics and gender indicators on icts) in many cases are not there (hafkin & huyer, 2007). another study suggest to use facebook in the absence of data for internet user by gender that they called facebook gender gap index. they argue that we can use facebook data because more than half of all internet users are facebook user. we can use it by combining online facebook-derived indicators that come from facebook‟s marketing application programming interface (api) in combination with offline, countrylevel development indicators that come from different data sources and include indicators for gender specific internet users from the itu and mobile users from the gsma, as well as general development and gender-specific fitriani nengsi 521 women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean development indicators (fatehkia, kashyap, & weber, 2018). hence, the author use data from facebook to other six remaining countries. the equation for facebook gender gap index is: based on the equation above, the results of facebook gender gap index (fggi) as follow: table 1.1. facebook gender gap index country year 2015 2016 2017 brunei 0,6 0,7 0,7 cambodia 0,6 0,6 0,6 laos 0,7 0,7 0,7 myanmar 0,5 0,5 0,5 vietnam 0,8 0,8 1 philipines 1,08 1,08 1,08 from table 1, indonesia‟s percentage of female internet user in 2014-2015 was 9 % with no change and with male internet user higher percentage account for 2 %. in 2016 there has been a significant increase in female internet user for 20 %. average female internet user is 14,575 % out of 126,5 million and for average male internet user is 17,425 % out of 129 million. malaysia‟s percentage of female internet user from 2016-2017 is 69 % with no increase, while male internet user percentage for 73 %, higher 4. hence, average female internet user is 69 % out of 15 million and average male internet user is 73 % out of 16,1 million. singapore‟s percentage of female internet user in 2016, saw an increase in female internet user for 8 % from 65 %-73 %. in 2017, saw an increase again in female internet user for 4,3 % and with male internet user higher percentage of 3,1 %. hence average female internet user is 70,075 % out of 2,7 million and average male internet user is 77 % out of 2,7 million in 2013,2015-2017. thailand‟s percentage of female internet user in 2013-2016 saw an increasing number from 24 % 39 % with increase as much as 5 %. in 2017, saw a decreasing for female internet user for 0,1 % in 38,9. thus, average female internet user is 31,358 % out of 35 million and average male internet user is 31,54 % out of 33,2 million in 2013-2017. from table 1.1, brunei saw an increasing fggi in 2015-2016 for 0,6 to 0,7. in 2017, there was no increase fggi for 0,7. cambodia saw no increasing and decreasing fggi in 2015-2017 for 0,6. laos saw no increasing and decreasing fggi in 2015-2017 for 0,7. myanmar saw no increasing and decreasing fggi in 2015-2017 for 0,5. vietnam saw 522 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 no increasing fggi in 2015-2016 for 0,8, however in 2017, vietnam a great increasing fggi for 1 raising from 0,8-1 as much as 0,2. philipines saw no increasing and decreasing fggi in 2015-2017 for 1,08. according to the table 1 and table 1.1, we can conclude that philipines has the best gender equality in terms of internet user by gender, followed by thailand with slightly below philippine. vietnam, indonesia, and singapore are countries with a good result on gender equality in terms of internet user by gender. laos, brunei, and cambodia are the countries with average results on gender equality in terms of internet user by gender, in which they already making a significant progress on gender equality but they still face many obstacles in regards to gender equality in internet user by gender. myanmar is the worst country for gender equality in terms of internet user by gender. second data is service sector employment by gender. we can explain the relations between digital economy and service sector by simply looking into its definitions. the tertiary sector or service sector is the third of the three economic sectors of the threesector theory. services sectors are a diverse group of economic activities that include high technology, knowledgeintensive sub-sectors, as well as labour-intensive, low skill areas, but technological advances are, however, narrowing the differences between services and other economic activities (muyed, 2008). table 2. the percentage of service sector employment by gender year 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 country f e m a le m a le f e m a le m a le f e m a l e m a le f e m a le m a le f e m a le m a le brunei 88,1 73,5 88,6 75,2 88,5 75,3 89,3 76 89,4 76,3 cambodia 42,6 42 44,1 42,8 45,4 43,4 46,9 44,1 47,9 44,7 indonesia 50,4 40,3 51,2 40,2 51,7 40,9 54 41,7 54,8 42,3 lao pdr 25,1 25,3 26,4 26,2 27,7 27,1 29,1 27,9 29,7 28,3 malaysia 71,7 51 71,9 52,4 72,9 52,2 73,2 53,8 73,6 54,2 fitriani nengsi 523 women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean year 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 country f e m a le m a le f e m a le m a le f e m a le m a le f e m a l e m a le f e m a le m a le myanmar 31,5 26,3 33,3 27,4 35,2 28,9 36,3 29,7 37,6 30,7 philipine 69,6 42,9 69,6 43,1 71 43,9 72,6 44,3 73,6 44,9 singapore 85,1 76,2 87,4 78,7 87,6 78,7 88,3 79,8 88,2 79,8 thailand 44,4 34,9 48,2 38,7 49,4 39,5 49,4 39,4 50,3 39,9 vietnam 34,3 29,9 34,4 39,4 35,1 30,7 35,7 31,2 36,6 31,7 *source: world bank data (world bank, 2017) (world bank, 2017) *note: female: percentage of total female employment, male: percentage of male employment from table 2, brunei saw an increase each year in 2013-2017 for the percentage of service sector employment by the female from 88,1 % to 89,4 % with average increasing for 88,78 %. for its male counterpart, it was also increasing each year in 2013-2017 from 73,5 % to 76,3 with average increasing for 75,26 %. thus, the average difference between female and male is 13,52 %. cambodia saw an increase each year in 2013-2017 for the percentage of service sector employment by female from 42,6 % to 47,9 % with average increasing for 45,38 %. for its male counterpart, it was also increasing each year in 2013-2017 from 42 % to 44,7 % with average increasing for 43,4 %. thus the average difference between female and male is 1,98 %. indonesia saw an increase each year in 2013-2017 for the percentage of service sector employment by the female from 50,4 % to 54,8 % with average increasing for 52,42 %. %. for its male counterpart, it was also increasing each year in 20132017 from 40 % to 42,3 %, with the only exception in 2013-2014 decreasing for 0,1 %, and average increasing for 41,15 %. thus, the average difference between female and male is 11,27 %. laos saw an increase each year in 2013 -2017 for the percentage of service sector employment by the female from 25,1 % to 29,7 % with average increasing for 27,6 %. for its male counterpart, it was also increasing each year in 2013-2017 524 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 from 25,3 % to 28,3 % with average increasing for 26,96 %. thus, the average difference between female and male is 1,34 %. malaysia saw an increase each year in 2013-2017 for the percentage of service sector employment by the female from 71,7 % to 73,6 % with average increasing for 72,66 %. for its male counterpart, it was also increasing each year in 2013-2017 from 51 % to 54,3 % with average increasing for 52,72 %. thus, the average difference between female and male is 19,94 %. myanmar saw an increase each year in 2013-2017 for the percentage of service sector employment by the female from 31,5 % to 37,6 % with average increasing for 34,6 %. for its male counterpart, it was also increasing each year in 2013-2017 from 26,3 % to 30,7 % with average increasing for 28,6 %. thus, the average difference between female and male is 6 %. philippine saw an increase each year in 2013-2017 for the percentage of service sector employment by the female from 69,6 % to 73,6 % with average increasing for 71,28 %. for its male counterpart, it was also increasing each year in 2013-2017 from 42,9 % to 44,9 % with average increasing for 43,82 %. thus, the average difference between female and male is 27,46 %. singapore saw an increase each year in 2013-2017 for the percentage of service sector employment by the female from 85,1 % to 88,2 % with average increasing for 87,32 %. for its male counterpart, it was also increasing each year in 2013-2017 from 76,2 % to 79,8 % with average increasing for 78,64 %. thus, the average difference between female and male is 8,68 %. thailand saw an increase each year in 2013-2017 for the percentage of service sector employment by the female from 44,4 % to 50,3 % with average increasing for 48,34 %. for its male counterpart, it was also increasing each year in 2013-2017 from 34,9 % to 39,9 % with average increasing for 38,48 %. thus, the average difference between female and male is 9,86 %. vietnam saw an increase each year in 2013-2017 for the percentage of service sector employment by the female from 34,3 % to 36,6 % with average increasing for 35,22 %. for its male counterpart, it was also increasing each in 2013-2014 from 29,9 % to 39,4, but then saw a decline in 2015 decreasing for 8,7 % and after that, saw an increase again in 2015-2017 from 30,7 % to 31,7 % fitriani nengsi 525 women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean with average increasing for 32,68 %. thus, the average difference between female and male is 2,54 %. from table 2 we can conclude that the smallest gender gap between women and men in service sector employment percentage above 20 % is only philippine. the percentage between 11 %-20 % are malaysia, brunei, and indonesia. the percentage of 5 % -10 % are thailand, singapore, and myanmar. last, the percentage between 1 %-5 % are vietnam, cambodia, and laos. however, if we only compare the average difference between the female and male gap in service sector employment, it will not be sufficient enough to best explain about women‟s participation in the digital economy, specifically women‟s participation in employment. thus, it will be useful if we compare it also with average percentage of female unemployment and again, the percentage of female employment in the service sector in 2013-2017 (world bank, 2018) . philipines, although has one of the highest average female unemployment rate for 3,32 %, but consider its highest rate on average differences between women and men in service sector and one of the highest rate on female employment in service sector only behind brunei and singapore, we can conclude that philipines has the largest women‟s participation in employment. malaysia, thailand, and singapore has one of the lowest average female unemployment rates for 3,56 %, 0,76 %, and 2,03 %, and has one of the highest rates on average differences between women and men in service sector and female employment in service sector, it is also undeniable for both countries as one of the countries with one of the highest women‟s participation in employment. indonesia and vietnam, although indonesia has the highest average female unemployment rate on 4,06 only behind brunei, but considering indonesia high rate on percentage of female employment in service sector and average differences between women and men in service sector, and considering vietnam high rate on percentage of female employment in service sector and one of the lowest average female unemployment rate on 1,94 %, we can conclude that both countries have a significant large women‟s participation in employment. brunei has the highest average female service sector employment and one of the highest average difference between women and men service sector employment, 526 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 but it is also the highest country with average female unemployment rate with 7,8 %, hence, brunei still faces a lot of problem regarding women‟s employment. although cambodia, myanmar, and laos has the lowest female unemployment with rate of 0,22 %, 0,9 %, and 0,16 % respectively, but, they have the lowest percentage of female employment in service sector and average differences between women and men in service sector, it is a consideration that those countries have the smallest women‟s participation in employment. third data is ict development index. ict development index or idi is an index published by the united nations international telecommunication union which brings together indicators concerned with ict access, use, and skills into a single comparative measure of development towards the information society. the value can be measured by scale 1 -10 with 1 is the least value and 10 is the best value (international telecommunication union, 2018). one study show the correlation between ict, rural and urban areas. theoretical considerations as to how the ict should develop in order to create benefits for everyone are in great contrast with rural reality. developments so far indicate that telecommunication companies will not provide every rural household or business with a high-speed internet connection comparable to those in urban areas. rural areas are served last, if they are served at all. the speed and reliability of connections in rural areas demonstrate this. compared to urban areas, the profit opportunity in rural areas is lower because of the high costs of covering greater distances. companies are only willing to deploy a network if households and businesses pay a higher price to make up for these higher deployments costs. insights from the connectivity debate show that, under the current conditions, we can expect that the urban-rural divide will persist or even grow, as new, faster technologies come on-stream, perpetuating the rural penalty. there is a growing consensus that poor rural telecommunication infrastructure hinders rural development (salemink, bosworth, & strijker, 2017) fitriani nengsi 527 women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean table 3. ict development index year country 2013 2015 2016 2017 rank value rank value rank value rank value brunei 66 5,43 77 5,33 74 5.75 53 6,75 cambodia 127 2,61 125 3,12 127 2,78 128 3,28 indonesia 106 3,83 107 4,28 106 3,97 101 4,67 lao pdr 134 2,61 144 2,45 144 2,21 139 2,91 malaysia 71 5,20 61 6,22 66 5,64 63 6,38 myanmar 150 1,82 140 2,54 153 1,95 135 3,80 philipine 103 4,02 107 4,28 106 3,97 101 4,67 singapore 16 7,90 20 7,95 19 7,88 18 8,05 thailand 81 4,76 82 5,18 79 5,05 78 5,67 vietnam 101 4,09 105 4,29 104 4,02 108 4,43 *source: international telecommunication union (international telecommunication union, 2013) (international telecommunication union, 2015) (international telecommunication union, 2016) (international telecommunication union, 2017) from table 3, we can conclude that countries in asean that has better average ict development index in 2013,20152017 are singapore with value 7,945, malaysia with value 5,86, brunei with value 5,85, thailand with value 5,165, vietnam with value 4,275, philipines with value 4,235, indonesia with value 4,1, laos with value 2,545, myanmar with value 2,5275, and cambodia with value 2,358. if we compare the results between table 1, table 1.1 and table 2 with table 3, as it is already mentioned above, there is a strong correlation between ict in general and rural areas. philippine so far has the largest women‟s participation in digital economy because of its average high percentage rate in internet user with fggi 1,08 and highest percentage rate on female service sector employment, even though that its average idi value is below 5 and it is behind vietnam. malaysia is the next country in asean that has the largest women‟s participation in digital economy considering its high average female internet user with 69 %, one of the 528 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 highest average rates on female service sector employment only after philipines and with highest average idi only after singapore with value 5,86. singapore is coming next as a country with the largest women‟s participation in the digital economy, considering its high average female internet user with 70,075 %, one of the highest average rates on service sector employment rate only after the philippines, malaysia, and thailand, and highest average idi with value 7,945. thailand is then coming next as the largest country on women‟s participation in the digital economy, considering its high average female internet user with 31,358 %, high average female service sector employment only after philipines and malaysia, and high idi with value 5,165. vietnam comes next as a country with the largest women‟s participation in the digital economy, considering its high average female internet user with fggi 0,8-1, high average female service sector employment only after philipines, malaysia, thailand, singapore and indonesia, and high average idi with value 4,275. indonesia comes next as a country with the largest women‟s participation in the digital economy, considering its average female internet user with 14,575 %, high average female service sector employment only after philipines, malaysia, thailand and singapore, and average idi with value 4,1. brunei comes next as a country with the largest women‟s participation in the digital economy, considering its average female internet user with fggi 0,6-0,7, highest average female service sector employment but with the highest female unemployment rate, and average idi with value 5,85. laos is the next country with the largest women‟s population in the digital economy, considering its average female internet user with fggi 0,7, its average female service sector employment after cambodia and myanmar, and its average idi with value 2,545. cambodia is then the next country with the largest women‟s participation in the digital economy, considering its average female internet user with fggi 0,6, average female service sector employment before myanmar and cambodia, and average idi with value 2,358. myanmar is a country with the smallest women‟s participation in the digital economy, considering its lowest average female internet user with fggi 0,5, average female service sector employment only before laos, and average idi with value 2,575. singapore and malaysia are the countries with the highest fitriani nengsi 529 women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean urbanization in asean, and yet they have high results. philipines, thailand, and indonesia are the countries with the middle level of urbanization, but they have high results too. laos, cambodia, and myanmar are the countries with the least urbanization and that is a parallel line with their results. unique cases are brunei and vietnam. brunei is the country with the second highest urbanization, but it has a low result because it mainly comes from its highest percentage of female unemployment rate among asean countries. vietnam, on the contrary, is one of the lowest urbanization in asean, and it has the high result because it mainly comes from its government reformation policy. thus, rural area has better women‟s participation in the digital economy and urban area have worst women‟s participation in digital economy in asean, except for brunei and vietnam. women’s participation no doubt that more and more women in asean countries could join the labor force by choice, responding to rising economic conditions, educational attainments and the growing opportunities to work and to progress in their careers. at the sector level this pattern certainly reflects the growing demand for qualified labour from the service sector. if wee look at the percentage of female unemployment rate, low income countries have the least percentage, but it is mainly because majority of women work in the informal sector and their labour markets outcomes are relatively poor. in the contrary, higher income countries have bigger percentage of female unemployment rate, but majority of women works in formal sector and they have better outcomes of labour markets. e-commerce has become the biggest trend in digital economy whereas all of the transactions is through internet with the biggest market are singapore, malaysia, thailand, philipines and vietnam. (asean up, 2018). women is the biggest contributor in terms of ecommerce purchase, in which they contribute 80 % if all household purchases and spend 40 % more time on online retailer. they purchased online in fashion, household, groeceries, financial services and autumotive (febriana, 2017). an estimated 61.3 million women entrepreneurs own and operate businesses and around 24 million women own micro, small and medium-size enterprises 530 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 (msmes) in the region, and the number of women-owned enterprises is growing faster than those that are male-owned. women are increasingly choosing to be self-employed, starting their own companies and entering emerging sectors like ecommerce (united nations economic and social commision for asia and the pacific, 2017) at least five of the asean countries have adopted national digital economy or ict strategies (brunei, malaysia, the philippines, thailand, and singapore). developing initiatives to ensure that women are not left behind is essential, including the participation of women-owned enterprises. in asean, there are some of programs and initiatives to introduce women, including women entrepreneurs, to icts, that are initiated and carried out by the government, ict providers, community organizations, and women entrepreneurs‟ associations and networks (kogiso, et al., 2017). obstacles the development of women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean is still with obstacles eventhough there have been a remarkable increasing in women‟s participation. the obstacles as explain below (kogiso, et al., loc. cit.) (un women asia-pacific, 2016) 1. the tables do not necessarily translate into optimal economic outcomes for women eventhough that the results is positive. for example, in the low income countries, women‟s labour force participation tends to be driven by economic necessity rather than opportunity. many women across the region are relegated to work in low value-added and informal jobs, whilst they continue to receive significantly lower wages than their male counterparts. 2. although governments, companies, and organizations in some of the asean countries have launched programmes with the purpose to train women entrepreuners in ict, women are still lagging behind in terms of the income. 3. access to fnancial services is low and uneven across asean, in particular for women. several countries have lending programs aimed at women, but these are often not made the most of. this limits their ability to borrow, invest or save money, fitriani nengsi 531 women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean in the household or in business. especially womenowned smes is the most disadvantage from this. 4. despite the increasing visibility of the issue, our ability to measure gender gaps in access to the internet and mobile phones is significantly limited due to data gaps. the lack of sex-disaggregated data on internet and mobile phone access as „„one of the key barriers” for measuring progress in development goals that call for gender equality in access to the internet. 5. women who start businesses usually know fewer other entrepreneurs and often lack the social connections that can off fer further opportunities, information, and contacts women entrepreneurs have highlighted the lack of access to relevant information, connections, capital and labour. 6. there‟s still biases in acces to ict that stem from cultural belief. the challenges girls face in developing an interest in ict stem from gender biases that stereotype technology as a male domain. for girls and women, barriers to acquiring ict skills include limited time to pursue ict skill adoption, restricted mobility, a lack of physical and online safety, limited willingness of families to invest in ict training for girls compared to boys, and a lack of gender-sensitive training content and delivery. gender discrimination in hiring and promotion practices at the workplace is a barrier to entering the workforce and renders many existing ict jobs unattractive to women. 7. education has been a main barrier to women‟s empowerment from a long time ago. although that the average number years of school attendance has increased across the board, but a gap persists between girls and boys in which giils still spend fewer years in school. but, the improvement in terms of years of educaion does not translating to equal opportunitie for women in the labour force, even in more prosperous countries. 8. customary laws and traditional practices limit women‟s access to credit, asset ownership and other economic opportunities, even though all asean member states provide for 532 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 constitutional equality between men and women. 9. female labour force participation rate is persistently lower than men across all asean member states. while the gap may have shrunk in some countries, it has widened in others. woman consistently earn less than men in the same sectors, with the pay gap reaching 25 per cent in some countries. paying women less, and keeping them in lower-end roles, deprives them of the income, and those sectors of their potential contribution. 10. asean woman does not enjoy state-sponsored flexible work arrangements or help in balancing professional and domestic obligations, leading many to work less or leave employment early. women‟s unpaid work in child‐rearing and household tasks remains unaccounted for in national income but contributes considerable value. in some countries, women‟s help with family businesses is more often unpaid than that of their male relatives. married women spend an estimated 3.5 hours per day more than married men on unpaid care work. conclusion the booming of the digital economy over the past five years had an enormous impact on increasing women‟s economic condition. digital economy brings a great opportunity for women to increase their income and have a better employment. we have seen for the past five years that women‟s participation in the digital economy in asean had increased significantly, even though that the increasing level are various in every member states. however, women still face some obstacles in order to fully participates in the digital economy. these obstacles hinder the equal opportunities for women to have a better economic condition comparing to men. it is therefore important for us to identifies this obstacle, to minimize it and even to remove it. all of this is one of many ways to help women have equal opportunities comparing to men in the economic sector. references asean up. 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(1996). the economic position of women in asia . asian-pacific economic literature, 23-41. islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 monetizing hijab: analysis on state’s national interest on the growing hijab fashion trend in indonesia witri elvianti1, nanda amedina putri2 1,2international relations study program, president university email: w.elvianti@gmail.com abstract hijab and its practices grow consistently as an iconic fashion of muslim women in indonesia. this phenomenon yields scholarly commentaries pertaining to the motivation of hijab’s massive production and muslim women in veiling as well as the socioeconomic impact it carries with. however, the discussion on what sources of power underlie such a trend is still underrated. therefore, this study aims at elucidating why now hijab receives greater support from the government under joko widodo’s administration that illuminates massive production and consumption on hijab domestically. the analyst came to argue that hijab consumption and production has become indonesia’s national interest along with the mushrooming liberalization in its economy. employing the qualitative research method to explain the source of power that makes hijab marketable in global and national market, the analyst also found that this trend is widely undermined by the implementation of neo-liberal economic policy that stresses the power of economic liberation of every individual while maintaining the state as the ultimate power of directing economic trajectory. thus, the government of indonesia seems to reconcile with the increasing domestic and global market demand on hijab. it is due to the state’s interest in establishing indonesia as a global hijab centre by 2020. keywords: hijab, fashion, national interest, neo-liberal economy. abstrak penggunaan hijab tumbuh secara signifikan sebagai gaya khas busana wanita muslim di indonesia. sehingga mengundang banyak komentar ilmiah yang 636 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 berkaitan dengan motivasi produksi besar-besaran hijab beserta dampak sosial ekonomi yang dibawanya. namun, diskusi tentang kekuatan apa yang mendasari dan memotivasi pertumbuhan tersebut tidak banyak dibahas. oleh karena itu, dengan mengacu pada tren mode hijab saat ini penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan mengapa sekarang penggunaan dan produksi jilbab tumbuh secara konsisten dan menerima dukungan yang lebih besar dari rezim politik sekarang. untuk mencapai tujuan ini, analis menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif untuk menjelaskan tekanan yang mendorong tren penggunaan jilbab sehingga dapat diterima dan diproduksi secara nasional. analis menemukan bahwa hijab dapat dipahami sebagai sarana penting untuk mencapai kepentingan nasional negara. studi ini menemukan bahwa tren industri hijab mendapat pengaruh positif dari penerapan kebijakan ekonomi neo-liberal yang menekankan kekuatan kebebasan ekonomi setiap individu dengan tetap berkeyakinan bahwa negara sebagai kekuatan utama mengarahkan lintasan ekonomi. hal ini dikarenakan tujuan utama yaitu membantu negara untuk mempercepat misi globalnya, yang menjadikan indonesia sebagai pusat jilbab global pada tahun 2020. kata kunci: hijab, fesyen, kepentingan nasional, ekonomi neo-liberal. introduction the practice of hijab and other form of islamic fashion have been widely contested due to the symbolic meaning it carries with. such a contestation remains present not only in western societies where muslim remains a minority group but also in an archipelagic country where muslim remains the largest population, indonesia. muslim polity in indonesia has experienced challenges in performing their islamic identities. however, recent phenomenon evidently shows a contrasting background where hijab has transformed its meanings from symbolism of political identity to the marketable muslim fashion icon. the latest view receives greater attention from scholars, politicians, and fashion designers as to alleviate the sacred values that hijab has previously brought to the public that becomes extremely apparent in indonesia however remote the place is. some literatures have discussed the rising trend of hijab as an iconic muslim fashion worldwide witri elvianti, nanda amedina putri monetizing hijab: analysis on state’s national interest 637 by focusing on the motivation of manufacturing and wearing hijab as well as the socioeconomic impacts it yields. on one hand, the literatures found that the rise of hijab can be seen from sociological unit of analysis. this perspective justifies that the trend of hijab represents the power of social media echoing the trend of searching new identity of muslim women who reconstruct their beauty and piety “…regardless of the social interpretation attached to them” when wearing hijab (listyani et al 2018). on the other hand, a study conducted by sari and asad (2018) found that currently hijab is not contained in the larger scope of fashion industry; it is now part of indonesia’s fashion industry. this analysis managed to emphasize that the mushrooming production and use of hijab has consequently brought socioeconomic impacts to the business community. the quest for beauty in piety amongst muslim women has become a new trend that promises pragmatist opportunities for generating incomes and greater market especially for those operating small medium enterprises. more interestingly, the demand on hijab does not only come from lowerincome family but also from the highly educated urban muslim women and the elite government. the manifestation of government’s support is shown in a series of fashion shows and public dialogues illuminating such a dramatic increase of hijab’s practices and production. although these literatures have generated analytical discussion in hijab from both sociological and microeconomics point of views however the attention addressed to unveil the power that fuels the trend of the widening market of hijab remains insufficient. the existing literature that comprehends s o ciological narrative seems to reduce the importance of understanding greater power that give incentive to the group of individuals in maximizing any social media means available to highlight the global trend of islamic beauty in hijab. in addition to this, assuming that financial consideration of market is high in the list of motivating factors of hijab practices and production then the question remains why should the government intervenes this market. one can refer to a national fashion expo titled “toward indonesia as hijab fashion world mecca” held in early october 2018 in jakarta. with reference to this information, this study asked 638 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 further research questions that, first, why now the government under joko widodo’s administration which emerged from secular and nationalist yet anti-islamist political front increasingly shows its support on hijab trend that gives incentive to the massive production and consumption on hijab domestically. second, what source of power that makes hijab successfully attracts the government to generously reach the market on global and domestic level. to substantiate those questions, the analyst employed qualitative research method and thus generated narrative based on its interpretation from secondar y sources. the analyst viewed hijab as a strategic political and economic commodity. the state which becomes one of the most critical actors in international political economy holds substantial source of power to determine national political and economic trajectory of its nation. therefore, the analyst treated the hijab trend as dependent variable and the state’s interest as the first independent variable. as to comprehend its analysis, the analyst also question the power lies in the state’s national interest and therefore it also treated the liberalization of global economy which also benefits the growing muslim middle class as second independent variable. in generating a solid foundation of its analysis, this study employed theory of national interest as well as neo liberal perspective in political economy. in this part, the analyst will elaborate the theoretical building of neo liberalism in global political economy and its correlation to the national interest theory. the neo liberal theorists of political economy highlight the presence of state in international market. despite the effort to reducing state’s intervention in ruling market as what classical liberal theorists have arguably defended, the neo liberal international political economy rather consolidates with the presence of states as to prevent market failure. to achieve this goal, the state must be able to prevent the presence of monopolies from any actors. the presence of monopoly represents the failure in maintaining market competitiveness and can hinder innovation in production, supply, and consumption. the state also has to provide protection toward individual freedom in economy. it then promotes the privatization of assets that previously operated under state’s commando. any asset in any form must be deregulated to make sure the “…free mobility of witri elvianti, nanda amedina putri monetizing hijab: analysis on state’s national interest 639 capital between sectors, regions, and countries” and all forms of barriers that potentially obscure “…that free movement… such as tariffs, punitive taxation arrangements, and other locational impediments” must also be eliminated “…except in those areas crucial to the national interest” (harvey 2005). on the other hand, the trajectory of state’s foreign policy including its decision to actively participating in global collaboration in economy is determined by its national interest. national interest itself can be interpreted as the main reason of countries’ preferences in participating in international political economy and building cooperation with other countries. according to liberalism, the birth of national interest theory is related to the contested discussion on the causes of war. to prevent war from perpetuation, the state’s interest must be aligned with the pursuit of peace and harmonious relations among nations (burchill 2005, 125). neo liberalism also believes that rational principles of individuals can also be applied in the formulation of national interest and foreign policy of a state (burchill 2005). although neo-liberalism underlines competition among individuals, it rather highlights possibility of sharing interests and engaging in collaboration and cooperation at national and international level. this perception supposedly can result in greater benefits for every individual (jackson, et al. 2003). the failure of suharto’s initiatives prior to the massive evolution of economic globalization, it was a difficult task to trace evidences proving indonesia’s possession of high reputation in the realm of world fashion industry since the development of innovative fashion production and its materialization in indonesia remained lacking. the government of indonesia under suharto’s administration did not seriously take into account the optimization of garment sectors. in addition to this, it also contained the flourish of islamic dress code from fashion industrialization. in this context, the stagnancy of islamic dress code manufactures or the low appearance of hijab in indonesia’s domestic market were determined by the dominant perspective perceiving the practice of hijab as threatening national identity and reflecting religious extremism since the first place. the point of view the government utilized in figuring out the strategic role of hijab seemed to be similar to the politics 640 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 of containment implemented by dutch monopoly under the possession of voc. its occupation undermined the development of indonesia’s garment production and particularly blocked the practice of islamic dress code. although garment manufacturers gave incentives to the innovation of fashion and market regulation in southeast asia, the production of hijab fashion in indonesia was seen less importance more importantly when suharto’s authoritarian regime intensified its policy in garment sector in mid 1980s (treda 2009). in 1970s, for example, the government’s inconsistency toward fashion sector was evident. in the beginning of these years, suharto’s administration claimed to renew national economic performance by undergoing liberalization with some limitation, however. previously, the government concentrated in principles of exploiting row material resources and exploring agribusinesses sectors. subsequently the government decided to switch its decision by focusing on export oriented policy especially that of coming from textile industry (haq 1980). to realize such industrial transformation, starting in 1986 suharto’s administration performed “a series of liberalization measures…” that “… gave a massive stimulus to garment production” such as the creation of “…duty exemptions and incentive schemes” (vickers 2012, 45; thee 2005, 34159). unfor tunately t he t rade liberalization by suharto’s administration did not totally take place since the regime adopted statist centric policy. instead of becoming one of main fashion producers, it rather provided unskilled and cheap labors in textile manufactures. the strong control from the central government also created a space for monopolies and cronyism developed hugely that caused slow progress of innovation in fashion industry included islamic fashion production. the lack of transparency and professionalism also negatively affected the sustainability of investment in this sector due to massive corruption and the imposition of export tax and tariff protection. instead of experiencing positive endeavors, islamic fashion industry fell into skepticism (james, 2002). emerging global muslim market and hijab fashion assuming that islamic fashion industry was skeptically perceived witri elvianti, nanda amedina putri monetizing hijab: analysis on state’s national interest 641 as a non-promising sector under suharto’s regime then why now it shows rather a contrary figure. since the collapse of suharto’s political power that took effect in 1998, the flow of information nested in the wave of globalization happened to come across in indonesia and transformed the expression of any religious symbols including islamic fashion than ever before (fachrurazi, 2017). nevertheless, the invasion of cultural globalization and rapid information development cannot solely work to undermine the landscape of hijab fashion industry. in this part, the analyst comes to argue that the government’s positive response to the growing trend of hijab fashion is due to the government’s national interest toward hijab and its economy. the government reactively generates incentives to accelerate innovation on national hijab production to optimize the opportunities offered by the emerging power of islamic global economy. at global level, in many parts of muslim majority countries, fashion, which then develops as part of popular culture and urban lifestyle, has become a critical engine in generating national income. the power of globalization has crafted islamic economy, which comprises six main clusters which are halal food, islamic finance, halal travel, modest fashion, halal media and recreation, as well as halal pharmaceuticals and cosmetics; which islamic finance and halal food becoming the weightiest indicator in global islamic economy. recently, the global economy is entering the phase of secular stagnation whereby the population keep ageing and there is a decrease in capital investment by business in both advanced and emerging market economies, this consequently will lower the living standard of future generation than previously expected as well as making the national debt burdens harder to reduce (imf 2015). based on the data derived from state of the global islamic economy report year 2018/2019, in total the islamic economy market size in 2017 is up to us$ 2,107 billion. this number is made up of us$ 2,438 billion from the islamic finance sector, us$ 1,303 billion from the halal food sector, us$ 270 billion from the modest fashion sector, us$ 209 billion from halal media and recreation, us$ 177 billion from halal travel sector, us$ 87 billion from halal pharmaceuticals, and us$ 61 billion from halal cosmetics. this number is expected 642 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 to reach us$ 3,007 billion in 2023, making global islamic economy becoming stronger and stronger. on the other hand, indonesia’s islamic economy also faces greater opportunity that importantly amends the liberalization of its national manufacturing sectors including textile industry and fashion trend. as globalization brings the entrance of capitalist power and free market system, it managed to give incentive to the materialization and fabricat ion of islamic veiling. the expression of hijab practice becomes varied and thus strategically being turned as the commercialization of islamic symbols to earn economic gains (fealy 2008). as a matter of fact, the muslim consumers are estimated to comprise 1.8 billion of people which make the muslim consumer market becoming a quarter of world’s population, this number is accompanied with the global median age of muslim consumers which is 24; age whereby t he purchasing and demand power is in the highest rate (pew research forum 2011). those large, young, and fast-growing global muslim demographic goes together with the large and fast growing global islamic economies; majorly the member states of the organisation of islamic cooperation (oic) had a gdp (ppp based) of $7 trillion which represented 15% of the total global gdp of $113 trillion in 2015. the average projected growth of the oic market between 2015 until 2021 is expected to be 4.19% compared to the global growth of 3.6% even though the global economic growth is now in slow climate (imf 2016). this is caused by the islamic values or ethos that increasingly driving the lifestyle and business practice. therefore, the oic countries are focusing more and more into islamic or halal market development through regulatory initiatives, economic incentives, and marketing program (thomson reuters 2016/2017, 14). making a third position as the biggest contributor to global islamic economy, islamic fashion is a unique case because it continues to grow despite the wider fashion industry is facing financial pressures due to the global recession. in recent years, modest fashion has gained momentum as it has moved solidly into the mainstream side of fashion industry. from retailers to high brand until catwalks, modest fashion is everywhere. the impact of the mainstreaming of modest fashion can be sum up into three main indicators, which are; the witri elvianti, nanda amedina putri monetizing hijab: analysis on state’s national interest 643 growth in modest fashion market size, an increasing competition due to the emerging of leading global apparel brands and retailers to modest fashion arena; and modest fashion product innovation. the first impact is the market size. the clothing market for muslims has become a part of the vast global clothing and accessories industry and value chain. summarized from the state of global islamic economy report in the year of 2015/2016, 2016/2017, 2017/2018, and 2018/2019 developed and produced by thomson reuters in collaboration with dinar standard, hereby the data of the global muslim market compared to the top global clothing market. the comparison of global muslim market to top global clothing market (in us$, billion) united states china global muslim market united kingdom german india 2014 $400 $310 $230 $107 $99 $96 2015 $406 $344 $243 $114 $101 $99 2016 $412 $357 $254 $116 $103 $109 from the table above, it can be shown that the global muslim market is gradually growing throughout the years with recently it made up of almost 19% of global market in total. the global muslim market is on the third position after united states and china in terms of the biggest market size globally. the growth of the global muslim market is notably high too with 5% growth in 2014 to 2015, and 4% growth in 2015 to 2016; compared to the global market that only grows for 4% in 2014 to 2015 and 3% in 2015 to 2016. with the growth of global market, the global apparel brands and retailers turn its attention more in modest fashion. in 2015/16, the famous brand started to launch its ramadhan collection such as mango and tommy hilfiger and one of global brand which is uniqlo has collaborated with hana tajima collection to launch a casual modest wear line. in this year of modest fashion, the number of e-commerce players are also growing and expanding. the brands and e-commerce mostly focused on new product developments with 644 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 “comfort” and “versatility” as key words. meanwhile, in the year of 2016/17, another global brand marks and spencer launched modest fashion product which is burkini collection because sport-wear is a high-growth segment in this era. beside of sport wear, formal and luxury wear is also globally growing high. this year, several start-ups are showing signs of maturity by opening bricks and mortar stores and expanding product line, this achievement is also followed by the beginning of investor’s interest in modest fashion segment because several notable capital investments relating to the muslim fashion market have occurred. there are not so much key developments of modest fashion between 2017/18 and 2018/2019 except that while it is used to only launch its ramadhan collection, the global brands such as h&m has launched its own modest fashion line named ltd. the largest united states retailers, macy’s also started to stock modest clothing label verona. another famous brand that actively promoting modesty is dolce and gabbana that started to collaborate with modest fashion influencer. this entrance of leading global apparel brands making the modest fashion industry becoming more and more competitive as there are also small and medium enterprises focusing on producing modest fashion product. nowadays, the competition is between the raw materials producers, retailers, and designer or label as well as valuedadded manufacturers. hijab fashion and national interest speaking of which hijab transformation, there are two critical phases marking the integration of hijab to the fashion realm which then stimulate the formulation of hijab as a lifestyle. the first phase emerged in 1990s where hijab revolution 1.0, took place. within this period, muslim polity experienced freedom of expressing their piety including the use of islamic fashion. this was the foundation of muslim fashion although hijab itself did not develop simultaneously yet. the next phase continued in the era 2010s where hijab revolution 2.0, emerged in the fashion world and inspired more islamic fashion industries to increase innovation in technology and product quality in indonesia. in the beginning 2000s, the fashion managed to maximize the liberalization of market economy through mass production. it then witri elvianti, nanda amedina putri monetizing hijab: analysis on state’s national interest 645 resulted in the capitalization of hijab and transformation of hijab from religious commodity to the expression of lifestyle. in this vein, innovation in hijab fashion as hijab becomes more fashionable, modern, and stylish combining islamic virtue and modernity has stimulated competition among islamic fashion designers to increase the quantity and quality of their hijab production to the international level. hijab does not only address a classical islamic teaching but also the acculturation of progressive muslim and modernity. consequently, it seems to be hard to draw a clear boundary differentiating motivation of muslim women in veiling either for religious obedience or lifestyle follower (puspitasari and dolah 2018). as to accelerate fashion economy, where muslim market at global and domestic level becomes larger and promising, the government of indonesia has significantly supported the establishment of hijab fashion as part of its national interest. data from bps in 2013 showed that there are as many as 1,107,955 companies engaged in fashion sector. about 10% of them are large companies, 20% are medium enterprises and mostly 70% are small enterprises. 30% out of 750,000 small clothing enterprises are hijab and muslim fashion producers. the government remains conscious to making profit from this growing trend. to reach this end, the government must be able to keep domestic market steady to help hijab fashion industries grow consistently by providing mass consumers demand (buera and kaboski 2008). . one thing that cannot be forgotten from the dynamics of islamic fashion industry is the consumers itself, which indonesia as the most muslim populated country play a big role in it. the rising muslim middle class comes to assume that they have adhered to “…the ethical use of wealth” (hefner 2012). year by year, indonesia has been the top muslim consumer clothing expenditure market, since it spent approximately us$ 12.69 in 2014 and us$ 13.28 billion in 2015 for muslim clothing expenditure. this number grew into us$ 13.5 billion in the year of 2016 and rocketed to us$ 20 billion in the year of 2017 (reuters 2017, 112). in order to promote hijab fashion domestically, indonesia has held out several events such as fashion show, one of the notable fashion show is the islamic fashion fair the largest annual fashion show. besides, the 646 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 government also encourages muslim fashion enterprises to optimize the use of digital marketing to increase publicity and purchasing. to demonstrate strong interest in hijab fashion, the government through its agency the ministry of trade in 2015 formally publicized the goal to make indonesia a new centre of global islamic fashion by 2020. this interest seems to be equally important to the achievement of indonesia’s 2020 new industrial policy where the government targets to create indonesia a new industrialized country. indonesia and its large market possess powerful economic basis that can enhance its strategic position as the most influential key player in global modest fashion. cooperating with indonesia islamic fashion consortium (iifc), both the government and private sectors show their commitment to vision indonesia as a world hijab fashion centre. it can be seen from the fact that more indonesian designers also becoming the global modest fashion key players such as dian pelangi and itang yunasz. retailers in indonesia made up the majority of key players for modest fashion such as pt. shafira laras persada, elzatta, hijup, saqina, matahari, and moschaict. particularly, the first islamic e-commerce hijup got achievement in investment by getting funding from 500 start-ups, fenox venture capital and skystar capital; it also showcased the work of 4 indonesian designers at the international fashion showcase section of london fashion week, the first time of modest fashion’s appearance in the event. indonesia’s muslim market keep growing as it raised series a funding from 500 start-ups and other regional investors in recent years. conclusion the discussion in this paper has a central point; analyzing the current growing trend on hijab fashion from state level of analysis. it has questioned why now the government of indonesia c on s i s t e nt l y s upp or t e d t h e expanding market of hijab. by way in contrast, hijab did not gain positive response during suharto’s regime; it was rather perceived a symbolic gesture of islamic extremism which brought existential threat to national security. recently, neither does the current regime show political affiliation to any islamist political ideology. however, it demonstrates strong voice to the creation of hijab fashion as a new islamic lifestyle. in elucidating this question, the analyst witri elvianti, nanda amedina putri monetizing hijab: analysis on state’s national interest 647 has employed national interest theory and neo-liberalism which then results in several key points. firstly, it seems to be valid arguing that the growing trend of hijab fashion is not always due to growing extremism. instead, it significantly develops for government’s consistent support by showing off its strong interest in making indonesia a new global hijab fashion centre by 2020. this goal is intended to accelerate the attainment of indonesia’s new industrial policy gaining a new status of indonesia as a new developed and industrialized country by the same year. to reach this, the government must be able to comprehend its national economy by shifting its focus from raw material export to the manufacture sector. thus, given that growing muslim middle class as well as high consumers demand on islamic fashion, the government perceives a great opportunity to sustain a strategic role for indonesia in the global hijab fashion market. therefore, the government seeks to establish steady market in domestic level to keep the industries grow increasingly by taking technology transfer and innovation development into account. besides, the government also holds numbers of fashion shows, abroad and at home. in order to promote the most current and update hijab fashion the government also urges the use of digital marketing and social media. this is indeed coherent with the spirit of economic liberalization by which the government seeks to encourage individual creativity and innovation in producing high end hijab fashion. secondly, the government’s interest to make indonesia a global hijab fashion centre is also situated in global political economic context. due to the increase of muslim global consumerism on islamic lifestyle including islamic fashion, some states with large muslim population decided to take the power of muslim global market into account. therefore, the government of indonesia is currently dovetailing the expansion of its national hijab production to the global market level. to reach this goal, the government must show its strong commitment to support the growth of hijab and other islamic garments. references adas, e. b. 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(1989). islam in java: normative piety and mysticism in the sultanate of yogyakarta. tueson : university of arizona press. islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 fourth wave feminism in indonesia: body shaming through social media phenomenon noviyanti soleman1, rifki elindawati2 1khon kaen university, thailand 2university of indonesia, indonesia 1email: noviyantisoleman6@gmail.com abstract recently, indonesia has been horrified by the phenomenon of body shaming through social media. even though this has happened previously, but now the victims take serious action to respond the situation, including filed reports on the police based on violations of the ite law article 27 paragraph (3) in conjunction with article 45 paragraph (3) of law no 11 of 2008. however, some people still do the body shaming especially through social media by disguising body size, imperfection and appearance. based on the data, there are 966 cases of body shaming in 2018. furthermore, this research aims to assess the body shaming through social media phenomenon in indonesia which has the relations with the fourth wave feminism issues. to answer the research question, the writers use objectification theory and feminist constructivism approach. this study deployed the qualitative research instrument by primary and secondary data. the result shows that body shaming through social media in indonesia caused by natural and social order that formed people’s habit in daily life. keywords: body shaming; constructivism; feminism; social media. introduction the feminism issues have been discussed since eighteenth century (first-wave feminism), the issues mostly talk about women’s right. going through long period, the focus of the issues has been progressing followed by the dynamic of society. this also happened in indonesia, feminism in indonesia has a long story and contributed to the discourse noviyanti soleman & rifki elindawati fourth wave feminism in indonesia 589 of equality (arivia & subono, 2017) the feminist movement in indonesia has taken action since the dutch colonialization’s era till during the post-colonialization, meanwhile growing number of women’s organization become historical records of feminist movement in indonesia. they dealt with issues such as equality right and participation (arivia & subono, 2017). nonetheless, many feminist scholars believe that the contemporary issues of feminist have entered new phase following the social dynamics, called the fourthwave feminism. based on prudence chamberlain in her books the feminist fourth wave active temporality (2017) argued that the issues of fourth wave feminism include the justice for women, particularly to counter sexual harassment and violence against women. to handle feminism issues, indonesian government and some advocated groups have tried to raise awareness of the citizen towards the issues, such as by developing national law to executing the case related to the issues and campaigns that has been done by some nongovernmental organizations. in using technolog y, the government had set the regulation by ratified electronic information and transactions law (undangundang ite, ite law) in 2008 and later was revised in 2016, the aims of the regulation are to protect, manage electronic information and transaction. in ite law also accomodates the regulation about body shaming, through article 27 paragraph (3) in conjunction with article 45 paragraph (2) of law no 11 of 2008. both articles conclude that every person intentionally and/ or without rights to distribute and/ or transmit and/or make access to electronic information and/or electronic documents that have insulting contents can be punished for (maximum) 6 months and/ or paying fine (maximum) idr. 1,000,000,000 (±usd. 71,000), this also applies to body shaming activity. against to the background, eventhough it has been well regulated in the national law and the criminals will get the sanction, body shaming phenomenon still happen in indonesia, particularly through social media. based on detik.com, during 2018 there were 966 case related to body shaming recorded by the police in indonesia. 374 cases had resolved either using the law procedure or mediation between the victims and the perpetrators 590 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 (santoso, 2018). thus becomes the highlighted issues in this research. feminism in indonesia the phenomena of fourthwave feminism has also been widely discussed recently. this regards to issues that have not been covered by first-, second-, and third-wave feminism. fourth-wave feminism tries to focus on enhace human equality through the use of internetbased technologies, empowerment of all marginalized groups in society, inculing women and girls (chamberlain, 2017).it is a followup conversation that began in 1848 with the aim of fighting for women’s rights. before the existence of fourthwave feminism, there are three wave of feminism that exists with different focus study. the current wave that called fourth-wave feminism is combined with the era of technology by using the social media as the tool. the fourth wave aiming to advocate women in politics and business. the focuses of the news had been added in fourth wave feminism such as salary in workplace, sexual harassment and assault, sexual entitlement, freedom of individual choice, discrimination, body shaming, online misogyny, intersectionality and many others. in her article, ‘feminism: a fourth-wave?’ ealasaid munro claims for the fourth feminism that it has been enabled by internet, particularly social media facilitating call-out culture (munro, 2013). social media has allowed for the continual challeging of sexism and misogyny, creating environment in which feminism can directly engage with that which it is agains. not only the numbers of women online increasing, but also multiple feminist campaigns have been launched on the internet (chamberlain, 2017). most of the focus issues was related to the technology such as social media. the use of technology is a good alternative to campaign the women right, considering the social media now became a tool of the people among the world to communicate. meanwhile more than 50% population around the world use the internet and around 42% use social media. there are no limit of time and space in using social media. bates and soraya chemaly did the campaign of 4th wave feminism against misogynist through facebook pages and bridget christie also railed against sexiest comments and concerning ethical filing in social media (cochrane, 2013). noviyanti soleman & rifki elindawati fourth wave feminism in indonesia 591 body shaming is one of the topic issue that fourth-wave feminism focusing on. the word body shaming is very famous around the world. according to cambridge dictionar y, body shaming is criticism of someone based on the shape, size, or appearance of their body (gaffney, 2017). katelyn j. gaffney on her research mentioned that the side effect of body shaming is resulted eating disorder, anxiety, anger, dissatisfaction of the body and depression. she also mentioned about the phenomena of body shaming around the world such as in america, britain and australia (gaffney, 2017). the trend of body shape on social media is common along with the huge number use of social media. there are some challenges in social media that might be led to body shaming indirectly such as ‘iphone knees challenge’ that can prove the skinny of the legs, collarbone challenge by coin to show the sexy of their collarbone, ‘a4 challenge’ to prove the tiny of their waist, and many others. those challenges are indirectly shows the discrimination to them who did not have “specific” size of bodies, because they cannot join and enjoy the challenge in social media. heather r. gallivan on his presentation about teens, social media and body image shows the list of data regarding to the social media and body shaming, the study he conducts in univeritsy of haifa found out that a 2011 study from the university of haifa found that the more time girls spent on facebook, the more they suffered conditions of an, bn, poor body image, negative approach to eating and more urges to be on a weight loss diet. one residential eating disorder treatment center found that 30-50% of their patients are actively using social networking sites to support their eating disorders. (gallivan, 2014). dina borzekowski, professor at johns hopkins school of public health also notes that social media may have a stronger impact on children’s body image than traditional media. messages and images are more targeted, if the message comes from a friend it is perceived as more meaningful and credible. research question the previous study shows that there is relations between body shaming and social, furthermore this paper would like to assess why does the body shaming through social media happen in indonesia in regards with fourth-wave feminism? 592 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 literature review objectification theory according to fredrickson and roberts (1997), objectification theory posits that girls and women are typically acculturated to internalize an observer’s perspective as a primary view of their physical selves and will be lead to habitual body monitoring. the impacts of being sexual objectification is poor mental health both direct and indirect (fredickson & roberts, 1997). melanie s. hill and ann r fischer try to form a framework based on fredrickson and roberts idea of objectification theory (hill & fischer, 2008). the chart explains that in path a there is influence from observer of sexual orientation that can bring the sexual objectification to be selfobjectification. the people who get self-objectification by the observer tend to have self-objectification or they are be able to evaluate their own body based on people’s perspective that they think it was a standard. in path b and c shows that the existence of health disorder range from shame to the depression. path d shows the direct impact from sexual objectification. so we see the two impacts of sexual objectification may be happens direct and indirect. constructivism approach this research will use the constr uc tivism approach, to explore the reason of body shaming noviyanti soleman & rifki elindawati fourth wave feminism in indonesia 593 archer continues her argument with an examination of the emotional inner life all human being that grounds all human development. in the natural order the concern is about the physical well being of the body in the environment and emotional reaction is visceral. in the practice order the concern is for subject or object relations and the concern is for competent performance or achievement. and in the third, the discursive order, the concern is also for subject or object relations but the concern is for self-worth in the light of normative strictures. the dilemma for any individual is, of cours, that these three orders are not, in practice, distintc and there are no guarantees that they are compatible. as a result, the contradiction of firstorder concersn and commentaries givers rise to the second-order emotionality that is concerned with striking a balance between the three orders dan it is the particular balance that each individual strikes that produces the personal identituy of that person. second order concerns arise out of the human ability to reflect upon our emotions, to transform them and thus to set up the priorities among emotions that are particular to ourselves. it is through in social media still happens in indonesia despite all the advocacy efforts. the basic insight behind the constructivist approach can be understood by unpacking a quick observation made by archer that argued that the norms or value that infiltrated in particular society is not given, it comes from the interaction of people with their environment. besides, the causal power also can be modify. the properties and powers of the human being are neither seen as pregiven, nor as socially appropriated, but rather these are emergent from our relations with our environment. as such they have relative autonomy from biology and society alike, and causal powers to modify both of them’ (archer, 2000). archer uses perspective if merleau-ponty points out that the ‘sensed bodily enveloped’ is critical to the development in the sense of self-distinguished from others (archer, 2000). this self-constituted in practical activity in relation with natural needs. archer maintains that looking for an ‘entity or substance’, the self is an emergent property whose realization comes from the necessary relations between embodied practice and the nondiscursive environment (archer, 2000). 594 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 our inner conversations, involving discernment, deliberation and dedication in morphogenetic cycle that second-order emotionally is elaborated and personal identity is formed. the achievement of personal identity through second order emotionally is not automatic and there are instabilities, often through second-order emotionality over the life cycle, that prompt new dialogue and change commitments. the emergent subject that archer outlines is a stratified concerp involving different powers and properties at each emergent level. the four strata comprise the self, the person, the agent and the actor. the agent and the actor are social selves but they are dependent upon the continues sense of self and they are co-dependent with the emergence of personal identity. the social sel develops at the interface of structure and agency. but in contrast, to person, structure and culture all face emergent power and properties. it is in the interplay of all three components that social change is affected and either one of the three may be the precipitting trigger of change. archer points out that chave tendency to accelrate most especially under conditions of modernity. archer’s social relatist position accords sui generis causal power to all three components, which are culture, sturcture and agents. noviyanti soleman & rifki elindawati fourth wave feminism in indonesia 595 methodology in order to answer the research question, this research is using qualitative research method. a qualitative data is not convert all of the result into a single data as number but leaves the data in a varieties forms (neuman, 2014). the writers used primary data through observation and secondary data by the books, journal, news and others document related to the body shaming on social media in indonesia. this research is counted as the phenomenological research. result social media misuse the regulation of ite law is clearly stated, the bullies of body shaming will be punished based on article 27 paragraph (3) and article 45 paragraph (2). the regulation shows that the government of indonesia has taken serious action towards body shaming activities. it is also to prevent the further activities of body shaming and the misuse of media for defamation or insults. this cannot be denied that the number of body shaming on social media is also related to the length of social media usage in indonesia since social media is providing a platform to a wide range of women, who are able to use the connectivity. in recent year, indonesia has greater internet penetration with 88 million people connected online, including 79 million active social media users. based on the global digital report 2018 that merge the data reports from we are social and hootsuite, indonesia is one of the top five countries that spend many hours in using internet per day. indonesia placed in fourth which is approximately 8h50m per day. in 8h50m, indonesian user spend 3h20m for only social media, in this case indonesia is still in big three after philippines and brazil. in january 2017, the annual growth of social media users from indonesia is 23%. (kemp, 2018). indonesia is also ranked high for social media penetration with 111 million facebook users, it comes as fourth the biggest uses globally and the first in southeast asia. the country has 24 million users on twitter, one of the highest in the world, and 8.9 million are on instagram (rakhmat & tarahita, 2017). along with the high numbers of internet penetration in indonesia, including social media, this study finds the cases relating to social media also differ with their various motives. in 2009, cases of body 596 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 shaming on social media occurred on the basis of jealousy. at that time a teenage girl named felly commented on the facebook status of a man named ujang to decide his girlfriend farah. looking at the comment, the boyfriend felt uncomfortable and jealous and then chose to reply to the comment using the man’s account. farah commented on felly that she has unproper body shape, not fashionable, to the family of felly (gunawan, 2009). the other case study happened to some public figures in indonesia. the public figures always have been on the spotligtht, since their works engage with public and broad audiences. many people make public figures as role models such as fashion, but not a few also give negative comments to the public figures such as commenting on body shape. as it is known to almost all artists have experienced this, but there are some artists who choose not to care about people’s comments. the following is a case of body shaming on social media that befell public figures, such as momshaming happens to many public figures. during pregnancy it is very normal if a woman experiences changes in body shape, but many actually comment on changes in body shape. tasya kamila, putri titian, and audi item, the famous publc figures in indonesia experience the body shaming, most of the bullies commented that their body getting fatter while pregnant and still fat after delivering the babies. dian nitami’s case has just happened recently. she chose to send her report to the police about the body shaming that she experienced on instagram social media made her not confident. this case was then processed by the authorities, even though the person actually doing it was an educated person. besides being insulted by one of her body part, dian is also advised to do plastic surgery to improve his body shape. aside from dian nitami, actress ussy sulistiawati chose the legal route for the body shaming experienced by her daughter. immediately, she brought 20 account names of social media that insulted her daughter’s body. besides, there are still many public figures who experience similar malicious comments about body shape, such as skin color experienced by nana mirdad and ariel tatum, height experienced by prilly latuconsina, rossa, brisia jodie, aurel hermansyah, to the case of rina nose who chose to release noviyanti soleman & rifki elindawati fourth wave feminism in indonesia 597 her hijab and still many other cases of humiliation. from the illustration case above, it is shown that social media is place to share their activity, such as in the form of pictures and people are able to communicate with other through social media, however, the relationship that exists can also be negative towards other people. here in the case of giving harsh comment towards certain body part to other people, they might just want to comment to show their dissatisfaction or dissagreement towards certain part of the people’s body, because it has an ideal body construction in their thinking. lack of attention of the issues the feminsts groups in indonesia has been well aware about the feminism issues, some significant action had been taken to handle the issues, such as women’s march in jakarta earlier that become the annual event of feminists campaign to commemorate the international women’s day. in 2018, the women’s march highlighted the issue of violation, harassment and harmful of traditional practices against women, the issue of early marriage also became a concern in the march. the march also demands the government of indonesia to establish pro-women and promarginal groups public policy (bbc, 2018). the other campaign like feminist fest indonesia has also showed its notable action by holding the festival that explore the use and importance of feminism in indonesia in 21st century. the feminist fest sessions include plenary panels, small group discussions, workshops, and classes with quite a number of themes, including gender based violence, sexual and reproductive health, sexual orientation and gender identity, eco-feminism, and public policy. this festival specifically targets young people who already have an interest in joining the movement and striving to achieve gender equality and fulfill women’s rights in indonesia (femfest, n.d.). both women’s march and feminist fest indonesia activities involved various group of people in indonesia. beside those two movements, the government of indonesia has done collaborative action with united nations women (un women) to counter the gender equality and empower women issues. the activity focuses on strengthening law implementation and piloting for good practices (un women, 2019). from three 598 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 advocacy group, the feminist activists in indonesia still focus traditional way of gender issues (un women, 2019). eventhough the body shaming through social is new phenomenon, there is data that shows a large number of the case of women’s body shaming on social media that happened in indonesia. reportedly, there were 966 cases of body shaming, the number shall be properly addressed and immediately became a concern. based on the results of interviews by the head of the public information bureau of the police headquarters public relations division brigadier general dedi, he said that in 2018 there were 966 cases of body shaming on social media that had been completed in 374 cases. but it uses a more humane approach or mediation between the two parties before being below to a more serious level of law (cnn indonesia, 2018). discussion a. self objectivication case of body shaming in indonesia appear whether from direct conversation or through social media such as facebook, instagram, twitter, etc. based on what fredrickson and roberts said, women will value themselves more based on people’s views. the picture made by hill and fischer based on fredickson and robert’s theory objectification, this research puts concern on path a. in this case, how is the change in sexual objectification to the stage of self-objectification that is influenced by the sexual orientation. sexual orientation becomes a tool for changes that occur from sexual objectification to self-objectification. sexual objectification occurs continuously because it has become human nature. in the world of feminism, sexual objectification occurs when someone judges women based on their bodies both in terms of form and others. sexual objectification usually occurs because someone has their own judgment, for example, seeing someone else being a little fatter, then starting to say that the person is fat. although not necessarily through different perspectives will be considered fat too. normally someone does sexual objectification because they have had their sexual orientation. sexual orientation has different sources, some measure based on using the brosca formula until there are only those that use the senses of sight or the eyes. everyone usually has a sexual orientation that is different noviyanti soleman & rifki elindawati fourth wave feminism in indonesia 599 this is because it is made aware of each individual’s different interests. for example there is someone who likes to be fat, some like to be thin. however in this study, the brosca formula is not valid, because cases that occur on social media cannot find out whether the person is really fat or thin, as social media cannot tell how many sizes of weight or height of someone other than that person who tells himself. so that most cases of self objectifictaion that occur can be categorized as judgments only from the sense of sight. after this sexual objectification, people will enter self-objectification. self objectification is carried out because the mind of a person has been disturbed by the values that are embedded due to people’s comments. self objectification does not only come from yourself but it occurs due to external factors, namely comments from others. there are some people who are normal in responding but sometimes some others look very serious in dealing with it. like the case of the artists, some just let it go but some chose to take legal action such as reporting to the police. in case of dian nitami, she has been shamed by people of her face through social media instagram. that people comment her to do operation because she is an actress that must have perfect face. we can see that the sexual objectification that happen in dian nitami’s case is body shamed based on sexual orientation which is actress must have perfect body no matter what. this builds people opinion to do the body shame on dian nitami. because of cannot accept being acted like that, dian nitami decide to report to police. 600 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 from case of dian nitami, we can see the sex orientation here is that as a public figure must be perfect in everything especially body. the figure above is clearly stated about how the process of body shaming that impact to the victim. such as the actress must be thin, white, neat, tall, beautiful, high and small nose and many others as the viewer sexual orientation. this thing has been set up to the most of people mindset. they are trying to apply what do they like to people’s look like by shamed the other people because beyond their expectation and their own standard. b. emerging new norms as practical order in accordance with the findings, archer’s model about practical order can be the opposite of natural order and social order. the self-constituted in practical activity in relations with natural needs. here the society concern of their physical well being of the body and the environment as the natural relation, and people have the emotional fuels to have internal conversation with themselves to questioning certain body image. this also part of their reaction towards the social construction of the ideal body image meets the reality. in the natural order the concern is about body image and emotional reaction is visceral. as the results, people have emotional reactions towards the body image and glue comment on people’s bodies. furthermore, self-justification becomes embodied knowledge in natural order. noviyanti soleman & rifki elindawati fourth wave feminism in indonesia 601 in the practical order, the parctical conciousness of the people is not the result of some intellectual capability of linguistic principles or syntax. in the case of dian nitami, the bullies are educated person, this shows that their consciousness does not have relations with the education degree. the centrality practice is tied to the fact that it is only through practice that human potential can be realized and personal identity formed. in this order, people communication through social media creates the pracical relations between the bullies and victims, people give harsh comment towards certain body shape because it does not meet their expectation. this proceeds to the phenomenon of body shaming in social media. then, it is led to giving comment on people’s body is common things, even though it might insult other’s feeling. for the third order, social order, discursive knowledge, the concern of the people -should be self-worth or self-love normative action. this should be the normative value and proportional culture that emerge because of the result of advocacy feminism and the ite law to prevent and stop the body shaming. however the dillemas for any individual are distinct and no guarantees that they are compatible. as the shole result, the contradiction between three orders rise and the new value has emerged, in this case is that giving body shaming comment to other individuals is common things. conclusion so in the conclusion, why does the body shaming through social media happenings in indonesia with fourth-wave feminism caused by habits formed in social life. this habit makes the mindset of most people doing body shaming that it is actually a normal thing to do. even though the fact is that these things can have a major impact both directly and indirectly. based on the model produced by archer, there are two factors that influence the occurrence of body shaming through social media called natural order and social order. in this natural order talking about how self-justification as expressed in the theory of objectification that this can occur because of the sexual orientation in this case which says which is good and what is right. so when someone believes that it is the right thing, then the occurrence of body shaming on social media can be a justification for them. this is the basis for why this phenomenon still occurs in indonesia. because 602 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 in indonesia, commenting on the physical is an ordinary thing which is a supporting factor for them as a form of justification for the phenomenon of body shaming on social media. bibliography archer, m. s. 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(2016). cyberbully, cyber victim, and forgiveness among indonesian high school stu dents. the turkish online journal of educational techno logy, 15(3). santoso, a. (2018, november 28). polisi tangani 966 kasus body shaming selama 2018. retrieved from detik.com: https://news. d e t i k . c om / b e r it a / 4 3 2 1 9 9 0 / polisi-tangani-966-kasus-bodyshaming-selama-2018 604 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 un women. (2019). un women indonesia. retrieved 01 20, 2019, from un women: http://asiapacific.unwomen. org/en/countries/indonesia aid effectiveness agenda and the politics of ownership in donor-recipient relationships arie kusuma paksi international relations universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: ariekusumapaksi@umy.ac.id abstract: this article argues the political factors behind aid implementation continuously become dominant motive in donor-recipient relationships. thus this makes the effort to effective aid which already started since post-cold war era did not really find significant achievements. although in the paris meeting aid communities regards the idea of ownership as a new effort to effective aid intervention in developing countries, however, once again, the issue of power and politics remain hidden in the discussion. in fact, ownership has political dimension in which it involves power and interest among actors. in this context, each development actor is in position to win ‘ownership’ over development according to their agenda. thus, this makes aid effectiveness agenda, once again, did not fully achieve much progress. key words: political economy, aid effectiveness, international forum, ownership this article provides critics on the international forum on aid effectiveness agenda. it especially focuses to discuss on how various efforts to improve aid effectiveness did not really able to reach significant achievement due to dominant of political motives among actors involved in the aid relationship – even though some commitments and mechanisms have already been produced. secondly, this discussion also provides a basis from which to critique the principle of country ownership as new effort to improve the effectiveness of foreign aid. in reality, according to political economy perspective ownership is understood as a product of political contests and so reflects a continual struggle among development actors to serve their own interests through ”ownership‟ of development agendas (hutchison, hout et al. 2014). as a consequence, development directions will be ”owned‟ by particular group of people who has power and structural opportunities rather than reflecting the interest of the whole population. moreover, contestation between the diverse groups involved has implications for donors‘ ability to achieve their purposes because they must contend with local power and resources which challenge external development aid agendas. to cover the above arguments, this islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn:2655-1330 islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 538 article is divided into three sections: the first section discusses three theoretical approaches to aid for development, and argues that political economy is central to understanding donors‟ approaches, local ownershippolitics and development agendas. the theoretical framework is further developed in the second section, which reviews evidence regarding how the nature of political relationships among development actors has limited efforts to improve aid delivery. after reviewing the achievements of the international aid effectiveness forums in section c, the fifth section focuses on the paris agenda on aid effectiveness, which identified ownership as a key to achieving better outcomes on aid delivery. the discussion explores why ownership, as a result of political processes, is a problematic concept that makes it difficult to achieve development targets because each actor is interested in promoting their own „ownership‟ of development and sustaining their political interests. finally, the last section relates this discussion to lesson-learned from aid effectiveness agenda, ownership principle and the implementation of aid in timorleste. a. problems of aid legitimacy this section examines political economy approaches to critically assessing international interventions and local politics. firstly, it presents three different schools of thought in the aid and development debate and, then, focusses specifically on the political economy approach as a powerful paradigm through which to examine aid implementation, the contest of power among development actors, and how power relationships among these actors affect development policies in recipient countries. there is a debate in the literature concerning the implications of aid: whether it is flawed but potentially useful in spurring development in the global south, and whether it represents continuities with colonialism or even has the purpose of continuing western domination over the countries in the global south(kapoor 2008, tandon 2008). regarding this debate, scholars can be divided into three main groups, each with characteristic approaches and strands of thought: the mainstream development aid community, sceptics and radicals. the first of these, which includes sachs (2005) and stiglitz (2002), argues that aid can contribute to the effort to end poverty; but only if steps are taken to improve its effectiveness. the implementation of international aid meetings, which is discussed in the next section, reflects the continuous efforts of the development aid community to improve the quality of aid delivery. the international development aid communities understanding of aid and development has critics both from neoliberal sceptics and from more radical directions. the sceptics argue that aid tends to damage developing countries by empowering the state at the expense of the entrepreneurial poor (easterly, 2013; moyo, 2009). provides the example of aid ari kusuma paksi aid effectiveness agenda and the politics 539 flows in africa. in the last several decades, africa has received more than us$ 1 trillion of international aid, and there is debate over the overall impact of this. levy (1988),gomanee, girma et al. (2005), and morrissey (2005) argue that aid has made positive contributions to the development of the continent, but there are many studies suggesting the opposite (e.g., goldsmith (2001). in some cases, it is argued, aid makes the situation worse by fostering corruption, creating dependency, and causing social unrest and even civil war (moss, pettersson et al. 2006, moyo 2009, phillips 2013). therefore, to solve the problem of aid delivery, easterly and moyo argue that the world’s poor do not need to borrow money from the world bank and imf – since the conditionality has been too soft – nor do they need to keep depending on western aid. rather, they suggest an extreme neoliberal approach to development as a way to gain private capital to finance development which is conducted through trade, direct foreign investment, capital markets, remittances, micro-finance and savings. this approach will impose greater discipline and force state agencies to be more efficient (moyo 2009, easterly 2013). the second criticism comes from the radicals(mosse 2005, duffield 2007, li 2007). this group believes relationships between countries in the global north and global south are exploitative rather than cooperative. according to this radical perspective, aid projects are part of neoliberal agendas that aim to facilitate capital flows to developing countries in the interests of exploiting southern resources largely for the benefit of corporations based in the global north. to successfully achieve these agenda, the west uses practices of domination that have been variously analysed according to two main approaches: the foucauldian and the political economy perspectives. the foucauldian supporters argue aid is the practice of liberal governmentality, and constitutes a technique to make countries in the global south accept the west’s reform agendas as their own agenda(anders 2005, duffield 2007, li 2007). as its name implies, this perspective uses the work of michael foucault on governmentality which defines as “the conduct of conduct” (lemke 2002), meaning an effort to shape, guide or affect the conduct of a particular community by using a set of practices and calculated strategies. this can be done through several ways, including educating the people and configuring their habits and beliefs so that they will comply with the desired agenda of development (mckee 2009). in her book, the will to improve: governmentality, development, and the practice of politics (2007), li provides an example of governmentality programmes carried out by donors through implementation of integrated conservation and development projects in villages around lore lindu national park in indonesia (li 2007).1 1 ccpolitical processes often means that donors‟ governmentality projects are only partially able to reach their neoliberal targets. islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 540 under the programme, these agencies identified some key problems that cause poverty and injustice and then proposed „expert‟ technical interventions as a way to address it without an understanding of local political context. however, since the project used the intervener‟s prescription rather than being based on local problems and so failed to bring development benefits to the population excluded from the park, it created a critical community; the highlanders became radicalized and wary of interventions that failed to deliver promised improvements. thus, foucault’s understanding of governmentality provides insight into how donor practices ultimately serve donor interests in line with a neoliberal agenda, by defining the problem and proposing solutions based on „superior‟ knowhow. however, it falls short of understanding local political practices and how development becomes the site of contestation between a variety of international and local development actors. the absence of understanding of these therefore, this article argues, understanding of donor intervention can better explain through structuralist political economy position, which draws upon gramscian state theory, especially as developed by poulantzas (1978) and jessop (2008), which views development as a site of contestation between competing groups (with different power, resources and political opportunity structures) that have different interests and who engage in struggle over distributions of resources and the ideologies that legitimise these – development outcomes thus reflect the result of this contestation (hughes and hutchison 2012, hutchison, hout et al. 2014, hout 2015, hameiri, hughes et al. 2017). from this perspective, aid flows are not simply a matter of improving standards of living. along with the distribution of resources, they constitute neverending social and political contestations (developed from historical political economy processes and continually changing) between different groups which compete over control of development resources producing structurally unequal societies where power and wealth are unevenly allocated (hutchison, hout et al. 2014, hameiri, hughes et al. 2017). in this view, aid programming is an intervention in this process in which it encourages local actors to struggle to influence the new form of governance which tries to build its power base through aid programmes. the final policies then reflect the balance of power between these development actors. it is this approach that underpins the theoretical understanding of power used in this article. b. the aid effectiveness agenda and the politics of aid delivery the previous section explained that a realistic understanding of the complex nature of politics in aid delivery is important to increase the effectiveness of international interventions. in this section, the framework developed above is used to evaluate the efforts of the aid community to improve the quality of aid delivery through international forums on aid effectiveness. these aimed to meet the demands of donors and recipient countries ari kusuma paksi aid effectiveness agenda and the politics 541 while producing some key agreements on aid implementation. this discussion seeks to show that these agreements did not really achieve their targets since they continuously failed to address political factors behind aid operations. the concept of aid effectiveness has been negotiated and developed in international forums since the 1990s. it particularly emerges as critics began to point out that aid projects are often wasteful and inefficient in implementation. for this, those in the aid community camp argue, some strategies should be applied so that aid delivery quality could be improved (sachs 2005) and (stiglitz 2002). thus, in order to meet the challenge presented by the sceptics, the development assistance committee (dac), an international committee with a mandate to discuss aid programmes and policies in developing countries on behalf of the organisation for economic cooperation and development (oecd) decided to promote an aid effectiveness agenda which was largely focused on increasing the quality of aid delivery in developing countries. to do this, it decided to facilitate international meetings bringing together donors and their partners. these forums are regarded as important since they addressed aid actors’ differences and efforts and aims to produce specific policies for the full effectiveness of international aid in the future. the first of the aid effectiveness forums held on 21-22 march 2002 in monterrey, mexico, was the conference on financing for development and was attended by more than 50 heads of state and government. this was a response to the financial crises of the 1990s in latin america and asia, which slowed down and undermined the sustainability of development programmes and so contributed to the increase in poverty in affected countries – a situation that made it difficult to achieve (millennium development goals) mdgs targets. as a result, at the monterrey conference, donors committed to allocated 0.7 percent of their gross national income to support poor countries to reduce poverty and achieve the targets of the mdgs. despite these commitments, according to a un evaluation, while there have been some successes across the globe after the implementation of the mdg agendas, aid interventions still failed to significantly improve living conditions (un 2015) . this has been demonstrated to be specifically due to mdgs having been used as a tool of global power to serve donor interests rather than truly focusing on eradicating poverty in developing countries (amin 2006, bond 2006). as a result, the dominant political motives that lay behind the implementation of development agendas meant that the efforts towards fulfilling the mdgs had limited success. to reaffirm the commitment to improving aid effectiveness, a high level forum on aid effectiveness was held in rome 2003. it was attended by leaders from the major multilateral banks, bilateral and international organizations and donor and recipient country representatives. the result of the forum was the rome declaration on harmonization. the declaration emphasizes the commitment to enhance the quality of aid delivery by strengthening the principles islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 542 of harmonization. in rome, the delegation committed “to harmonize the operational policies, procedures, and practices of our institutions with those of partner country systems to improve the effectiveness of development assistance” (oecd 2003). this approach has had to be adapted since it has proved ineffective because most of the international efforts in developing countries have become fragmented rather than harmonised (annen and moers 2012, oecd 2012, phillips 2013). as a result, new aid modalities were introduced in the form of budget support and the sector wide approach (swap), replacing traditional project funding and aiming to reduce transaction costs (e.g., limiting the number of individual projects) and enhance local leadership (andersen and therkildsen 2007). budget support and swap became popular as a new part• nership-based approach to enhance the quality of aid and support sectors of development. however, the facts show that donor countries often pursue their self-interests through budget support and swap mechanisms (canadian council for international co-operation 2005, riddell 2007, dann and hammel 2013, swedlund 2013, cheng and chan 2015, international fund for agricultural development 2015). thus, aid programmes largely continue to serve the goals and objectives of donors rather than local priorities. meanwhile, in recipient countries, interest groups with political motives struggle to influence implementation of the two methods (andersen and therkildsen 2007, cruz and mcpake 2011, tilley 2014). these conditions suggest that the problem of improving the aid quality was never primarily a technical one but was basically political in nature. the paris high-level forum on aid effectiveness, held in march 2005, aimed to strengthen commitments to improve the quality of aid which had been made in monterrey and rome. the forum itself was regarded as a breakthrough in international development since it involved a wide range of voices (35 donor countries, 26 multilateral donor organisations, 56 developing countries and 14 civil society observers) (see mawdsley, savage et al. 2014). the forum resulted in the paris declaration on aid effectiveness which focused on two elements: first, donor countries were encouraged to give greater local ownership in aid implementation. second, donors and partner countries committed to be more transparent in the aid efforts aiming to create mutual accountability at international and country level (wood, betts et al. 2011). according to some evaluations, there has been poor progress on achieving the paris commitment targets for improving the quality of aid delivery in many aid partner countries. arguably, this is because power and interests still dominate relationships among donors and local leaders(mahmud 2008, world bank 2008, roberts 2009, chandy 2011, sjöstedt 2013, brown 2016). even when national governments were able to establish strategic plans, the decision to do so was decided unilaterally by a particular group of people, including local elites ari kusuma paksi aid effectiveness agenda and the politics 543 and donor agents, as a way to sustain their own development agendas, at the expense of public priorities (brown 2016). the third high level forum on the aid effectiveness agenda took place in accra, ghana in september 2008 and was attended by 1,200 delegations from 100 countries and intergovernmental organisations. the focus of the meeting was to evaluate, strengthen and deepen the paris declaration principles and commitments. this meeting took place at a time when the global context was changing significantly – in the same month that the global financial crisis reached its height. some worried that this situation might cause a drop in the amount of western aid to developing countries. meanwhile, at the same time the world economy was entering a commodities boom resulting from the huge increase in the power of china and the massive competition for primary commodities that this engendered. strengthening southsouth cooperation (ssc)2 in the development 2 ssc refers to an alternative form of development cooperation in the context of middle income countries. in fact, the idea is not new it was first introduced through a meeting called the asian– african conference which was held in bandung 1955 (also known as the bandung conference). the bandung conference met representatives from 29 independent nations and resulted in the creation of the non-alignment movement (nam). nam aimed to work against the domination of the west (united states and its allies) and the east (the soviet union and other communist states) and to create and support ssc. at accra, the idea of ssc was harnessed to the goal of greater aid effectiveness. agenda became one of the most highlighted points at the forum. ssc has been regarded by some as an alternative option in international cooperation that can fulfil recipient countries development needs. however, the matter is not altogether simple. in political economy terms, the idea of „southsouth‟ is a rhetorical device designed to invoke ideas of equality and solidarity, arising from a common colonial experience. however, analysis of the relationship between the brics3 powers and the countries to which they have given development assistance shows that the promise of equality is misleading. for example, michael sata, the fifth president of zambia, likened chinese aid and investments to trojan horses, exploiting local resources without contributing significantly to the development of african economies or society (brautigam 2009). thus, ssc still involves politics and interests rather than mutual cooperation. three years after accra, in2011, the fourth high level forum, entitled partnership on development cooperation, was held in busan, south korea. it was initiated by the g7+, a group of twenty fragile and conflictaffected states attempting to reshape the terms by which aid operators work. the result of the meeting was called a new deal for engagement in fragile states (oecd 2012). the principles in the new deal agreement showed the wish for better achievement of aid 3 these are brazil, russia, india, china and south africa. islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 544 efforts in the future particularly after “lessonslearned” in the previous implementation of aid which still did not make beneficial contributions to recipient countries (da costa 2012). in the meantime, the emergence of the g7+ and the new deal also reflects new power dynamics between donors and recipients in a changing aid landscape. the busan new deal agreement also demonstrated another struggle for influence by local actors over the direction of social, economic and political development in aid recipient countries. this is reflected in the principle of ownership which states that “partnerships for development can only succeed if they are led by developing countries, implementing approaches that are tailored to country-specific situations and needs” (oecd 2011, p.3). it was expected, by using local actor priorities, the full interests of many elites in the country can be easily achieved. this was, in part, because it was assumed that the involvement of civil societies in development can ensure that aid efforts work in the interests of citizens. however, they have to face donors and elites who are powerful and have interests in influencing development policy (beausang 2012, hughes, hooley et al. 2014, paffenholz 2015). for instance, the new deal process in mogadishu was dominated by elites and international actors (paffenholz 2015). also, implementing the principles of country ownership and alignment does not mean the end of donor power. donors are still able to retain their power through capacity building, training, technical assistance, reform etc. from the above discussion, it can be seen that aid can indeed be politically profitable to certain stakeholders. both donors and local leaders have their own interests in the aid flow. on the donor side, aid can be used as a tool for achieving their reform agenda. therefore, to ensure the maximum gain of their reform targets they may use various methods including privileging their own aid system standards and trespassing on local institutions‟ systems (bergamaschi 2009, paul 2013, hudson 2015) . meanwhile from the recipients‟ perspective, aid inflows are also a source of power. rather than using aid for the purpose of improving the living conditions of the poor, powerholders tend to be more interested in implementing the aid effectively for their private interests (dietrich 2011). looking at the above facts, it is understandable why many authors argue that the problem of power and interests has meant that the principles produced by various international forums on aid effectiveness have led to the achievement of relatively few of their agreed goals (chuhan and bhargava 2006, brown and morton 2008, wallace 2009, chandy 2011, dabelstein and patton 2013, paffenholz 2015). this understanding was expressed by ban ki-moon, un secretary general (2007-2016): “all too often, aid is driven more by politics than by need, undermining its effectiveness” (quoted in herfkens & bains, 2015, p.57). this has meant that efforts to allocate resources to those who need it most have been continually unable to achieve this. the above evidence also clearly ari kusuma paksi aid effectiveness agenda and the politics 545 suggests that although it is relatively easy for aid actors to produce agreements, there are other factors beyond aid that prevent them from following the agreed principles and which they continually failed to address, namely, political interests (see also carothers and de gramont 2013). c. the paris declaration and the politics of ownership the idea of ownership that was introduced in the paris declaration of aid effectiveness has been widely regarded within the development aid community as a key ingredient for successful international aid programmes. here, however, this belief is critiqued on the grounds that it is too confident in assuming that political leaders in recipient countries are committed to national development and that it ignores the fact that public policies are complex processes involving various interests from different actors. different access to power and opportunities among these actors means that development ownership belongs to a particular group of people, not the rest of population. as presented in the section above, the idea of country ownership became a key ingredient to improving the quality of aid delivery and was firstly introduced in the paris declaration on aid effectiveness in 2005. it encouraged both donor and recipient countries to play their roles in development practices by ensuring local ownership to increase the performance of aid implementation. this means donors were requested to reduce their domination and let the leaders in southern countries „drive‟ development processes according to the principle of ownership, as stated in the paris declaration: partner countries commit to: (1) exercise leadership in developing and implementing their national development strategies through broad consultative processes; (2) translate these national development strategies into prioritised results-oriented operational programmes as expressed in medium-term expenditure frameworks and annual budgets; (3) take the lead in coordinating aid at all levels in conjunction with other development resources in dialogue with donors and encouraging the participation of civil society and the private sector. meanwhile donors commit to: respect partner country leadership and help strengthen their capacity to exercise it (dac 2008). according to the point above, recipient leadership has to have greater authority to lead in putting sound systems and policies in place. in reality, donor agencies still had dominant roles in preparing such reforms, making it difficult for the local government to take ownership of aid activities. for instance, to strengthen the implementation of particular policy donors may provide the lacking capacity. and technical assistance and capacitybuilding programmes are indeed powerful ways of inculcating certain attitudes and understanding of what development is and how it ought to be achieved; so, to achieve the development targets, donors determine which kind of capacity building is needed by recipient countries. this weakens local leadership and undermines genuine policy learning, at the same time as increasing donor islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 546 power. some individuals might be able to disagree with donors‟ preferences but this would cause the “delay the arrival of the much-needed resources” (rakner, van de walle, & mulaisho, 2001: p.587). thus, the situation was not nearly as simple as the declaration assumed. a few years after they were agreed, the paris declaration‟s objectives regarding ownership have made some progress, even though there are still serious problems in practice. as de renzio, whitfield, different actors (within the stateand between the state and other agents, within and between donor and civil society organizations, within and between different social, gender and age groups in society) and contested interests. ownership reflects the continuing contest of power in which all parties who have different viewpoints and power resources seek to influence decisions and outcomes (castel-branco 2008, mahmud 2008. while ownership-and bergamaschi (2008) seeking strategies may vary between investigation found in many agents, different power and out african countries donors were still dominated decision-making and their projects were also fragmented, making it difficult for local government to coordinate aid according to their national development plan. these practices, then, have undermined policy ownership on the side of african leaders. so, why has the principle of ownership not had significant success in achieving its goals? an answer to this question can be found in the political aspect of ownership, as suggested by the above criticisms of the paris declaration‟s assumptions, rather than in the abstract definition of the term. aid relationships involve power and power relations between structural positions among them will make development policies and directions reflect the power struggle among powerful actors rather than reflecting democratic solutions. some argue that the practice of respecting and supporting recipient governments‟ greater ownership in economic policy, governance, and social welfare systems is a way to transfer responsibility to recipient leadership on the aid coordination efforts. in fact, as mentioned in the paris declaration (2005), donors were required to be “more harmonised, transparent and collectively effective [in their aid activities]” (dac, 2008: p.6). however, this has not really been fulfilled (see harrison and mulley 2009), which suggests that donors‟ power and interests are still dominant in aid delivery practices. in addition, by using the ownership agenda, donors can also gain legitimation to distance themselves from the process and outcomes of aid-supported reforms (fraser and whitfield 2009). thus, they can avoid taking responsibility for unsuccessful programme implementation by blaming the recipient domestic conditions, thus, enabling them to „save face‟ – while, if the development is successful, donors can claim that it because of their support. another author asserts that the transfer to local ownership can be understood as donors‟ shorthand for making recipient governments increase their development budget and thus reduce aid flows (helleiner 2002). but this does not mean that the donor‟s influence over development becomes weaker. as noted ari kusuma paksi aid effectiveness agenda and the politics 547 earlier, development agencies still retain a great deal of control over development because they have many features of power (like knowledge, ideas and politics) to achieve their development targets. in the case of peru, for instance, although, to some extent, leadership of the country had control over resource allocation (including aid resources from donors), donors still used a „doctor knows best‟ approach (based on their technical expertise) to improve the functioning and quality of the healthcare system to “better‟ address the needs of peruvian citizens. consequently, donor agencies and their foreign implementing agents took a major role in fund management and programme implementation with limited ownership on the part of local leaders (buffardi 2013). in rwanda and tanzania, donors provide small amounts of money in budget support so that they can obtain a seat at the „policy dialogue‟ table. this then allows them to meet with key groups and determine which are the key reforms and policies (swedlund 2013). however, donors‟ reform agendas are not always easy to achieve because of the „powers‟ in the local context that are also interested in influencing development design, and able to challenge donors‟ domination. as a consequence, local actors will always have a share of the “ownership‟, regardless of the level of the group. once again, it can be seen that the commitment to ownership expressed in the paris high level forum was only good in theory. in practice, as bräutigam argues, ownership denotes “the extent to which there is a coincidence of interest and ideas between aid agencies and the political leadership regarding the design and implementation of certain programs and policies favoured by the aid agencies” (2000: p. 32). d. conclusion this article discussed the political economy framework used to understand relationships among actors in improving aid delivery though aid effectiveness agenda and implementing ownership principle. the discussion highlighted that the political interests of relevant actors need to be considered central to understanding donorrecipient relationships in aid delivery. both donors and local elites view aid resources as important tools for achieving their interests: on the donor side, aid can be used as a technology to change attitudes of people in developing countries so they conform to neoliberal ideals. meanwhile, for local elites, aid flow is a source of power for supporting political interests. however, the nature of political process in the local country also affects relationships among actors and thus also shapes outcomes of aid programme implementation. this means that development policies are shared among particular groups of development actors (donors, elites and non-elite groups) with different interests and power resources. this, in turn, makes aid effectiveness effort does not reach significant outcomes while also makes national ownership agenda (as promoted by the paris declaration on improving aid delivery) impossible to achieve islamic world and politics vol.3. no.1 january-june 2019 548 because it is contested and so privileges the more powerful groups in the community. references amin, s. 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(2011). the evaluation of the paris declaration. paris, oecd. world bank (2008) aid effectiveness: a progress report on implementing the paris declaration. islamic world and politics vol. 4. no.1 june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 indonesia-egypt diplomacy: darussalam gontor and al-azhar university aprilia restuning tunggal department of international relations universitas darussalam gontor-indonesia email: aprilia@unida.gontor.ac.id abstract the purpose of this article is to describe the diplomatic strategy of darussalam gontor with al-azhar university in the educational sector. this research was descriptive qualitative and studied darussalam gontor at ponorogo and al-azhar university at the embassy of the arab republic of egypt in jakarta. in the data collection techniques, this research used interviews, observation, and proper documentation. the research found that gontor has received an additional quota for the scholarship to their potential student who intends to study at the respective al-azhar university, cairo, egypt. keywords: diplomacy, al-azhar, indonesia, egypt, darussalam gontor abstrak tujuan artikel ini adalah untuk menggambarkan strategi diplomatik darussalam gontor dengan universitas al-azhar di sektor pendidikan. penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif dan mempelajari darussalam gontor di ponorogo dan universitas al-azhar di kedutaan besar republik arab mesir di jakarta. dalam teknik pengumpulan data, penelitian ini menggunakan wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi yang tepat. penelitian menemukan bahwa gontor telah menerima kuota tambahan untuk beasiswa kepada calon siswa mereka yang bermaksud untuk belajar di universitas al-azhar masingmasing, kairo, mesir. kata kunci: diplomasi, al-azhar, indonesia, mesir, darussalam gontor aprilia restuning tunggal indonesia-egypt diplomacy 49 introduction the formation of many states in the world, the principles, and rules in international relations between states through international law and diplomacy have developed. the countries have started sending their delegates to negotiate and defend their interests. the indonesian state, in particular, is bound by the provisions of international law and customs, which are the basis for the association between relations to various countries. egypt was the first african state to recognize indonesia’s independence in 1946. the two states opened diplomatic relations marked by the signing of the treaty of friendship and cordiality on june 10, 1947, which was then followed by the opening of the indonesian representative office in cairo, egypt, in 1949 (indonesia, 2015). the state of eg ypt and indonesia always provide mutual support for each other based on the principle of reciprocity of the mutual relations between the two in the nomination to become members or in occupying certain positions in international organizations. an indicator of a good relationship between the two states was also proved by the recognition of de facto by egypt towards indonesian independence on march 22, 1946, by the secretary-general of the egyptian ministry of foreign affairs kamil abdurrahman bey (fachir, 2009). besides, diplomatic visits by both countries have also existed. for the first time president soekarno’s inaugural visit to egypt on july 18, 1955, prime minister gamal abdul nasser’s visit to indonesia to attend the conference asia africa in bandung, 18-24 april 1955, visit of egyptian first lady jihan sadat to indonesia on 31 october-4 november 1976, president soeharto’s visit to egypt on 16 october 1977, visit of egyptian president hosni mubarak to indonesia on 9-11 april 1983, president abdurrahman wahid’s visit to egypt on june 17, 2000, and on february 24, 2001, president megawati soekarno putri’s visit to egypt on september 12, 2002, president susilo bambang yudhoyono’s visit to egypt on october 20, 2004, and the visit of egyptian president abdel fattah al sisi to indonesia on september 4, 2015. (fachir, 2009). research method darussalam gontor is an educational institution in indonesia established for a long time in 1926. it has played an active role in 50 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 conducting international relations with other educational institutions around the world, for instance, a l-azhar universit y, c airo, syanggit university in mauritania, santiniketan university in india, and aligarh islamic university in india. darussalam gontor has a foundation of the above educational institutions. since its establishment, a significant role is in the matter of cooperation and networking with al-azhar university, cairo. the egyptian government, through c airo’s al-azhar university, annually offers scholarships to indonesian students. the scholarship has been available since the 1960s until now. this research wants to study the success of diplomacy in the field of education that has been carried out by darussalam gontor as an islamic boarding school in indonesia with al-azhar university, cairo. so that way, the researchers took this research diplomac y b etween pondok modern darussalam gontor and al-azhar university as a non-state actor in international relations. theory and concept t h e c on c e pt of bi l ater a l cooperation the term bilateral itself comes from the word «bi,» which means two. the origin of the member countries in this collaboration is not specified because the nature of bilateral cooperation is far more private than other cooperation. after all, it only involves two states. (fatma, 2017). regarding the content of bilateral cooperation in practice, it cannot be standardized because the contents of the cooperation agreement are the rights between the two bound parties. usually, bilateral cooperation contains several points, which are the objectives of cooperation between countries. these points cover the fields of economics, politics, militar y and technology, and transportation. indonesia and egypt have established cooperation in various fields, including politics. participation in politics is closely related to the governance of a country. indonesia has cooperated in politics with egypt marked by the opening of indonesian-egyptian diplomatic representation in cairo and followed by the opening of the egyptian embassy in jakarta. also, the two countries have signed cooperation in the field of culture, which includes the exchange of lecturers and teachers between indonesia and egypt, student exchanges, and the implementation aprilia restuning tunggal indonesia-egypt diplomacy 51 of similar study programs of education, culture, and arts. by conducting cooperation, the two countries can establish friendships and can strengthen relations between the two. besides that, the two countries can also learn from each other. multitrack diplomacy in ter ms of diplomac y, there are several definitions of diplomacy. when referring to an extensive indonesian dictionary, diplomacy is the affairs of the organization of official relations between one country and another. it can also be defined as a matter of the interests of a country by the mediation of its representatives in other countries (setiawan, 2012), while the definition of diplomacy in general, can be interpreted as regulating a matter for particular interests through its representatives. usually, diplomacy is closely related to the state as one of the essential instruments in the implementation of foreign policy. diplomacy is to establish, strengthen, and improve relations between one country and another to achieve common interests, by sending a diplomat who controls many matters related to the government / other countries as his representatives. (arudam, 2015). a l ong w it h t he t i me s , diplomacy itself has developed with the addition of new actors in international relations. new actors in international relations exist beside the main actor, namely the state. the birth of a new theory in diplomacy as multitrack diplomacy then followed this development. according to dr. louise and ambassador john mcdonald in a thesis written by rudi candra, postgraduate study program in international relations, gadjah mada university, explained that multitrack diplomacy is a system that aims to create peace in international relations. this system is referred to as multi-track because there are several related elements, including individuals, groups, institutions, and communities. some features will cooperate and support each other for the goals and the sake of peaceful and harmonious world life. furthermore, the concept of multi-track diplomacy requires unity between the main actors, namely the state and non-state actors. (candra, 2013) in his statement, dr. louise and ambassador john mcdonald explained who state actors and non-state actors were. state actors are diplomats explicitly sent by the state. in contrast, non-state actors 52 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 are all elements of a country’s society that can interact and communicate with other governments or nongovernment parties. this interaction process has a positive impact on the sustainability of relations between the two countries. in the multitrack diplomacy concept delivered, there are nine channels, namely government agencies, professionals, business people, the general public, res e arch/e duc at ion, ac t iv ists, religious groups, funding providers, and information media. (diamond, 1996). in this study, the authors explain following the theory conveyed above that pondok modern darussalam gontor is also an international relations actor. although not as the leading actor/government, this pesantren institution has shown a significant role in interacting and establishing cooperative relations with cairo’s al-azhar university, where diplomacy has given birth to extraordinary success, and the indonesian government should emulate it. the histor y of diplomatic relationship between indonesia and egypt speaking of the history of diplomatic relations between indonesia and egypt, the historical evidence shows that in the period after indonesia’s independence precisely in 1945, the de-facto indonesian state at that time needed support from various countries in the world. recognition from other countries is an absolute requirement for the sovereignty of a nation. as in the theory of state administration, the obligation to become a sovereign state is the recognition of other countries. precisely on march 22, 1946, through the secretary-general of the egyptian ministry of foreign affairs kamil abdurrahman bey, egypt became the first arab country to recognize indonesian independence. the two countries agreed to open diplomatic relations marked by the signing of the treaty of friendship and cordiality on june 10, 1947, then followed by the opening of the indonesian representative office in cairo in 1949. (indonesia, 2015). after the two countries officially opened diplomatic relations, they always supported one another based on the principle of reciprocity of the mutual relations between the two countries in the nomination to become members or in occupying certain positions in international organizations. relations between the two countries looked very closed, harmonious. there is no tension, aprilia restuning tunggal indonesia-egypt diplomacy 53 let alone the diplomatic severance of the two countries. (fachir, 2009). the birth of support from the egyptian state for indonesian independence did not come naturally. however, through the significant role of the egyptian society itself, the indonesian people in egypt, and students in egypt have made efforts and lobbied and diplomatic to the egyptian government. in the post-independence period of indonesia, the relationship between the indonesian government and egypt increasingly demonstrated its presence in the international world. the two leaders of the country, namely soekarno and gamal abdul nasser, became the leading figures who pioneered the birth of the asian-african conference (kaa) in bandung in 1955. the closeness between the two leaders of these countries has reached emotional closeness and gave birth to good individual relations. from this good relationship, the name of president soekarno became the name of a street in cairo. diplomatic relations between the two countries have also been carried out in good faith, professionally and guided by the values shared by both countries. where the two countries carry out state visits with one another, this state visit is also a form of reciprocal visits that are never interrupted. from the beginning of indonesia’s independence, the state visit between the two has been going well. the forms of state visits between the two countries began with president soekarno’s inaugural visit to egypt on july 18, 1955. prime minister gamal abdul nasser’s visit to indonesia attended the asianafrican conference in bandung, april 18-24, 1955; egyptian first lady jihan sadat visited indonesia on 31 october-4 november 1976; president soeharto’s visit to egypt was on 16 october 1977. egyptian president hosni mubarak’s visit to indonesia was on 9-11 april 1983; president abdurrahman wahid’s visit to egypt was on 17 june 2000 and on 24 february 2001. president megawati soekarno putri’s visit to egypt was on september 12, 2002; president susilo bambang yudhoyono’s visit to egypt was on october 20, 2004, and egyptian president abdel fattah al sisi’s visit to indonesia was on september 4, 2015. (fachir, 2013). other evidence showing that relations between the two countries went very harmonious until now is the closeness between the people of indonesia and the people of egypt who are always friendly 54 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 in meetings and relationships between them. many egyptians even say in arabic, «masri ummu addunya wa indonesia abuhu.» (ahmed, 2019). although it looks small, this is a fact that shows the people of indonesia and egypt are always warm in friendship wherever and whenever. in an interview conducted by the researchers during a visit to the egyptian embassy in jakarta, the close relationship between the people and individuals of the two countries has created cultural acculturation between the two countries through marriage ties. until now, there have been many mixed marriages between indonesian people and egyptian society. (ahmed, 2019). the pattern of indonesia-egypt relations community and state relations between the countries of egypt and indonesia have been for a long time. the long age of the relationship between the two countries has proceeded in harmony. within the framework of bilateral cooperation, indonesi a and eg ypt have collaborated in various fields, such as educational cooperation between various universities, counterterrorism cooperation, mutual support in various international forums, visa-free cooperation for diplomatic and service passports and bilateral cooperation political consultations, defense cooperation and finally, criminal trafficking in persons (surya, 2019). e du c at i ona l c o op e r at i on between various indonesian and egyptian universities includes several things, including diploma equality, scholarships, teaching arabic, and student exchange and cooperation in scientific activities and recognition of the iain diploma with the al-azhar university egyptian diploma (mualim, 2018). in addition to the above forms of cooperation, al-azhar university, cairo, also collaborates with the jatikarya silaturrahim education foundation in bekasi and mandiri individual education in cibubur. according to the representative of al-azhar university in indonesia, sheikh ahmad aid stated that this collaboration would eventually lead to scholarship facilities for students at the institute to continue their studies at the al-azhar university of egypt. with this collaboration, it has automatically shown that the muslim community in indonesia has a rational understanding that can be accepted by egypt. not the other way round, which has the wrong understanding of islam. (joko, 2017). aprilia restuning tunggal indonesia-egypt diplomacy 55 in addition to cooperation in the field of education, indonesia and egypt have also collaborated in counter-terrorism. the cooperation between the two countries is by the signing of an mou (memorandum of understanding) conducted through the egyptian ministry of the interior and the national counterterrorism agency (bnpt). the signing of the memorandum of understanding of the two countries was within the egyptian ministry of the interior, major general mahmoud tawfik, and the head of the bnpt of the republic of indonesia, police commissioner-general suhardi alius. also present at the signing of the mou at the egyptian ministry of the interior was the indonesian ambassador to egypt in cairo, mr. heli fauzy, and accompanied by the main secretary of the bnpt young marshal asep adang supriyadi. (marboen, 2019) this collaboration aims to tackle the problem of terrorism, which has a global network. it enters indonesia and in asian countries such as malaysia and the philippines, originated from doctrines, propaganda, and ideological transfers, especially from the middle east because radical terrorist networks in indonesia have joined isis, and the influence of isis in indonesia is quite significant. thus, the authors can convey that this is the right momentum for indonesia and egypt to cooperate in combating terrorism. relationship between pondok modern darussalam gontor and al-azhar university starting from the ideals of the founders of darussalam gontor kh. ahmad sahal, kh. zainuddin fananie and kh. imam zarkasyi or known by trimurti that they wanted darussalam gontor to have a different concept in learning arabic with salaf / traditional schools in indonesia at that time. where the teaching system used by the lodges in indonesia still uses the sorogan method or the bandongan method and studies the yellow book. it is with the ideas and concepts promoted by trimurti that darussalam gontor is guiding international educational institutions known as the gontor synthesis. these include al-azhar in egypt, syanggit in mauritania, aligarh in india, and shantiniketan in india. trimurti, the founder of pondok gontor, studied these international institutions which have ethical values. so that in the founding of gontor, the arabic learning method and its education system integrated the processes, policies, and education of the four institutions. 56 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 also, the founders of gontor did not rule out the values of islamic boarding schools in indonesia. he continued to implement several curricula carried out at salaf hut then used at gontor. like the fathul pole study conducted by students in gontor. they within a week looked for problems of islamic law and then looked for answers from the books provided. relations between the two institutions have started from the beginning of the founding of darussalam gontor. at that time, darussalam gontor founders or also known as trimurti, had aspirations to establish a boarding school with a waqf system so that the pondok family did not own the cottage for themselves. many islamic boarding schools in indonesia also had not implemented a waqf system yet. trimurti was not in favor of darussalam gontor with the same fate as other traditional religious schools in indonesia. therefore, the darussalam gontor founders learned from al-azhar cairo university in the field of waqf and sustainable development. implementation of the value of waqf from al-azhar one of the reasons behind the relationship between darussalam gontor and al azhar university in cairo, egypt, is the waqf system developed by al-azhar, where this waqf system has created sustainability in the development of the university. from the beginning of the establishment of al-azhar to the present day, the university can still stand firm and continue the process of islamic education. although al-azhar’s age is already thousands of years, this system eventually became the example of the founders of darussalam gontor at that time, because in indonesia at that time was still in the colonial period. it is where the implementation of ideas and ideals exist in darussalam gontor until now. on october 12, 1958, at the gontor ponorogo pondok modern darussalam hall, witnessed by the deputy prime minister of indonesia and his staff, the founders of gontor (trimurti) donated the land and buildings of the gontor modern darussalam cabin to the pondok mo der n fami ly ass o ciat ion (ikpm). (nasrullah, 2016). at that time, gontor was also represented and did not belong to an individual or family. however, it belongs to muslims. from there, the founders of gontor imitated the waqf system in al-azhar. for the pondok to continue standing and not die because of its leadership, it is necessary to implement a aprilia restuning tunggal indonesia-egypt diplomacy 57 waqf system. at that time, the religious school in indonesia had not implemented a waqf system, but gontor had implemented it as al-azhar did. in its development, pondok gontor has added and completed buildings according to educational needs. since the 1970s, an increase in the quantity and quality of the building has occurred. means of transportation are also very much and quite diverse. besides that, darussalam gontor also has several business units such as rice milling machines, bread makers, bottled water producers, bookstores, or printing companies. (nasrullah, historical traces of the darussalam darussalam gontor cottage, 2016). the development of gontor’s relationship with al-azhar from day to day is increasingly harmonious and closed. this relationship continues to be maintained by both institutions in the name of respecting one another. the establishment of this cooperative relationship began with al-azhar university, who sent two of its teachers to teach at darussalam gontor in the 1960s. (dr. kh. ahmad hidayatullah zarkasyi, 2019). then, darussalam gontor also always sends cadres, students, to continue their education at alazhar university. the cadres and students went there to study starting from first, second to the third level. after their education period from al-azhar finished, they returned to serve at pondok gontor and also served at darussalam gontor university (unida) gontor. this process continues every year until now. besides, darussalam gontor always plays an active role in sending students who have the advantage of attending training in egypt for more or less within two weeks. (zarkasyi, 2019). similarities in education ideology and values egypt is famous for its alazhar and has given birth to wellknown figures and islamic scholars in the world, such as sheikh yusuf qaradawi, and grand sheikh al-azhar ahmad mal thayyib. especially the grand sheikh alazhar of egypt, who always made his visit to the country of indonesia. the visit was an essential visit where indonesia was the country with the largest muslim majority population in the world and has been recognized by sheikh azhar himself that indonesia is a pluralistic country or has a diversity of cultures and religions but has integrated into a nation. it was one of grand sheikh al-azhar’s visits to (koes 2018). 58 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 besides that, indonesia is a moderate country or wasathiyysah where muslims in indonesia are muslims with a middle ground view and a reasonable approach in islam, not being extreme against other schools and upholding tolerance in religion. thus, this statement is in line with what is taught by cairo’s al-azhar university, where al-azhar wants to re-enhance the views of wasathiyah, which became al-azhar’s teachings. gontor himself has a big hand in indonesia in the field of education, such as implementing moderate islamic culture or wasathiyyah and instilling other islamic values. since its establishment until now, pondok gontor has scored its alumni having a gontor world view and spread across all lines in indonesia. the motto of pondok modern darussalam gontor is «gontor stands above and for all goongan» then «above only the sky and below only the ground.» gontor’s role in educating and implementing wasatiyyah islamic values in indonesia has become strategic for al-azhar because both have similarities and harmonious relationships in maintaining these values. therefore, every time grand sheikh al-azhar visits indonesia. he will visit pondok gontor. the relationship between pondok modern darussalam gontor and al-azhar cairo university is very harmonious and very closed, as stated by grand sheikh al-azhar in his speech during a visit to pondok modern darussalam gontor at the opening ceremony of 90 years of gontor. he conveyed that pondok modern darussalam gontor is a miniature of al-azhar cairo university to form a generation of young indonesians who hold fast to the teachings of islam. gontor has an essential role in shaping moderate soul and mind through education, teaching, and culture, where this business is the most strenuous business that some countries in the world have not been able to carry out until now (unida gontor, 2016). the statement is in line with what has been said by prof. dr. mustafa dasuki kesbah during a visit to unida gontor in 2019. where he stated that gontor, as an islamic educational institution that has the principle of islamic wasthiyyah, these two institutions have also organized the robitah al-islamiyyah conference held in gontor darussalam. with the arrival of the international conference, countries, especially in the middle east, will become more aprilia restuning tunggal indonesia-egypt diplomacy 59 familiar with gontor university and darussalam university. pondok gontor comes from the values of sincerity, generosity by its founders to give birth to the soul, the spirit of the struggle of islam. it teaches how islamic values are implemented in our daily lives, starting from waking up to sleep again, and it becomes significant with the presence of darussalam university gontor, especially with the international relations study program that studies international interaction. arabic language education arabic language education at pondok modern darussalam gontor has become a fundamental thing to educate its students so that they can interact and communicate on an international level. arabic in gontor began to be taught from the beginning when becoming students’ prospective until when they graduated from the cottage. in fact, in everyday life, the arabic language becomes a compulsory language used by all students and teachers in communicating both in the classroom and outside the classroom. in the arabic teaching method used in gontor, in addition to learning from books, it also teaches the daily conversation, public speaking, and vocabularies/ mufrodat methods. this method proved to be very helpful for students in learning arabic more easily. it is different from the arabic way of teaching in traditional islamic boarding schools, where the students are only taught arabic from books like nahwu and sharf by memorizing and interpreting texts without teaching the techniques of conversation and practice in daily life. the arabic language that gontor has taught his students also much helps them in learning and working in middle eastern arab countries. likewise, for those who study at al-azhar university in cairo, it is easier for them to receive lessons and study material / madah islamic studies at al-azhar university. with the ability of arabic owned by the students, it will help them in dealing with and communicating with people on the international scene. (prof. dr. dasuki, 2019). it is what ultimately becomes an added value for pondok modern darussalam gontor cottage in the eyes of al-azhar university, so it is essential as a collaborative partner. with the advantages and disadvantages of gontor, al-azhar has given confidence and gratitude that have an impact on the addition of gontor santri scholarships to study at al-azhar cairo. 60 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 conclusion egypt is the first country to recognize indonesian sovereignty. the recognition of egypt was beneficial for indonesia when at the beginning of independence. indonesia was in dire need of support from other countries in the world. the fact that both have a harmonious relationship is visible from both countries’ interaction and collaboration. when grand sheikh al-azhar visited indonesia, he always made time to visit pondok gontor. gontor has the same ideology and educational value, namely the implementation of waqf, teaching about islamic principles, and their application in daily life where these are the principles taught by al-azhar. besides, gontor as an educational institution that is concerned about arabic. therefore, many alumni, when continuing their education in the middle east, especially in alazhar, can follow what the azhar community teaches well as well as the many gontor alumni who take part and become prominent figures in indonesia. it is what makes egypt design to give scholarships to gontor and provide additional scholarships to students and cadres of gontor. references fachir, a.m. (2009). out of the eye near at the heart of the portrait of indonesia-egypt relations. embassy of the republic of indonesia, cairo. fachir, a.m. (2015). inequality of indonesia-egypt relations 1950-2010: study of the theory of reciprocity. ugm graduate school dissertation. candra, rudi. (2013). the role of people to people diplomacy in indonesian indonesian d i p l o m a t i c r e l a t i o n s . examining the function of soft power in relations between the two countries. 19982011. thesis study program international relations, faculty of social and political sciences. ugm. diamond, louise and mcdonald jhon, ambassador. (1996). mu l t i tr a c k d i p l o m a c y. kumarian press. the united states of america. nasrullah, zainul. (2016). historical traces of the darussalam gontor modern c ottage. commemoration committee of gontor’s pondok timur 90 years. desy, fatma. (2017). bilateral c o op e r at i on : d e f i n it i on , aprilia restuning tunggal indonesia-egypt diplomacy 61 objectives, b enefits, and examples. https://ilmugeografi. c om / i l mu s o c i a l / kop e r a s i bilateral ahmed, second secretary. (2019). diplomatic relations between indonesia and egypt. embassy of the republic of arab egypt to jakarta. surya, aji. m. (2019). forms of bilateral c o op eration between indonesia and egypt. indonesian embassy in cairo, egypt. joko. (2017). egypt’s al-azhar university is seeking curriculum cooperation. postkotanews. com. marboen, sigit pinardi, and ade p. (2019). egypt, indonesia, e s t a b l i s h e s c o o p e r at i o n in c ombating terrorism. https://www.antaranews.com/ b e r i t a / 8 0 3 1 1 0 / i n d o n e s i a m e s i r j a l i n k e r j a s a m a control-terrorism hidayatullah, ahmad zarkasyi. (2019). relationship between al-azhar and pondok modern darussalam gontor. interview at the darussalam university (unida) gontor. grand sheikh al-azhar: gontor is miniature of al-azhar university, egypt. http://unida. gontor.ac.id/grand-syekh-alazhar-gontor-is-miniatureuniversitas-al-azhar-mesir/. grand sheikh al-azhar’s speech in the opening of the 90th anniversary of gontor. dasuki, mustafa kesbah. (2019). the relationship between gontor modern darussalam cottage and cairo al-azhar university. interview at the darussalam university (unida) gontor. geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi dalam perspektif kontruktivisme laode muhamad fathun upn “veteran” jakarta lm_fathun@yahoo.co.id abstract this paper will explain the implementation of geostrategic policy of indonesian foreign policy in constructivism approach. constructivism has three basic arguments about identity, norms and language. another geostrategic position is a way to achieve the objectives of the foreign policy policy of the country.geostrategy is interpreted by the model of accommodation and corcondance to achieve the desired results. in practice the implementation of indonesia’s foreign policy in crisis rohingnya show the result that indonsia proper use of its identity as, democracy, religion and unity. the argumentation is the constitutional and moral and cultural reasons so that indonesia wants to get involved in the crisis. in the context of indonesia’s engagement norm is any violation of the crisis that occurred in myanmar is violating international norms as well as national norms due to human rights. on the other hand related to the indonesian language using the approach of communication with the language of women’s diplomacy with women or the diplomacy of heart and heart so as to reduce conflict in myanmar. the concrete form of indonesia formulates diplomacy 4 + 1 with assistance such as education, economics, relief etc. thus, hopefully this paper will add to the repertoire of knowledge related to the analysis of foreign policy model of indonesia. keywords: rohingnya crisis, myanmar, indonesia, constructivism, diplomacy 4 + 1 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 issn: 2614-0535 e-issn: 2655-1330 318 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 pendahuluan implementasi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia terlihat dalam keterlibatan indonesia dalam tragedi yang terjadi di rakhine state. rakhine state yang merupakan negara bagian myanmar, yang dulu disebut kerajaan arakan dan etnis rohingya merupakan warga pribumi di wilayah arakan, kasus ini yang terjadi di myanmar, yakni terjadi kekerasan pada etnis rohingya sehingga menjadi perbincangan publik internasional. kekerasan ini dilakukan oleh kelompok buddha rakhine state kepada etnis rohingya yang keberadaannya tidak diterima oleh myanmar akibatnya etnis ini tidak memiliki kewarganegaraan dan kebangsaan. kekerasan ini semakin parah ketika pemerintah myanmar memberi izin untuk diadakan inter vensi militer. akibatnya terjadi kekerasan, kerusuhan, bahkan pembantaian yang dilakukan oleh mereka terhadap para etnis rohingya yang dilakukan oleh kelompok militer di rakhine state. kejadian ini mengakibatkan jatuh nya korban meninggal, luka-luka kepada etnis rohingya. dampak nyatanya adalah terjadi mobilisasi etnis rohingnya yang mengungsi ke negera lain terutama di kawasan asia tenggara. tragedi ini diper keruh dengan isu kekerasan diakibatkan karena isu keagamaan yang melibatkan muslim vs buddha. etnis ini menjadi minoritas akibat nya penindasan, kekerasan, intimidasi adalah bukan hal yang tabu antara mayoritas dan minoritas. hal ini sejalan dengan dampak dari sistem pemerintahan suatu negara yang tidak demokratis akan menentukan proses pengambilan kebijakan yang akan dilakukan. faktanya adalah ketika suatu negara mempersenjatai angkatan militernya dan tidak terkontrol maka secara tidak langsung akan menyebabkan angkatan militer tersebut sebagai monster yang justru akan menjadi instrumen negara dalam menstabilisasi politik domestiknya. indonesia terkenal dengan politik bebas aktif dan menjunjung tinggi keadilan, serta indonesia sangat dipandang di dalam asean sebagai negara yang paling besar diantara negara asean dan mau menjalin hubungan dengan negara lain secara terbuka. sehingga indonesia merupakan aktor yang paling tepat dalam menghadapi situasi seperti saat ini, indonesia diketahui memiliki kedekatan dengan pemerintahan myanmar sehingga hal ini dapat dijadikan laode muhamad fathun 319 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi media persuasif untuk mengatasi kasus rohingya dengan adil dan damai. dalam prinsip politik luar negeri indonesia yakni “bebas aktif”, bebas diartikan bahwa indonesia tidak memihak pada satu blok manapun baik barat maupun timur. sedangkan aktif berkaitan dengan cita-cita uud 1945 seperti aktif menjaga ketertiban dunia. artinya bebas di sini bukan lagi berarti tidak berpihak pada blok ideologi tertentu, tetapi memiliki restorasi makna misalnya bebas dalam arti menjalin kerja sama dengan negara manapun atas nama kepentingan negara. perlu dibedakan dahulu bahwa politik luar negeri adalah identitas suatu negara yang menjadi ciri khas atau keunikan negara tersebut dalam hubungan eksternalnya atau abstraksi dari negara tersebut yang diambil dari nilai-nilai dan budaya negara itu. dalam makna lainya politik luar negeri adalah refleksi kebutuhan dari negara yang bersangkutan yang akan dipengaruhi oleh kebutuhan domestik yang sejalan dengan kebutuhan eksternal. di sisi lainya kebijakan luar negeri adalah strategi yang harus dicapai atau legitimasi dan cara untuk mewujudkan politik luar negeri itu. dengan demikian, bukan sesuatu yang tabu apabila kebijakan luar negeri setiap pemimpin negara berbeda-beda. fokus dari paper ini adalah menganalisa model kebijakan luar negeri indonesia dengan mengambil sudut pandang konstruktivisme. pendekatan ini akan menjadi pisau analisis dalam implementasi ke bijakan luar negeri indonesia. sehingga akan ada korelasi dalam analisis teori kebijakan luar negeri indonesia dengan menggunakan pendekatan konstruktivisme. pemikiran post positivis seperti teori konstruktivis cenderung baru dalam studi hubungan internasional yang baru berkembang pada tahun 2000an di indonesia. tokoh seperti nicholas onuf adalah pemikir awal konstruktivisme yang berasal dari di amerika utara pada dekade 1980an.pemikiran konstruktivis memberikan argumntasi dasar“manusia senantiasa mengkonstruksi, atau membentuk, realitas sosial, bahkan dirinya sendiri” (onuf, 1989), (rosyidin, 2015). lebih lanjut, alexandar wendt memberikan argumentasi bahwa konflikadalah sesuatu yang diciptakan dan dikonstruksi oleh negara -negara. konflik seperti halnya dua sisi mata uang yang tidak terpisahkan dalam suatu fenomena sosial. wend mengatakan “...anarchy is what state 320 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 make of it ..”. konstruktivisme berkembang sebagai jawaban atas variabelindependen ,di mana dalam hubungan antara agen dan struktur aktor yang terlibat bukan sebatas negara.dalam struktur sosial masih ada aktor lain yang juga berinterkasi. pemikiran ini juga memberikan argumentasi bahwa fenomena sosial seperti konflik adalah bukan sesuatu apa adanya ( given) tetapi di adakan (take and give). dalam konteks inilah konstruktivisme berangkat dari kesadaran keseimbangan pemikiran manusia tidakselalu berhubungan dengan maerial tetapi konstruksi ideasional. (wendt, 1992) (rosyidin, 2015). konstruktivis memandang kepentingan sebagai derivasi dari identitas dan norma. kepentingan bukanlah sesuatu yang terjadi, tetapi akan terus mengalami interpretasi dan reinterpretasi dalam sebuah proses interaksi. wendt memberikan arguemen tasinya bahwa tindakan suatu negara dalammembentuk anarkisme dalam sisteminternasionaldi dasarkan pada identitas yang dimiliki oleh aktor tersebut. identitas adalah kesadaran aktor dalam memberikan keputusan dalam fenomena internasional. wendt mengatakan ada empat jenis identitas yaitu identitas personal (atribut personal), identitas peran (tanggung jawab), identitas golongan (kategori aktor) dan identitas kolektif (kesamaan). identitas tersebut kemudian dibagi dalam dua kategori yakni kategori personal ( inter subjektif diri ) dan kategori sosial ( inter subjektif interaksi sosial) (wendt, 1992). bentuk kongkrit dari argumen tasi pemikiran konstruktivisme adalah dengan mengutamakan norma untuk mendasari setiap tindakan negara. norma inter nasional menjadi fondasidasar untuk mengontrol perilakunegara yang anarki. norma adalah bentuk kesepakatan yang dibentuk dari identitas sosial aktor untuk menciptakan perdamaian internasional. norma menjadi ukuran landasar perilaku negara yang akan diberikan nilai baikatau buruk.dengan demikian norma adalah bentukan dalam struktur kesepakatan internasional (norma struktur) dan norma yang telah ada dalam aktor (personal). menurut emanuel adler dan michael barnett mengatakan “aktor dapat berbagi nilai, norma dan simbol yang menyediakan identitas sosial, serta melibatkan diri dalam berbagai macam interaksi antar negara yang mencerminkan kepentingan berjangka panjang, hubungan timbal balikdan kepercayaan, yang menyingkirkan kekuatan dan laode muhamad fathun 321 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi ketidak percayaan didalam benak mereka” (rosyidin, 2015). nroma menjadi aturan tertulis dan tidak tertulis yang menjadi nilai dasar agar seriapaktor mampu ber interaksi dengan aktor lain sesuai dengan kesamaan pemikiran.dari kesamaan itulah memunculkan kepekaan untuk membangun dengan demikian, fungsi norma dalam konstruktivis, diantaranya fungsi regulatif, sebagai pedoman atau penuntut tindakan aktor. apa yang seharusnya dilakukan dan apa yang seharusnya tidak dilakukan dan fungsi konstitutif, sebagai peran dalam membentuk identitas dan kepentingan aktor (linklater, 2005). oleh sebab itulah, paper ini akan fokus membedah isu rohingnya yang terjadi di myanmar. dalam sudut pandang konstruktivisme kejadian ini akan dilihat sebagai sebuah konstruksi di mana akan terjadi sebuah pendekatan identitassebagai interkasi simbolik. identitas itu akan menentukan perilaku aktor dalam menentukan tindakannya.dari identitas itu dalamsatu regionalime asean telah diseepakati bersama tentang norma-norma yang menjadifondasi dasar negara-negara dalam memberikan i nte r ve ns i ke m anu s i a an . artinya tindakan di dasari oleh kosmopolitanisme identitas regionaldan domestic sehingga akhirnya pendekatan identitas selalu mengutamakan kesadarn berfikir berupa ide kesamaan yang diartikulasikan melalui baha dan komunikasi, bahsa dan komunikasi inilah yang menjadi instrument dalam menteleaikan masalah rohingnya yang kemudian disebut dengan diplomasi. kerangka teoritik teori kebijakan luar luar negeri dalam analisa kebijakan politik luar negeri bisa dilihat dalam berbagai jenis model.graham alison menjelaskan model kebijakan politik luar negeri dengan 3 model. (1) proses ini lebih menekankan pada peran aktor individual dan bersifat intelektual. artinya proses ini membutuhkan informasi yang sangat baik sebelum mengambil kebijakan dan perlu leadership yang matang, (2) model organisasi, model ini menekankan pada politik luar negeri pada standar operasi sebuah organisasi artinya proses ini sangat makanistik, (3) model politik birokrasi, model ini lebih beorientasi pada psisi tawar-menawar dan kepantingan kelompok tertentu sehingga disebut sebagai proses politik (warsito, 1998). kemudian 322 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 disimpulkan oleh holsti bahwa kebijakan politik luar negeri sebuah negara terdiri ada empat komponen yakni: (1) orientasi kebijakan politik luar negeri, peran nasional, (3) tujuan dan (4) tindakan (k, 1988). karena negara sebagai unit yang mewakili segala kepentingan harus sadar benar seperti yang dikatakan ricard snyder dkk tentang how does the international system work and how and why do national actors perform as they do in international relation (mcclelland, 1981). model adalah skema yang digunakan untuk menganalisis munculnya kebijakan politik luar negeri. model yang dikembangkan oleh william d. coplin dengan stategi aktor rasional. model ini berorientasi pada kalkulasi rasional aktor. model ini bertumpu pada situasi sistem internasional, presepsi aktor, politik elite, kapabilitas negara serta stategi negara lain.prespektif ini merujuk pada (1) leadership strategy yang berkaitan dengan upaya menghilangkan kekerasan dalam setiap masalah kebijakan luar negeri, (2) concordance strategy mengacu pada upaya saling menguntungkan (3) accommodation strategy artinya keseimbangan ketika ada negara yang dominan kapabiltasnya, dan (4) confrontations strategy ketika kemampuan suatu negara meningkat dan tidak bisa diimbangi. model selanjutnya adalah model incremental. model ini berasumsi akan ketidakpastian dari situasi lingkungan sehingga, aktor harus melakukan penyesuaian sebelum melakukan pengambilan keputusan (mas’oed, 1994) model wiliam d. coplin: other”s other strategy supportive threathening model ini akan digunakan untuk mencari pola strategi yang digunakan untuk implementasi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia dalam konteks kelembagaan yakni kementrian luar negeri (retno marsudi). model ini akan melahirkan geostrategi dalam studi laode muhamad fathun 323 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi hubungan internasional: geostrategy links geography with strategies of war. it places the planning and management of war in the context of geographical, physical, and artificial (man-made) characteristics of the operational region. geostrategy also demands a precise inspection of the geographical characteristics of an area from the point where military forces deploy until the desired destination. according to geoffrey sloan and colin gray, geography is “the mother of strategy.” (tovy, 2015). menurut prof. dr. dr. k. dalam modern geostrategy tahun 2017, methods and practice saalbach skema geostrategi sebagai berikut: geostrategi menyangkut tiga pertanyaan yakni pertama siapa kita menyangkut apa yang kita miliki yaitu kapabilitas, integritas atau potensi yang kita miliki yanag sering disebut dengan national power. kedua, apa keinginan kita menyangkut target capaian atau keinginan yang menjadi saran yang sering disebut dengan national interest serta ketiga, bagaimana mencapai tujuan itu atau dikenal dengan tactics atau dalam konteks lain hubungan antara geografi dan politik sering juga disebut human geography yang prinsipnya menyangkut hubungan antara political behavior dan psycal features. sehingga geostrategic adalah cara yang harus ditempuh oleh aktor untuk mencapai keinginananya. teori kontruktivisme thomas kuhn mengatakan kegiatan keilmuan diawali dengan penelitian sederhana dan pengumpulan fakta secara acak. normal science ketika tidak ada lagi perbedaan yang mendasar dan normal scienc seperti jigsaw puzzle atau tekateki silang lebih lanjut, karl popper ilmu berkembang secara 324 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 rasional dan akumulatif ada proses falsifikasi dan penemuan baru. ilmu hi berkembang dalam tahap-tahap dan setiap tahap didominasi oleh semacam “paradigma”. tema yang utama adalah “keanekaragaman dan ketidaksepakatan”. perkembangan suatu bidang studi berkaitan erat dengan perkembangan bidang studi lain kuhn: perkembangan suatu disiplin ilmu tidak berjalan secara ajeg (fathun, 2016). perkembangan keilmuan studi hubungan internasional (hi) pen dekatan ilmu hi selalu memiliki dinamika. peirode 4 dekade per debatan ilmu hi mulai debat pertama debat 1 19201940an yang melibatkan pendekatan realis dan idealis yang fokus pada isu high vs isu low politic yang disingkat isu perang dan damai. kemudian muncul debat kedua yang melibatkan tradisionalisme vs behavioralisme yang terjadi pada tahun 1950an -60an yang dikatakan dengan debat metodologis atau paradigm kualitatif vs kuaantitatif. kemudian debat ketiga muncul pada tahun 1970an -80an yang berfokus pada munculnya kajian baru berupa debat masing-masing neo yaitu neo realis, neoliberal dan neomarxis. pada debat terkahir atau debat ke empat adalah merupakan debat penentu di mana muncul pendekatan baru di mana pada sisi positivism menganggap ilmu pemngetahuan berhubungan antara fenomena social berbicara apa adanya atau apa yang seharusnya. artinya dalam perdebatan posi tivism dan post positivism ber hubungan dengan realitas dunia yang apakah bisa di teliti dengan model ilmu alam atau tidak. dalam konteks inilah para positivism seperti realisme/neorealisme, l ib e ra lisme/ne olib era lisme neomarxisme (strukturalisme) melawan konstruktivisme, teori kritis feminisme post strukturalisme post kolonialisme, green politics (carlesnaes, 2013). pada debat keempat itu muncul pendekatan konstruktivisme yang dipelopori oleh alexander wendt, nicolas onuf dan kartocwil. dalam dekade perkembangan pendekatan ini berfokus pada tiga hal dasar yaitu ideasional, normative dan linguistic. konstruktivisme ideasional wendt, nina tannewald bahwa sistem ide mengacu pada: 1) sistem ideologis yang dimiliki bersama, 2) keprecayaan normatif (baik tidak) 3. kepercayaan sebab akibat (efektif dan tidak) 4. deskripsi kebijakan (program khusus) (hara, 2011). dalam pendekatan ini memiliki domain utama bahwa di dunia ini tidak ada yang obyektif, semua laode muhamad fathun 325 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi adalah dikonstruksikan dalam otak manusia, dalam ide manusia. karena dikonstruksikan manusia maka interaksi yang terjadi interaksi simbolis, sesungguhnya merupakan interaksi antar manusia, antarsubyek, atau istilah sosiologi: inter subyektif meaning. menurut wendt, ketika ada proses konstruktif, ada sesuatu yang membuat seseorang bisa menentukan kepentingan nya. contoh kalau saya seorang yang jahat, maka kepentingan saya adalah mengakali orang lain, kepentingan saya menjahati orang lain. kalau saya orang yang bermoral, orang yang baik, maka kepentingan saya adalah kerja sama. pada intinya bahwa sesuatu itu dikonstruksikan secara bersama, tidak ada yang obyektif, menjadi dianggap obyektif ketika hal itu dikonstruksikan bersama. oleh karena itu perhatian konstruktivisme pada proses konstruksinya, bukan pada akibat obyektivitasnya. pendekatan konstruktivisme yang lain adalah yang dikemukakan oleh kartochwill. menurutnya institusi itu terbentuk karena ke salahan dimasa lalu dan kesalahan-kesalahan ini bisa membangun norma. norma tidak saja bersifat regulatif tetapi juga bersifat konstrukstif. dalam hal ini norma, bukan berarti norma yang harus dilakukan oleh orang yang bermain catur, tetapi norma yang membentuk orang bermain catur. menurutnya dunia ini tidak anarchis, krn se sungguhnya banyak sekali norma yang mengatur hubungan antar manusia dan juga hubungan antar negara. kemudian apapun yang ada di dunia ini asalnya dari pikiran yang kemudian dikomunikasikan dalam bentuk speech, dalam bentuk ungkapan, yang kemudian akan menjadi rule. communicative action adalah dua orang berinteraksi untuk membangun satu trujuan bersama dan menghasilkan sesuatu yang baru. kepentingan tidak didefinisikan lebih dahulu dalam berkomunikasi, dalam berargumentasi. pembahasan geostrategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia dalam kasus rohingnya dalam konteks perumusan kebijakan luar negeri di indonesia disesuaikan dengan dengan nilai nilai dasar nasional yang di ambil dari konstitusi indonesia. konstitusi indonesia yaitu uu/37/1999 meng atur bahwa politik luar negeri adalah kebijakan, sikap, dan langkah pemerintah republik indonesia yang diambil dalam melakukan hubungan dengan negara lain, 326 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 organisasi internasional, dan subyek hukum internasional lainnya dalam rangka menghadapi masalah internasional guna mencapai tujuan nasional (pasal 1 (2). lebih lanjut, pada pasal 3, politik luar negeri menganut prinsip bebas aktif yang diabdikan untuk kepentingan nasional. dilanjutkan pada pasal 4, politik luar negeri dilaksanakan melalui diplomasi yang kreatif, aktif, dan antisipatif, tidak sekadar rutin dan reaktif, teguh dalam prinsip dan pendirian, serta rasional dan luwes dalam pendekatan. indonesia sebagai negara yang merdeka dan berdaulat, pelaksanaan hubungan luar negeri dan politik luar negeri didasarkan pada asas kesamaan derajat, saling menghormati, saling menguntungkan, dan saling tidak mencampuri urusan dalam negeri masing -masing, seperti yang tersirat di dalam pancasila dan undang-undang dasar 1945 (pasal 2) . dengan demikian, konteks kebijakan politik luar negeri indonesia harus didasarkan pada konstitusi dasarnya yaitu uud 1945 dan dasar negara yakni pancasila disertai dengan sikap-sikap yang menguntungkan indonesia vebagai negara merdeka dan saling menghormati untuk mencapai tujuan masing-masing negara yang ditempuh melalui diplomasi. sejalan dengan itu ricard w menjelaskan bahwa merupakan konversi input berupa infromasi tentang apa yang harus dilakukan sebuah negara menjadi output berupa diplomasi atau aliansi/ kualisi (2012:411). george kennan mendefinisikan diplomasi sebagai “an art and international relations in a universal context (fathun, paradiplomasi menuju kota dunia: studi kasus, 2016). jadi dapat disimpulkan bahwa diplomasi merupakan upaya negara melalui cara berkomunikasi yang baik dengan wakil‐wakil yang terpilih untuk merebut kepentingan nasional dengan jalan damai. dalam prakteknya diplomasi cenderung diarahkan pada metode negosiasi. namun, menurut penulis memaknai diplomasi tidak sesempit definisi di atas. penulis menympulkan ada kurang lebih 300 definisi tentang diplomasi, namun diplomasi diarahkan pada metode komunikasi, negosiasi, dan triki dalam konteks yang berbeda.diplomasi bukanlah media yang tunggal. diplomasi adalah artikulasi dari implementasi kebijakan luar negeri suatu negara. diplomasi adalah salah satu cara mewujudkan kebijakan luar negeri. diplomasi sebagai media untuk mewujudkan implementasi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia laode muhamad fathun 327 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi terbukti pada kasus pembantaian etnis rohingnya di myanmar. pada dasarnya keterlibatan indonesia dalam kasus kekerasan etnis tersebut dapat di analisis menggunakan pendekatan konstruktivisme yaitu pendekatan ini menekankan pada tiga variabel kunci yakni identitas, norma dan bahasa. variabel pertama terkait identitas menyangkut atrbut nasional. kebijakan politik luar negeri indonesia yang terlibat dalam kasus rohingnya tidak terlepas dari identitas indonesia sebagai negara beradab. beradab diukur dari identitas konstitusional, identitas moral (agama) dan identitas ham. atribut nasional sebagai sebuah identitas menyaangkut dengan peran nasional baik berupa aktor individual maupun aktor lembaga. keterlibatan indonesia dalam kasus tersebut membawa aktor menteri luar negeri indonesia retno marsudi untuk melakukan intervensi kemanusiaan. keterlibatan tersebut di dasari oleh kepekaan dan keprihatinan indonesia terhadapkasus tersebut. artinya ada studi pebandingan antara pengelolaan negara di indonesia dengan myanmar. pengelolaan negara yang buruk di myamar menjadikan dampak burukterhadap warga myanmar itu sendiri. konteks yang sama indonesia pernah mengalami masa lalu terait pengelolaan negara yang tidak manusiawi bai itu peritiwa g30spki, dan reformasi 1989. perbandingan masa lalu mem buat kepekaan sehingga menjadi dilemma bahwa tindakan tidak manusiawi tidak sessuai dengan konstitusi negara manapun. faktualnya adalah untuk hak asasi manusia sendiri dalam uud 1945 diatur dalam pasal 27 sampai dengan pasal 31, tetapi yang berintikan hak untuk beragama terdapat dalam dua pasal diatas yaitu pasal 28 e dan pasal 29. lebih lanjut tertuang uu no. 39 tahun 1999 tentang hak asasi manusia pasal 22 ayat 1 dan 2 bahwa negara menjamin setiap warganegaranya untuk memeluk agama dan kepercayaanya masingmasing dan merdeka dalam menjalankan ibdahanya masingmasing.pada pasal 24 nya bahwa setiapwarga egara berhakuntuk bebas dalam melaksanakan rapat, berkumpul dengan maksud-maksud damai. konteks ini relevan juga dengan pasal 29 ayat 1 dan 2 uud 1945. disisilainya pasal 28 e di anjurkan tentang setiapwarga negara juga berhak untuk mendapat peangajaran yang layak, bertempat tinggal, dan mendapatkan pekerjaan di bumi nkri.bukan hanya itu 328 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 konstitusi juga mengatur kebebasan mengeluarkan pendapat sesuai hatai nurani, berserikat dan berkumpul. konteks ini tidakterlepas pula dari artikulasi nilai pansaila yakni sila (1) mengaitkan negara untuk melindungi kebebasan beragama, sila ke (2) mengaitkan negara untuk selalu berlaku adildan berdab kepada warga negaranya, sila (3) mengharuskan negara untukselalu toleran dan menjaga khebinekaan dengan menjaga persatuan ,sila ke (4) mengharuskan komunikasi dalamkonteks nkri selalu meng utamatak musyawarah dan silake (5) kemampuan negara untuk menyediakan sumber-sumber kehidupan yang layakbagi warganya. orientasi dasar kebijakan politik luar negeri indonesia adalah pancasila dan konstitusi negara. dengan argumentasi dasar nila-nilai dasar pancasila membuat indonesia harus terlibat dalam kasus tersebut. artinya ada perbandingan di mana indonesia merasa cukupmampu berbuat untuk mengatasi krisis kemanusiaan di myanmar. argu mentasi konstitusional menjadi nilai dasar identitas personaldan dan identitas moral (agama) dalam keterlibatan indonesia di myanmar. dalam konteks lain indonesia dalam bentuk identitas golongan atau identitas ciri khas negara, di mana indonesia adalah negara yang memiliki system politikdan pemerintahan demokrasi pancasila dengan memberikan kebebasan bertanggung jawab dalam pengelolaan negara ter utama kolaborasi antara negara dan warga negara. dalam kaidah lain indonesia adalah negara yang beragam sehingga menjaga persatuan begitu penting untuk menjaga stabilitas negara. melihat faktanya di myanmar hal tersebut bukan hanya menggangu stabilitas myanmar namun regionalism asean pula. identitas sebagai negara memiliki adab adalah domain penting dalamketerlibatan indonesia dalam kasusini. lebih lanjut, dalam identitas peran, menyangkut dua hal yakni peran vertikal dan horizontal. kondisi ini sekaligus kombinasi dari identitas personal menteri luar negeri indonesia sebagai seorang perempuan sebagai peran horizontal. menteri luar negeri adalah menggunakan diplomasi sebagai model komunikasi. karena sasaran media komunikasi adalah wanita yaitu (pemimpin defacto myanmar) aung san suu kyi maka diplomasi yang terjalin adalah diplomasi antar perempuan. dalam konten inilah pendekatan konstruktivisme itu masuk di mana laode muhamad fathun 329 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi jiwa keperempuanan bisa menjadi aktor yang mampu menyelesaikan masalah dengan hati. karakter wanita ketika berkomunikasi adalah selalu mengedepankan keibuan, batiniah, dan yang paling penting adalah kepekaan serta ber komunikasi dengan hati. salah satu karakter berkomunikasi dalam tradisi melayu adalah berkomunikasi dengan hati. orang melayu menganggap hati sebagai benda yang suci dan penenang dan mampu mengurai masalah dengan baik tanpa emosiaonal (venus, 2015). di sinilah kaum feminism mengatakan bahwa masalah politik internasional seharusnya melibatkan wanita sebagai bagian dalam menyelesaikan masalah. wanita janga dianggap sebagai subordinasi yang tidak mampu berbuat apa-apa. justru dengan pendekatan wanita dalam menyelesaikan masalah akan lebih efisien. faktanya adalah kaum feminisme mengatakan bahwa kekerasan terjadi baik itu berupa konflik, perang, penindasan dikarenakan perilaku laki-laki yang agresif. laki-laki adalah sumber masalah internasional dan tidak semua laki-laki pula bisa menyelesaikan masalah itu dengan mudah. dengan pendekatan feminism justru akan membuat diplomasi hati dengan hati akan semakin terbuka di mana sensitifitas merasakan empati lebih terasa bagi perempuan (venus, 2015). hal ini sudah menjadi kodrati dibandingkan laki-laki. menteri luar negeri indonesia yaitu retno marsudi menanggapi hal ini sebagai isu yang tidak sesuai dengan prinsip kemanusian. sehingga, konteks ini sejalan dengan sila kedua yakni kemanusiaan yang adil dan beradab. identitas peran vertikal yang dilakukan menteri luar negeri indonesia adalah menyampaikan kepada pbb terkait pelanggaran ham yang terjadi di myanmar. salah satu buktinya adalah perwakilan pbb untuk komisi hakasasi manusia menyampaikan agar bentuk kekerasan di myanmar untuk segera dihentikan dan indonesia sebagai mediator untuk sesegera mungkin mengimplementasikan semua hasil komunikasinya dengan aung san suu kyi. dukungan perwakilan pbb ini sebagai bentuk citra positif indonesia dalam mendukung perdamaian dunia yang sesuai dengan amanat konstitusinya. kasus rohingnya menjadi bukti kongkrit bahwa keterlibatan mentri luar negeri indonesia sebagai mediator adalah bukti kepedulian indonsia yang demokratis dan respekakan komunitas asean. sehingga, dalam analisis model kebijakan 330 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 luar negeri yang dimainakan oleh menteri luar negeri menggunakan pendekatan geostrategi diplomasi. konteks identitas juga berhu bungan dengan identitas kolektif. pemikiran identitas kolektif bias menjadi salah satu variabel ke terlibatanindonesia dalam intervensi di myanmar. identitas kolektif memiliki empat variabel (hara, 2011) yakni comment fate, interdependency, homogeneity, dan self restraint konsepini ter faktualisasi melalui sejarah hu bungan indonesia dan myanmar yang sudah sejak lama sebagai sebuah identitas kolektif baik sejak menjadi bagian dalam konfrensi asia afrika maupun saat ini asean dan beberapaorganisasi internasional lainya.konsep ini berhubungan dengan faktor kosmopolitansime, hubungan baik antara kedua negara yang sudah terjalin sejak lama. hubungan bilateral antara indonesia dan myanmar sudah terhitung sejak pembentukan konfrensi asia afrika (kaa) pada 28 april-02 mei 1954 yakni konfrensi kolombo atau konfrensi lima negara pertama. kolombo merupakan ibu kota dari srilangka, di mana lima negara tersebut adalah perdana menteri pakistan: muhammad ali jinnah perdana menteri sri lanka: sir john kotelawala perdana menteri burma (myanmar): perdana menteri indonesia: ali sastroamijoyo ,perdana menteri india: jawaharlal nehru. (l.m.fathun, 2017). pada tanggal 18-24 april 1955 dilaksanakanlah konfrensi asia afrika pertama di kota bandung dengan menghadirkan 29 negara anggota peserta dengan komposisi panca negara yakni indonesia, pakistan, srilangka, india, dan myanmar menjadi negara yang mengundang sejumlah utusan wakil lainya seperti 6 negara afrika dan 18 negara meliputi asia (thailand, filipina, kampuchea, vietnam selatan, nepal, rrc, laos, jepang, vietnam utara, irak, saudi arabia, syria (suriah), turki, yaman), yordania, lebanon, afghanistan, iran, dan afrika (mesir, liberia, libia , sudan, pantai emas/gold coast , etiopia). seperti yang telah dideskripsikan di atas bahwa negara-negara asia dan afrika ini ingin melakukan sumbangsi perdamian internasional (l.m.fathun, 2017). kemudian, konfrensi asia afrika yang dilaksanakan di bandung dan jakarta pada tanggal 19 sampai 23 april 2015 sekaligus memperingati 60 tahun kerja sama konfrensi asia afrika. konfrensi tersebut mengundang 109 perwakilan negara dan 25 laode muhamad fathun 331 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi organisasi internasional, dengan meningkatkan kerja sama selatanselatan untuk menciptakan kese jateraan dan pedamaian. hubungan kosmopolitanisme ini mengandung deontological / sesuai aturan (rule based). pendekatan ini berasumsi pada pembuat kebijakan luar negeri interaksi politik luar negerinya akan mengacu pada aturan aturan yang ada, dengan pendekatan ini seorang aktor akan lebih berfokus kepada hukum yang ada dalam mencapai kepentingan nasionalnya, dan akan lebih menghormatiserta menjunjung tinggi etika dalam berpolitik luar negeri. faktanya adalah menyadari pentingnya konfrensi tersebut hubungan antara indonesia dan myanmar ada beberapa hasil konfrensi yakni (1) menghormati hak-hak dasar manusia, tujuan, serta asas yang termuat dalam piagam pbb; (2) menghormati kedaulatan dan integritas teritorial semua bangsa; (3) mengakui persamaan ras dan persamaan semua bangsa, baik bangsa besar maupun bangsa kecil; (4) melakukan intervensi atau ikut campur tangan dalam persoalan dalam negeri negara lain; (5) menghormati hak-hak tiap bangsa untuk mempertahankan diri, baik secara sendirian maupun secara kolektif sesuai dengan piagam pbb; (6) a) tidak menggunakan peraturanperaturan dari pertahanan kolektif untuk bertindak bagi kepentingan khusus salah satu negara besar; b) tidak melakukan tekanan terhadap negara lain; (7) tidak melakukan tindakan atau ancaman agresi ataupun penggunaan kekerasan terhadap integritas teritorial atas kemerdekaan politik suatu negara; (8) menyelesaikan segala perselisihan internasional secara damai sesuai dengan piagam pbb; (9) memajukan kepentingan bersama dan kerja sama internasional; (10) menghormati hukum dan kewajiban internasional lainnya.konfrensi tersebut dikenal dengan sepuluh dasasila bandung atau bandung declaration. “let a new asia and a new afrika be born “bunyi pidato bung karno tahun 1955 (l.m.fathun, 2017). lebih lanjut, konfrensi tingkat pejabat tinggi dengan agenda menjadi bahasan adalah (a) menelaah kembali dasasila bandung yang sudah dituliskan sebelumnya, (b) meningkatkan kembali kerja sama strategis negara-negara asia afrika, serta (c) mendukung deklarasi kemerdekaan palestina. pada poin (b) memiliki tiga pilar utama yakni (1) menyangkut komitmen politik untuk mendukung palestina menjadi 332 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 negara, reformasi pbb, perdamaian internasional serta penguatan kerja sama regional kawasan. dengan demikian, telah menjadi fakta bahwa hubungan antara indonesia dan myanmar sudah terjalin erat baik dalam kerangka bilateral maupun multi lateral. kaa adalah konfrensi yang menghasilkan kesepakatan– kesepakatan bersama untuk ditaati bersama baik dalam konteks regional dan bilateral. dengan umur 60 tahun kaa setiap negara baik indonsia maupun myanmar telah sepakat dalam 10 poin dasar kaa 1954 dan dan tiga poin kaa tahun 2015. konfrensi tersebut seharusnya menjadi dasar utama bagi setiap negara di asean maupun anggota kaa untuk selalu aktif menjaga perdamaian dan mengutamakan diplomasi sebagai media untuk menyelesaikan masalah (l.m.fathun, 2017). paradigma kosmopolitansime (deontology approach) sebagai sebuah bentuk identitas kolektif memikiki dua makna yaitu pen dekatan deontological / sesuai aturan (rule based) dan pendekatan consequentialist / tujuan dan hasil yang akan dicapai (ends-based). kontekstualnya dalamkasus rohingnya apa yang dilakukan oleh menteri retno merupakan kombinasi dau pendekatan ini. di mana dengan argumentasi dasar bahwa sebuah tindakan kebijakan harus di dasarkan pada rule based atau ada aturan moralitas yang membenarkannya baik dalam konteks aturan domestikmaupun aturan internasional. begitu haln ya dengan end based dampak buruk atau konsekuensi dari krisis rohingnya bukan hanya berdampak pada negara tersebut namun stablitas regionalism asean. dampak kemanusiaan seperti pemerkosaan, pembunuhan, kekerasan, pembakaran rumah tidak sesuai dengan deontolgis yanag berlaku dalam hubungan antar negara. dampak krisis tersebut misal nya dikutip dari bbc.indonesia per tanggal l6 september 2017 menuliskan ada sekitar 123 ribu pengungsi rohingnya yang telah meninggalkan rakhine sejak 25 agustus. badan pengungsi pbb, unhcr, mengatakan bahwa ada sekitar 5.200 warga rohingya melarikan diri ke bangladesh yang jumlahnya mencapai sekitar 620 ribu orang (kompas.com/25/11//2017) dan sekitar 18.500 orang rohingya dan kebanyakan perempuan dan anakanak telah menyeberang masuk banglades dan sekitar 25 ribu anak-anak mengalami gizi buruk. mereka menyebrang laode muhamad fathun 333 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi ke banglades dalam kondisi ke laparan (kompas/10/11/2017) dan bahkan sudah ada sekitar 12.000 pengungsi rohingya di indonesia. yang paling parah justru india melakukan deportasi 40.000 peng ungsi rohingya, karena dianaggap sebagai imigran ilegal. berita terbaru dikutipdari kompas. com/02/02/2018 menuliskan bahwa pada akhir 2017 terjadi genosida erhadap etnis rohingnya dengan bukti investigasi dari afb bahwa terdapat lima kuburan masal di rakhine. sebelumnya myanmar telah bertanggung jawab ketika ditemukan fakta ada penguburan massal yang berisi 10 jenazah. video associated press memberikan informasi bahwa upaya penggunaan asam untuk memusnahkan jenazah– jenazah itu. fakta lainya adalah dikutip dari tribun jabar.co.id september 2017 biksu buddha asin wirathu sebagai pemimpin penggerak kekerasan di rakhine terhadap etnis rohingnya. asin wirathu merupakan pemimpin kontroversial kelompok 969 yang menolak perluasan wilayah islam di myanmar. asin wirathu juga dijuluki oleh majalah time sebagai the face buddish terror sebagai militant yang anti islam. asin wirathu juga menyatakan bahwa islam adalah ancaman besar bagi buddha dengan mengambil sampel indonesia yang dahulu adalah beragama hindu budha. dengan landasan moralitas dalam etika kosmopolit disebut dengan act -deontologi tindakan pemerintah myanmar seharusnya mengutamakan kepentingan umat manusia yang dilandaskan dengan sikap dan moralitas dalam menghargai hak asasi manusia. seharusnya pemerintah myanmar dapat menyelesaikan konflik ini tanpa kekerasan dengan mem bangun dialog antarkaum buddha rakhine dengan etnis myanmar untuk menyelesaikan konflik dengan damai, bukan dengan cara kekerasan mengusir serta membunuh kaum rohingya. kosmopolit melahirkan kepekaan terhadap moralitas, etika dan kasih sayang. demikianlah apa yang dipraktekan oleh menlu ri yang berlatar belakang islamis, seorang perempuan dan tidak lupa pernah menjadi dubes di belanda yang tergolong sebagai negara dengan menjunjung etika, dan moralitas serta demokrasi yang baik. sejumlah faakta itulah menjadikan pendekatan yang dilaukan oleh menlu ri berhasil dalam diplomasi indonesia terhadap myanmar. variabelanalisis pandangan kontruktivismeadalah dari tokoh kartocwill yang memiliki 334 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 argumentasi dasar bahwa hubungan internasional harus di dasari oleh norma baik tertulis atau tidak tertulis yang menjadi fondasi bertindak setiapnegara dalamkebijakan politik luar negerinya. dalam hal ini tentunya akan berpengaruh ketika terjadi benturan antara intervensi terhadap konflik dalamsuatu regionalesme dan kedaulatan negara tersebut.artinya ada rivaalitas antara dampak konflik dan konsekuensi politissebagai sebuah entitas kedaulatan. lebih lanjut, faktor kedua adalah ideologi. lingkungan strategis asean sebagai lingkaran konsentris pertama memiliki pegaruh terhadap pendekatan budaya serta ideologi serta tekanan dalam negeri berupa penindasan terhadap etnis rohingnya sebagai isu buddha vs muslim. kennet boulding bahwa manusia terkadang tidak bertindak atas fakta-fakta yang objektif, tetapi manusia bertindak berdasarkan situasi. artinya presepsi tentang dunia menentukanperilaku (masoed, 1989:19). di sini menganut asumsi bahwa interpretasi dunia yang salah akibat doktrin akan mempengaruhi psikologis yang serasa berempati tentang dunia yang dikonstruksi menjadikannya tidak sesuai apa adanya. holsti menjelaskan bahwa citra merujuk pada tindakan yang dilakukan oleh pembuat kebijakan berupa gambaran tujuan yang akan dicapai dalam situasi tertentu dan tindakan yang akan diambil serta melihat tantangan dari situasi tersebut. artinya citra menyangkut tentang bagaimana merubah, mempengaruhi tindakan aktor lain terhadap apa yang digambarkan oleh pengambil kebijakan. sehingga, berproses pada keyakinan dan sikap yang akan diambil oleh sejumlah aktor apakah mendukung, membantu atau menolak. konflik yang terjadi myanmar adalah bentuk penindasan agama mayoritas terhadap agama mino ritas. faktanya dari cuitan pejabat istanbul dalam tweeternya perdana mentri turki. artinya pernyataan ini menunjukan bahwa konflik agama adalah faktor terjadinya kekerasan disana walaupun pm tersebut menyebarkan fotohoax yang menurut philips vermonte harus ada verifikasi berita agar tidak memperkeruh masalah. nmun fokus dari tweet ini adalah memfaktualisasi bahwa kekerasan agama merupakan salah satu faktornya. andi wijayanto menjelaskan bahwa pendekatan penyelesaian terhadap masalah kemanusiaan (sipil) menyangkut tiga hal dasar laode muhamad fathun 335 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi yaitu humanisasi di mana aktor yang menyelesaikan masalah dianggap menjual perang demi kemanusiaan-. maksudnya adalah negara menggunakan isu stablitas dalam negeri untuk melakukan intervensi, termasuk intervensi militer. apa yang terjadi di myanmar juga atidak lepas dari aktivitas militer tentara myanmar. intervensi militer yang dilakukan oleh tentara myanmar merupakan bentuk dari kepercayaan negara untuk memberikan kekuasan tertinggi kepada militer untuk mengontrol stablitas. akibatnya ketika tidak terkontrol militer akan menjadi monster terhadap sipil. hal ini tidak sejalan dengan konvensi den haag tahun 1899 dan 1907, konvensi jenewa 1864, 1906 dan 1949 serta deklarasi petersbrug 1868. kemudian hak asasi maanusia, apa yang dilakukanoleh tentara myanmar, para biksu maupun aung san su kyi adalah bentuk pelanggaran terhadap konvensi ham terkhusus piagam pbb pasaal 1(55) ,(56). selain itu melanggar deklarasi ham 1948 serta prokol ii konvensi jenewa. lebih lanjut, resolusi majelis umum pbb 47/135 tanggal 18 desember 1992 declaration on the rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities menyebutkan hak khusus bagi kelompok minoritas dalam kasus ini adalah etnis rohingya yang tidak diberikan kebebasan untuk beragama. deklarasi ini mengatur tentang perlindungan negara atas eksistensi dan identitas kebangsaan, suku bangsa, budaya, agama dan bahasa mereka, hak untuk menganut dan menjalankan agama mereka, hak untuk berpartisipasi dalam kehidupan agama mereka, hak untuk mendirikan dan mempertahankan perkumpulan mereka sendiri, hak untuk melaksanakan hak mereka tanpa diskriminasi, baik secara individu maupun dalam masyarakat dengan anggota-anggota lain dalam kelompok mereka. masalah pembersihan etnis secara khusus dituangkan dalam resolusi majelis umum pbb 260 a (iii) 9 desember 1948, convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide. dalam kasus rohingya ini, pemerintah myanmar telah terbukti melakukan hal-hal yang disebutkan dalam pasal 2 convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide dan pasal 5 statuta roma. di mana pemerintah myanmar telah melakukan tindakan yang dapat menyebabkan punahnya sebagian atau keseluruhan anggota etnis rohingya, seperti membunuh 336 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 anggota-anggota etnis rohingya, merusak jasmani atau mental anggota -anggota etnis rohingya, dengan sengaja mengakibatkan penderitaan pada kondisi kehidupan etnis rohingya yang diperkirakan menimbulkan kerusakan jasmani seluruhnya atau sebagian. berdasarkan pasal iv dan vi konvensi pencegahan dan hukuman atas kejahatan genosida mengatakan bahwa orang-orang yang melakukan pemusnahan suatu bangsa dengan sengaja atau sesuatu perbuatan lain yang disebutkan dalam pasal iii harus dihukum, apakah mereka penguasa yang bertanggung jawab secara konstitusional, pejabat, maupun perorangan. serta dapat diperiksa oleh pengadilan yang berwenang dari negara di wilayah tempat tindakan itu dilaksanakan, atau oleh pengadilan internasional dengan yurisdiksi yang di terima oleh para peserta konvensi. konvensi ini dengan jelas menyatakan pelaku genosida maupun yang merencanakan genosida baik mereka adalah pemimpin yang bertanggung jawab secara konstitusional, pejabat publik, atau individu dapat diadili melalui pengadilan di negara terjadinya genosida maupun melalui pengadilan internasional yang memiliki yurisdiksi. dengan demikian, negara adalah mahluk yang paling bertanggung jawab terhadapkekerasan sipil oleh militer. variabel ketiga adalah human security yaitu berhubungan dengan pendektan ekonomi, kesehatan yang basisnya adalah pembangunan yang berkelanjutan sesuai dengan visi dan misi undp. wijayanto mengusulkan agar tidak terjadi kelebihan kontrolmiliter terhadap sipil maka hubungan antara sipil dan militer harus di arahkan pada keseimbangan. dalam konteks ini berhubungan dengan keamanan nasional. wijayanto mengusulkan 1) harus ada profesionalisme militer dalam ancaman domestikdan eksternal, 2) integrasi institusi nasional, 3) kontrol sipil secara demokratis. berhubungan dengan isu kekerasan ini menyangkut keamanan nasional wijayanto juga mengusulkan dimensi keamanan itu harus menyangkut: a) pertahanan negara (politik), b) stabilitas dalam negeri, c) ketertiban publik dan keselamatan insani. sehingga, apabila. oleh sebab itulah dalam melihat masalah yang kompleks ini harus ada dewan dalam konteks nasional yang mampu mendefinisikan keadaan negara sehingga pantaskah suatu intervensi militer dilakukan. bukan definisi keamanan yang disampaikan laode muhamad fathun 337 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi sepihak oleh para biksu dan aung san su kyi. keamanan nasional ini harus melibatkan multi aktor sehingga tidak ada diskriminasi dan yang paling penting adalah prosedur penyelesaian masalah bukan sebagai monster yang bisa melakukan intervensi sewenangwenang. oleh sebab itu perlunya kebijakan hirarki agar bisa terarah dalam satu komando. andi wijayanto memisahkan tiga domain dalam kekerasan terhadap sipil. hal ini di karenakan norma yang beraku dalam setiaptindakan akan berbeda pula terhadapsanksi yang diberikan. lebih lanjut, apapun dasar argu mentasi kekerasan terhadap sipil harusnya bias terkontrol. negara sebagai unit yang memiliki power politicuntuk mengamankan situasi domestic haarusnya mampu mengontrol angkatan militernya. hal inilah yang tidak terjadi di myanmar akibatnya angkatan militer justru menjadi monster yang tidak mampu menjaga stabilitas keamanan nasional. dampaknya dari tiga modelkekerasan sipil yang telah di jelaskan oleh wijayanto telah terjadi di myanmar. kondisi ini juga melanggar lima prinsip perdamaian internasional yakni 1.ketertiban, keadilan, kesejahteraan, keamanan dan kesenjangan (sorenson, 2014). variabel ketiga dari analisis konstruktiviame adalah communication action. variabel ini diperkenalkan oleh nicolas onouf sebagai salah satu pemikir kontsruktivisme. argumentasi dasarnya adalah bahasa yang tersusun oleh kata dan kalimat memiliki makna atau inter subjektif meaning dalam membentuk interkasi simbolik antaraktor. bahasa menjadi media untuk menyampaikan ide yang masih abstrakdalam alam bawa sadar manusia. dengan bahasa manusia mampu menterjemahkan atau menyampaikan sesuatu yang diinginkan. bahasa menjadi perekat untuk memahami satu samalainya. dalam konteks inilah communication action yang melibatkan variabel bahasa disebut dengan diplomasi. sejalan dengan itu ricard w menjelaskan bahwa merupakan konversi input berupa infromasi tentang apa yang harus dilakukan sebuah negara menjadi output berupa diplomasi atau aliansi/kualisi (2012:411). george kennan mendefinisikan diplomasi sebagai “ an art and international relations in a universal context (fathun, paradiplomasi menuju kota dunia: studi kasus, 2016). jadi dapat disimpulkan bahwa diplomasi merupakan upaya 338 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 negara melalui cara berkomunikasi yang baik dengan wakil‐wakil yang terpilih untuk merebut kepentingan nasional dengan jalan damai. kemudian di analisis dalam bentuk (1) speech act (komunikasi) (2) existential threats (ancaman) (3) reference object (referensi) (4) audience (objek). bentuk pertama dari com munication action adalah speech act. speech act dimaknai dengan sesuatu yang disapaikan kepada lawan bicara dala diplomasi terkait asalah yanag di bahas. kounikasi ini yang keudian disebut dengan diplomasi adalah seni untuk menyampaikan gagasan yang telah dirancang dalam alam bawa sadar manusia.berhubungan dengan krisis rohingnya speech act yang dilakukan oleh menteri retno adalah menyampaikan bahwa akan dampak yang ditimbulkan oleh tindakan kekerasan terhadap warga rohingnya. ancaman tersebut kemudian disebut dengan existential threats (ancaman). ancaman yang di timbulkan oleh adanya kekerasan terhadap etnis rohingnya secara politik akan mengganggu stabilitas politik dalam negeri bahwkan akan menggangu stabilitas regional. ancaman tersebut kemudian bisa menjadi bencana sosial di myanmar yang akan mendatangkan korban jiwa. lebih lanjut tentunya hal tersebut akan menggangu stabilitas ekonomi, hukum dinegara tersebut. dengan demikian yang di butuhkan adalah reference object (referensi) yang menyangkut metode penyelesaian masalah krisis kemanusiaan di myanmar. lebih lanjut, krisis ini begitu kompleks bukan hanya terkait rivalitas antara agama namun ada kompleksitas lainya termasuk bidang ekonomi dan keterlibatan trager konflik yaitu negara-negara di luar kawasan yang mengakselerasi konflik karena memiliki kepentingan ekonomi terhadap wilayah tersebut. terdapat fakta yang menyebutkan bahwa ternyata ada kepentingan ekonomi politik atas apa yang menimpa etnis rohingya tersebut. myanmar, diperkirakan memiliki cadangan minyak dan gas sebesar 11 triliun dan 23 triliun kaki kubik , hal tersebut membuat perusahaan multinasional asing berebut mendapatkan kesepakatan mengeksplorasinya. selain itu myanmar juga berada dalam posisi geo-politik yang menguntungkan, terutama bagi cina, karena merupakan akses pada laut india dan laut andaman https://www.forbes. com/sites/ericrmeyer/2015/02/09/ oi l a n d g a s c h i n a t a k e s a shortcut/#7aff1ad17aff. di akses 20 i 2018). laode muhamad fathun 339 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi sumber : google gambar melalui jalur (link) tersebut pula, kini memungkinkan cina mengimpor minyak mentah dari timur tengah serta afrika tanpa harus melewati selat malaka dan masuk ke laut cina selatan. berdasarkan adanya fakta tersebutlah, pengamat politik tidak lagi memandang kasus yang terjadi di myanmar merupakan sebagai pembantaian etnis biasa, melainkan adanya upaya pemenuhan kepentingan nasional yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah myanmar itu sendiri. dengan demikian audience yang dimaksudkan di sini adalah semua stakeholders yang terlibat dalamkonflik baik pemerintah, etnis rohingnya, intansi militer,pbb maupun indonseia sebagai mediator harus memberikan sosialisasi penyelesaian masalah yang terbaik. indonesia bertindak berdasarkan entitas moralitas dengan perhitungan untung rugi untuk menyelesaikan masalah tersebut sehingga geostrategi di plomasi adalah jalan terbaik untuk merangkul semua pihak yang terlibat dalam konflik. geostrategi diplomasi akan mempertanyakan tiga hal yakni siapa kita, apa keinginan kita dan bagimana mewujudkankanya. berhubungan dengan pertanyaan siapa kita, keterlibatan indonesia jelas sebagai negara sahabt yang sudah melakukan hubungan bilateral dengan myanmar sudah sejak lama, sehingga dalam konteks politik bertetangga, apabila tetangga memiliki masalah maka kita ikut serta untuk membantunya. disisilainya pula dalam konteks regionalism asean kedua negara adalah negara besar yang men dirikan asean dan terlibat dalam konfrensi asia afrika. berhubungan dengan keinginan indonesia sudah pasti untuk mendamaikan konflik yang terjadi di myanmar. keinginan mulia ini tentunya untuk menumpas segala kesalahan komunikasi antaraktoryang terlibat konflik. kesalahan komunikasi itu akan menimbulkan dampak mengerikan bagi kelansungan myanmar sebagai sebuah negara merdeka. keinginan lainya adalah indonseia sebagai negara demokratis yang memiliki konstitusi untuk ikut serta dalam 340 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 perdamamaian dunia. pertanyaan terkahir terkait apa yang dilakukan adalah indonseia melakukan diplomasi dengan model 4+1. mekanisme yang terjadi dalam diplomasi kemanusiaan indonesia ke myanmar adalah pada hari pertama menlu retno marsuadi bertemu dengan panglima angakatan bersenjata myanmar u min aung hlaing bertempat di naypyidaw. menlu retno marsuadi menyarankan agar upaya meredakan ketegangan yang terjadi di negara bagian rakhine menjadi fokus utama pemerintah myanmaar saat itu. hari kedua menlu retno marsuadi bertemu dengan kepala pemerintah aung san suu kyi dan menyampaikan tujuan utamanya, yaitu usulan formulasi 4+1. dikutip dari (kemlu.go.id: 2017) menlu ri menyampaikan usulan indonesia kepada aung san suu kyi yang disebut formula 4+1 untuk rakhine state. empat elemen ini terdiri dari: (i) mengembalikan stabilitas dan keamanan; (ii) menahan diri secara maksimal dan tidak menggunakan kekerasan; (iii) perlindungan kepada semua orang yang berada di rakhine state, tanpa memandang suku dan agama; dan (iv) pentingnya segera dibuka akses untuk bantuan kemanusiaan. ditambah satu elemen lain (v) pentingnya agar rekomendasi laporan komisi penasehat untuk rakhine state yang dipimpin oleh kofi annan dapat segera diimplementasikan. diplomasi menteri luar negeri ri retno lp marsudi membawa formula 4+1 untuk rakhine state yakni mengembalikan stabilitas dan keamanan; menahan diri secara maksimal dan tidak menggunakan kekerasan; perlindungan kepada semua orang yang berada di rakhinne state tanpa memandang suku dan agama; dan pentingnya segera dibuka akses untuk bantuan kemanusiaan. serta 1 elemen adalah pentingnya agar rekomendasi laporan komisi penasehat untuk rakhine state segera diimple mentasikan. akim sendiri ber komitmen membawa bantuan senilai us$ 2 juta berbentuk pendidikan, kesehatan, ekonomi dan relief. formula yang dibawa juga merupakan hasil dari diskusi panjang dengan semua elemen bangsa. (dikutip dari kompasiana. com/7/9/17) apa yang dilakukan oleh menlu ri tentunya tidak lepas dari dirinya sebagai seorang perempuan. perempuan cenderung peka, sensitif, memiliki rasa kasihan yang tinggi. kekerasan yang terjadi di rakhine adalah bentuk pendekatan laode muhamad fathun 341 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi perempuan terhadap masalah itu. artinya menlu sebagai seorang muslim dan atau agama apapun tidak akan mengajarkan kekerasan seperti itu. ditambah lagi dalam konteks indonesia kebebasan terhadap beragama begitu tinggi. dengan latar belakang itulah kemungkinan bahwa kekerasan yang terjadi di rakhine meruapakan kegiatan yang mengerikan. di indonesia dalam menjunjung tinggi kebebasan beragama diatur dalam uu/39/19991 terkhusus pasal 22 yang menyatakan setiap orang berhak memeluk agamanya masingmasing dan beribadah sesuai dengan keyakinan tersebut. pasal 24 juga menjelaskan setiap orang berhak untuk berkumpul, berapat, dan berserikat untuk maksud-maksud damai. begitu juga dalam uud 1945 terhusus pasal 27, 28 an 29. hal ini sejalan juga dengan bunyi pancasila terkhusus sila 1 tentang hak dan kewajiban beragama, sila 2 keadilan yang beradab untuk semua mahluk,sila ke 3 untuk menjaga persatuan dan sila ke 4 tentang kebebaasan berkumpulserta sila ke 5 hak untuk hdiup layak dan dihormati. kesimpulan kasus rohingnya menjadi bukti kongkrit bahwa keterlibatan mentri luar negeri indonesia sebagai mediator adalah bukti ke pedulian indonsia yang demokratis dan respekakan komunitas asean. sehingga, dalam analisis model kebijakan luar negeri yang dimainakan oleh mentri luar negeri menggunakan pendekatan geostrategi diplomasi. indonesia menagih janji myanmar terkait menjunjung tinggi ham apalagi dalam lingkup regionalism asean baik yang telah di sepakati dalam kaa 1954, 2015 mapun konvensi lainya dalam lingkup regionalism. apa yang dilakukan oleh mentri luar negeri adalah menggunakan strategi akomodasi dan korkondanse. kedua strategi ini mewakili lingkungan strategis kasus dalam konteks wilayah darat. dengan menerapkan strategi ini maka output yang diharapkan adalah menyelesaikan dengan menguntungkan satu sama lainya. dalam konteks ini berhubungan dengan keamanan nasional. wijayanto mengusulkan 1) harus ada profesionalisme militer dalam ancaman domestikdan eksternal, 2) integrasi institusi nasional, 3) kontrol sipil secara demokratis. berhubungan dengan isu kekerasan ini menyangkut keamanan nasional wijayanto juga mengusulkan dimensi keamanan itu harus 342 islamic world and politics vol.2. no.2 july-december 2018 menyangkut: a) pertahanan negara (politik), b) stabilitas dalam negeri, c) ketertiban publik dan keselamatan insani. sehingga, apabila. oleh sebab itulah dalam melihat masalah yang kompleks ini haruss ada dewan dalam konteks nasional yang mampu mendefinisikan keadaan negara sehingga pantaskah suatu intervensi militer dilakukan. bukan definisi keamanan yang disampaikan sepihak oleh para biksu dan aung san su kyi. keamanan nasional ini harus melibatkan multi aktor sehingga tidak ada diskriminasi dan yang paling penting adalah prosedur penyelesaian masalah bukan sebagai monster yang bisa melakukan intervensi sewenangwenang.oleh sebab itu perlunya kebijakan hirarki agar bisa terarah dalam satu komando. di sisi lainya kehadiran menlu ri dalam penyelesaian masalah di myanmar merupakan suatu langkah kongrit dengan diplomsi 4+1 yang di mana mampu meredam kekerasan di rakhine. hal ini tentunya sudah melanggar tiga model yang disampaikan di atas tentang kebebasan manusia. menlu ri yang seorang perempuan tentunya memiliki sensitifitas yang kuat dan peka akan masalah ini. hal ini menyangkut hajad hidup orang banyak dan perempuan adalah mahluk yang palaing merasa ngeri dengan kekerasaan. dengan jiwa keperempuanan menlu ri dan aung san su kyi bisa meredam masalah ini dengan baik. perlu dipahami bahwa kekerasan terhadap manusia sampai pada genosida bukanlah hal yang baik bagi negara manapun dan tidak akan di ajarkan oleh agama manapun. diplomasi merupakan aplikasi dari pemikiran konstruktvisme yang selalu mengutamakan kesadaran akal dan keutamaan moral untuk menaati norma nasional dan internasional. diplomasi adalah artikulasi dari negara dalam memaknai pentingnyapendekatan komunikasidengan mengutamakan bahasa sebagai media saling memahami. kontruktivisme selalu mengutamakan tiga hal dasar ide, norma dan bahasa dalampolitik internasional. apa yang dilakukan oleh indonesia melalui menteri luar negeri adalah bukti pemikiran konstruktivisme di mana dengan pendekatan ini mampu memperlihatkan keberhasilan indonsia menjadi mediator konflik. dengan identitas, personal sebagai perepuan, negara beradab, negara beragama dan negara demokrasi pendekatan indonesia mampu menarik perhatian internasional. disisilainya identitas peran sebagai laode muhamad fathun 343 geo strategi kebijakan luar negeri indonesia di era jokowi sesama negara asean dan peran sebagai sesama manusia indonesia merasa perlu terlibat dalam krisis tersebut sebagai bukti kons titusional. lebih lanjut identitas kolektif di mana kedua negara adalah sahabat dan satu regionalism dan tetunya memiliki perjuangan yang sama ketika masa-masa kemerdekaan yaitu konfrensi asia afrika. hubungan bilateral yang terjalin antarkedua negara mungkin saja menjadi pemicu keterlibatan indonseia disambut baik oleh pihak myanmar untuk menyelesaikan masalah. sehingga,dengan pendekatan norma dan bahasa komunikasi mampu meredam krisis ke manusiaan di rohingnya.hasil positifnya adalah indonesia dengan geostrategic diplomasi mampu menjadi mediator yang mampu mengurai masalah dengan netral. keterlibatan indonesia sebagai negara demokrasi perlu diapresiasi sebagai bentuk dari implementasi politik luar negeri indonesia dengan menggunakan strategi, akomodasi dan kokondans. oleh sebab itulah, peristiwa ini akan menaikan citra indonesia sebagai negara mediator unggul dalam menciptakan perdamaian dunia sesuai dengan konstitusinya. peristiwa ini akan menjadikan indonesia sebagai negara yang memiliki kualitas diplomasi yang unggul dan diperhitungkan dalam dunia internasional. bibliography abi hara, abu bakar. pengantar analisis politik luar negeri, dari realisme samapi konstruktivisme, bandung: nuansa, 2011. carlesnaes, walter, dkk. handbook hubungan internasional, bandung: nus media, 2013. hanrieder, wolfram, comparative foreign policy, theoretical essay: david mc. kay new york: company,inc. 1971. hudson, v,m., the history and evolution of foreign policy analisys . in s. smith, a. hadfield & t. dunne, (eds), foreign policy: theories, actors, cases, oxford. : oxford. university press, 2008. carlesnaes, w. 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(2015). the power of ideas: konstruktivis dalam studi hubungan internasional,. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. robert, jacson dan georg sorenson. (2014). pengantar studi ilmu hubungan internasional edisi revisi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelaajar. tovy, t. (2015). the changing nature of geostrategy. albana: air university press air force research institute. venus, antar. ( 2015). fisafat komunikasi orang melayu .: indonesia: simbiosa rekatama media. warsito, t. (1998). teori-teori politik luar negeri, relevansi dan keterbatasanya. yogyakarta: bigraf publishing. wendt, a. (1992). , anarchy is what state make of it: the social construction of powerpolitict, international organization. vol. 46, no.2391-425. . islamic world and politics vol. 4. no.1 june 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 the effort of, ngo, bos, in (borneo orangutan survival) foundation in saving orangutans in central kalimantan (2016-2019) anggi nurul qomari’ah universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: angginurul11@gmail.com abstract this paper will describe the bos (borneo orangutan survival) foundation’s effort as an ngo in saving orangutans. orangutan is one of the endemic animals of the island of borneo, which currently lives in threatening conditions. bornean orangutans are in the endangered category, and there are 57,000 individuals left. even in the last 20 years, the population of bornean orangutans has decreased by 55% due to illegal logging, clearing of oil palm land, and poaching. through the convention on international trade in wild plants and animals or the convention on international trade in endangered species of wild fauna and flora (cites), orangutans are one of the endangered primates and animals to protect. the author used advocacy theory in explaining bos efforts. to face this situation, the bosf is implementing an effort or way through social media campaigns with the #climbfororangutan, #orangutanfreedom, and #savedodo strategies. another effort undertaken by the bos foundation to continue to fight in saving orangutans, including their habitat, is to work with overseas partners and organizations that also focus on animal rescue and conservation. keywords: bos, orangutan, ngo, advocacy abstrak tulisan ini akan mendeskripsikan bagaimana upaya bos (borneo orangutan survival) foundation sebagai ngo dalam menyelamatkan orangutan. orangutan merupakan salah satu hewan endemik pulau kalimantan yang saat ini hidup dalam kondisi terancam. orangutan kalimantan masuk dalam 100 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 kategori terancam punah dan tersisa 57.000 individu. bahkan dalam 20 tahun terakhir populasi orangutan kalimantan berkurang hingga 55% hal ini diakibatkan karena adanya penebangan liar, pembukaan lahan kelapa sawit dan perburuan liar. hal ini juga disepakati melalui konvensi tentang perdagangan internasional tumbuhan dan satwa liar atau convention on international trade in endangered species of wild fauna and flora (cites) bahwa orangutan adalah salah satu primata yang terancam punah dan merupakan hewan yang harus kita lindungi. penulis menggunakan teori advokasi dalam menjelaskan upaya bos. menghadapi situasi ini, bos foundation melakukan sebuah upaya atau cara melalui kampanye di media sosial dengan hastag #climbfororangutan, #orangutanfreedom dan #savedodo, upaya lain yang dilakukan bos foundation agar terus berjuang dalam penyelamatan orangutan dan habitatnya ialah bekerjasama dengan mitra-mitra luar negeri maupun organisasi-organisasi yang juga berfokus pada penyelamatan hewan dan konservasi. kata kunci: bos, orangutan, ngo, advokasi introduction orangutan is one of the endemic animals of the island of borneo, which currently lives in an unsafe condition. the existence of illegal logging and illegal burning of forests makes the orangutan population increasingly decreases. the rescuers have made various efforts. one of them is building captive breeding due to the current condition of the orangutans so that they can live comfortably and without threats. in indonesia, there are two types of orangutans, namely sumatran orangutan (pongo abelli) and kalimantan orangutan (pongo pygamaeus). kalimantan’s orangutans alone are estimated at around 54 thousand individuals and grouped into three types of children. first is pongo pygmaeus, which is north of the kapuas river (west kalimantan) to the northeast of sarawak (malaysia). the second, pongo pygmaeus morio, lives in sabah (malaysia) to the south of the mahakam river, east kalimantan. the third is pongo pygmaeus wurmbii, seen from the southern part of the kapuas river (west kalimantan) to the east of the barito river (central kalimantan) (teroka borneo, 2018). anggi nurul qomari’ah the effort of ngo bos (borneo orangutan survival) foundation 101 orangutan population is increasingly decreasing. even in the last 20 years, borneo’s o r a n g u t a n p o p u l at i o n h a s reduced by 55%. sumatran and kalimantan orangutans have critically endangered because of their population of 7,500 living in nature while the remaining borneo orangutan 57,000 species. some of the causes of the decline in orangutan populations include the practice of poaching and illegal burning, the conversion of forests into oil palm plantations, climate change, and forest fires (wwf, 2018). convention on international trade in endangered species of wild fauna and flora (cites) has agreed that orangutan is one of indonesia’s endemic endangered species and needs significant attention so that its population is maintained. bornean, sumatran, and tapanuli orangutan populations are about to extinct due to habitat loss due to poaching. bornean orangutan population has declined by more than 80% in the last three generations. the world conservation union (iucn red list 2007) classifies these three species as endangered species. it also puts them in appendix i to the convention on international trade in endangered species of wild fauna and flora (cites) (bos, 2018). the government regulate the protection of animals and plants through law number 5 of 1990 concerning conservation of living natural resources and ecosystems and government regulation number 7 of 1999 concerning preservation of plant and animal species, and at the international level orangutans occupy appendix i status in cites, which means orangutans are not for sale (nur, 2017). in dealing with the problem of orangutans, of course, the role of government alone is not enough, and there is a need for cooperation from related organizations, the contribution, and participation of ngos (non-g over nment organizations) greatly assist the government in the preservation and development of the orangutan itself. in palangkaraya, central kalimantan, for example, there is an orangutan breeding site, the nyaru menteng arboretum managed by the conservation organization b o s f ( b o r n e o o r a n g u t a n survival foundation). according to bosf, orangutans at the bosf rehabilitation center are threatened by their population and habitat due to illegal logging, forest fires, and oil palm companies. so this has 102 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 become a problem in itself so that the orangutan population will not decrease (rahmadi, 2016). borneo orangutan survival foundation (bosf) is a non-profit organization or ngo in indonesia and was founded by dr. wille smits in 1991 with the objectives of orangutan reintroduction, rehabilitation, and protection of wildlife habitat protected by law, especially orangutans and providing information, outreach an d e du c at i on , c om mu n it y capacity building, community empowerment, and community awareness-raising. bos manages the orangutan rescue, rehabilitation, and reintroduction program in east and central kalimantan. bos foundation has a vision of «realizing the conservation of the orangutan of kalimantan and its habitat with community participation,» and its mission of reintroduction, p r o t e c t i o n , c o m m u n i t y empowerment, research and education, collaboration, and institutional capacity (bos, bos foundation vision and mission). the bos foundation’s efforts to save orangutans include conducting c amp ai g ns to t he bro a d e r community both in indonesia and internationally. the campaigns are like the #orangutanfreedom, # c l i m b f o r o r a n g u t a n , a n d #savedodo on social media such as facebook, twitter, instagram, the official website, and others. besides, bos, as an organization based in indonesia, has done many collaborations with several overseas organizations, universities, and palm oil companies. the presence of bos australia, bos germany, and bos switzerland marks the expansion of this organization. the bos foundation manages two reintroduction programs, namely nyaru menteng in central kalimantan and samboja lestari in east kalimantan. both bos foundation programs focus on rehabilitation and reintroduction activities, in line with national policies and international guidelines and criteria (iucn). when an orangutan baby lives separately from its mother, they lose all learning time early. therefore, rehabilitation aims to equip orangutans who have lost their mothers by providing them with skills in how to survive. after they are old enough and have the skills, they are ready to be released into the forest. to date, the bos foundation has rescued more than 12,000 orangutans in central and east kalimantan and currently cares for more than 450 orangutans anggi nurul qomari’ah the effort of ngo bos (borneo orangutan survival) foundation 103 in nyaru menteng (bos, bos foundation’s vision and mission). then how did the b os foundation’s efforts in saving orangutans and their habitat succeed? through this paper, the author will reveal how the b os foundation’s campaign and cooperation with several international partners. theoretical framework advocacy is an effort to improve or change public policies following the wishes or interests of those who urge these changes. the word advocacy comes from the english word ‘to advocate.’ it can mean ‘to defend’ (a case in court) to advance or to promote, to try to create a new one that has never existed (to create) or can also mean making changes in an organized and systematic (to change) (azizah, 2013). advocacy activities at the local, national, and international levels involve various parties/ organizations described in the following coordination triangle: 22 lost their mothers by providing them with skills in how to survive. after they are old enough and have the skills, they are ready to be released into the forest. to date, the bos foundation has rescued more than 100222 orangutans in central and east kalimantan and currently cares for more than 422 orangutans in nyaru menteng (bos, bos foundation's vision and mission). then how did the bos foundation's efforts in saving orangutans and their habitat succeed? through this paper, the author will reveal how the bos foundation's campaign and cooperation with several international partners. theoretical framework advocacy is an effort to improve or change public policies following the wishes or interests of those who urge these changes. the word advocacy comes from the english word 'to advocate.' it can mean 'to defend' (a case in court) to advance or to promote, to try to create a new one that has never existed (to create) or can also mean making changes in an organized and systematic (to change) (azizah, 0213). advocacy activities at the local, national, and international levels involve various parties/organizations described in the following coordination triangle: supporting work (supporting units) provide funding, logistics, data support, information, and access. frontline work (front lines) conduct the function of a spokesperson, negotiator, lobbyists, involved in the legislation process, and rally allies. base work (ground-underground works) 'kitchen' advocacy movement: building a mass base, cadre political education, forming the core circumference, mobilization actions. scheme 1. coordination between actors involved in advocacy source: tomatimasang et al., nur azizah, advocacy for women's quota in indonesia, 0213, lp3m umy: yogyakarta scheme 1. coordination between actors involved in advocacy source: tomatimasang et al., nur azizah, advocacy for women’s quota in indonesia, 2013, lp3m umy: yogyakarta in this journal, the author uses an advocacy framework. the main objective of advocacy is to change public policy. the purpose of advocacy activities specifically in the context of forming public opinion and raising time is not merely to make people just know 104 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 but how to get involved and act. advocacy does affect not only the contents of people’s heads but also the contents of people’s hearts. advocacy is not just changing one’s cognition (knowledge, insight), but also influencing the affection (feelings, concerns, attitudes, and behaviors) of many people. thus, advocacy activities are engaged in all types and processes of public policy formation targeted so that advocacy activities require the involvement of many parties with different expertise specifications but systematically organized. from the explanation above, advocacy activities involve many parties/actors (action groups) who act as initiators/initiators of advocacy, parties who conduct mass mobilization, parties who act as data providers (usually research institutions), parties who act as providers of funds, those involved in the legislative process and those who act as spokespersons and lobbies who will form a network of advocacy movements (azizah, women’s quota advocacy, 2013). in its implementation, the work of supporting units become providers of funds, logistics. others are those who partner and collaborate as well as bos foundation donors. among them are swiss bos, australian bos, save the orangutan, and many more. they are the ones who collaborate and provide information and access to the international community regarding saving orangutans and their habitat. as for the necessary work section, such as building a mass base, the mobilization of action is carried out by national and international communities who are involved and care for orangutans. through programs run by bos, such as campaigns through social media and education about orangutans to schools, this ngo helped mass gather and built small communities about the importance of saving orangutans and their habitats. meanwhile, the last one, front line work, is the bos foundation itself. bos is involved in the process of saving and releasing orangutans in cooperation with bksda and klhk. for example is the bos foundation, in collaboration with the directorate general of ecosystem natural resources conservation (ksdae), in the release of albino orangutans named alba. the decision to return alba becomes the only albino orangutan ever recorded in the wild. supporting the commitment of the government, especially klhk, is to protect all protected wildlife, especially anggi nurul qomari’ah the effort of ngo bos (borneo orangutan survival) foundation 105 orangutans and their habitats. this release activity also received support from central kalimantan governor sugianto sabran. the head of indonesia’s creative economy agenc y (bekraf), tr iawan munaf, and director of biodiversity conservation indra exploitasia also conveyed their form of appreciation (yulianto, 2018). discussion about the borneo orangutan orangutan population in the last 30 years continues to decline. this population decline occurred because of the ineffective efforts of the government to stop the rate of forest destruction as the orangutan’s original habitat. also, threats to the survival of orangutans and their habitats are still rife due to illegal hunting, forest conversion for interests outside forestry activities such as plantations, agriculture, de velopment, and indust r y. orangutans are now on the verge of extinction due to habitat degradation and fragmentation. the rate of forest degradation and fragmentation as orangutan’s original habitat is still difficult to stop. besides, the protection of orangutan habitat inside and outside conservation areas is still shallow. in general, forest exploitation or illegal logging activities do not meet the standards for sustainable forest management. reduce impact logging (ril), high conservation value forest (hcvf), or restoring logged over land (rlol) programs do not have a full implementation yet in forest exploitation. if forest degradation continues, the orangutans will become the first ape species to be extinct from the wild (kuswanda, 2014). b or ne an orangut ans are increasingly experiencing a decline due to high habitat destruction caused by human activities. orangutans themselves belong to endangered species (iucn 2014), and this status rose in 2016 to critically endangered (ventie angeli a nawangs ar i, 2016). orangutan life is dependent on the condition of the forest, which is still good, and as primates, orangutans need fruits as their primary food source. the main factors causing it are hunting, conversion of forest land into oil palm plantations, and habitat destruction due to logging both licensed and unlicensed. also, conflicts with humans and habitat fragmentation have caused an orangutan population decline of 25 percent in the last ten years (nugraha, 2017). 106 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 table 1. current number of orangutans general names scientific names population estimation status bornean orangutan pongo pygmaeus 57.350 endangered sumatran orangutan pongo abelli 14.470 endangered tapanuli orangutan pongo tapanuliensis <800 endangered source: http://orangutan.or.id/orangutans-fact/ bos foundation as an ngo f o c u s i n g o n o r a n g u t a n conservation the bos foundation saved more than 2,000 orangutans until 2016. bos will continue to promise to protect the presence of bornean orangutans. one of the big problems is the status of orangutans, who are now at a very endangered level. with efforts to release and maintain the location of the forest where the release will undoubtedly guarantee this species will continue to exist. aside from that, to succeed in releasing orangutans, the bos foundation certainly embraces various stakeholders. during the release process, bos always establishes communication with the ministry of environment and forestr y, central kalimantan provincial government, katingan regency government, pulang pisau regency, central kalimantan bksda, and bukit baka bukit raya national park office. bos also cooperated and received support from the people of katingan regency, the global partners of bos australia, bos germany, bos switzerland, bos england, and save the orangutan. it is also donors from the business world, such as pt sumberma sarana tbk and individual donors (gazali, 2019). the existence of bos as an ngo that focuses on the environment and conservation in kalimantan is the spearhead in solving various problems that occur in orangutans. orangutans are creatures that live among the trees, which means spending their entire lives under the tropical rain forests of borneo. however, now, many of their natural habitats have changed to oil palm land. the risk of environmental threats is high for bornean orangutans living in parts of lowland forests or those located near peatlands. anggi nurul qomari’ah the effort of ngo bos (borneo orangutan survival) foundation 107 as orangutan conservation, bos certainly requires a large number of funds. each orangutan usually costs idr 35 million per year for food, nutrition, health, and other needs. bos samboja lestari is working on approximately 114 employees to manage an area of 1,800 hectares in which there are orangutans and honey bears. during the year, at least bos needs a fund of around rp 7 billion for the conservation of orangutans and honey bears (gazali, bosf invites stakeholders to succeed in orangutan release, 2019). the bos foundation currently treats more than 750 orangutans with the support of 400 employees. communities can participate in bos programs in various ways. for example, giving donations, adopting orangutans, or becoming a field officer (lifesaver). the bos foundation also sells multiple items that can be bought by the wider community, such as t-shirts, dry bags, and special edition flazz cards. then the proceeds from the sale will be distributed to various orangutan conservation activities under bos foundation programs (atmodjo, 2018). besides, the need for support from partners or international organizations and donors for the smooth conservation program to save orangutan habitat. bos foundation’s efforts to save orangutans bos foundation focuses on saving orangutans. it has several strategies or ways to save orangutans so that there is no continuous extinction. among the ways undertaken by the bos foundation, it provides awareness to the broader community through orangutan care campaigns by using hashtags such as climbfororangutan, orangutanfreedom, savedodo. in collaboration with establishing relationships with international partners also focus on animal handling and conservation. climb for orangutan through the #climb for orangutan campaign, the bos foundation opened an adoption whereby the community could contribute rupiahs to help the orangutans. however, orangutans are not pets. the community provides enough to help restore orangutans. the adoption package has four categories, namely a monthly package in which the community can contribute rp. 100.000,per month, a six-month package that is rp. 500.000,-, a 12-month package of 12 million 108 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 rupiahs and a particular adoptee of 1.5 million rupiahs. besides, people can also increase public awareness of the existence of orangutans. one of them is with a photo of a self-climbing then spreading it through social media with the hashtag climbfororangutan. this campaign idea was launched by the bos foundation, which aims to increase public awareness of the importance of saving orangutans. through this campaign, activists also want to spread the message that the current condition of orangutans is increasingly marginalized and alarming due to the burning of forests for farming or clearing oil palm land (linggasari, 2016). orangutanfreedom in 2017, the bos foundation also officially launched the #orangutanfreedom campaign. t h i s c a m p a i g n p r o v i d e s opportunities for people around the world through a competition given by the bos foundation and presents a rare prize and memorable trip. lucky winners will get a chance to travel to kalimantan. the winner will meet directly with orangutans and be involved in the process of releasing into the wild. the bos foundation states that 2017 is a year of freedom, with the immediate target of giving freedom to 200 orangutans in the rehabilitation center. according to the ceo of bos foundation jamartin sihite, this campaign aims to provide a public understanding of the links between orangutan release and the preservation of this endemic indonesian animal. so anyone can join using the #orangutanfreedom hashtag. the more people involved, the higher the concern about the importance of protecting unique animals in their natural habitats (fathurahman, 2017). t he # o r ang ut an fre e d om campaign successfully united bos foundation and partners in a globally focused campaign for the first time. in the context of this campaign, the bos foundation succeeded in providing freedom for 170 orangutans, of whom 95 were moved from rehabilitation complexes to pre-release islands. at the same time, 75 orangutans were released into the forest. in 2017, the bos foundation also won an award, the world branding award animalis edition. it is an achievement for bosf and the entire team in realizing the bos foundation as a trusted name in the fields of orangutan welfare, rehabilitation, release, preservation, and long-term conservation and care. the bos foundation also found anggi nurul qomari’ah the effort of ngo bos (borneo orangutan survival) foundation 109 an endangered species of orangutan, the albino orangutan in tanggirang village, kapuas hulu district, kapuas district, c entral kalimantan. although alba has useful life experience, it needs to require a well-planned rehabilitation strategy. various symptoms of albinism, namely the lack of melanin pigment in her hair and skin, can cause health complications such as vision, poor hearing, skin cancer making alba more susceptible to hunting or predators. after undergoing a year of rehabilitation at nyaru menteng, alba was released into the bukit baka bukit raya national park (tnbbbr), and monitoring continued until june 2019 (bosf, bos highlights 2017, 2018). savedodo the population of bornean orangutans has decreased by 75 percent since 1990. the decline in the orangutan population is due to land clearing carried out in their natural habitat and illegal trade and poaching. therefore, one of the strategies and ways to avoid or overcome this is the bos foundation together with swissbelhotel international (sbi) and with support from quicksilver indonesia (qs) and coca-cola amatil indonesia (ccai) taking concrete steps to prevent their extinction. bornean orangutans by taking concrete steps through the #savedodo campaign. dodo is one of the orangutans saved from becoming an icon in this campaign. this initiative was to help people who want to participate in saving orangutans in kalimantan (bosf, help us build new homes for orangutan babies, 2016). swiss belhotel international chairman and president, gavin m. faull said, “at sbi, we understand and contribute to the country, culture, and environment where we manage our property. initially, we started this campaign to take a stand on environmental issues in borneo (kalimantan), one of the areas where we operate. however, we realize that this is not an easy step taken alone. the support of qs and ccai allows us to strengthen the scale of this campaign so that it can create a greater impact.” (bosf, help us build new homes for orangutans, 2016) fundraising for the #savedodo campaign would be through the sale of the #savedodo t-shirt designed specifically by quicksilver and go on sale as of december 2015. the proceeds from the collected funds will be for the rehabilitation of dodo and other bornean orangutans in bos foundation rehabilitation. 110 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 jacqui sunderland-groves as deputy ceo of the bos foundation said: «through the purchase of #savedodo t-shirts, everyone can help ensure orangutans receive adequate care and rehabilitation and have the opportunity to return to their habitat safely. with the recent forest fires in kalimantan, many orangutans suffer, and their survival is threatened, so conservation must be done immediately. now, more than ever, we need a helping hand from various parties to support orangutan conservation efforts.” (cca, 2016) meanwhile, sammy gosling as marketing executive of quicksilver southeast asia said: «quicksilver is a company that promotes a healthy board riding lifestyle, which relies heavily on the cleanliness of beaches, roads, and mountains. in bali, together with coca-cola amatil indonesia, we are actively cleaning the beaches. as a result, we have seen how the tur tle population significantly increases with the improvement of beach cleanliness. in this #savedodo campaign, we are proud to be working with organizations that share the same vision and mission in supporting the conservation of the orangutan population. we hope to make a difference jointly.” (cca, 2016) kristy nelwan said the same thing as head of corporate communications of coca-cola amatil indonesia: «being part of the #savedodo campaign is an important step in contributing to the conservation of our forests. for ccai as a leading soft drink sales, producer, and distributor company that has been operating for almost 24 years in indonesia, we understand the importance of participating and making changes for a sustainable future.” with only rp.145,000 rp.245,000 per t-shirt, the community can contribute and ensure dodo and his friends can continue to survive for generations to come (cca, 2016). partnership program in 2018, around may-june, representatives from the bos foundation and all international organization partners attended meetings in switzerland and g e r m any t o c o ord i n at e a fundraising and communication activity, including a global campaign through a serial promotion strategy on television, namely the orangutan jungle school (ojs). natural history new zealand (nhnz) produced this ojs containing documentation of the development of the orangutan from the bos anggi nurul qomari’ah the effort of ngo bos (borneo orangutan survival) foundation 111 foundation through the process of rehabilitation and reintroduction, and all activities at the rehabilitation center both in nyaru menteng and samboja lestari. the first season of 2018 from ojs was released in various countries such as indonesia, myanmar, papua new guinea, australia, and singapore. version 3 of the series was broadcasted on british tv channels and received much attention and coverage in foreign media such as the usa, italy, china, and japan. since the level of enthusiasm in these four countries was high, the ojs series would air in their country in 2019 (bosf, bos highlights 2018, 2019). in 2018, around may-june, representatives from the bos foundation and all international organization partners attended meetings in switzerland and g e r m any t o c o ord i n at e a fundraising and communication activity, including a global campaign through a serial promotion strategy on television, namely the orangutan jungle school (ojs). natural history new zealand (nhnz) produced this ojs containing documentation of the development of the orangutan from the bos foundation through the process of rehabilitation and reintroduction, and all activities at the rehabilitation center both in nyaru menteng and samboja lestari. the first season of 2018 from ojs was released in various countries such as indonesia, myanmar, papua new guinea, australia, and singapore. version 3 of the series was broadcasted on british tv channels and received much attention and coverage in foreign media such as the usa, italy, china, and japan. since the level of enthusiasm in these four countries was high, the ojs series would air in their country in 2019 (bosf, bos highlights 2018, 2019). through the campaign by the bos foundation and the parties involved in this program, the orangutan population will not be extinct. in addition to protecting orangutans, the habitat of the orangutan itself is critical, because the orangutan habitat provides many benefits and preserves the ecosystem. however, humans are still unaware of how essential orangutans are in our lives. orangutan is an umbrella species that can maintain forest regeneration so that they can keep the existing forests. ignorance about orangutans often creates orangutan and human conflicts. humans perceive orangutans as pests that disturb their plantation areas and consider this a threat. then how to manage this conflict? the best way is 112 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 to protect the habitat and population of the orangutan. through the efforts carried out by the bos foundation is one of the significant steps to campaign for orangutans both nationally and internationally. this campaign strategy is the best solution provided so that people understand and begin to realize how vital orangutan habitat and population are. the hashtag #climbfororangutan, # o r a n g u t a n f r e e d o m , a n d #savedodo campaigns are useful in an era that is aware of technology like today. campaigns can be through social media such as facebook, twitter, instagram, etc. besides, it does not escape the attention of the bos foundation, the community around the release area is also given education about feeding orangutans properly, and socializing the importance of orangutans for human’s lives. conclusion orangutan is one of the endemic animals of the island of borneo, which currently lives in a threatening condition. the existence of illegal logging and illegal burning of forests makes the orangutan population increasingly decreases. the rescuers make various efforts like building captive orangutan after seeing the current condition of the orangutans that they can live comfortably and without threats. the convention on international trade in endangered species of wild fauna and flora (cites) has agreed that orangutans are one of the endangered primates and are animals to protect. the government regulates the protection of animals and plants through law no. 5 of 1990 concerning conservation of natural resources and ecosystems and government regulation no. 7 of 1999 concerning preservation of plant and animal species. in dealing with the problem of orangutans, of course, the role of government alone is not enough, and there is a need for cooperation from related organizations, the contribution, and participation of ngos (nong ov e r n m e nt o r g a n i z at i on s ) greatly assist the government in the preservation and development of the orangutan itself. borneo orangutan survival foundation is an ngo that focuses on saving orangutans. there are two programs focused on saving orangutans, namely samboja lestari in east kalimantan and nyaru menteng in central kalimantan, which focuses on orangutan rehabilitation and reintroduction. b or ne o orangut an sur v iva l anggi nurul qomari’ah the effort of ngo bos (borneo orangutan survival) foundation 113 foundation (bosf) is a non-profit organization or ngo in indonesia and was founded by dr. wille smits in 1991 with the objectives of orangutan reintroduction, rehabilitation, and protection of wildlife habitat protected by law, especially orangutans and providing information, outreach an d e du c at i on , c om mu n it y capacity building, community empowerment, and community awareness-raising. as an ngo that focuses on saving orangutans, the bos foundation has many strategies, including through a campaign that aims to make people aware of the importance of orangutans and their habitat in our lives and to help protect these endemic native indonesian animals. campaigns are held, such as #climbfororangutan, # o r a n g u t a n f r e e d o m , a n d #savedodo. bos also carries out cooperation/partnership programs with international partners, and donors are higher than those of existing and overseas-based organizations. through this bos foundation, the author sees how an ngo that is very structural and very focused in dealing with orangutans and their habitat, has four programs, bos foundation has staff who are experts in their respective fields. collaborate with organizations that are focused on animal rescue and conservation and have official partners abroad, namely bos australia, bos switzerland, and bos germany. in its activities, bos always receives donations for those who care about orangutans, and bos also sells various merchandise for sustainable orangutan life. furthermore, the author sees a lack of financial support from the government because 80% of the funds come from official bos foundation partners. this research has led to the conclusion that the strategy by the bos foundation in saving orangutans through campaigns and seeking cooperation with other ingos was considered successful. through the campaign, the global community knows and can participate in saving orangutans. the development programs of the bos foundation, which provide education to rural communities and orangutan goes to school (ogts), are also well implemented. the total bos revenue reached more than seven billion seen from the many activities and programs carried out in 2018. it is to thank the support of bos cooperation partners and donors who come from many 114 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 countries. individual fundraising, such as donations, adoption, and purchase of orangutan merchandise in 2018, has also increased thanks to a large number of new donors. countries whose communities re g u l ar ly prov i d e f i n an c i a l assistance to bos programs include the united kingdom, germany, denmark, switzerland, america, and australia. once the magnitude of the international community’s concern for the population of orangutans and their habitats. indeed, as owners of these endemic animals, humans can care for and take care of how important orangutans are to lives. references arum silvana, m. t. (2017). gerakan sosial yayasan borneo orangutan survival foundation (bos) berbasis komunitas dalam penyelamatan orangutan di kalimantan tengah . senaspro umm azizah, n. (2013). advokasi kuota perempuan. yogyakarta: lp3m umy. kuswanda, w. (2014). orangutan batang toru, kritis di ambang punah. bogor, jawa barat: forda press. ventie angelia nawangsari, a. h. (2016). pengelolaan pasca pelepasliaran dan aktivitas orangutan (pongo pygmaeus wurumbi groves, 2001) excaptive di suaka margasatwa lamandau. media konservasi vol 21, 36-42. atmodjo, s. (2018, desember). yuk, peduli orangutan lewat bos. dipetik oktober 2019, dari www.duniafintech.com: https:// www.duniafintech.com/yukpeduli-orang-utan-bos/ bos. (2018). tentang orangutan. dipetik desember 2018, dari http://orangutan.or.id: http:// orangutan.or.id/id/orangutan/ bos. (2016). visi dan misi bos foundation. dipetik desember 2018, dari http://orangutan. or.id: http://orangutan.or.id/ id/bosf/ bosf. (2016, januari). bantu kami membangun rumah baru bagi para bayi orangutan. dipetik september 2019, dari http://orangutan.or.id: http:// orangutan.or.id/id/latestnews/ page/37/ b osf. (2017). tentang bos foundation. dipetik juli 2019, dari orangutan.or.id: https:// orangutan.or.id bosf. (2018). bos highlights 2017. dipetik desember 2018, anggi nurul qomari’ah the effort of ngo bos (borneo orangutan survival) foundation 115 dari orangutan.or.id: http:// orangutan.or.id bosf. (2019). bos highlights 2018. dipetik april 2019, dari orangutan.or.id: http:// orangutan.or.id cca. (2016, desember). bos foundation, swiss-belhotel inter nasional, quciksilver indonesia, dan coca-cola amatil indonesia luncurkan kampanye #savedodo. dipetik september 2019, dari http:// coca-colaamatil.co.id: http:// coca-colaamatil.co.id/news/ d e t a i l / 4 3 . 4 0 . 4 7 . 1 0 7 / b o s found at ion-sw iss-b el hoteli n t e r n a t i o n a l q u i k s i l v e r i n d o n e s i a d a n c o c a c o l a amatil-indonesia-luncurkankampanye-savedodo fathurahman. (2017, oktober). dijamin seru! kampanye #orangutanfreedom berhadiah, bisa nikmati perjalanan ke habitat orangutan. dipetik s e p t e m b e r 2 0 1 9 , d a r i b a n j a r m a s i n . t r i b u n n e w s . com: https://banjarmasin. tribunnews.com/2017/10/02/ d i j a m i n s e r u k a m p a n y e orangutanfreedom-berhadiahbisa-nikmati-perjalanan-kehabitat-orangutan gazali, r. (2019, maret). bosf ajak pemangku kepentingan sukseskan pelepasanliaran orangutan. dipetik oktober 2019, dari www.borneonews. co.id: https://www.borneonews. c o. i d / b e r i t a / 1 1 9 3 9 7 b o s f ajak-pemangku-kepentingansukseskan-pelepasanliaranorangutan linggasari, y. (2016, november). m e m a n j a t p o h o n , menyelamatkan orangutan. dipetik s eptember 2019, dari www.cnnindonesia.com: https://w w w.cnnindonesi a. c o m / g ay a h i d u p / 2 0 1 4 1 1 0 6 185054-269-10124/memanjatp o h o n m e n y e l a m a t k a n orangutan nugraha, i. (2017, november). populasi orangutan kalimantan cenderung menurun, perlindungan habitat menjadi keharusan. dipetik februari 2019, dari www.mongabay. co.id: https://www.mongabay. co.id/2017/11/21/populasi-orangutan-kalimantan-cenderung-menurun-perlindunganhabitat-menjadi-keharusan/ nur, a. (2017, desember). kenali l ebi h d ekat o rang utan indonesia. dipetik desember 2018, dari www.wwf.or.id: http s : / / w w w. w w f . or. i d / r s s . cfm?unewsid=63143 116 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 rahmadi, r. (2016, agustus). naik status, perlindungan orangutan kalimantan dan habitatnya harus serius. dipetik agustus 2018, dari www.mongabay. co.id: https://www.mongabay. co.id/2016/08/20/naik-statusp e r l i n d u n g a n o r a n g u t a n kalimantan-dan-habitatnyaharus-serius/ teroka borneo. (2018). dipetik agustus 2018, dari lokasi pe n a n g k a r a n o r a n g u t a n d i ka l i m ant an : http s : / / terokaborneo.com w w f. ( 2 0 1 6 ) . o r a n g u t a n kalimantan. dipetik april 2019, dari www.wwf.or.id: https:// w w w. w w f . o r. i d / p r o g r a m / spesies/orangutan_kalimantan/ wwf. (2018). sahabat orangutan. dip etik des emb er 2018, dari www.supporterwwf.org: https://w w w.supp or ter w wf. org/donation/6/sahabat-satwa/ sahabat-orangutan.html islamic world and politics vol. 4. no.1 june 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 iran defensive attitudes towards united states’ offensive politics: analysis of iran’s nuclear development programs ahmad zainal mustofa postgraduate of uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta email: m.ahmadzainal@gmail.com abstrak artikel ini menjelaskan tentang sikap yang ditunjukkan iran terhadap serangan, tekanan, maupun kecaman amerika serikat khususnya dalam program perkembangan nuklir mereka. melalui teori ofensif-defensif dari stephen van evera, artikel ini menjelaskan empat determinan yang menjadikan iran akhirnya menerapkan sikap defensif terhadap sikap ofensif dari amerika serikat. empat determinan tersebut meliputi perkembangan teknologi militer, kondisi geografis, konstelasi sosial politik, dan tatanan diplomasi. selanjutnya artikel ini memaparkan empat determinan tersebut dan mengaitkannya dengan program pengembangan nuklir iran dan juga respon dari amerika serikat. dengan demikian, terlihat bahwa iran menunjukkan sikap defensif terhadap sikap ofensif amerika serikat. kata kunci: ofensif, defensif, pengembangan nuklir iran, amerika serikat, sosial politik. abstract: this article explains the attitude that iran shows towards the attacks, pressures, and condemnation of the united states, especially in its nuclear development program. through stephen van evera’s offensive-defensive theory, this article explains four determinants that led iran to finally adopt a defensive attitude towards all offensive from the united states. the four determinants include the development of military technology, geographical conditions, socio-political constellation, and the order of diplomacy. furthermore, this article describes the four determinants and relates them to iran’s nuclear development program 16 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 introduction iran’s nuclear program is currently a hot issue discussed internationally. the development of this technology is reaping the problems of the united states and other western countries, which incidentally already has thousands of nuclear weapons. according to data obtained from the stockholm international peace research institute (sipri), there are at least eight countries that have around 4,400 operational nuclear weapons. these countries are the united states, russia, britain, france, china, india, pakistan, and israel (herianto, 2013, p. 168). iran’s efforts in developing nuclear weap ons technolog y have not been in vain. they get a lot of support from non-aligned countries. iran is indeed active in building relations by doing diplomatic missions and is also intensely approaching its nonaligned countries on an ongoing basis. fortunately, iran’s efforts get a quick response from these countries, marked when representatives o f n o n a l i g n e d c o u n t r i e s announced support for iran over the development of the nuclear program at a meeting of members of the international atomic energy agency (iaea) (gogary, 2013, p. 143). however, not all countries, especially western countries, welcome the development of iran’s nuclear technology. the united states is the most violent country in opposing iran’s nuclear program. most recently, when iran conducted missile weapons testing for national defense, the us accused it as a program violating un resolution (kompas, 2018). the united states always tries to stop iran’s domination in the middle east region, because they are doing propaganda to prevent other developing countries from maintaining its existence as a super power country. in early 2002, us then-president george herbert walker bush said in a congress the «axis of evil,» which included north and the response of the united states. thus, it appears that iran is showing a defensive towards the united states offensive. keywords: offensive, defensive, iran’s nuclear development, united states, social politics. ahmad zainal mustofa iran defensive attitudes towards united states’ offensive politics 17 korea, iran, and iraq (brinkley, 2004, p. 945). although bush’s speech was devoted to iraq under saddam hussein’s leadership, the us still regarded iran as a to-watchout-for enemy. fur thermore, the author focuses on the attitude shown by iran through its nuclear program developed towards american pressure and attacks from various angles and sides, since various efforts have also been made by the united states to prevent iran from developing its weapons further. the author tries to untangle the tension between the united states and iran in its nuclear development program using offensive-defensive theory. research method the research method used is a descriptive-analytical method, which is a method of collecting data by gathering relevant data to the discussion first, then analyzing them. the data collection technique used in this study was the documentation technique. documentation technique is a technique of collecting data sourced from documents, such as books, journals, newspapers, magazines, and research reports as research data (moehnilabib, 1997, p. 89). the author will describe iran’s defensive attitude actualized in concrete steps, especially regarding iran’s nuclear program to deal with pressure from the united states. the author filtered all sources to produce accurate data accommodating forms of tension that occurred substantially and permanently. the theory used was stephen van evera’s offensive-defensive theory. this theory adopts the concept of a security dilemma owned by robert jer vis. the security dilemma itself can be a form of action and reaction that occurs in countries. actions taken by one country in increasing its security will have an impact on the protection of another country as an effort to weaken the safety of these countries (alghifari & letticia, 2016, p. 20). the basic pattern of offensive-defensive theory balance is that when offense dominates, what happens is an increase in the security dilemma, then followed by arms competition. eventually, war will likely occur. however, people can avoid it through defense more dominant than offense (glaser & kauffman, 1998, p. 45). based on this explanation, the author will describe iran’s behavior based on four determinants contained in the offensive-defensive theory in which iran’s position is as 18 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 a defender, as follows (evera, 1998, p. 16-22): a) militar y technolog y and doctrine for the aggressor country or the defender country, military technology can undoubtedly benefit them. the change accompanied by an increase in military capability will be from data on iranian spending and spending. the author will, of course, see the difference in the perception of the united states government as a factor that makes iran strengthen its military. b) geography geographically, iran is adjacent to the persian gulf, the gulf of oman, and the caspian gulf. being in a strategic position for trade routes certainly makes america want to control the region to secure its national interests. b esides, iran’s geographical location holds substantial resources. these resources come from oil and gas reserves, whose production costs are lower than other oilproducing countries (printina, 2019, p. 50). c) political and social order the 1979 iranian revolution was t he momentum of ayatollah khomeini to use his influence in changing foreign policy, especially with the us. khomeini has laid iran’s political foundation that is not in line with the us, then followed by his successors. it is the starting point for the emergence of attacks and unrelenting pressure from the us. d) diplomatic arrangement iran conducts diplomacy with us non-affiliated alliance countries as back-ups in strengthening the country’s resilience, also supported by the strengthening of iranian military forces as an essential element to face national threats that could occur at any time. discussion te c h n o l o g y a n d m i l i t a r y development in 1960, iran, then led by president shah reza pahlavi, developed its nuclear power. at that time, iran received a lot of help from western countries such as america, germany, and france. iran’s nuclear installation was initially only for research purposes with 5 megawatts of power, which ahmad zainal mustofa iran defensive attitudes towards united states’ offensive politics 19 then began operating in 1967, then added cooperation between iran and france and germany for the construction of power plants. however, on its way, when the end of reza pahlavi’s rule, iran’s cooperation with these western countries ended. iran continues its nuclear development program after the revolution without the will of the west. this issue is what triggers iran in the western view as a power that can endanger them, no longer as partners (sahide, 2017, p. 154). in 1979, iran underwent a revolution, and relations between the two countries became broken. muslim politics also became very influential towards the end of the 20th century, both on the perception of islam and muslim and western relations. this issue continues to haunt the us causing distrust and shock due to the fall of the pahlavi’s regime. the white house worries about the emergence of radical islamic fundamentalism or khomeinism, which will spread to other countries after this revolution (esposito, 2010, p. 99). ayatollah khomeini, as the leader of the iranian revolution, even gave the nickname to america as the great satan. it is what makes america always blame iran as a country that causes conditions in the middle east to deteriorate, especially in the gulf region. unfortunately, relations between iran and america also reheated when mahmoud ahmadinejad was elected president of iran. america began to shake ahmadinejad with various issues, including nuclear issues. the controversy over iran’s nuclear program by the us becomes a revisionist force in the middle east regional system. it is this factor that makes america see iran as a serious threat to us interests in the middle east. according to america, iran is slowly but surely becoming the leading country in the middle east region sahide, 2013, p. 100-102). the government, the iranian military, and also its population widely support iran’s nuclear program. at the same time, obtaining nuclear weapons capability is rarely explicitly supported by iranian officials or others. nuclear weapons are regularly as counterproductive and anti-islamic. all of iran’s nuclear infrastructure underground enrichment facilities in natanz, uranium conversion plants in esfahan, bushehr nuclear power plant, heavy water plutonium production plant in arak, and enrichment facilities in qom, located inside a mountain base operated by revolutionary guards 20 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 shows the iranian leadership. it is pursuing nuclear capabilities that can lead to the production of operational nuclear weapons. after the end of the iran-iraq war, the nuclear program had a revitalization. there was significant progress during the presidency of khatami (1997-2005), which in turn was a relatively moderate and pragmatism period in iran’s foreign policy. khatami sought a policy of engagement with the iaea and the european union (eu) to reach a compromise on the nuclear program. iran even suspended uranium enrichment in 2003 as a sign of commitment. khatami’s policy does not lead to a complete halt to the nuclear program, but it did open up opportunities for iran and the international community to resolve the nuclear standoff. it also facilitated khatami’s efforts to reduce iran’s isolation and improve relations with critical regional countries, such as saudi arabia, and with european powers, such as france and germany. as a result, iran was able to attract more significant foreign trade and investment (davis et al., 2011). nuclear program agreement to d ay, t he de velopment of science and technology is progressing so rapidly, not least in terms of the use of nuclear power. the development of nuclear technology is indeed inseparable from the conditions and political situation during the world war. it causes developed nuclear technology to make weapons for war in the form of nuclear bombs. from this fact, the term nuclear is often associated with weapons (akhadi, 1997, p. 10). nuclear weapons are the primary concern of countries in the international community, both for the owner and non-possessor of nuclear weapons. nuclear tests conducted by countries outside p5 pose a threat not only to p5 countries themselves but to the international community in general. nuclear is a problem that disrupts global security and causes the future of world peace on the verge of collapse (yustiningrum, 2016, p. 24). the figure of nuclear ownership countries, 2018 ahmad zainal mustofa iran defensive attitudes towards united states’ offensive politics 21 in 2015, there was a world nuclear agreement that was mutually agreed upon by britain, france, germany, china, russia, and the us. the critical parameter of the joint comprehensive plan of act (jcpoa) is a discussion of the islamic republic of iran. the nuclear program agreement took place in lausanne, switzerland. the main points of the debate on the deal, are (jps.ucpress.edu, 2015): 1. iran has agreed to reduce about two-thirds of the installed centrifuges. iran will change from having around 19,000 installed today to 6,104 installed according to the agreement, with only 5,060 uranium looking rich for ten years. all6, 104 centrifuges are ir-1, iran’s first-generation centrifuges. iran has agreed not to enrich uranium by more than 3.67 percent for at least 15 years. 2. iran has decided to reduce its c ur rent sto ckpile of around 10,000 kg of lowenriched uranium (leu) to 300 kilograms from 3.67 percent leu for 15 years. all centrifugal infrastructure and over-enrichment will be placed in iaea-monitored storage and will only be used as a replacement for outward operations and equipment. 3. iran has agreed not to build new facilities to enrich uranium for 15 years. 4. iran’s flight timeline the time needed for iran to get enough fissile material for one weapon is currently valued at 2 to 3 months. that time frame will be extended at least one year, for at least ten years, under this framework. after reaching an agreement from the negotiations, on july 22 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 14, 2015, us president barack obama held a press conference at the white house. he explained that the negotiations aimed to spread the distribution of nuclear weapons in the middle east so that the international community could ensure that iran would obey and respect this agreement by not developing nuclear weapons. the argument presented by obama regarding the nuclear deal with iran is that america is free from potential direct threats to the national security of its country, which can come from countries that possess nuclear weapons. iran is one of the states noted by america, especially in bush’s era as a country to watch out for and anticipate (rofii, 2015, p. 32). with iran’s oil production reaching 2 million barrels per day, the us hopes to partner with them again to meet the needs of large-scale energy supply. this step will benefit the us so that it can compensate for russia, which dominates iran. besides, western countries’ embargoes have narrowed iran’s market reach in the past decade. the us and the uk are the countries that will benefit from the situation. the two countries that have economic motives will use the oil sector, such as shell, chevron, and british petroleum, to get involved in iran’s oil and gas exploration projects. the latest technology owned by the west can produce iranian oil by 3.3 million barrels per day. us and european entrepreneurs choose a realistic strategy from this causality. they will get oil and gas resources, while iran will be able to expand its market reach to an international level (rofii, 2015, p. 33). d o c t r i n e a n d g e o g r ap h i c conditions iran has the doctrine of military defense as the world countries in general. nevertheless, iran is unique in the aspect of military security. the uniqueness lies in iran’s defense strategy that relies on strengthening to defend from enemy attacks. it is the main philosophy and doctrine of iran’s military defense system. the doctrine of this defensive teaching comes from the teachings of islam, in which the history of islam itself shows how the prophet muhammad never started a war. all types of warfare carried out by the prophet muhammad are in the context of resistance and selfdefense against enemies who attack and want to wipe out muslims along with islam. islam does not allow its people to be aggressive, but muslims must be firm, and always ready to ahmad zainal mustofa iran defensive attitudes towards united states’ offensive politics 23 face all possible invasions from outside. this formidable defense will, in turn, avoid or reduce the enemy’s bad intentions to attack. the phrase that had been conveyed by ayatullah khomeini to the iranian militar y commanders made the nationalism spirit of the combat troops burn. they are to maintain the defense and security of the country from various enemy threats. however, they also will not be rash and without calculation in deciding something. they believe that a defensive strategy is the best way to make enemies think twice if they want to attack them. before the iranian revolution, the us considered iran as an essential economic partner by looking at the results of its location and geographical conditions. iran, as a ‘silk route’ and an abundant producer of gas and petroleum, makes the us not miss the opportunity to establish cooperation. both of them established trade relations in the military and petroleum fields. the us is a significant supplier of weapons to iran to meet the needs of combat weapons. also, about 20% of all oil obtained by the us comes from the middle east plains. but behind it all, there is a secret mission brought by the us and one of its interests behind cooperation with middle eastern countries. the purpose is to remove the influence of the soviet union from the arab world. the us wants to invest three things to strengthen its impact, namely: first, exploiting natural resources to gain as much wealth as possible. second, the us wants to change the ideology in the middle east that is synonymous with using the islamic system by turning it into an ideology of liberal democracy. third, the us’s desire to dominate the power in the middle east to achieve glory (sahide, 2019, p. 154). the iranian revolution has changed the political constellation and us national interests in the middle east. the us and israel are the countries affected by the revolution and have suffered many losses. the us has lost its guaranteed security of the oil routes they desperately need, while losing partners to its modern weapons industry (sahide, 2013, p. 94). ayatollah khomeini created an ideological idea in which islam was by combining iranian nationalism, which originated in religion and belief in the transnational character and the global mission of muslims through propaganda, role models, and weapons revolutions to spread islam. this idea is exporting islam revolutionary (esposito, 1996, p. 127). the influence of iran’s 24 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 dependence on the us is slowly disappearing. iran can stand without us assistance. in addition to voicing as an anti-imperialist state, iran is also very concerned about its defense and security aspects, which are essential aspects of defending the country. social and political constellations iran is a countr y with a systematic strategy in determining policy so that iran is not afraid of us criticism. even the us efforts to immerse iran so far have not produced maximum results yet. the us worries if iran will dominate the middle east region because this will make the us lose its influence in the area. there are at least seven reasons why america did not attack iran, namely (dunia.tempo.co, 2019): 1. iran has qualified military skills to deal with the united states in recent decades. iran also has experience in learning us tactics and strategy through observation during the decade of the iraq war. 2. the iranian army and the iranian revolutionary guard corps will not put their weapons on the initial attack. iran will not just give up on the initial us attack. 3. iran’s intelligence ministry is one of the best in the world. 4. the hezbollah resistance movement is likely to assist iran’s resistance to the us. 5. iran has impressive capabilities i n t he d e vel opme nt of cyberspace. 6. the us military deserves a rest after nearly a decade of the continuing war. 7. the us attack on iran will bring the united states into a bigger war. the seven reasons reinforce that the united states cannot attack iran directly. hence, the us uses the nuclear issue and, even more recently, is an iranian missile test as a propaganda tool to undermine iran’s image in the international world. the united states is well aware that if it conducts a direct attack on iran, then the us will get a lot of damage. during this time, western countries have turned a blind eye to israeli nuclear bombs that threaten security and peace in the middle east. but on the contrary, they always suppress and prevent iran from possessing nuclear and nuclear tech nology, even though it is one of the most simple and legal rights of the iranian people. iran’s closeness to venezuela, cuba, north korea, ahmad zainal mustofa iran defensive attitudes towards united states’ offensive politics 25 china, and russia has raised fears for america. they worry that the international front against american imperialism and hegemony will form after the ineffectiveness of the non-aligned movement. the fear of the united states is increasing, especially with the increasing relations and cooperation between iran-china-venezuela, especially in the oil sector (gogary, 2013, p. 143144). western countries only focus on finding loopholes to weaken iran in terms of military power and weapons. iran must accept criticism after condemnation carried out by america and its allies. but iran proves that they are a country that is not weak and timid. iran remains unmoved by us efforts to stop its existence in developing weapons. i m p l i c i t l y, k h o m e i n i ’s statement encouraging the military to strengthen weapons was an effort to prevent war. if iran had a weak military defense, it might have long been israel alone or with america attacking iran. however, because iran’s air and sea defenses are substantial, including successfully dropping a us spy plane, the rq170 sentinel at the end of 2011, the facts made israel think long before attacking iran. thus, iran’s military defensive doctrine is essentially deterrence or deterrence (gogary, 2013, p. 178). iran’s military budget statistics provide an accurate picture of the adoption of its defensive doctrine, even though the iranian economy is ranked 17th largest in the world and facing threats of attack from the us. psychologically, the shadow of the us threat could disrupt iran’s calm due to the psywar. however, iran still has the confidence to uphold the principle of defensive defense. even though iran currently has a low budget, the region highly respects the iranian military. the following is a list of military expenditures from the top 5 countries (herianto, 2013, p. 179): countries military expenditures budget 2010 ($) % in 2009 1. usa 2. china 3. france 4. uk 5. russia 6. iran (number 25) $698,105,000,000 $114,000,000,000 $61,285,000,000 $57,424,000,000 $52,586,000,000 $9,174,000,000 4,7% 2,2% 2,5% 2,7% 4,3% 1,8% 26 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 and technology, and foreign policy (herianto, 2013, p. 179-181). in contrast to iran, the us allocates more funds for defense. with the number of defense equipment of the two countries today, the united states military strength is far more reliable than iran. the following are data on the military power of the united states and iran in 2019 (globalfirepower. com, 2019): iran is a budget-saving country for military spending, proved by iran’s success by ranking 25th in the world, even in the 6th largest in the middle east. still, iran is an independent country. they use domestic scientists and engineers to produce weapons tailored to their defensive needs. this iranian effort can save high costs. iran prefers soft power in strengthening its country, namely culture, science military forces usa iran 1. budget 2. active personnel 3. land defense 4. marine defense 5. air defense $716,000,000,000 1,281,900 people 6,287 weapons 415 weapons 13,398 weapons $6.300.000.000 532,000 people 1,634 weapons 398 weapons 509 weapons the two tables above prove that, even though iran has a minimal military budget and less military power compared to the united states, it has other ways to manage both, starting from a defensive strateg y, using scientists and engineers to prioritize soft power. it is what the united states scares from iran. in may 2018, us president donald trump withdrew from the international nuclear agreement and reinstated sanctions on iran. trump criticized the deal because there were no points of restriction on the development of iranian defense equipment, according to him. trump said that he would not let iran continue to develop nuclear because it could threaten us national defense. nuclear agreement that is valid until 2030 is to make iran free to continue its nuclear development program, so that it will create a contestation of nuclear weapons ownership in the ahmad zainal mustofa iran defensive attitudes towards united states’ offensive politics 27 middle east (international.kompas. com, 2019). furthermore, the us officially left the iranian nuclear agreement on may 8, 2018, and again imposed economic sanctions on him. the united states has still harassed iran by entering a new phase. the us is very objected to the ballistic missile test activities carried out by iran. however, iran reiterated that its missile program was only for defense testing. not only that, but the us also tried to influence other countries to simultaneously criticize iran, seen by the us’s insistence on the united nations security council (unsc) to denounce iran. on the other hand, the us also does not hesitate to impose sanctions on iran, even for the most stringent ones. iran diplomatic and united states pressure us concern about iran is a situation that can undoubtedly disturb the sound sleep of the white house. ahmadinejad’s strict statement that iran will remain consistent with the principles of the 1979 islamic revolution further aggravated the condition. also not spared, iran responds to all forms of political maneuvering carried out by western countries. so far, iran has also been active in establishing diplomatic relations with outside countries such as russia and north korea providing an injection of strength both morally and materially so that iran can stand firm under us pressure. of course, the countries that iran embraced to form diplomacy are us non-affiliated countries. this strategy also makes the us pressure the intensity against iran. in the obama era, the us conducted foreign policy towards iran by imposing economic sanctions and damaging the stability of the iranian economy by reducing imports of oil and its petroleum products. the action aimed to isolate vital objects such as the central bank of iran, which has an essential role in regulating iran’s trade flows. obama also wanted tehran to stop nuclear development activities. even obama directly threatened foreign investors who were still in the oil business with iran. the threat was in the form of decisive action against financial institutions in their countries (dw.com, 2012). the pressure on iran does not end there. efforts to intervene in iran in the trump era are much stricter. trump gave a warning to any countries cooperating with iran. they will not be allowed to establish cooperation with the us. trump 28 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 issued this statement after the us left the iranian nuclear agreement and re-imposed sanctions on iran (bbc.com, 2018). the us’s strong stance by imposing full sanctions on iran aimed to make them feel pressured that they wanted to reopen negotiations with the us regarding its nuclear program. the us also hoped that the countries involved in the signing of the jcpoa could follow in his footsteps so that iran would be in a challenging and increasingly pressured condition (rahim, 2019, p. 31). us foreign policy towards iran during obama and trump are relatively similar. the two us leaders imposed severe sanctions to pressure the government in tehran. even trump continues to exert pressure by conducting a psywar against iran, especially after the us officially left the iranian nuclear treaty and maintains a new round of implementing sanctions for iran. the us is pressing iran from various sides, such as bilateral and multilateral policies. with the repressive attitude shown, the us hopes that its systems can provide turbulence for iran’s foreign policy, especially in the economic and trade fields. this condition is essential. if the economy and business are thriving, then what happens is domestic instability that can lead to conflict and division. this kind of situation is what the us wants to maintain dominance in the middle east region without interference from iran. conclusion based on the above discussion, iran uses a defensive stance in the face of pressure and attacks from the united states. four determinants describe iran as a defender. the first is technological and military developments embodied in the nuclear development program, and the second is iran’s geographical condition as a ‘silk route’ and abundant oil and gas producers. third, the social and political constellation of iran is so systematic in determining policy, in which iran in producing weapons is more utilizing the engineers and scientists they have. fourth is iran’s diplomatic order by embracing non-affiliated us countries. iran’s defensive attitude is to offset the offensive manner carried out by the united states. although it does not attack america directly, iran is always alert and ready at any time if america wants a war. until now, america does not have enough courage to fight and attack iran directly. instead, they only ahmad zainal mustofa iran defensive attitudes towards united states’ offensive politics 29 denounce it with a variety of things, accusations, and reasons, especially regarding nuclear. it launches these criticisms with the hope that iran could not move anymore and do anything to develop its weapons. references ( 2 0 1 5 ) . t h e ir a n nu c l e a r negotiations: israel and the u.s. congress. journal of palestine studies, 44, 4, 68-92. https://doi. org/10.1525/jps.2015.44.4.68 alghifari, fadhil & raja nathania olga letticia. 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(2016). masalah senjata nuklir dan masa depan perdamaian dunia. jurnal politik lipi, 1932. islamic world and politics vol. 4. no.1 june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 reframing in conflict mediation: empowering parties or manipulating decision-making? syaiful anam1, rezki satris2 1universitas mataram, nusa tenggara barat 2universitas amikom yogyakarta email: s.anam@unram.ac.id email: rezki@amikom.ac.id abstrak artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana mengkonstruksikan kembali bentuk mediasi melalui suatu analisis framing. konsep framing dalam sebuah mediasi adalah sebuah bentuk komunikasi yang dibingkai secara konstruktif. dalam dinamika konflik, proses mediasi menjadi bagian yang paling menentukan dalam proses pemecahan masalah. bagaimana seorang mediator mampu membingkai ulang konsep mediasi ini dengan memberdayakan pihak-pihak yang berkonflik untuk dapat keluar dari masalah tanpa harus memperburuk situasi. adapun metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan ini adalah bersifat kualitatif dengan pendekatan sebuah analisis freming yang menjelaskan bahwa seorang mediator bukanlah pengambil keputusan dari proses negosiasi, akan tetapi seorang mediator mampu mencari solusi terhadap permasalahan yang bersifat konstruktif dan kooperatif sesuai dengan kemampuan mediator. kata kunci: framing, konflik, mediasi, pengambilan keputusan abstract this study aims to explain how to reconstruct the form of mediation through a framing analysis. the concept of framing in negotiation is a form of constructively framed communication. the dynamics of conflict, the mediation process, become the most decisive part of the problem-solving process and how a mediator can reframe the mediation concept by empowering conflicting parties without worsening the situation. the research method used qualitative with a framing analysis approach. it explains that a mediator is not a decisionmaker in the negotiation process. a mediator can find solutions to constructive syaiful anam & rezki satris reframing in conflict mediation: 87 and cooperative problems following the mediator’s abilities. keywords: framing, conflict, mediation, decision making introduction one of the beneficial skills that have to be mastered by mediators is the technique of reframing. reframing here refers to the communication skill utilized by the mediator to change the parties’ thoughts to a more affirmative meaning to support parties in gaining resolution (mayer, 2000:132). in other words, reframing means to shift the frame that is fabricated by parties to describe the problem or conflict into another more constructive frame. given the importance of the skill in determining the settlement in a mediation process, this paper will examine whether reframing skills could empower parties. it eventually brings them to an agreement, or rather this skill is a form of manipulating the issues and decisions conducted by a mediator, w h i c h m i g ht c on s e q u e nt l y exacerbate the dispute. it will argue that reframing can be regarded as both empowering parties and manipulating choices in mediation. e mp owe r i ng p ar t i e s me ans that the mediator uses his/her communication skills to support parties in finding ways to resolve (sharland, 2007) by reframing the negative frame delivered by parties. whereas manipulation here refers to, using the robert benjamin’s term (1995), as a positive deception that could encourage parties to gain a resolution as well, despite the potential risks that might be counterproductive with the principle of mediation itself. this paper, thus, will be divided into four parts to substantiate the argument. the first part will be discussing the reframing skill in general and as well as its application in the process of mediation. the idea of this part is to explore what is reframing itself in general, including its purposes and methods. the next section will be analyzing the concept of empowerment in mediation. it will then have an elaboration through the discussion of reframing. afterward, it will be discussing on how reframing is in a more negative term as a form of manipulating decisionmaking. it will explain whether or not reframing is genuinely a form 88 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 of deception. the last part of the paper will then conclude that while reframing could empower parties to reach an agreement, it is also manipulative in specific ways. result and explanation reframing in mediation: general introduction the me diator ne e ds to have competence or skill of communication when dealing with parties in conflict or dispute. by having specific knowledge of communication and the ability to use it in the mediation process, it could facilitate parties to progress and to reach an agreement. for instance, when dealing with an interpersonal dispute such as a divorce dispute, the mediator should understand how the emotion of parties when responding to issues related to divorce. in this situation, what mediator should do is that he/she has to utilize his/ her communication strategy in facilitating parties to get accurate and positive information exchange among them. failure conversely creates a tough situation in which parties insist upon their position due to the unclear information delivered by the mediator. hence, the agreement is consequently challenging to reach (donohue, allen & burrell, 1985: 76-77). ‘reframing’ is one of the communication skills that equip mediator in facilitating parties. it is perceived as crucial since the mediator in the mediation process frequently encounters a situation in which parties came with their frame of interpretation to describe or to behave in the dispute they are involving. the concept of ‘frame or framing’ itself has been offered by bateson (1972) to refer to a psychological idea where conversations or social actions have a construction within restricted meaning based on the interpretation of each party. it is as a result, including particular messages and disregarding others (benjamin & irving, 2005:478; bodtker & jameson, 1997:238). these frames might consequently not only create misinterpretation and misunderstanding by the other party but also make each party remain to insist upon their position that might bring the mediation to an uncomfortable atmosphere. hence, the mediator in this circumstance should ‘reframe’ the statements that tend to be misunderstood by or to insult other parties into a new frame containing neutral or positive meanings. syaiful anam & rezki satris reframing in conflict mediation: 89 tracing back the historical experiences, the technique of reframing is not new in human history. in dealing with their internal conflict, for instance, humans frequently and automatically reframe specific issues that have put them in a complicated situation into a frame that make them feel better. when encountered with the problem of losing someone who they are loved, individuals would tend to think, “i am sure she wouldn’t have wanted me to cry or be sad if she were here.” this kind of reframing is simple yet successfully to convince the reframer that they could still “move on” and do not occupy their sorrow (zaffar, 2008). the application of reframing strategy in current practice has been developed well and is in a particular situation. the method of reframing conducted by a psychiatrist, milton h. erickson, shows that reframing can create significant changes in the thought and behavior of the patient. erickson encountered a problem where his patient, a teacher, and a pious catholic, were feeling under pressure because of her bad behavior that frequently passes her flatus loudly in her teaching activity in the classroom. she then locked herself in her room, avoiding interaction with the people around her. in this situation, erickson constructed a new frame for his patient by saying (rosen, 1974, in zaffar, 2008), “you say that you are a good catholic. then why do you insult the lord; why do you make a mockery of him? you ought to be ashamed of yourself making a mockery of god and calling yourself a good catholic.”  erickson continued to state, “[i] hauled out my anatomy book, an atlas showing all the illustrations of the body. i showed her a cross-section of the rectum and anal sphincter. i said, ‘now, man is very skillful at building things. but, can you imagine a man being sufficiently skillful at building a valve that contains solid matter, liquid matter, and airand emits downward only the air?’ i said, ‘god did. why don’t you respect god?’” at the final stage, erickson suggested a behavioral prescription towards his patient. as restated by zaffar (2008), “he ordered her to eat some baked beans flavored by garlic and onions (a great stimulant for the colon) and then dance around her apartment naked, “emitting loud ones, soft ones, big ones, little ones … and enjoy god’s work.” finally, that woman had successfully overcome her problem and involved in any social activities. this experience showed how erickson shifted the 90 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 underlying frame of his patient by using her religious worldview as a way to justify her awkwardness and turn it as an acceptable matter in social life. t h r o u g h t h e e x a m p l e experienced by erickson, the purpose of reframing is to shift the context situation faced by a patient to another better context. this technique, as stated by zaffar (2008), is called “reframing by recontextualization.” it is how a new frame/context created through the previously factual background of the patient itself (religious belief, or socio-economic status). despite changing into a modern context, reframing is also to persuade parties, that is, moving out from the current circumstance and status quo. here, the mediator helps parties to open their minds upon a higher possibility of achieving settlement in the future by exploring parties’ creative solutions. there are many ways to do reframing in dispute. for instance, fisher and ury (1991) suggested the technique of “agree to disagree.” mediator using this technique to facilitate people intolerant with homosexuality, for example, is likely challenging to persuade them, and they believe in that position into a change after mediation. the mediator should try to convince parties to the point that might be able to realize them upon the different believe they have, yet it is not to falsify the belief. instead, it focuses on finding the core mutual values that might assist parties in reaching an agreement. nevertheless, the use of this technique is widespread in mediation. it, too, focuses on values on future problems instead of the immediate one. another method that is more practical in reframing conflict is, as advocated by jennifer fisher, coben & love, the practice of rituals and symbols. by bringing foods, drinks, and eating together at the same table will much reduce the level of tension between disputants and create a comfortable atmosphere so that they could be more cooperative. also, a technique such as active listening is necessary to reframe conflict. active listening requires mediator not only to listen carefully and actively but also to give a constructive reflection of his/her thoughts in responding to parties’ issues without making any judgments. this constructive thinks that permeates into the words, sentences, and conversation done by the mediator is used to reframe the specific problems that might bring positive meaning to parties and ignore other issues that might syaiful anam & rezki satris reframing in conflict mediation: 91 negatively affect the mediation and parties (phillips, 1999: 170). furthermore, reframing is also a tool to exercise the mediator’s power in inter vening parties. intervention here means that the mediator uses his/her ability to reshape the structure or content of language, proposal, discourse, or utterance delivered by parties. it is a part of evaluation towards the appropriateness of parties’ recommendations whether or not it will bring a solution to the dispute. inter vention through reframing moreover functions to provide alternatives to parties and bring them to a single shared-view perspective in which common elements of their proposal are reconstructed by mediator so that it will help parties to achieve mutual understanding and desirable solution. by doing useful reframing, it will change the way conflict being represented by parties through language and discourse into a constructive discussion (donohue, allen, & burrell, 1985:80; gerami, 2009:443). reframing: empowering parties one of the underlying purposes of mediation is to empower parties, meaning that through mediation, practice parties initially unable to find a way to solve the dispute are facilitated and supported in finding and developing their solution to settle their dispute. cobb (1993) asserts that mediation is to empower parties, and mayer (2000) has argued that the essence of mediation itself is to provide an empowering approach to solve serious conflict and dispute. this part of the paper then attempts to investigate whether the practice of reframing by the mediator is empowering parties and supporting the mediation process as a means to facilitate parties to achieve resolution. to understand and determine whether reframing is a form of empowering parties, it will be necessary first to discuss the concept of empowerment in mediation. many aut h ors , re s e arch e rs , and practitioners in mediation agree that ‘empowerment’ is an important aspect of mediation. however, there is no single agreedupon what exactly the concept is (o’reardon, 2011), and it is indeed an ambiguous and indefinable concept (sharland, 2007). apart from that matter, empowerment itself is the core principle within the philosophy of mediation, and this is one of the reasons why mediation is a global method of dispute/ 92 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 conflict resolution in various sectors (doherty & guyler, 2008: 173). the essence of empowerment in mediation is an attempt at supporting parties through certain strategies conducted by a mediator to facilitate parties to find their way to reach an agreement. it is as emphasized by cobb (1997) that “ … empowered parties experience increased self-esteem, improved control over decision making, an increased sense of their power, and the reduction of painful emotions”. what cobb has stressed reflects that empowerment is precisely one of the core functions of mediation, that is, to merely facilitate parties to solve their dispute in their ways in a constructive manner. as the dispute that emerged from the parties’ interactions, the mediator only functions to guide and facilitate them in which there should be a solution to the dispute from the disputants or parties’ initiatives. doherty and guyler (2008) point out factors that make empowerment rests within the process of mediation, such as the decision to involve in mediation is based on the parties’ decision without any coercion from any other people. parties themselves determine the issues and topics discussed in mediation. parties decide the decision and the content of agreement without any intervention from the mediator. the faithfulness of the agreement is up to the disputants or parties themselves (2008:173). these factors clearly show a simple set for and by the conflicting parties, and they accordingly need to be empowered throughout the mediation process so that there should be desirable solutions. why parties need to be empowered and how by empowering parties in mediation might help them to find the solution upon their dispute could also be well understood by exploring the main aspect of the empowerment itself. o’reardon (2011) pointed out three important aspects of empowerment: cognitive, linguistic, and emotional. the cognitive aspect in empowerment describes the persons’ ability to see new alternatives or choices that they did not see beforehand. it does not mean that the persons do not have the choices or options before, but it gives persons a new perspective in seeing that they have choices to solve their problem and dispute. in another way, it also constructs a person’s belief and gives awareness upon a new believer or norm. for instance, a person who believes that persons from certain ethnicities, says ethnic b, is rude. it would influence syaiful anam & rezki satris reframing in conflict mediation: 93 someone’s behavior in interacting and interpretation in seeing the problem. the critical question is whether or not these beliefs could help us to find ways of solving the problem. empowerments then function to reshape this belief to a new belief that is more constructive in seeing the relationship. the aspect of linguistic in empowerment means that empowerment could help a person to provide a new language to express self-feeling. imagine that if we could only express the feeling of down and low by ‘sad,’ it will make us see that all emotional feeling is only described by the word ‘sad.’ the consequence of it is that it would difficult to address the deep source of emotion specifically. it would be different if we could have words such as ‘depressed,’ ‘melancholy,’ ‘disaffected,’ and ‘alienated,’ which through these words could reflect a specific source of the emotion and enable us to respond properly. empowerment thus helps the person to express feelings and emotions through languages. the last aspect is emotional. in expressing their emotion, disempowered people do not know how to express it and tend to behave in unhealthy ways appropriately. in a discussion or mediation, a disempowered party does not know how to choose the right decision, being aggressive, or do not focus on the core problem of dispute. empowerment enables disempowered parties to manage their emotion appropriately. thus, this emotion could be more positively and productively. with the discussion of the empowerment above, the essence of mediation itself is to empower parties. of course, for enabling parties, the mediator needs to develop and utilize specific skills and strategies. they are the main topics of the paper, ‘does reframing skill and strategy empower parties?’ it will argue that reframing is a skill that serves to empower parties in mediation. the idea of empowerment, as discussed above, is enabling parties that they are authorized or encouraged through specific skills and strategies of the mediator to find and explore their potential personal capacity for solving their problem and eventually reaching an agreeable solution. reframing accordingly, as argued by mayer (2000), functions to empower parties throughout its practices and principles. livingood (2002) points out some reasons for using reframing in mediation to illuminate the empowering aspect 94 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 of reframing, and these reasons reflect the tradition and policy of reframing as a way of empowering disputants/parties. firstly, through reframing, a mediator can help parties to understand, and clarifying issues reviewed. by reframing, a mediator may help parties to narrow the complex problems and guide them in determining the essence of the problem. as suggested by livingood, reframing statements from parties means clarify which issues to include in the process of mediation or by asking parties questions leading them to reframe their original statements. for example: “original statement: “our members are highly skilled and deserve to be paid for their skills.” “request to frame: “are you saying that all your members are highly skilled and all deserve higher pay?” “reframed statement: our mechanics and technicians are the ones i am talking about; they deserve higher rates.” (livingood, 2002: 45). the example of reframing above shows that the mediator asks questions to a party so that the issue becomes narrower and help the party to identify his underlying interests. furthermore, it might also open parties’ minds and perspectives to think constructively in responding to their problems. secondly, reframing may create a new alternative perspective. by proposing a new alternative so that an old viewpoint can change. parties are to see and understand the issues through a different light. it can be by using neutral or positive language and statements. reframing through proper and positive communication might persuade parties to avoid certain words and comments that might trigger other parties’ emotions and make them listen to their statements or their opponent. by hearing and understanding each proposal and issue through positive feedback, it would make parties think about their issue more constructively. there are many more reasons to show that reframing is a form of empowering parties, but this will be the last point here, that is, by reframing it will assist parties to obtain their common problems and goals. mayer (2000) and livingood (2002) outline through their work that by reframing parties’ paradigm and worldview also helps them to see not only the issues but also their position within the conflict system they have built through different light and perspective. the mediator syaiful anam & rezki satris reframing in conflict mediation: 95 needs to engage parties to change their storyline, alter their dramatic view of the conflict, hear each other, and encourage parties to work together in establishing commonshared story taken from their every element of the story. then, they could find their common problems and goals (mayer, 2000: 137-138; livingood, 2002:48). it eventually will bring parties to be cooperative and help them to reach an acceptable agreement. reframing and its manipulative aspect despite its function to empower parties, reframing also ser ves as to manipulate parties. some authors, such as bernard mayer, james coben, lela p. love, and robert benjamin, acknowledge the manipulative aspect of reframing practice. for instance, mayer (2000) argued that “…reframing can also be manipulative. it can be for people to talk out of their concerns or feelings or to water down a conflict or an issue” (2000: 139). likewise, coben and love contend that mediator frequently uses reframing as manipulation and deception so that parties could consider issues and proposals through different perspectives, and that could promote settlement (in coben, 2000: 4; and coben & love, 2010: 20). benjamin (1995), also considered that reframing in the form of deception could “…create an opportunity for the disputants’ current unproductive worldviews to discard so that newer and more productive frames can emerge” (in blanciak, 2002). while reframing as manipulating parties’ decisions and issues are common in the practice of mediation as to some extent it could foster the settlement, it is not recommended by some authors and practitioners in the field to frequently apply it. benjamin (1995), a proponent of manipulative reframing, argues, as restated by blanciak (2002), in a complicated situation, utilizing logic and reason is unlikely to convince parties to move out of their position. it is, therefore, by reframing in a manipulative way justified as an attempt to help parties in finding a solution. instead of using the term ‘manipulative,’ the word ‘deception’ is seen to be more appropriate for benjamin to describe this matter. the deception through reframing in benjamin’s account requires a mediator to sync with the worldview of each party. mediator then should accept the “truth” of this worldview and use it to reframe the context. for benjamin, this is “tricky . . . 96 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 because the mediator must be able to synchronize with each party’s construction of reality in a manner that does not appear to invalidate any other party to the dispute”. adding benjamin’s account, blanciak (2002) argues, “the deception involves the mediator working in a very indirect manner so as not to make a rational argument but to reframe.” moreover, blanciak describes how benjamin claimed to reframe as productive deception to resolution. “benjamin gives an example of reframing a dispute between parties who are actively fighting.  first, he joins their worldview by complementing them “on how well they fight.”he then continues by reframing the fighting into something positive. he tells them that “people who fight well can negotiate well.”  this technique is similar to what the deceptive trickster does in “twist[ing] their words and shift[ing] the context of the discussion” to a more productive frame. he continues in stating that “[r]eframing provides a technique by which resistance can be surreptitiously bypassed.” the goal of all of this is for the mediator “to reposition each of the antagonists so that the dispute is amenable to a resolution.” taking the same position as benjamin, matthews (2011) has also argued that manipulation in reframing can always be allowed as long as it is applied at the right time and for a definite end. he emphasizes that there is no something wrong to be manipulative as the aim of it is to stop parties to regard themselves as internally bad and to help them in enhancing their capacity to solve a problem through their creative solutions (2011: 2). however, authors such as mayer, coben, and love have informed that this strategy (manipulative/ deception) might work to bring parties into an agreement and to give parties different perspectives in seeing their proposal. it may bring many risks to the parties and mediator as well. mayer (2000: 139) has argued that “manipulative reframing leads to disputants’ mistrust of the process of resolution and of the third parties who are involved.” similarly, coben and love stress the risk of manipulative reframing by arguing that, “a major concern is a possibility that sophisticated mediation consumers are more «immune» to these types of mediator moves than are onetime participants” (2010: 20). conclusion the essence of mediation is to empower parties. empowering syaiful anam & rezki satris reframing in conflict mediation: 97 parties means that through mediation, parties are facilitated and helped to find their solution upon the dispute they are involving. a mediator is not the one that determines the decision-making and the agreement in the mediation. instead, parties are encouraged constructively and cooperatively through their capacity and creativity. to establish a mediation process in which parties are working together constructively, the mediator needs specific skills in assisting his or her role. reframing is one of the communication skills in mediation that should be mastered and utilized by a mediator. this paper argues that the principle and practice of reframing is similar to the mediation philosophy to empower parties. reframing enables parties in terms of its methods which assist parties to shift their negative frame, help them to obtain and explore their potential and capacity to create their accepted solution, and to engage them in fixing their relationship. all these matters are the principles of empowering parties advocated during the process of mediation. however, reframing can be in manipulative ways. the proponent of this technique argues that it is ethically justifiable as long as its goal is to help parties to find their capacity to achieve agreement. nevertheless, some risks should be suggested by mayer and coben, that it might create distrust between parties, and it could make parties more ‘immune’ in particular cases. references benjamin, m & irving, hh 2005, ‘using the “mediatable frame” to define the problem in mediating a parenting plan,’ conflict resolution quarterly, vol. 22, no. 4, pp. 473-491. benjamin, r 1995, ‘the constructive uses of deception: skills, strategies, and techniques of the folkloric trickster figure and their application by mediators,’ mediation quarterly, 13(1), pp.3-17. blanciak, p 2002, ‘reframing: the essence of mediation,’ online h t t p : / / w w w. m e d i a t e . c o m / articles/blanciak.cfm#_ftn21, retrieved on 20 may 2013. bodtker, am & jameson, jk 1997, ‘mediation as a mutual influence: reexamining the use of framing and reframing,’ mediation quarterly, vol. 14, no. 3, pp. 237-249. cobb, s 1997, ‘empowerment and mediation: a narrative p e r s p e c t i v e ,’ ne g ot i at i o n journal 9:3, pp. 245-255. 98 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 coben, j 2000, ‘mediation’s dirty little secret: straight talks about mediator manipulation and deception,’ alternative dispute resolution journal, pp.4-7 coben, j & love, lp 2010, ‘trick or treat? the ethics of mediator m a n i p u l a t i o n’, d i s p u t e resolution magazine, fall 2010, pp. 17-20. doherty, n & guyler, m 2008, ‘the essential guide to workplace m e d i at i on an d c on f l i c t resolution: rebuilding working relationships,’ india: replika press. donohue, wa, allen, m & burrell, n 1985, ‘communication strategies in mediation,’ in j. a. lemmon (ed.), ‘evaluative c r it e r i a an d o ut c om e s in mediation,’ mediation quarterly, no. 10. san francisco: jossey-bass, pp. 75-89. gerami, a 2009, ‘bridging the theor y and practice gap: mediator power in practice,’ conflict resolution quarterly, vol. 26, no. 4, pp.433-451. livingood, jm 2002, ‘reframing and its uses,’ dispute resolution journal; 57, 4, pp. 4259. matthews, c 2011, ‘manipulation the technique that dare not speak its name,’ online ftp:// ftp.im.com.au/me12/final%20 papers/chris%20matthews. pdf. retrieved on 20 may 2013. mayer, b 2000, ‘the dynamics of conflict resolution: a practitioner’s guide,’ usa: john wiley & sons. o’reardon, d 2011, ‘what does “empowerment” look like and how can mediators facilitate it?’, online http://www.mediate. c om / ar t i c l e s / o r e ard on d 3 . cfm#bio, retrieved on 20 may 2013. phillips, b 1999, ‘reformulating dispute narratives through active listening,’ mediation quarterly, 17(2), pp.161-180.  s h a r l a n d , a 2 0 0 7 , ‘ t h e underlying philosophies of mediation: empowerment,’ o n l i n e h t t p : / / w w w . communicationandconf lict. c o m / e m p o w e r m e n t . h t m l , retrieved on 20 may 2013. zaffar, e 2008, ‘context is king: a practical guide to reframing in mediation,’ online http://www. mediate.com/articles/zaffare1. cfm#5, retrieved on 20 may 2013. journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 the role of the humanitarian action international committee for the red cross (icrc) in the 2011 libya revolution fitri adi setyorini universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: fitrisetyorini16@gmail.com abstract this study discusses the international committee for the red cross (icrc) role in protecting and assisting victims of the libyan revolution in 2011. the purpose of this study is to explore more about the role of the international committee for the red cross (icrc) in protecting and assisting victims of war as one step on a humanitarian mission. the author used the non-government organizations (ngos) and humanitarian action concepts. the author’s research method to analyze this study was a descriptive method through a literature review. based on research done, the author found that the revolution in libya in 2011 was one of the effects of the arab spring in the middle east region. the author also found that the icrc carried out its humanitarian missions by providing food, water, medical supplies, medical equipment, and clothing. keywords: libya, icrc, humanitarian action, arab spring abstrak penelitian ini membahas tentang peran international committee for the red cross (icrc) dalam melindungi dan membantu korban revolusi libya pada tahun 2011. tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui peran international committee for the red cross (icrc) dalam melindungi dan membantu korban perang sebagai salah satu langkah dalam misi kemanusiaan. penulis menggunakan konsep non-government organization (ngo) dan konsep humanitarian action untuk menganalisis peran humanitarian action icrc dalam revolusi libya tahun 2011. metode 36 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 introduction conflict in international relations has increased along with the movement of democracy and freedom waves, leading to protests to bring down authoritarianism and injustice in several middle east regions, called the arab spring (sahide, 2015, hal. 118). the arab spring was started in tunisia in december 2010 when a young man named bouazizi did self-immolation as a protest that succeeded in overthrowing zainal abidin ben ali (ghafur, 2014, hal. 86). the protests then spread to the middle east, and one that took place in tahrir square, egypt, on january 25, 2011, also succeeded in overthrowing husni mubarok (ghafur, 2014, hal. 86). the protests in tunisia and egypt resulted in a change in libya’s political climate, leading to a resistance movement in benghazi to overthrow muammar gaddafi in february 2011 (nainggolan, 2019, hal. 7). the supports to overthrow muammar gaddafi’s 40-year regime was getting more powerful when the security council of the united nations (un) and the north atlantic treaty organization (nato) joined under humanitarian intervention to protect libyan civilians’ safety following un security council resolution 1973 (nur, 2015) (sahide, 2015, hal. 118). muammar gaddafi was killed in an attack launched by an insurgent group in sirte on october 20, 2011 (gunawan, 2014). the arab spring, as the beginning of the awakening of new hopes for a better and democratic life, especially in the middle east, gave birth to a more tense and frightening atmosphere because overthrowing an authoritarian regime involved rather violent penelitian yang digunakan oleh penulis untuk menganalisis penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif melalui kajian kepustakaan. berdasarkan penelitian yang telah dilakukan, penulis menemukan bahwa revolusi yang terjadi di libya pada tahun 2011 merupakan salah satu efek dari arab spring yang terjadi di wilayah timur tengah. selain itu, penulis juga menemukan bahwa icrc menjalankan peranannya dalam misi kemanusiaan melalui pemberian bantuan makanan, air, obat-obatan, alat medis, pakaian dan lain sebagainya. kata kunci: libya, icrc, humanitarian action, arab spring fitri adi setyorini the role of the humanitarian action international committee ... 37 elements. even after eight years after muammar gaddafi’s government was successfully overthrown, libya still experiences armed conflicts between militia groups, the military, and pro-regime groups from the past (nainggolan, 2019, hal. 7). this prolonged armed conflict in libya has killed thousands of people. according to the libyan health minister under the leadership of the national transitional council (ntc), naji barakat stated that during the six months of overthrowing muammar gaddafi, around 30,000 people were killed and 50,000 people were injured (nugraha, 2011). according to the world health organization (who), from april to july 6, 2019, the death toll from libya’s conflict reached 1,000 (perdana, 2019). until now, the security council of the united nations (un) is still trying to urge the parties to the conflict to agree to a ceasefire, considering that tens of thousands of victims from the ferocious armed upheaval in libya. the arab spring is hoped to be the solution to a better and democratic life. however, the steps taken through acts of resistance and rebellion have had lasting consequences. armed conflict on upholding democracy causes many losses, including women and children who should be protected from the attacks. children are the easiest target for opposition groups and the old pro-regime groups to become soldiers (child soldier) (i gede adhi supradnyana, 2020). no child dreams and aspires to spend his childhood guerrillas in the forest, carry firearms and hunt targets using a shouldered weapon. however, around 300,000 children were trapped in this situation (sinaga, 2010). director of the united nations children’s fund (unicef) for the middle east and north africa, geert cappelaere, stated that around 500,000 children had been recruited into child soldiers in libya (perdana, 2018). parents and mothers are also easy targets. the threat to the lives and safety of civilians causes a high wave of refugees. the armed conflict in libya led to a wave of refugees from libya heading to neighboring countries, such as tunisia and eg ypt, where 100,000 people entered tunisia to avoid conflict in their country (icrc, sejarah, 2019). the international committee of the red cross (icrc), as an international non-governmental organization, strives to protect and assist victims of conflict and armed upheaval. the civil war in libya 38 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 that lasted for nine years (2011 to 2020) due to the arab spring wave has killed hundreds of thousands of people and threatens their safety, especially children and women protected under the 1949 geneva convention. besides, the continuing conflict has resulted in an increased number of refugees from libya. the icrc provides protection and humanitarian assistance directly on the battlefield through a series of actions in the health sector and meeting primary needs for the victims (icrc, history, 2019). their role is an exciting issue to research. even though libya’s conflict was a step towards a democratic process, the civilians’ safety also needed to be considered to continue their lives again. research method the author used qualitative research methods that focused on literature review and read works related to the international committee of the red cross (icrc) to ensure protection and assistance for conflict and armed upheaval victims in libya. the author chose libya due to its 9-year conflict, which had killed thousands of lives and caused a high wave of refugees in several neighboring countries, such as tunisia and egypt. other sources in this paper were articles, news, journals that provided supporting data to understand the international committee of the red cross (icrc) in ensuring protection and assistance for victims of conflict and armed upheaval in libya. the author conducted a literature review first regarding the chronology of the emergence of conflict turmoil and its development in libya. theoretical framework the author used two concepts to analyze the issue, called the nongovernment organization (ngo) and humanitarian action. non-government organization (ngo) concept non-governmental organizations (ngos) are one of the actors in international relations since the 19th century. according to margaret p. karns, a nongovernmental organization (ngo) is defined as a group of individuals or voluntary organizations, usually not affiliated with any government to provide services or advocate for public policy. meanwhile, according to tujil, ngos can be defined as independent, non-partisan, nonprofit organizations aiming to improve the marginalized quality (tujil, 1999). fitri adi setyorini the role of the humanitarian action international committee ... 39 according to david lewis in a book entitled the management of non-governmental development organization, one way to analyze ngos’ role is from an organizational perspective. three points can explain ngos’ fundamental role. david lewis distinguishes ngos’ roles into three types: implementers, catalysts, and partners (lewis, 2007). this research used the ngo paradigm proposed by mansour fakih about the ngo paradigm typology. this typology classifies ngos according to paradigm, action and structure. this typology describes the ngo movement in three types: the paradigm of conformism, reform and transformation (fakih, ngos in indonesia, 1991). fakih mapped the political positions of ngo activists into three types. first, the conformist consists of ngo activists who carry out their work based on the charitable aid paradigm, or what is often called “working without theory,” or are project-oriented and work as charitable aid organizations. this type adapts itself to the existing system and structure. their programs and activities’ primary motivations to help the people in need (fakih, 1991). the s econd categor y is reformers. this type of ngo is based on the ideology of modernization and developmentalism. public participation in development needs to increase by placing corruption issues in the government as the leading cause of society’s backwardness (fakih, 1991). they pay more attention to aspects of the approach and methodology in their movements and support developmentalism. this view’s main objective is to change the top-down and non-participatory approach to an approach that emphasizes participation and community selfhelp (ningrum, 2010). third, the transformation perspective consists of ngo groups that re-examine basic assumptions and ideological problems to find an alternative to the other two approaches. one of these perspectives is to question the mainstream paradigm and ideology hidden in it and to try to find alternative paradigms that will change the structures and supra structures that oppress the people and the possibility of unlocking their human potential (fakih, 1991). this paradigm makes it possible for the people to control the production of information and their ideology. this approach is usually 40 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 found among ngos working on environmental issues and clearly shows the spirit of counter-capitalist hegemony through its newspapers and magazines. it is translated through their campaign and advocacy programs to defend and support poor farmers, indigenous people, and marginalized groups (fakih, 2004). humanitarian action concept humanitarian action is carried out by individuals or groups where aspects of humanity are being threatened, such as natural disasters, conflicts, or wars. this humanitarian action aims to save human life. humanitarian action is based on four basic principles, such as (karmila, 2018) a. humanity humanitarian action is purely to help and protect people from their suffering. b. impartial humanitarian action is carried out without any discrimination in any form or on any basis. c. independence hu m a n it a r i a n a c t i on stands alone or is separate from autonomy and military, political and economic interests. d. neutrality humanitarian action is neutral or does not take sides with any party. humanitarian action helps and protects civilians, wounded soldiers, children victims of war by providing food, proper water sanitation, temporar y shelter, health services and education. ‘humanitarian aids’ is distributed by the state, individuals, groups, domestic/international companies, non-government organizations (ngos), or international governme nt o rg an i z at i ons ( ig o ) . meanwhile, workers from domestic/ international organizations and humanitarian goals are called ‘hu m a n i t a r i a n wo r k e r s / a i d wo r k e r s / hu m a n i t a r i a n a i d workers’. humanitarian workers are much protected and respected. humanitarian workers work in nonarmed conflict situations. then, they are covered by international human rights law and domestic legislation. however, if the humanitarian worker works in an armed conflict situation, they will be protected by international humanitarian law (karmila, 2018). fitri adi setyorini the role of the humanitarian action international committee ... 41 discussion dynamics of conflict in libya sociologically, conf lict is defined as a social process between two or more people or groups in which one party tries to get rid of the other by destroying or rendering the opponent powerless (sofiyati, 2011, hal. 2). meanwhile, according to winardi, conflict is the opposition or a disagreement between people, groups and organizations (winardi, 1994, hal. 1). there are two different views on seeing conflict. the traditional view considers that conflict is a harmful action and must be avoided. according to the modern view, conflict is a good action and must continue to be developed because it can stimulate problemsolving (sotopo, 2012, hal. 267). the dynamics of libya’s conflict have been rolling for approximately nine years (2011 to 2020). the conflict was the result of the arab spring. the author will analyze the dynamics of the conflict in libya using the conflict stages based on periods. the following is a picture of the stages of conflict escalation. figure 1. conflict stages source: (brahm, 2003) based on the figure above, the author analyzes the chronology of libya’s conflicts for nine years (2011 to 2020). 42 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 1) pre-conflict pre-conflict is a condition when a mismatch of goals between two or more parties happen. libya was once led by an authoritarian leader named muammar gaddafi. his regime lasted for 40 years. muammar gaddafi started his regime after his coup d’etat against king idris on september 1, 1969. in april 1973, muammar gaddafi carried out a cultural revolution by issuing a ban on communism, conservatism, capitalism, atheists, and other muslim groups (syahputra, 2017). this act violated fundamental human rights, which was the freedom to determine someone’s beliefs and activities. gaddafi also eliminated political parties and considered people involved in political parties as a traitor. muammar gaddafi nationalized all businesses and determined that all economic activities were under state control. in 2006, there was a demonstration against hanging a human rights activist in libya (akbar, 2015). however, libya’s turmoil again subsided because the authoritarian policies imposed by muammar gaddafi were seen as commonplace. until finally, the libyan people realized the arab spring in 2010, which became a new hope for the middle east people to get a more democratic life. the arab spring started in tunisia in december 2010 when a young man named bouazizi did self-immolation as a protest that succeeded in overthrowing zainal abidin ben ali (ghafur, 2014, hal.86). the widespread protests in the middle east also succeeded in overthrowing husni mubarok in egypt (ghafur, 2014, p. 86). muammar gaddafi realized that the arab spring phenomenon could spread to libya. therefore, gaddafi issued a policy to block social networks, which triggered heated relations between legitimate government groups and opposition groups who wanted to overthrow him (syahputra, 2017). 2) confrontation c o n f r o n t a t i o n h a p p e n s when conflict grows wider. in the dynamics of the libyan conflict, it began with an anti-government demonstration on february 15, 2011. this demonstration was held by approximately 600 people in front of the benghazi police headquarters (agustinova, 2013). the demonstration was triggered by the arrest of a human rights activist, fathi terbil. demonstrations were increasingly being held in various fitri adi setyorini the role of the humanitarian action international committee ... 43 parts of libya, such as tajoura, zintan, ajdabiyah, al bayda, tripoli, and misrata (syahputra, 2017). the demonstration ended chaotically after gaddafi’s party sent mercenaries who opened fire on the demonstrators using helicopters. the victims reached 300 people from opposition groups and 120 people from the pro-gaddafi forces (agustinova, 2013). at this stage, various kinds of attacks and violence were committed by both parties to the conflict. since february 21, 2011, gaddafi’s troops increasingly deployed their warplanes to bombard demonstrators in tripoli (agustinova, 2013). the confrontation stage was also marked by both parties’ activities, which gathered support and assistance from outside parties. muammar gaddafi’s party garnered support from his loyal followers, including libyan prime minister baghdadi al-mahmudi. he also brought mercenaries from niger and chad to bombard alleged traitors (akbar, 2015). 3) crisis a crisis is often referred to as the peak of the conflict. at this stage, the relationship between the two warring parties is in tension. muammar gaddafi’s forces controlled tripoli, while antigovernment opposition groups controlled western libya, such as benghazi, misrata, and ajdabiya (agustinova, 2013). muammar gaddafi’s actions were increasingly brutal and uncontrollable. until finally, at the end of february 2011, the opposition group formed the national transitional council of libya (ntc) as a rival government to overthrow gaddafi’s regime (agustinova, 2013). on march 8, 2011, muammar gaddafi’s troops attacked zawiya in response to a statement made by the opposition leader, mustafa abdul jalil (syahputra, 2017). the opposition leader stated that they would not pursue gaddafi if he were willing to step down from his chair within 72 hours from march 7, 2011. the attack carried out by gaddafi’s group made western libya fall into the hands of pro-gaddafi and further cornered the position of the opposition group. the brutal actions carried out by gaddafi’s loyalist group drew a response from the international community. on march 17, 2011, the united nations, as an international organization, passed a resolution to implement a “no-fly zone” to libya, prohibiting the shipment of weapons to and from libya, and issued an 44 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 order to freeze the assets of the gaddafi family abroad (agustinova, 2013). most north atlantic treaty organization (nato) members began to prepare sea and air troops to libya as a follow-up to the united nations’ resolution. the actions taken by nato member countries were based on humanitarian intervention actions to protect libyan civilians’ lives. on march 19, 2011, france sent dozens of troops and warplanes to libya to destroy heavy vehicles and air defense bases belonging to gaddafi’s loyalist forces. the french action was followed by britain, the united states, ten member countries of the north atlantic treaty organization (nato), and some arab countries. apart from sending troops and warplanes, these countries also sent weapons, money and military training for opposition forces (syahputra, 2017). the fighting between the opposition group and gaddafi’s loyalist group was heating up until it peaked on august 20, 2011, in tripoli. the libyan capital was inundated by gaddafi’s loyalists firing on from the top of the buildings’ water towers and roofs. opposition groups managed to seize tripoli from gaddafi’s loyalist group at the end of august 2011. the war spread to sirte, gaddafi’s birthplace, suspected as gaddafi’s hiding place (akbar, 2015). 4) consequences a consequence affects the conflicting parties, the wider community, and the environment. the war spread to sirte, which managed to fall into the opposition’s hands. on the same date, muammar gaddafi had fled out of sirte with his bodyguards by car. gaddafi’s action was responded to by the north atlantic treaty organization (nato) air force which then fired on gaddafi’s motorcade. muammar gaddafi managed to survive the attack launched by the north atlantic treaty organization (nato), then he hid under a sewer (agustinova, 2013). opposition groups found out where muammar gaddafi was hiding, and they dragged him out of the sewer. muammar gaddafi was then surrounded and shot in the head, and people displayed his body at a butcher shop in misrata. the fourth stage in the conflict analysis stage is marked by victory, defeat, ceasefire, control, and control. the battle between opposition groups and gaddafi’s loyalists for nine months (february to october 2011) was won by the opposition group fitri adi setyorini the role of the humanitarian action international committee ... 45 led by the national transitional council of libya (ntc). the end of the war in libya was followed by the north atlantic treaty organization (nato) decision to stop all military operations by the end of october 2011 (akbar, 2015). 5) aftermath aftermath or post-conflict is when violence and tension are slowly reducing and returning to a normal situation. the libyan civil war that lasted for nine months (februar y to october 2011) resulted in thousands of deaths. the death toll was approximately 10,000 40,000 people, where most of the victims killed were civilians, including women, the elderly, and children. the war in libya also resulted in refugees coming from libya to tunisia and egypt (akbar, 2015). after the civil war ended, the national transitional council of libya (ntc), which won the battle, made several libya changes to the libyan government system, wherein the muammar gaddafi government’s era used the socialist “arab jamahiriya” government system. it was then abolished and replaced with a republican system of government. in the military field, the national transitional council of libya (ntc) made changes from the ntc military to the libyan national army (ardiansyah, 2014). at the final stage of the conflict analysis, if the remaining issues or problems from this conflict are not resolved immediately, it can trigger the pre-conflict stage again. muammar gaddafi was shot dead, and the opposition won the battle. however, new problems emerged along with the changes made by the ntc. the reason is, the ntc was formed from various groups with anti-gaddafi ties. after gaddafi died, divisions within the ntc began to grow. since the libyan civil war ended, small-scale armed conflicts have continued. these conflicts occurred between remnants of gaddafi’s loyalist groups and groups within the ntc. there have also been conflicts between ethnic groups and local armed groups (nine years), allowing weapons to circulate freely (ardiansyah, 2014). icrc as international humanitarian actor jean henry dunant established the international committee of the red cross (icrc). it is an independent non-governmental organization and neutral on political, religious and ideological issues. 46 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 this institution is the red cross and red crescent movement’s first organization, with its headquarters in geneva, switzerland. the icrc has approximately 15 to 25 members who are swiss nationals elected by mutual decision (icrc, 1996, p. 12). icrc membership is regulated in article 7 of the icrc statute, which only recruits members from swiss due to its neutrality, hoping to become an independent i nte r me d i ar y i nst itut i on i n mediating an armed conflict (icrc, 1996, hal. 2). if only seen from its membership composition, icrc is not an international organization because it severely limits its membership to swiss nationals. however, the icrc is seen as an international non-governmental organization when viewed from its humanitarian missions worldwide. this organization’s mission is solely humanitarian to assist and protect the lives and dignity of victims of war and domestic violence (icrc, 2005, hal. 1). icrc’s primary duties are to prevent and alleviate human suffering without discrimination and protect human dignity. in carrying out its activities, the icrc has the basic principles set out in the 20th international conference of the red cross, and red crescent held in vienna, 1965 (icrc, 1996, hal. 4) : a. humanity icrc aims for humanitarian actions, such as helping and protecting victims of war w i t h o u t d i s c r i m i n a t i o n , preventing and alleviating war victims worldwide. b. impartiality icrc does not see race, religion, status, ethnicity and political views. however, it will treat victims differently depending on their state of health and injuries. in terms of humanity, the prohibition of acts of non-discrimination has been regulated in the geneva convention 1949 article 3 paragraph 1. c. neutrality icrc as an organization is not allowed to take sides and involve itself in all matters relating to politics, race, religion and ideology. besides, icrc is prohibited from taking any action that could cause more casualties from the conflict parties. d. independence icrc provides medical services to assist local governments fitri adi setyorini the role of the humanitarian action international committee ... 47 and comply with existing regulations in each country. however, icrc must still refuse any interference or intervention from a political, ideological, racial, religious and economic nature to maintain its independence. e. voluntary service icrc works without seeking any profit. the nature of this organization is volunteerism that upholds the human aspect. f. unity national red cross aims to help each country’s government form a national association engaged in humanitarian affairs and integrate the branches and the center. g. universality based on the universality principle, icrc is recognized throughout the world. with this principle, this institution can provide services and protection to humanity around the world. icrc’s role in humanitarian action to protect victims of the libyan revolution in 2011 the libyan civil war was the long-term impact of the arab spring in the middle east, especially in tunisia and egypt. the civil war in libya from february to october 2011 caused various kinds of losses. the death toll was approximately 10,000 40,000 people, where most of the victims killed were civilians, including women, the elderly, and children. the war also resulted in refugees to countries around libya, such as tunisia and egypt (akbar, 2015). the increasing casualties and the influx of libyan refugees to tunisia and egypt sparked various international community responses. one of them was the response given by the international committee of the red cross (icrc) as a nongovernmental organization with a humanitarian mission. the primary mission of the icrc is to assist and protect the lives and dignity of victims and violence at home or abroad without discrimination. icrc is protected by international humanitarian law and the geneva conventions of 1969. according to the icrc president, jacob kellenberger, in 2011, spent approximately rp. 11.3 trillion to provide humanitarian assistance in 80 countries, including libya (icrc, 2012). the following are some of the roles of the icrc’s humanitarian actions to assist and protect victims of the libyan civil war, which culminated in september-october 2011. 48 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 a. in september 2011, the icrc helped reunite separated families through the transfer of people between tripoli and benghazi and between benghazi and tripoli. these people were separated from their families in january 2011 due to the civil war (icrc, 2011). b. civil war in sirte, libya, led to an increasing influx of refugees. the refugees stated that the stock of medicines, food, water, health access was minimal. the refugees began to catch fever and diarrhea because they did not have access to toilets. the refugees fled from sirte to the desert between the cities of sirte and harawa. on september 26, 2011, the icrc provided hu m a n i t a r i a n a s s i s t a n c e consisting of water and hygiene kits to approximately 7,800 refugees and 57,000 baby food bottles. it also distributed hygiene kits, diapers, food, water and kitchen utensils to approximately 859 refugees in misrata and tamina and 700 refugees in wadi mara (icrc, 2011). c. civil war in libya caused a wave of refugees inside libya and spread to tunisia. it mainly caused water resources in the border of southeast tunisia to become increasingly depleted. in september 2011, icrc collaborated with the tunisian national water management agency to build 15.5 kilometers of water pipelines to connect wells with water reservoirs for 100,000 refugees in ben guerdane and ramada (icrc, 2011). d. apart from constructing a water pipeline and medical assistance, icrc also deployed two of its forensic experts to help libyans identify mass buried bodies and help libyans find their families who have been reported missing since the civil war broke out (icrc, 2012). e. on october 3, 2011, icrc, led by a doctor named hichem khadraoui, managed to break through sirte, pro-gaddafi g roup s a n d c on f l i c t i n g opposition. he stated that an increasing number of injured victims were being admitted to the ibn sina hospital in sirte. the situation was exacerbated by the depletion of medical equipment and oxygen and damaged water reser voirs. ic rc te am su c c e ss f u l ly provided surgical equipment fitri adi setyorini the role of the humanitarian action international committee ... 49 for more than 200 wounded victims, bandages, body bags, and 400 liters of fuel to run hospital generators (icrc, 2011). f. on october 7, 2011, icrc officers successfully evacuated three critical patients, 17 patients on october 11, 2011, and 21 patients on october 17, 2011, to be transferred from ibn sina hospital to misrata. in october 2011, 58 patients were successfully evacuated. three patients needed intensive care, while doctors in sirte city were decreasing due to the closure and blocking of access roads leading to sirte. the evacuation could only be done when the opposition group and the pro-gaddafi group agreed on a ceasefire for several hours (icrc, 2011). g. icrc made visits to 50 places of detention in libya, more than 6,000 detainees in tripoli and 2,500 detainees in misrata. one thousand five hundred detainees were foreign nationals from sub-saharan africa. the purpose of conducting these visits was to monitor the shelters. it also provided detainees opportunities to contact their families, clothing, sheets, mattresses, buckets and toiletries for detainees (icrc, 2011). h. in october 2011, icrc p r o v i d e d h u m a n i t a r i a n assistance to more than 30,000 libyan refugees in libya. the humanitarian aid consisted of clothes, water, food, diapers, hygiene kits, baby food, and milk (icrc, 2011). providing humanitarian in libya done by icrc is challenging because humanitarian fighters are targets of armed groups. indeed, the volunteers are supposed to save other humans’ lives. ambulances, medical personnel, medical facilities must be respected and protected by all parties. benghazi and misrata’s icrc headquarters experienced five armed attacks in the past three months (icrc, 2012). the armed attacks continued and were dire c te d dire c t ly to the icrc headquarters in libya. the icrc team urged the libyan government to make a memorandum of understanding. on june 26, 2012, icrc and the libyan armed forces signed a memorandum of understanding, under which icrc would assist and support integrating the rules of international humanitarian law into the training and operations of 50 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 the libyan armed forces and in the libyan military law, considering libya was a party to the geneva c onventions and additional protocols i and ii (icrc, 2012). the signing of this memorandum of understanding is the first step for libya to ensure international humanitarian law in libya. conclusion libyan revolution is the longterm impact of the arab spring in the middle east region. the revolution that occurred in 2011 led to the outbreak of civil war from february to october 2011 and caused various kinds of losses. the libyan civil war’s death toll was approximately 10,000 40,000 people, where most of the victims killed were civilians, including women, the elderly, and children. the war in libya also resulted in refugees coming from libya to countries around libya, such as tunisia and egypt. the increasing casualties and the influx of libyan refugees to tunisia and egypt sparked various international community responses. one of them was the response given by the international committee of the red cross (icrc) as a nongovernmental organization with a humanitarian mission. the primary mission of the icrc is to assist and protect the lives and dignity of victims and violence at home or abroad without discrimination. the icrc provides assistance and protection as follows: 1. uniting separated families by transferring people between tripoli and benghazi and between benghazi and tripoli 2. p r o v i d i n g hu m a n i t a r i a n assistance consisting of water, 57,000 bottles of baby food and hygiene kits to approximately 7,800 refugees, 859 refugees in misrata and tamina, and 700 refugees in wadi mara (icrc, 2011) 3. working with the tunisian national water management agency to build 15.5 kilometers of water pipelines to connect wells with water reservoirs for 100,000 refugees in ben guerdane and ramada 4. deploying two forensic experts to assist libyans in identifying mass buried bodies 5. assisting surgical equipment for the home of more than 200 wounded 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(1994). manajemen konf lik: konf lik perubahan dan pengembangan. bandung: mandar maju. islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 the impact of electrical power interconnection cooperation between west kalimantan and sarawak in increasing economic growth potential in west kalimantan riani septi hertini universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: rianiseptih@gmail.com abstract electric power is a critical energy source for human life to fulfill the needs of lighting and production processes involving electronic and industrial goods. indonesia is the country with the largest population in the southeast asia region. thus, electricity demand also increases. the development of uneven electricity infrastructure in indonesia has made some regions experience limited electrical power. frequent interruptions and sharing electric power, west kalimantan is one of indonesia’s provinces with electricity problems since 2006. almost every day, blackouts occur in several areas, including pontianak city and surrounding areas. in dealing with this problem, the government’s efforts are conducting power interconnection cooperation with sarawak, malaysia, geographically bordered directly with west kalimantan through the asean power grid program. in this study, the author will use a qualitative descriptive method by clearly describing the positive impact of the electric power interconnection between west kalimantan and sarawak in increasing economic growth potential in west kalimantan. keywords: electric power interconnection, asean power grid, west kalimantan, sarawak, economic growth potential, paradiplomacy abstrak tenaga listrik merupakan sumber energi penting bagi kehidupan manusia untuk memenuhi kebutuhan penerangan dan proses produksi yang menyangkut barang elektronik dan industri. indonesia merupakan negara dengan jumlah riani septi hertini the impact of electrical power interconnection cooperation between ... 229 penduduk terbesar di kawasan asia tenggara. dengan demikian, kebutuhan listrik juga meningkat. perkembangan infrastruktur ketenagalistrikan yang tidak merata di indonesia membuat beberapa daerah mengalami keterbatasan daya listrik. sering terjadi gangguan dan pemadaman listrik, kalimantan barat merupakan salah satu provinsi di indonesia yang mengalami gangguan listrik sejak tahun 2006. hampir setiap hari terjadi pemadaman listrik di beberapa daerah, termasuk kota pontianak dan sekitarnya. untuk mengatasi masalah tersebut, pemerintah berupaya melakukan kerja sama interkoneksi tenaga listrik dengan sarawak, malaysia yang secara geografis berbatasan langsung dengan kalimantan barat melalui program asean power grid. dalam penelitian ini, penulis akan menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan mendeskripsikan secara jelas dampak positif interkoneksi tenaga listrik antara kalimantan barat dan sarawak dalam meningkatkan potensi pertumbuhan ekonomi di kalimantan barat. kata kunci: interkoneksi tenaga listrik, asean power grid, kalimantan barat, sarawak, potensi pertumbuhan ekonomi, paradiplomacy introduction west kalimantan province has a direct border with malaysia, to be precise, sarawak (east malaysia). this condition makes west kalimantan the only province in indonesia with official access to enter and exit the border area. the land roads have been opened between the two countries as far as 400 km from pontianak-entikongkuching (sarawak, east malaysia) and can be reached approximately 6-8 hours of travel. the access is also marked by constructing the national border post (plbn) in entikong, west kalimantan (kalbar, 2019). from an economic point of view, west kalimantan province still has problems with inadequate infrastructure, lack of competent human resources, and minimal investment or investment from both domestic and foreign (pontianak post, 2018) due to the ineffective performance of local governments in overcoming these problems. the investment climate, which is still concentrated in big cities such as the islands of java, sumatra, and sulawesi, has made west kalimantan 230 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 far from the central government’s attention (bps, 2018). in terms of economy and welfare on kalimantan, west kalimantan still lags behind other provinces, east kalimantan, central kalimantan, and south kalimantan. the need for investment in improving the economy and welfare of the people in west kalimantan province is urgent. however, in attracting investors’ interest, all government and society elements must cooperate in evaluating infrastructure, procedures, and permits that facilitate and support investors to create a conducive atmosphere (bariyah, 2015). west kalimantan has quite a large land area, plus land conditions suitable for plantations, especially for oil palm. this condition supports the entry of oil palm investment. the sectors of interest to investors in west kalimantan are the trade sector and the manufacturing sector (yuliasih, 2019). with these conditions, it can be advantageous to advance west kalimantan at the national and international levels. the west kalimantan government is obliged to have preparations and strategies to establish better infrastructure, especially electricity infrastructure, a crucial economic development element (bariyah, 2015). electric power is a critical energy source for human life in lighting needs and production processes that involve electronic goods and industry. the benefits of electrical energy are enormous. however, the energy sources of electricity generation are minimal and non-renewable. therefore, in preserving it, strategic steps are needed to meet the needs of electrical energy optimally and affordably (anray, tenaga listrik s eb agai sumb ent ing, 2018). indonesia’s limited electrical energy source has made energy security in indonesia deteriorate in recent years. this issue is due to the inability to fulfill electricity needs, where the need for energy is increasing and is not balanced with the available energy. there are often temporary blackouts and sharing of electrical energy alternately by pt. pln (persero). indonesia’s dependence on petroleum as an energy source has resulted in many of indonesia’s regions that have not developed other energy sources. meanwhile, for low-emission geothermal and solar energy sources, the costs are still high (natali, 2017). riani septi hertini the impact of electrical power interconnection cooperation between ... 231 west kalimantan province still has problems with electricity infrastructure. since 2006, blackouts have occurred in rotation in several areas such as pontianak city and its surroundings to the kapuas hulu and border areas. even the blackout for the sintang area can be from early morning until the next morning. pln for the west kalimantan region deliberately reduces the use of diesel fuel, whose stock is running low so that the condition of the two power plants owned by pt pln for the west kalimantan region cannot work optimally. thus, this condition can make pontianak city and its surroundings threatened with blackout or total blackout (anray, http://www.alpensteel. com/article/131-225-pemadamanlistrik/1338-masalah-kelistrikandi-kalbar., 2019). pontianak city is the highest electricity user in the west kalimantan region with a capacity of 110 mw and a peak load of 115 mw because it is the center of the regional government, trade, and housing, where all economic centers are located in this city. all industrial, residential, and commercial areas where several feeders are fed will be blackouts in turns within 3 (three) days. the length of blackout time is during the day, starting at 06:00 16:00 and 18: 00-22: 00 at night. this condition can be detrimental to small to mediumsized entrepreneurs who are highly dependent on electricity, such as internet cafes, printers, cakes, food, beverages, and large industrial factories to disrupt investment activities and the west’s economy kalimantan (anray, http://www. alpensteel.com/article/131-225pemadaman-listrik/1338-masalahkelistrikan-di-kalbar., 2019). in dealing with these problems, the efforts made by the central government in building electricity infrastructure in indonesia, especially west kalimantan province, are by interconnecting electricity with malaysia, to be precise, the state of sarawak, which is directly adjacent to west kalimantan through one of the energy programs in the region. asean, namely the asean power grid (apg), believes in the critical benefits of efficient, reliable, and resilient electricity infrastructure in stimulating regional economies and development. thus, in meeting the increasing electricity demand, large investments in power generation capacity are urgently needed and recognize the potential benefits that can be obtained from the establishment of an integrated system through the apg program under 232 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 the asean vision 2020 adopted at the 2nd informal asean summit in kuala lumpur on december 2, 1997. heads of asean power utilities / authorities (hapua) is a particular energy agency tasked with ensuring regional energy security by promoting efficient use and sharing resources (ace, 2017). the cooperation in the energy sector is also a form of asean’s awareness of southeast asia’s economic conditions, which continue to develop, accompanied by the diversity of resources owned by member countries. some asean member countries are exporters and importers of energy, but some countries experience shortages in developing energy resources. this cooperation is an asean effort in creating energy integration in asean (asean, overview, 2014). thus, the power interconnection c o op e r at i on b e t w e e n we s t kalimantan and sarawak is expected to run proportionately to benefit all parties, especially west kalimantan, experiencing electrical problems. another advantage of this cooperation is that it can positively impact the potential for economic growth in west kalimantan province so that problems, such as the lack of competent human resources and investment from within the country or foreigners, can be overcome. theory framework and research methodology in discussing the problems, the author will use a qualitative descriptive method by providing a clear picture of the impact of the interconnection of electricity between west kalimantan and sarawak in increasing the potential for economic growth in west kalimantan by using secondary data such as books, documents, journals, laws, and internet sites. in analyzing the problem, the author will also take advantage of theoretical and conceptual foundations in directing the focus of research following the field’s data and conditions. a. paradiplomacy concept paradiplomacy is the behavior and capacity of non-state actors in foreign relations and cooperation to achieve their specific interests. diplomatic activities, which put full sovereignty to the central gove r n me nt i n t he for ma l constitutional element, have now shifted to the emergence of local or autonomous regional participation in international activities. for the first time, the term paradiplomacy was first introduced to an academic debate carried out riani septi hertini the impact of electrical power interconnection cooperation between ... 233 by basque scientists, panayotis, soldatos in the 1980s as a merger of the term ‘parallel diplomacy’ to ‘paradiplomacy,’ which means ‘the foreign policy of non-central,’ according to aldecoa, keating, and bayer. the paradiplomacy that ivo duchacek has put forward for this concept is’ micro-diplomacy (mukti, 2015). this paradiplomacy concept also discusses how political politics links to international politics as one of the globalization actors. in his journal paradiplomacy, stefan wolff tried to mediate the argument between realists and transformers. according to wolff, paradiplomacy indicates that the state retains its full form of sovereignty. however, paradiplomacy is used as a mechanism for the state to prosper its people in utilizing power. wolff considers that the emergence of international actors is not a threat to the state but a trend in which the state must start sharing its power with local actors. of course, the state can obtain maximum benefits compared to conventional statecenti diplomacy (wolf, 2007). the paradiplomacy phenomenon initially occurred in europe, but at this time, paradiplomacy has become commonplace in the life of transnational societies, including in indonesia. many autonomous regions or known as provincial / district / city governments are actively cooperating with other parties in the form of a memorandum of understanding (mou) or several other forms of international agreements. according to mochtar masoed, autonomous regions in the context of paradiplomacy exist in the intersection of domestic affairs and foreign affairs. the linkage of autonomous regions in international relations is their role as actors (mukti, 2015). therefore, autonomous regions have an essential meaning in studying international relations and must be prioritized since autonomous regions can directly establish foreign relations with foreign parties, both government and non-government. in other words, autonomous regions can bypass through the central government (with the power-giving country’s provisions). not only sub-national entities, but these actors can also take the form of tribal groups, economic interest groups, or multinational companies. paradiplomacy should understand the people so that foreign cooperation can focus on regional development in several sectors. paradiplomacy is divided into three types (santos, 2015): 234 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 1. transborder paradiplomacy the diplomacy process by sub-state actors who have direct geographic borders 2. transregional paradiplomacy the diplomatic process by sub-state actors from different countries, but one region 3. global paradiplomacy the diplomatic process by sub-state actors in different regions of the three types of paradiplomacy, the interconnection c o op e r at i on b e t w e e n we s t kalimantan and sarawak’s provinces is included in transborder paradiplomacy, where the diplomacy process can be carried out the two regions are geographically direct borders. with such conditions, of course, it can benefit one another. meanwhile, according to lecour’s view, paradiplomacy activities are a continuation of the history of integration in each country and can be categorized into 3 (three) (lecours, 2008): 1. paradiplomacy is an economic objective, such as expanding the market for developing investment to foreign countries and mutual investment. this relationship does not include the transnational interactions’ political elements and is commonly done in the united states and australia. 2. paradiplomacy is for some cooperation or multi-purposes between economy, culture, education, health, technology, etc. the type of cooperation or multi-purposes is between economy, culture, education, health, technology, etc. this type refers to a decentralized international co op eration model. various provinces in several countries such as germany, africa, vietnam, and pol and apply t h i s paradiplomacy. 3. c omp l e x d ip l om a c y i n including political motives and a specific regional nationalist i d e nt it y by c on du c t i n g foreign cooperation with high enthusiasm to show a specific regional, national identity, and autonomous and different from some regions in their country, countries do paradiplomacy activities include b elgian flanders, catalonia-spain, quebec-canada, and the basque country. of the three groups above, the implementation of foreign cooperation by the local government or paradiplomacy in indonesia can riani septi hertini the impact of electrical power interconnection cooperation between ... 235 be included in the second category where the local government visits foreign parties using an mou or what is done by kalimantan province and sarawak. b. economic growth theory economic growth is one indicator of successful development in a regional economy, determined by high growth, indicated by national output changes, using the gross regional domestic product (pdrb) region (adisasmita, 2013). economic growth can also be defined as the growth of people’s economic activities that can increase goods and services or increase national income. economic growth is a process of changing a country’s economy on an ongoing basis towards better conditions over a certain period (adisasmita, 2013). a critical factor in encouraging the growth of a country’s economy i s a d e q u at e i n f r a s t r u c t u r e development. economic growth affects people’s welfare. it can provide new job opportunities and reduce unemployment. the growth of a country’s economy can simultaneously stimulate an acceleration so that development can occur evenly (angelina, 2019). according to kuznets, economic growth is when a country’s capacity in the long-run increases in supplying its population’s economic needs. the increase in capacity is due to technological, institutional, and ideological advances regarding the existing demand conditions (ahmad ma’ar uf dan l at r i wihastuti, 2008). economic growth theory is classified into two: classical economic growth theor y and modern economic growth theor y. the classical economic growth theory is a theory coined by economists such as adam smith, david ricardo, and w.a lewis. in classical economic theory, analysis is based on the belief in the effectiveness of freemarket mechanisms. meanwhile, modern economic growth theory has essential characteristics that acknowledge the government’s important role in dealing with the free market system’s failure. this theory sees that government interference will make the free market system more effective (quipper, 2019). one of the modern economic growth theories is the harroddomar theory of economic growth. domar argues that this theory is a development theory from the shortrun keyness theory to a long-term macro theory, assuming investment expenditure does not affect 236 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 aggregate demand, but on aggregate supply experiences an influence on production capacity. in a broader view, the investment will increase capital stock to boost people’s ability to produce output. the output is a potential that can be generated from the existing capital stock (ahmad ma’aruf dan latri wihastuti, 2008). economic growth is also influenced by natural resources, the number, and quality of population education, science and technology, social systems, and markets. the openness of a country’s economy will have a positive impact on growth. the economy of a country integrated with the global economy has more opportunities to expand the market and increase competitiveness to achieve efficiency. indonesia was an open economy during the new order. the indonesian economy was integrated with the world, so export and import activities were drivers of growth. international cooperation activities carried out by regional governments on the border integrated with other countries can also provide opportunities and opportunities to improve people’s welfare. fewer areas of power will facilitate appropriate and effective policies and decisions to increase gdp per capita (ahmad ma’aruf dan latri wihastuti, 2008). i n t h i s r e s e a r c h , t h e international cooperation between west kalimantan and sarawak in the development of electricity infrastructure is expected to positively impact both regions. the electricity export-import activities carried out are proof of infrastructure development and can improve the investment climate to boost the regional economy, especially for west kalimantan province. result and discussion asean believes that the primary function of electricity infrastructure is efficient, reliable, and resilient in stimulating regional e c onom i c d e vel opme nt and improvement. large investments in power generation capacity are required to meet the growing electricity demand. in recognizing the potential benefits that can be obtained from the establishment o f a n i nt e g r at e d s y s t e m , asean establishes electricity interconnection arrangements in the region through one of the programs under the asean center for energy (ace) called the asean power grid (apg) under the asean 2020 vision adopted at the 2nd asean informal summit in kuala lumpur on december 15, riani septi hertini the impact of electrical power interconnection cooperation between ... 237 1997. development of the apg was first carried out based on bilateral cross-border requirements, then expanded to a sub-regional basis, and finally to a total integrated regional system. it is expected to increase cross-border trade in electricity, which will provide benefits in meeting electricity demand and improving energy services in the region (asean, 2019). heads of asean power utilities / authorities (hapua) is a power organization (specialized energ y b ody) recognized in t he s out he ast asia reg ion. hapua was founded in 1981. a memorandum of understanding was signed in may 2004 by the department of electricity services brunei darussalam, electricité du cambodge from cambodia, pt pln (persero) indonesia, electricité du laos from laos, tenaga nasional berhad malaysia, ministr y of electricity myanmar, national power philippines corporation, singapore power limited singapore, thai l and power g enerat ion authority, and vietnam electricity. it aims to promote cooperation among its members to strengthen regional energy security through developing interconnections, increasing private sector participation, encouraging e q u i p m e nt s t a n d a r d i z at i o n , p r o m o t i n g j o i n t p r o j e c t development, cooperation in human resources, research, development, and improving quality and reliability of power supply system (hapua, 2016) apg is a project instructed by the head of the government / asean member countries to achieve asean economic integration, namely creating a regional economic area that is highly competitive in the fields of infrastructure development, energy cooperation, ict, and sme development, at the 17th ame meeting in bangkok on july 1997 which later issued the apaec 1999 2004 document covering the implementation of the apg program. the energy ministers of each country signed an mou in march 2007 to strengthen member countries’ cooperation in developing and increasing energy availability in the region (said, 2019). this cooperation utilizes every primary source, a single-use electrical energy source such as coal, natural gas, and petroleum, to provide electrical energy based on a power plant construction project in predetermined cooperation. apg is also a collaboration that allows other countries with more 238 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 electrical energy sources to transfer their electricity to other countries. through this apg interconnection project, the government seeks to improve electricity security in remote areas and indonesia’s border areas. indonesia has ratified the apg mou in presidential decree number 77 of 2008 concerning the apg mou ratification (said, 2019). the asean region has abundant energy resources with excellent hydropower potential. it provides an excellent opportunity to efficiently use available energy resources in the asean region, reducing the need for and independence on imported fuels from other regions. an adequate and reliable electricity supply is essential for the economic development of asean member countries. to continue to be reliable and meet the demand for electrical energy, investment capital to install additional generating capacity and transmission lines is needed. this condition shows that lowering the investment capital requirements is by connecting the power system through the asean member countries (asean, 2016). apg cooperation by indonesia and malaysia includes 3 (three) projects: (asean, 2016): 1. the sarawak-west kalimantan project 2. t h e su m at r a pe n i n s u l a r malaysia project 3. the sabah-north kalimantan project each of the two countries’ leaders between indonesia and malaysia had a meeting and discussion before the interconnection. the indonesian minister of energy and mineral resources and the minister of kettha malaysia in jakarta on june 26, 2015, agreed to form a technical committee to carry out the project. sudirman and panglima maximus also signed the joint of the acceleration of the implementation of power interconnection projects between indonesia and malaysia during the earth-centered-earthfixed (ecef) meeting on february 12, 2016, in putrajaya (edsm, 2916). of the three collaborations between indonesia and malaysia above, currently, the project between west kalimantan and sarawak is already operating. this development cooperation was endorsed by signing an agreement between pln planning director nasri sebayang with seb chief of executive officer mr. torstein dale sjoweit in jakarta in july 2011. second minister of planning and resources management & minister of public utilities state of sarawak riani septi hertini the impact of electrical power interconnection cooperation between ... 239 the honorable datuk amar hj awang tengah ali hasan was the witness for the contract’s signing to construct this interconnection network. the points of cooperation between the two power companies were listed in term sheets of west kalimantan-sarawak power. the interconnection cooperation between the two regions was carried out by the two countries’ national electricity companies. pt. pln persero (perusahaan listrik negara) pusat in jakarta was the executive agency and pt. pln for the west kalimantan as the implementing agency in the field. meanwhile, malaysia was assisted by sarawak electricity supply co. ltd. (sesco) under the seb (asean, 2016). this interconnection cooperation between west kalimantan and sarawak is a form of diplomacy or foreign cooperation called paradiplomacy. paradiplomacy comes from the behavior and capacity in carrying out foreign cooperation by sub-state or nonstate actors, towards their specific interests. in this case, indonesia and malaysia are not the main domestic actors, but the national electricity companies of the two countries, which are then delegated to regional branches as implementing agencies in the field, namely west kalimantan and sarawak as outlined in the form of term sheets of west kalimantansarawak power. the indonesian government works with malaysia to build an interconnection project for the west kalimantansarawak power grid through a 275 vk sutet between gitet bengkayang (pt.pln kalimantan barat) and gitet mambong (seb malaysia) as far as 122 km. 86 km of transmission networks are in west kalimantan, and 35 km are in the sarawak area, with 345 towers (pangaribuan, 2016). two hundred one towers were installed in indonesia’s transmission system (from gitet bengkayang to the border). meanwhile, 144 countries are located in the sarawak region, malaysia (from gitet mambong to the border). together, these transmission lines in the two countries form the first bimpregional as eaga’s flagship project and the trans borneo power grid’s first leg (pangaribuan, 2016). the interconnection project between west kalimantan and sarawak was connec ted on january 20, 2016. sesco would import power to pt. pln persero (state electricity company) west kalimantan region of 50 megawatts (mw) in stages. during the first interconnection on january 20, 2016, 240 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 the connected energy was 20 mw. on may 9, 2016, it increased to 70 mw, then increased to 90 mw, and would increase to 230 mw during peak load times. this cooperation refers to the pea agreement, where pt pln and sesco agreed to do the export-import of electric power. sesco’s electricity supply would address the power shortage in the west kalimantan region. malaysia imported electricity to pln west kalimantan to overcome blackouts in the west kalimantan region, especially in the equatorial system, in the last two years before connecting this interconnection (duta, 2016). this electricity import also restored the west kalimantan pln fuel mix with savings of up to rp. 3.5 billion per day. this cooperation re bpp costs from the previous rp. 2,700 to rp. 1,700 per kwh. the buying and selling price between pln and sesco has also been agreed to be rp. 900 per kwh without any increase. payment is made in the form of malaysian ringgit according to the agreement of both parties. it is more profitable when compared to using united states dollars. this cooperation is the first electricity cooperation for pt. pln as well as for sesco malaysia. the term of the interconnection cooperation between pln and sesco is divided into two cooperation facilities, namely (esdm, 2016): a. first phase (5 years): in the first phase, pt pln in the west kalimantan region imported electricity from sesco through the take and pay scheme, from 50 mw during peak load time (lwbp) and 230 mw during peak load time (wbp) and would increase incrementally and pay according to the amount of power imported. b. second phase (15 years): in the second phase, both parties mutually exported and imported electric power according to the agreed capacity or in the take or pay scheme. in the second phase of this collaboration, pln and sesco would also mutually import and export electric power based on the two electric power systems’ e c onom i c s or e c onom i c exchange power transfers using the day-head agreement principle. this principle meant an agreement a day before the power transfer and depended on the two systems’ operating conditions. riani septi hertini the impact of electrical power interconnection cooperation between ... 241 in obtaining an energy source, sarawak produced it through a hydroelectric power plant (plta) from a large dam in sarawak’s sabar area. the dam could produce around 6000 mw. with this electricity import, indonesia would benefit greatly. before its connection with the sarawak network, west kalimantan had only reached 150 mw with an electrification ratio of 57.54%, even though west kalimantan’s economy experienced development with the palm oil industry and also the smelter at that time (iesr, 2013). with the interconnection cooperation carried out, the electricity condition in west kalimantan province has increased with an increase in the capacity of 400 mw so that the surplus is more than 100 mw. these conditions make electricity in west kalimantan no longer occur in rotation, let alone threatened with the blackout. in the sale of electrical energy by pt pln in the west kalimantan region, several customers are social, household, business, industrial, factory, and multi-purpose. in 2016, the six customer groups saw a significant increase, especially in industrial and factory groups. with a surplus of energy in the west kalimantan system, it provides opportunities for investors who want to invest in west kalimantan so that they require a large amount of electrical energy, such as the bauxite mining industry, which requires electricity as a continuity in the production process, so there is no need to build their power plants (bps, 2015). masuknya para calon pelanggan baru tersebut, tentunya memberikan dampak bagi masyarakat sekitar dengan terbukanya lapangan pekerjaan baru sehingga dapat menurun kan angka pengangguran dan meningkat kan angka produksi barang dan jasa yang tentunya akan menambah pendapatan daerah dan meningkatkan potensi pertumbuhan ekonomi di kalimantan barat. hal tersebut ditandai dengan meningkatnya laju pertumbuhan ekonomi di kalbar di tahun 2016 sebesar 5,20%, dibandingkan tahun sebelumnya yang hanya 4,81% (maskartini, 2017). kota pontianak merupa kan ibukota provinsi yang menyumbangkan angka pdrb terbesar. pdrb kalimantan barat didukung oleh lapangan-lapangan usaha yang ada di kalbar, seperti sektor lapangan usaha pertanian, kehutanan, dan perikanan. ketiga sektor lapangan usaha tersebut tentunya sangat dipengaruhi oleh ketersediaan listrik yang tersedia di kalimantan 242 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 barat bagi para pengusaha industri tersebut (bps, 2019). conclusion t h e we s t k a l i m a nt a n sarawak interconnection project aims to support investment in strategic transmission assets linking international boundaries to optimize the power grid by reducing the overall requirement for spare capacity, increasing system reliability, eliminating transmission bottlenecks, and transmitting less expensive power from another area, dealing with regional socioeconomic and environmental improvement. under this project, s ar aw a k e x p or t s a d d it i ona l electricity to west kalimantan, which will generate additional revenue for sarawak energy berhad (seb). on the other hand, the power system improves the quality and reliability of the power supply. it helps to diversify the portfolio by stopping old, inefficient plantbased oil-based power in west kalimantan, thereby reducing co2 emissions on the indonesian island of borneo. this project will support the potential development of noodles for the west kalimantan region in the long term. bibliography ace. 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(2019). pengaruh pertumbuhan ekonomi, inflasi, dan pendidikan terhadap tingkat pengangguran dan ke m isk i nan d i prov i ns i kalimantan barat. jurnal ekonomi daerah vol.7 no.1 . islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 geo-political checkmate in the indian ocean region: 21st century maritime silk road, energy security and indo-us nexus imran khan1, muhammad imran2, hamid iqbal3 1al-hamd islamic university, pakistan 2national highway authority, pakistan 3national defence university (ndu), pakistan email: imran_7016@yahoo.co.uk. abstract the study intends to explore the connection between china’s energy security, 21st century maritime silk road (msr), and its anticipated impacts on indo-us strategic perception in the indian ocean region. china’s economic prosperity and industrial boom is fomenting different variables to upset the u.s. led world order. in the back drop of energy security as core national interest, chinese leadership has exceptionally focused the maritime domain. in addition to this, for uninterrupted industrial growth, china largely relies on energy imports that have turned its attention to the strategic value of the sea lines of communication (slocs). however, china’s newly emerged interests and subsequent investment in different sea ports along the oceanic supply chain of indian ocean is fuelling indo-us strategic distrust in the region. the study concludes that china’s carefully crafted maritime silk road (msr) is to challenge the status quo to protect its (china) core national interests in indian ocean the divergence of strategic interests in indian ocean is heralding a new multipart strategic competition that will transform the indian ocean into breeding ground for naval arm race. to understand the shifting geo political realities, the researchers used the power transition theory. keywords: indian ocean region, 21st century maritime silk road (msr), energy security, power transition, 566 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 introduction dr.zbigniew brzezinski, president jimmy carter’s national security adviser, described that world power configuration has been taking change for the 5th time since 20th century. in the on-going power transition from unipolar to the polycentric structure, the unfolding uncertainties, strategic value of slocs, sophisticated technologies, the desperate need of blue water navies for the projection of offshore power have profoundly complicated the sense of insecurity and security more than ever existed in the past. pointing to the geo-political epicentre for competition, robert d. kaplan in his article entitled, the 21stcentury geo-strategist in “centre stage for the 21st century” viewed that due to residence for preeminent energy and trade interstate seaway, indian ocean region (ior) is where global struggles will play out in the twenty-first century (kaplan, 2009). ior is the third largest oceanic body enclosed by asia, australia and africa continents. the region hosts nuclear powers both declared and undeclared, witnesses the competition of extra-territorial powers i.e. sino-america, is the inhabitant of some of the largest oil, coal and natural gas producers while at the same time energy starving states. in the emerging geopolitical theatre of india ocean, india’s geographic position at the center along other ingredients of national power catapulted it on advantageous locus. apart from its favorable geostrategic position, india has some hiccups as well. india’s territorial conflicts with nuclear arch rivals pakistan and china are one of the strategic impediments in the way of its “great power” ambition. in the extra-regional actors, america is the most powerful contender having french and british in reserve. according to the us department of defense base structure report us has ensured its presence in 12 different locations in iordiego garcia, five in persian gulf, three in africa and three on the eastern rim. next to the us, china’s growing dependency for energy imports and trade exports on india ocean prompted it to take urgent and fast track measures to secure its interests in indian ocean. china is the world's second-largest consumer of oil and surpassed the united states as the world’s largest net importer of oil in 2014 (u.s. energy information administration, 2015). china is struggling hard to establish its naval presence across the ior. china established its first external naval outpost in djibouti and installed imran khan, muhammad imran & hamid iqbal geo-political checkmate in the indian ocean region 567 “a few thousand" troops and staff at its first ever overseas military base. apart from djibouti, china has been enormously investing in other maritime ports, which in large numbers are spotted around indian ocean (beckhusen, 2018). the presence of the vital powers and their higher and uncompromising stakes has made india ocean a significant 21st century water body with diverging strategic interests. indian ocean holds multiple strategic, commercial and transportation significance. the region is a pivotal conduit for global energy and trade shipments those shoulders 40% of the world oil supply and 90,000 commercial fleets annually. infested/swarm over by important choke points (u.s. energy information administration (eia), 2017), io is the matter of dead and life in context of energy security for developing states of the new power structure. the presence of the global hegemon us, exclusive strategic claims of ambitious india and china’s inroad in the region have made indian ocean converging region of bedrock concerns. in the wake of china’s interests in the oceans, msr is taken the vital instrument of china’s quest for maritime superiority accompanied by naval modernization to balance the possible threat of the indo-us nexus in ior in case of blockade. the conflicts of interests, in ior, are sharpening the strategic rift further and overwhelming the initiated joint mechanisms to evolve a liberal maritime paradigm between the diverging stakeholders india, america and china in ior. theoretical framework power transition theory (ptt) the power transition theory is an attempt to highlight the possibility of conflict in international system by distinguishing between dominant power(s) and potential challengers. power transition theory was first posited by a.f.k. organski in ‘world politics’ (organski, 1958) in late 1950s and has further been focused in ‘power transitions: strategies for the 21st century’ (ammen, 2000). power transition theory is anti-thesis of ‘balance of power’ that was called as basic principal of international relations. power transition theor y (ptt) like realism does not see world system as anarchical rather hierarchically organized similar to domestic system. in system smaller states recognize the power potential of dominant nation(s) based on different power capabilities. it also recognises that international and 568 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 domestic systems are governed by similar rules. like domestic system, political parties struggle for power, in international system states are in constant competition for scarce resources. power transition conceives international competition as driven by the potential net gains, the overall improvement observed in some measure after all positive and negative influences have been fully accounted for, that could be accrued from conflict or cooperation (jacek&organski, 1989). the most importance aspect of power transition theory is hierarchy in international system. organski visualizes the international system as pyramid. as one moves down from the top, the number of states will be increasing down ward. at apex rung, the most powerful state(s) are designed and designated as “dominant nation”. dominant state(s), ‘the one has total ingredients of national power in true sense’ and in the end is placed the least powerful. dominant state(s) sets the rules for international order. such state(s) has military prowess that can be projected far from its shorelines, economic prosperity, seductive culture that entice the other states of lower rungs, and an attractive political model. dominant state(s) confirms the requirement of both ‘hard power’ and ‘soft power’. it is the main runner of the show in international order. on the second rung of the pyramid great powers reside, those states which have also massive resources but at a time one on one cannot match the dominant state(s). as their names convey these states are also powerful but weaker than the dominant power(s). great powers also share the benefits of the international system but less than that of dominant power. dominant power(s) needs their diplomatic, economic and military support for sustaining their status of global hegemon in international system. the most important thing about these states is their potential to be the future dominant state(s). down the great powers, mid dle powers stand in hierarchy. thesepowers are second rank powers australia, germany, japan and india. allthese state have economic and security assurances and certain benefits for their survival and prestige in prevailing international order. further down to great powers, middle and small powers come. although small powers align themselves with current international order however largely feel dissatisfied from it. imran khan, muhammad imran & hamid iqbal geo-political checkmate in the indian ocean region 569 fu r t h e r m ore , o r g a n s k i’s pyramid bifurcates great and middle powers into satisfied and dissatisfied powers. firstly, stands those great powersand middle powers which are satisfied from prevailing international order and allied with the dominant power(s). some of the great and middle powers e.g. india, great britain , japan, south korea, saudi arabia are satisfied and allied themselves with us (hegemon) to share the global leadership and extract maximum benefits from the system. organski calls these states the most powerful and satisfied states. on the other side of spectrum, some of the greatand middle powers do not feel satisfaction from current international system. they do not think that the running system is fulfilling the desired level of their satisfaction. they see themselves on receiving position and think are being exploited by current international order. in current scenario this group consistsof china, russia, and iran etc.great powers of this groups are called ‘powerful and dissatisfied’ while middle powers of the group is called ‘weak and dissatisfied’. thedissatisfied category gangs up and springs up as real challenger of hegemon. when nations are dis satisfied and at the same time powerful enough to possess the means of doing something about their dissatisfaction, trouble can be expected (organski, 1968, p. 328). in current international order china’s economic growth, military modernization, creeping assertiveness, and being far away from the true political modernization on western lines have been patching it as true challenger to the us. ptt contends the notion that the power of a nation cannot increase unless it wins a war or makes new alliance. one of major assumptions of its arguments is the impetus for the power originates within the states. it is industrialization that makes a nation more powerful and the most powerful nations of the world are industrialized nations. an industrial growth of the different states largely contributes in altering the global power structure. so the more rapid will be industrialization, the fast change will be observed in the global power structure. in 21st century, alongside the changing sands of geo politics, shifting epicentres of powers, replacing of old alliances by new one , the century is also witnessing industrial revolution at its pinnacle. industrialization brings great po570 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 wer to the nations undergoing it (organski, 1968, p. 301). chinese industrial growth has made it able to knock the door that opens to the status of the dominant state. at global level, rising china has been threatening the us dominancy. dissatisfied great and middle powers under china’s auspicious started to gang up against dominant power (america). some of the symptoms of resentment have already been taken at a snail pace movement. sometimes diplomatic statements and other times overt and blatant denials of us moves have sowed the seeds of multi-polar world. in indian ocean region (ior) china and american started to counter each other through regional states. us have declared india as linchpin for her rebalancing policy and multiple times america has expressed her firm commitments for making india a great power. while on the other side, china has been bolstering pakistan’s navy in ior. the frequency of defence treaties, naval exercises and arm sales are scaling up with every passing day in the region. massive population over stretched land, rich history and above all indian’s aspirations to be a greatpower; are few among many variables that makeit a suitable strategic western paw to counter china. both, india and china have also flashpoints that intermittently ignited border skirmishes and both fought a war in 1962. suffice to say us policy to contain china would be up to some extent incomplete or at least in greater troubles in the absence of india. wars occur when a great power in a secondary position challenges the top nation and its allies for control (organski, 1968, p. 325). china’s quest for separate economic institutions, military alliances and strategic agreements with different small, middle and other dissatisfied great powers are manifestations of her dissatisfaction from status quo and projection of a revisionist power along russia .besides, intermittently it has flexed her diplomatic muscles sundry times. keeping in mind uncalculated price of the war, china adopted at-odd-but-not-at-war approach with america. in us-iran nuclear deadlock china supported iran and on sundry occasions in soft manners conveyed her message to washington. in syrian case, china has vetoed several us moved resolutions in unsc. similarly in the south china sea, china denied icj verdict in sino-philippine maritime dispute. china’s colossal strategicstrides in ior have long been serving as glue for us-india imran khan, muhammad imran & hamid iqbal geo-political checkmate in the indian ocean region 571 relations region.on one side indous joint anti-chinese submarine surveillance mechanism in indian ocean reminds china its maritime vulnerabilities. to overcome its vulnerabilities in waters; mari time silk road (msr) is an impor tant strategic-cum-economic instrument. power transition’s assumptions ptt claims that the possibility of war increases manifolds when rising power dissatisfied from prevailing international order and determine to upset it. the situation becomes worse when dissatisfied rising power achieves approximate balance of power with the dominant power. in past, in wwi and wwii dissatisfied rising powers challenged the dominant before achieving credible balance of power, and that adventure ended in disaster. however, if challenger gets larger muscles that ensure her dominance, the dominant power remains hesitant to fight the challenger which mitigates the risk of conflict (organski, 1968, p. 334). in such situations the signs appear before challenger claims or fight for dominance. the power gap between rising china and america is still to cover a lot. although, china emerged as economic challenger of us, however, the other ingredients of national power still tilts into american favour. second assumption, ptt claims that rapid and sudden growth of a challenger in single generation does not let dominant power to take peaceful precautionary steps for sustaining peace in prevailing international order. the potential, location and size of china have been in discussion in us since long. back in 1949, us embarked to get china isolated in its first 30 years. in early 50s,both had face off over korean peninsula. however, in 60s sino-russo split paved the ground for the sino-us joint venture against common adversary soviet union. in short, sino-us relations have stretched over decades and both are well aware of each other’s strategic cultures. the principle of rapid rise in single generation that enhances the possibility of war between rising and dominant nations is quite dimly applicable in sino-american case. the chinese growth has track record of almost six decades and us has been shaping and reshaping its china centric policies accordingly. sometimes self exaggerated sense of rising power makes it blind and during inebriation of growth it may miscalculates the actual capabilities of dominant power. 572 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 chinese mature and cautious approach has nullified this strategic mistake. china never flexed its muscles aggressively against great powers but in extreme exceptions. china is very cautiously projecting its image and never exaggerated to lead or outwit its geopolitical rivals. its century’s long struggles had already made it able to define itself being responsible nation in international community of nations. the degree of friendship b etween the dominant and challenging nations also contributes in peaceful transformation of international order. the power transformation from british to us was peacefulbecause of their congruent political systems and civilizations. however, in sinous power transition, both have different political, administrative systems, and military objectives. both are representative of different political systems and values the stark difference between sino-us culture, norms and over again us pressing for chinese political modernization are major symptoms of their anticipated future conflict. above of all, adjusting with alien political system need greater changes and for a larger nation like china or us it would be impossible to submit voluntarily to their counter values. energy security as a strategic concern energ y s ecurity, broadly defined, means adequate, affordable and reliable supplies of energy (international energy agency, 2007). it matters because, today, to keep continue the smooth and ensured growth of economies, industries and transport sector from maritime to aerial and battlefield vehicles, energy security has become top priority concomitant to others in foreign policy making circles. being mover of every kind of state’s wheel, for various states energy became as influential strategic tool to secure their national interests either through blackmailing others (in russia case and european union case) or as core national interest in chinese case. energy security has acquired the status of an essential variable in on-going geopolitical contest and that pitched various states against other either to protect energy sources, markets or transit routes. in this regard, the former us president richard nixon rightly pointed out that security and economic considerations are inevitably linked and energy cannot imran khan, muhammad imran & hamid iqbal geo-political checkmate in the indian ocean region 573 be separated from eitherr (bromley, 1991, p. vii). historical evidence confirms his remarks in relation to the importance of energy. in the 18th century, european continent with mesmerized momentum had embarked on astronomical industrialization process. the catalyst for the stimulated industrialization was coal-powered technologies. coal was at the centre of the industrial revolution and perhaps in recorded history first time human translated energy into desired outcome. the coalgenerated industrialization process was culminated in to advanced weapons, capitalism, luxurious goods and cumulative result was industrial growth, seductive life style and the dominancy of west in every aspect. coal was primary mean to run steam engines, heat buildings, to power transportation sector and became the vital engine of entire industrial revolution. meanwhile, energy being important element to keep moving war machinery the consideration for the diversification of energy sources had started to take roots. the first recorded example of diversification or shifting the source of energy from coal to oil can be traced to winston churchil’s instruction to first sea lord admiral jackie fisher: “you have got to find the oil; to show how it can be stored cheaply: how it can be purchased regularly & cheaply in peace and with absolute certainty during war (munson, 2015)” for the first time, churchill had shifted royal navy ships from coal to persian oil as its source of propulsion (yergin, 2005, p. 52). the sole purpose for this shift was to make more efforts to outwit and out-fight german naval fleets. so energy security became the source of strategic concerns since onset of the modern strategic competition even prior to wwi. in context of energy security, maritime and continental routes of indian ocean have acquired remarkable strategic ascendancy for involved troika (producers, consumers and transit states). in this equation some statessaudi arabia, russia, myanmar, sri lanka, djibouti, japan and china have acquired more geo-strategiccum-economic importance for providing one of the important tools e.g. reliable arrangements for pipelines, lands routs, sea ports (to circumvent possible terrorist and strategic threats or to reduce transit cost) or ensured supply or potential markets. 574 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 geographical diversity as threat to slocs the variable of the geographical dispersion of energy sources further compound the energy security dilemma for many developed and developing stakeholders. in many cases the unequal and tortuous dispersion of energy not only gives more leverage to transit states as compare to producers and consumers but also increases the possibilities of the military threats in context of blockade. the largest shale oil and gas reserves are discovered on north american continent(u.s. energy information administration (eia), 2013), the oil elephants are concentrated in the middle east, however, brazil, venezuela, america, russia, and central asia also hold sizeable fraction (worldatlas, 2019) and the largest natural gas reserves reside in central asia and russia. all these far flung energy reserves demand secure routes and ensured supply for both consumers and producers. in the past on various occasions, the stable flow of energy has been disrupted or threatened to be disrupted by rival factions. south east asian, somali pirates(bbc, 2011) and iranian government in case of us-iran war multiple times threatened to disrupt the sea borne supply lanes. the process of massive industrialization and growing dependence on energy in the incumbent evolving polycentric structure is shifting focus from the land based security measures to the waters. maritime routes as the cheapest source for transportation and potential target to cripple adversaries’ economies has been fuelling the greater than ever sense of maritime insecurity in various states. the massive naval presences of american fleets in the target rich water channels, china and indian unceasing struggles for greater naval muscles have been posing grave threats to the already disturbed waters of indian ocean. however, arm race to protect the energy lanes further complicate the indian ocean’s power politics. that’s further disturbance will further the already perceived threats to the slocs which back and forth energy from geographically distance locations. china and the seas: a growing de pendence according to energy information administration (eia), nearly 59 million barrels per day (b/d) of global petroleum and other liquids production moved on maritime imran khan, muhammad imran & hamid iqbal geo-political checkmate in the indian ocean region 575 routes in 2015, or almost 61% of the world total. much of this volume transited suez canal and sumed pipeline, the bab el-mandeb strait, and the strait of hormuz. a large volume of china’s energy imports from remote regions are coming home through different maritime routs, maximum of which pass across greater indian ocean. china is the world's most populous country with a fast-growing economy that has led it to be the largest energy consumer and producer in the world. china’s economic boom made it as unusual economic challenger to the centuries-old economic giant, the us. being manufacturing-based economy whose rapid growth is moderating energy consumption (deng, 2018) and energy deficit state, china surpassed us as largest global energy consumer in 2010. the u.s. energy information administration (eia) reports that china surpassed the united states at the end of 2013 as the world's largest net importer of petroleum and other liquids, in part because of china's rising oil consumption. china surpassed south korea to become the world’s second-largest importer of liquefied natural gas (lng) in 2017, according to data from ihs markit and official chinese government statistics (u.s. energy information administration (eia), 2018). china surpassed the u.s. in annual gross crude oil imports in 2017 by importing 8.4 million barrels per day (b/d) compared with 7.9 million b/d of u.s. crude oil imports (the maritime executive, 2018). according to energy information administration (eia), in 2015 china imported 23% of its oil requirement from africa, second bigger source for chinese oil import after middle east with 52%. all these imports were transited to maritime routes. pentagon’ 2016 annual report to congress noted: “given china’s growing energy demand, new pipelines will alleviate only slightly china’s maritime dependency … the sheer volume of oil and liquefied natural gas that is imported … will make strategic slocs increasingly important to china(office of military commissions office of the secretary of defense, 2016).” chinese energy imports from africa and middle east are to pass all the way through important navigational choke points. during any crisis, energy disruption to china can cause mammoth jolt in its economic might and if not possible in reality but sword will still be lingering on china. 576 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 a threat perception has developed in chinese elites in relation to its heavy dependence of energy imports on various maritime routes, 80% (davis, 2014) (in addition to much of its trade) of which comes in china through malacca straits. president hu jintao, during a speech at a military academy in 2004, termed this heavy dependence for china on one single strait as “malacca dilemma” and has been considered a potential threat to the free flow of energy resources into china. sustainable economic growth is as an important component of china’s rise and social cohesion. china’s economic rise is the outcome of its unprecedented i n du s t r i a l i z at i on p a c e a n d continuous supply of the energy mix to keep move the industries. the uninterrupted supply of the energy is vital element for this sustainable economic growth. many high profile office holders in china specifically pointed out china’s core interest in their formal writings, whitepapers and cpc’s plenary sessions. on december 6, 2010, dai bingguo 577 uninterrupted supply of the energy is vital element for this sustainable economic growth. many high profile office holders in china specifically pointed out china‟s core interest in their formal writings, whitepapers and cpc‟s plenary sessions. on december 6, 2010, dai bingguo (戴秉国) published an article entitled "we must stick to the path of peaceful development" on the official website of china's foreign ministry. he wrote: in my view, no development path should be chosen at the expense of major national interests, core interests in particular. what are china's core interests? my personal understanding is: first, china's form of government and political system and stability, namely the cpc leadership, the socialist system and socialism with chinese characteristics; second, china's sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity; third, the basic guarantee for sustainable economic and social development of china. no violation of these interests will be allowed (bingguo, 2010). on september 6, 2011, the state council released a white paper entitled china's peaceful development, which once again defined and highlighted ensured ensuring sustainable economic as chin‟s core national interests along others(white paper, 2011). chinese policy making circle views energy security in both strategic and economic terms to keep industries moving for sustainable economic development. in the backdrop of its strategicvulnerability in terms of energy security, china has long since been investing in different sea ports along the important slocs for commercial purposes. how many of these ports situated either india‟s perceived zone of influence like myanmar, sri lanka, bangladesh, or zone of competitions for many other powers like african ports and mediterranean. obviously, china‟s investment in these specific ports has been fueling a range of concerns in regional and global players and is being portrayed as china‟s “grand strategy” to secure sizeable influence in indian ocean in the sugar coated slogan of “community of shared future” in the first place. however, for china, the last year‟s xi‟s revitalized determination to broaden market access and expand imports in the face of greater opening-up(baijie, 2018) has increasingly elevated the strategic standing of the (slocs). being an export-oriented economy with ever growing demands of energy imports, china‟s survival and prosperity is closely tied to the free seaborne trade. haiyang qiangguo: china as a maritime power we should pay close attention to both development and security. the former is the foundation of the latter while the latter is a precondition for the former. a wealthy country may build a strong army, and a strong army is able to safeguard a country (jinping, 2014) published an article entitled "we must stick to the path of peaceful development" on the official website of china's foreign ministry. he wrote: in my view, no development path should be chosen at the expense of major national interests, core interests in particular. what are china's core interests? my personal understanding is: first, china's form of government and political system and stability, namely the cpc leadership, the socialist system and socialism with chinese characteristics; second, china's sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity; third, the basic guarantee for sustainable economic and social development of china. no violation of these interests will be allowed (bingguo, 2010). on september 6, 2011, the state council released a white paper entitled china's peaceful development, which once again defined and highlighted ensured ensuring sustainable economic as chin’s core national interests along others(white paper, 2011). chinese policy making circle views energy security in both strategic and economic terms to keep industries moving for sustainable economic development. in the backdrop of its strategicvulnerability in terms of energy security, china has long since been investing in different sea ports imran khan, muhammad imran & hamid iqbal geo-political checkmate in the indian ocean region 577 along the important slocs for commercial purposes. how many of these ports situated either india’s perceived zone of influence like myanmar, sri lanka, bangladesh, or zone of competitions for many other powers like african ports and mediterranean. obviously, china’s investment in these specific ports has been fueling a range of concerns in regional and global players and is being portrayed as china’s “grand strategy” to secure sizeable influence in indian ocean in the sugar coated slogan of “community of shared future” in the first place. however, for china, the last year’s xi’s revitalized determination to broaden market access and expand imports in the face of greater opening-up(baijie, 2018) has increasingly elevated the strategic standing of the (slocs). being an export-oriented economy with ever growing demands of energy imports, china’s survival and prosperity is closely tied to the free seaborne trade. haiyang qiangguo: china as a maritime power we should pay close attention to both development and security. the former is the foundation of the latter while the latter is a precondition for the former. a wealthy country may build a strong army, and a strong army is able to safeguard a country (jinping, 2014) piracy, natural disaster and due to power politics, china prompted to place extra-ordinary focus on development for strong naval muscles to cope with the threats. for this purpose, president xi has continued the call to develop china into a maritime power (people.cn, 2013). during policy discussion session with members of the political bureau of the cpc central committee in july 2013, xi noted that in the 21st century, the ocean has an increased vital role to play in economic development and opening to the outside world. for playing a key role in the global governance through maritime power as an instrument of national power, china unveiled important blue prints of connectivity across the already disturbed waters under the banner of 21st century maritime silk road (msr). the plan was announcedin october 2013 in indonesian parliament by chinese president xi jinping during his official visit. msr has multipronged aspects that covers various areas from commercial facilitator to strategic launchingpad. 578 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 why and what india does concern? two important sea ports, gwadar in cpec and kyaukopyu in bcimec ensure the china’s direct access to the arabian sea in the west of india and in the bay of bengal in its east. while indian "strategically important" andaman and nicobar islands are also exist in this sub region of the indian ocean, the bay of bengal. for india, these islands have massive strategic importance. but in power politics, the strength of one measures the weakness of the adversary. for china, andaman and nicobar card up to some extent is lingering sword over its energy import and trade export (short to malacca dilemma) in case of any conflict. in strategic terms it can be safe to say that china’s investment in myanmar port, the northernmost part of the andaman and nicobar is only 22 nautical miles away from myanmar, might serve two fold purposes in future: a reliable base for naval presence (as staying or fuelling station) to counter indian’s andaman card and second to evade partially the malacca dilemma to get direct access to china via myanmar. in southwest of india china’s investments in the “strategically important” gwadar port have also been perceived as an important package for the so-called the string of pearls. india largely downplays its economic aspects and projects it as sino-pak joint strategic move against india. the vital reason for india’s triggered worrisome is gwadar’s geographical position. in south west of india’s lakshadweep islands, china is bolstering pakistan’s strategic strengt h t hat in retur n is supplementing china’s strategic presence at and around gwadar port. in this regard, china has provided maritime patrolling boats and inked agreement for selling of 8 aip submarine to pakistan(china to provide eight submarines to pakistan, 2016) which raised indian concerns. this india perceived twopronged investment in gawadar and myanmar’s ports on one side at the tip of strait of hormuz is breeding ‘hormuz syndrome’ for india while on the other hand it is defying the india’s “ring of steel”. in the context of the energy security, for india straits of hormuz is standing on equal footing as malacca strait stands for china. while andaman and nicobar are a “very important aspect” of india’s security, acting as extended arms of the country(daily news and analysis (dna), 2015). imran khan, muhammad imran & hamid iqbal geo-political checkmate in the indian ocean region 579 indian booming industries are also heavily dependent on energy imports from various parts of the world. the middle eastern region contributes a large fraction of its oil imports. the share of middleeast nations stood at 64 per cent in 2017-2018 as compare to 61 per cent in financial year 2013-2014(et energyworld, 2018). much of indian oil shipments from the middle east have to sail through the strait of hormuz. in this regard, to counter balance the india’s possible hostile ambitions in nicobar and andaman nothing but gwadar is a pragmatic choice. chinese presence in bay of bengal through its investment in myanmar and bangladeshi ports has struck the alarming bells in new delhi. the triggered worrisome of the encirclement put indian naval modernization and proactive intelligence sharing with the us, japan and france on more fast track. the misdiagnosed sensing from china has forced india towards more proactive diplomacy for assuming the lead under ‘act east policy’ in the south east asian. however, india’s geographical position in the indian ocean and its national power elements make it easy to galvanize the support of many resented littoral states of the indian ocean. to give an alternative infrastructural avenue and to break the msr’s seduction, modi’s government came up with its own version of msr, project mausam (pillalamarri, 2014). the sundry developments in the waters of indian ocean region can interlock india and china in perpetual naval up gradation. an indian ocean trifecta two regional states, india and china, and one extra regional state america have emerged as key strategic and economic players in the third largest water body of the planet. in indian ocean region (ior) america and china have been struggling to reaffirm and foment alliance network. in this regard, for america, india is the most suitable counter-weight to china. us had already bestowed india the status of linchpin(datt, 2012) in its rebalancing policy and firmly expressed its commitments for making india a great power. india’s massive population, over stretched land, the oldest history and aspirations to be a great power are multiple variables that make it an appropriate strategic western paw for countering china. however, in this equation the sense of “strategic autonomy” in indian policy circle is an important intervening variable. 580 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 on the other side, china is bolstering the capacities of india’s possible balancer pakistan. the frequency of defence treaties, naval exercises and arm sales between sino-pak are scaling up with every passing day in the region. the troika, pakistan, india and china have also border flashpoints that have intermittently ignited either in fullfledged wars or border skirmishes. in nutshell, us policy to contain china would be up to some extent incomplete or at least in greater troubles in case india asserts the element of its strategic autonomy. however, in realistic view, us and india see chinese investments through traditional geo-political lens and totally overruled infrastructural aspects. in seas, chinese investment is being perceived as practical implementation of alfred t. mahan’s advice for controlling nicholas j. spykman’s coined idea of the rimland. many of msr’s ports are located on spykman’s defined rimland that encircle the mackinder’s heart land what all fluctuate us-indo strategic perception in this part of the world. further, in sundry places chinese investment in different ports by default counter the already us or indian established naval bases or other relevant installation. the other striking fact of this competition is china’s larger economic base unlike cold war contest. unlike ussr, cpc’s legitimacy has been confirmed by its economic progress, which is standing on western liberal system. however, back in 20th century ussr was totally (economic and political system) running under communist principles. however, china is partially following communist paradigm while underscore the liberal system for its economic boom. the ‘half beast, half man’ principle can be applied on china administrative and economic paradigms. china’s liberal economic system as ‘half man’ is enhancing its economic clout where its authoritative regime is ‘half beast’ which is both internal and external stumbling block. china is being delivered by deng xiaoping’s given liberal economic system but under mao’s communist political order. the former put china on position where it emerged as america’s economic challenger while the later has been hampering its true national integrity and global outreach. the liberal element of china makes it more steadfast and competent competitor than ussr. imran khan, muhammad imran & hamid iqbal geo-political checkmate in the indian ocean region 581 strategic aspects of maritime silk road (msr) alfred thayer mahan, a united states navy flag officer, geostrategist, and historian, said; that naval blockade can defeat strongest enemy. in both world wars naval blockade played important roles in the victories of the “allied forces”. due to advancement of communications in the new geopolitical realities maritime routes, ports and trade hold greater importance. to control these maritime routes, china has employed its massive investments in different ports. more than 90 per cent of china's trade" is carried out through sea lanes. the trade shipment is fast but much expansive as compare to cheapest sea borne trade. keeping in mind the importance of sea routs, there is higher possibilities that china will supply most of its goods in the future by sea. in order to replace a single modern container ship, up to 300 trains can be needed. beijing knows and recognizes the massive importance and its larger concentration on developing, investing on different sea ports and modernizing its navy in order to keep check and provide security to its trade and energy shipments. the rise of india, china and other stakeholders of the global politics has speeded up the process of multi-polarity. china had already furthered its claim for vital position and role under catching phrase of ‘china’s role in global governance’ (zhongying, 2016). in the developing and developed states owning to the heavy dependence on trade, both for raw materials to fuel economies and to ship their exports abroad, the command of seas is an important instrument to ensure the stable flow of maritime shipments aside geo strategic bargaining. the need for maritime security has been pushing various states towards naval up gradations, naval exercises and naval alliance system. this reshaping hierarchy of choices in foreign policies has been shifting the focus from land-based alliances towards maritime security communities. in realistic paradigm, power always comes at the cost of other. china’s maritime security quest to overcome its security dilemma in ior obviously is putting adverse effects on other players especially india and america. in 2012 according to the international institute for strategic studies (iiss) published annual military balance established that asian spending on defence surpassed that of europe. the size of defence budgets have been equally soaring with sino582 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 india economic boom and in future the trend will be on increase. it is documented that asian economic growth proportionally increased its defence spending as well. dr luciebéraud-sudreau, responsible for the collection and assessment of data on defence budgets and defence industry for the military balance and military balance, asserts the direct relations between economic ris e and defence e x p e nd itu re s ( b é r au d su d re au, 2017). after years of strong growth of more than 5% in real terms, asia’s total defence expanding plummeted to 1.4% between 2016 and 2017. the vital cause for this decline has been economic slowdown in both china and india. conclusion msr is initiated on economic lines and being projected as vital engine for economic growth and integration. no doubt, the standard model for economic integration has been european union (eu). however, european economic integration became only possible when the existing territorial disputes had been overcome and extinguished all the ashes which could have engulfed western europe in war or just short of war. the success of msr could only be possible when stakeholders in south china sea and east china sea conflicts would been able to sort out their differences amicably . next to the territorial disputes are china’s internal problems. china has been facing two fold territorial challenges both external to mainland and internal on mainland, china-taiwan issue and territorial issues on mainland china. xinjing and tibet’s true integration is necessary if china truly be seen real and responsible power. otherwise, the existing bicker in xinjing would been pressing vein of china for western propaganda machine human rights watch dogs once again(watson & westcott, 2019). the most important aspect of chinese investment is the generated perception of the “debttrap diplomacy”. china must take appropriate steps to dispel the notion. the first thing for china is to read deeply and take care of the national interests of the various states. it should avoid being the part of the domestic politics of the different states. in many states going governments used china’s investments as their election campaign manifestos. and in many states, from sri lanka to malaysia, maldives and pakistan new governments felt irritation from imran khan, muhammad imran & hamid iqbal geo-political checkmate in the indian ocean region 583 previously concluded agreements. the domestic fault-lines in these countries are mainly playing the role of time bombs for chinese investments. china should take consider the small states, their domestic politics dynamics and national consensus trajectory. one china completes homework it ought to tailormade its investment mode accordingly. the need and hope for eco nomic gain is one of the distinguished elements that are bringing together a number of states with diverse histories, political systems and territorial disputes towards beijing. the designed distribution of economic dividends has initially mustered sizeable support and participation in china’s initiated msr. however, fragile strategic perception of us and india and divergent themes for global administration has put various question marks on unfolding initiative. msr has positive economic and infrastructural effects for smaller states connecting them with each other and with beijing through maritime routs. however, both opposing blocs have historical nightmares that are totally changing the outlook of the economic based initiatives. for china, msr is important milestone for safeguarding slocs and to avoid the incidents like yinhe (chinadaily, 1993) where america stopped chinese freighter that had been suspected by american intelligence of carrying poison gas ingredients to iran. both india and china are largely under the burden of their bitter histories while america is to maintain the status quo in the indian ocean region. china’s investment under the banner of msr, by default, has saboteur impacts for the us hegemony and status-que while for india scare to be overwhelmed. additionally, power influx phenomena acts as catalyst for this strategic competition. in this power transition process and in the middle of the structural changes various stakeholders are locked in zero-sum-game competition for proper place in the re-configuration process of 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(1958). world politics. new york: knopf. islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 menakar paradiplomasi batam dalam lingkup free trade zone melalui analisis isi regulasi rizqi apriani putri hubungan internasional program magister universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: rizqiaprianiputri@gmail.com abstrak batam merupakan salah satu daerah di kepulauan riau. berdasarkan letak geografis, batam berbatasan langsung dengan negara tetangga yaitu malaysia dan sngapura yang memiliki keistimewaan sendiri dibandingkan daerah sekitarnya, dan dilewati oleh jalur perdagangan internasional. sehingga, batam dijadikan salah satu daerah free trade zone (ftz) untuk investasi asing dan berdaya saing tinggi. konsep dari ftz ini berfokus terhadap sektor ekspor industri, membuka lapangan pekerjaan dan mengembangkan industri lokal. penelitian ini menggunakan teori liberalisme, teori efektivitas, dan paradiplomasi. artikel ini bertujuan untuk menentukan efektivitas dari pemerintahan free trade zone (ftz) paradiplomasi di daerah batam. metode penelitian kombinasi, metode kuantitatif digunakan dalam pengkodean untuk mendeteksi dalam konten analisis dan metode kualitatif, library research seperti buku, artikel, jurnal, peraturan. hasil penelitian, kebijakan baru pemerintah indonesia dari sentalisasi menjadi desentralisasi. pemerintah pusat memberikan kewenangan pemerintah daerah untuk mengelola wilayah sendiri salah satunya batam. peraturan pemerintah nomor 5 tahun 2011 tentang area bebas dan pelabuhan bebas batam untuk zona bebas perdagangan (ftz) daerah batam. ftz batam berlaku 70 tahun. namun, beberapa peraturan yang mengatur ftz di batam masih terjadi dalam ketidakkonsistenan dilihat dari beberapa indikator yang diteliti. kata kunci: free trade zone (ftz), regulasi, pemerintah, paradiplomasi, efektivitas 652 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 abstract batam is one of the areas in riau islands. based on geographical, batam directly borders on neighboring country such as malaysia and singapore with its own privileges compared to the surrounding area, and passed by international trade. therefore, batam is one of the free trade zone (ftz) areas for foreign investment and highly competitive. the concept of the ftz focuses on the sector exports industry, open jobs and developing local industry. the research used theories of liberalism, effectiveness theory, and paradiplomacy. this article aims to determine the effectiveness of the governance of free trade zone (ftz) paradiplomacy in batam area. the method used is quantitative research using a coding for detect in the analysis content and qualitative for library research such as books, articles, journals, and regulations. the research result is the indonesian government’s new policy of centralization into decentralization where the central government gives regional authority to manage its own area, one of them is batam. government regulation number 5 year 2011 about free area and batam free port for free trade zone (ftz) batam. ftz batam valid for 70 years. however, some of the regulations governing ftz in batam still occur in the inconsistencies seen from some of the indicators studied. keywords: free trade zone (ftz), regulations, government, paradiplomacy, effectiveness pendahuluan terbentuknya provinsi kepulauan riau (kepri) berdasarkan undang-undang nomor 25 tahun 2002, dengan lingkup daerah kota tanjungpinang, kota batam, kabupaten bintan, kabupaten karimun, kabupaten natuna, kabupaten kepulauan anambas dan kabupaten lingga serta menjadikannya sebagai provinsi ke 32 di indonesia. dengan ibukota provinsi berada di tanjungpinang. provinsi ini terletak pada jalur lalu lintas transportasi laut dan udara yang strategis dan terpadat pada tingkat internasional serta memiliki peluang besar di pasar internasional. secara geografis, provinsi kepulauan riau berdekatan dengan singapura dan malaysia. (kepri, 2014). sejak tahun 1986, batam dijadikan kawasan berikat dengan fasilitas ekspor manufaktur sehingrizqi apriani putri menakar paradiplomasi batam dalam lingkup free trade zone 653 ga menjadikan batam sebagai pusat pertumbuhan. pada tahun 2007, batam, bintan, dan karimun dijadikan sebagai free trade zone. akan tetapi pada tahun 2009, penetapan batam, bintan, dan karimun baru selesai (umar juoro, dkk, 2013, p. 1). pemilihan batam, bintan, dan karimun (bbk) sebagai pilot project pelaksanaan kawasan ekonomi khusus (kek) telah mendorong provinsi lainnya untuk mengajukan usul kepada pemerintah agar di daerahnya dapat juga dibentuk kek. namun demikian, guna mempercepat kerja sama ekonomi antara indonesia d an si ng apu r a , p e me r i nt a h telah menetapkan batam, bintan dan karimun sebagai kawasan perdagangan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas (free trade zone/ftz) melalui peraturan pemerintah nomor 46 tahun 2007 untuk kawasan perdagangan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas batam, peraturan pemerintah nomor 47 tahun 2007 untuk kawasan perdagangan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas bintan, peraturan pemerintah nomor 48 tahun 2007 untuk kawasan perdagangan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas karimun yang diterbitkan pada tanggal 20 agustus 2007 diberikan selama 70 tahun. selanjutnya melalui keputusan presiden juga telah menetapkan dewan kawasan perdagangan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas di ketiga wilayah tersebut yang diterbitkan pada tanggal 7 mei 2008. namun demikian, karena tiga peraturan pemerintah di atas harus dilengkapi dengan keputusankeputusan menteri terkait, maka secara efektif implementasi ftz dikawasan batam, bintan dan karimun terhitung mulai pada tanggal 1 april 2009. (syarif hidayat dkk, 2010, pp. 3-4). berdasarkan letak geografis, kawasan bbk berada pada posisi jalur perdagangan internasional dan berdekatan dengan singapura dan malaysia sehingga hal ini dapat mempermudah masuknya investor asing ke indonesia melalui kawasan bbk. apalagi, jika didukung dengan infrastruktur yang berkesinambungan dan memadai sehingga dapat bersaing dengan negara-negara yang lebih maju dan bernilai daya saing tinggi (bambang hendrawan dan rahmat hidayat, 2012, pp. 5-7). batam diberikan kekhususan oleh pemerintah tentang kepabeanan, pajak, dan peraturan lain yang dapat meningkatkan perekonomian. sebagian besar yang bertujuan melakukan ekspor di batam merupakan perusahaan asing. misalnya, singapura yang memiliki 654 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 keterbatasan lahan, sehingga menjadikan batam serta didaerah sekitarnya pilihan untuk melakukan perdagangan inetrnasional seperti kegiatan ekspor impor serta berinvestasi. (indra pahlawan, p. 2) para perangkat birokrasi lokal (pemerintah daerah) merupakan stakeholder dalam pelaksanaan otonomi daerah. termasuk dalam menangani masuknya investor asing di daerah. mereka pula yang akan menjadi “gerbang utama” dalam upaya memanfaatkan peluang ekspor bagi daerah. peran pemerintah daerah dalam pengelolaan investasi asing. salah satunya masuknya badan-badan pengelola investasi dengan pembagian kerja yang jelas. tujuannya adalah agar pemerintah daerah memiliki kapasitas dan keleluasaan mengelola kegiatan investasi tanpa terlampau banyak campur tangan pemerintah pusat. kondisi lain adalah bahwa pemerintah daerah harus memiliki kemampuan yang tinggi untuk mencari dan mengelola investasi asing bagi pembangunan daerahnya. dengan kata lain, pemerintah daerah harus aktif berdiplomasi dan berbisnis internasional, seperti halnya yang dilakukan pemerintah pusat (jatmika, 2001, p. 93). artikel ini bermaksud untuk memberikan gambaran beberapa regulasi terkait ftz di batam yang mana pada pelaksanaannya dimulai pada tahun 2007 sampai sekarang dengan berdasarkan peraturan pemerintah nomor 5 tahun 2011 perubahan atas peraturan pemerintah nomor 46 tahun 2007 tentang kawasan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas batam kawasan perdagangan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas batam yang meliputi wilayah pulau batam, pulau tonton, pulau nipah, pulau rempang, pulau galang, pulau galang baru dan pulau setokok. dan setelah perubahan bertambah menjadi pulau janda hias dan gugusannya. ftz di batam berlaku 70 tahun sejak peraturan ini dibuat. metode penelitian penelitian ini menggunakan metode kombinasi (mix method). metode kombinasi adalah teknik pengumpulan data dan analisis data melalui proses pencampuran yaitu kualitatif dan kuantitatif. mix method digunakan secara bersamaan dalam proses penelitian. di dalam artikel ini, penulis menggunakan level teks dengan menggunakan teknik coding terkait beberapa regulasi yang berlaku di indonesia untuk menangani free trade zone/ kawasan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas batam. terdapat tiga indikator yang digunakan penulis untuk melakurizqi apriani putri menakar paradiplomasi batam dalam lingkup free trade zone 655 kan pengukuran yaitu aktor, tata kelola perdagangan bebas dan efisiensi manajemen pelabuhan dan jumlah penggunaan kata diakumulasikan serta dianalisa di bagian pembahasan. studi pustaka free trade zone (ftz) adalah wilayah dimana ada beberapa hambatan perdagangan seperti tarif dan kuota dihapuskan dan mempermudah urusan birokrasi dengan harapan menarik bisnis baru dan investasi asing. pelaksanaan ftz di wilayah batam, bintan, karimun dan tanjung pinang adalah amanat yang terkandung dalam uu no. 44 tahun 2007 serta peraturan pelaksanaan yang berada dibawahnya. sebagai amanat undang-undang, maka menjadi kewajiban bagi setiap instansi terkait untuk melaksanakannya secara konsekuen dan konsisten. ftz berfungsi sebagai sarana perdagangan bebas, bongkar muat dan penyimpanan barang, serta manufacturing, dengan atau tanpa pagar pembatas di sekeliling wilayah, dengan akses terbatas yang dijaga petugas bea cukai (rade, 2014, pp. 3-4). free trade zone adalah kawasan yang berada di luar daerah pabean dalam wilayah suatu negara. daerah pabean merupakan daerah yang identtik dengan wilayah suatu negara. fasilitas istimewa itu berupa pembebasan pengenaan bea masuk (bm), pajak pertambahan nilai (ppn), pajak penjualan atas barang mewah (ppnbm) dan cukai (muliono, 2003, p. 9). pelaksanaan atau pekerjaan yang dapat dikatakan efektif bilamana kegiatan itu dapat dicapai sejalan sesuai tujuan seperti efektivitas, tujuan, penetpaan standart, metode, fasilitas atau sarana atau fasilitas yang memberikan pengaruh, dikarenakan efektif tidak sekadar memberikan pengaruh (mardalena, 2017, p. 81). richard m. steers, berpendapat terdapat beberapa faktor utama yang menjadi keberhasilan efektivitas dalam organisasi adalah (1) karakteristik organisasi, terdiri dari struktur dan teknologi dalam organisasi; (2) karakteristik lingkungan terdiri dari lingkungan ekstern dan intern. lingkungan ekstren adalah yang berada di luar batas-batas organisasi yang mempengaruhi keputusan contoh kondisi ekonomi, pasar, dan peraturan pemerintah. lingkungan intern terdiri dari dalam lingkungan itu sendiri seperti dilihat dari segi efektivitas dari tingkat individu; (3) karakteristik pekerja, yang mana dapat dilihat dari beragamnya pandangan, tujuan, kebutuhan 656 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 dan kemampuan orang yang berbeda-beda; (4) kebijakan dan praktek manajemen, dengan berbagai kebijakan dan praktek kepemimpinan dapat menghasilkan tujuan tertentu. peranan manajemen dengan adanya teknologi menjadi semakin penting untuk mencapai keberhasilan (streers, 1985, pp. 9-11). berdasarkan keating, ada tiga hal untuk mengetahui ke efektivitasan tata kelola para diplomasi berjalan dengan sesuai dengan semestinya antara lain. pertama, terdapat kesamaan dalam tingkat pembangunan atau pun saling membutuhkan satu sama lain seperti sumber daya maupun keahlian lain dalam daerah untuk menjalin kerjasama. kedua, kelembagaan, memiliki pemerintah daerah yang dapat berperan sebagai interlocutor (penghubung dan penengah) bertindak sebagai penghubung dari berbagai macam kepentingan di wilayah tersebut. ketiga, daerah memiliki kewenangan, struktur dan kekuatan yang seimbang untuk melaksanakan kerja sama (keating, 2000, p. 7). teori-teori liberal tentang interdep endensi at au s a ling ketergantungan didasarkan pada ideide tentang hubungan-hubungan p e rd ag ang an d an ekonom i. dengan adanya perdagangan, teori liberal percaya bahwa akan meningkatkan konsumsi. sehingga, dilihat dari hal ini, perdagangan dapat menguntungkan dalam sisi permintaan dan penawaran (bakr y, 2015, p. 105). david ricardo menyatakan pentingnya perdagangan bebas dalam hubungan internasional, dikarenakan membuat negara menjadi efisien, yang mana salah satu nilai liberalism yang kualitasnya sama dengan kebebasan. dalam pandangan ricardo, pasar internasional yang bebas akan menstimulasi industri, medorong inovasi dan menciptakan keuntungan bersama melalui peningkatan produksi. (bakry, 2015, p. 33). pada awal abad 20-an dengan adanya perkembangan globalisasi, paradiplomasi merupakan penemuan baru di bidang hubungan internasional. perubahan dari perkembangan ekonomi global ini, sehingga mengakibatkan tidak ada nya pembatasan antara urusan dalam negeri dan luar negeri, dan bertanggung jawab terhadap pemerintah daerah dan negara (tavares, 2016, p. 10). dalam lingkup hubungan internasional, pemda menjadi sadar dengan pentingnya kerjasama lintas perbatasan untuk mempromosikan perdagangan rizqi apriani putri menakar paradiplomasi batam dalam lingkup free trade zone 657 dan menarik investasi untuk kepentingan daerahnya dan negara (tavares, 2016, p. 33). isu paradiplomasi merupakan hal yang baru dalam aktivitas pemerintahan di indonesia. paradiplomasi mengacu terhadap perilaku dan kapasitas yang dilakukan ‘sub-state’ atau pemerintah daerah atau pemerintah regional dengan pihak asing dalam menyeleng gara kan hubungan atau kerjasama luar negeri. awal mulanya, istilah paradiplomacy pertama kali diluncurkan dalam perdebatan akademik oleh ilman asal basque, panayotis soidatos tahun 1980-an sebagai penggabungan istilah parallel diplomacy menjadi paradiplomacy yang mngacu pada makna ‘the foreign policy of noncentral governments’ menurut aldecoa, keating dan b oyer. berdasarkan regulasi indonesia, kerjasama luar negeri diatur dalam uu nomor 22 tahun 1999 tentang pemerintah daerah yang dikenal dengan uu otonomi daerah, dalam undang-undnag ini kewenangan kerjsama luar negeri tidak diwajibkan bagi daerah, akan tetapi dilakukan perubahan uu nomor 32 tahun 2004 tentang pemerintah daerah dan didalam uu ini pemda diberikan kewenangan untuk melakukan kerjasama laur negeri (mukti, 2013, pp. 2-3). hasil dan pembahasan perkembangan batam konsep dari kebijakan ftz atau kpbpb harus disesuaikan dengan perkembangan zaman sehingga pada pelaksanaannya mendapatkan hasil yang lebih baik serta meminimalisirkan hambatan. karakterisitik di perbatasan wilayah dalam social budaya diepngaruhi atas investasi asing. jika hal ini dapat diimplemantasikan denan tepat, maka perkembangan ftz di indonesia dapat memberikan dampak positif yang signifikan terhadap p er tumbu han p erekonomian di indonesia. seperti penyerapan jumlah tenaga kerja lokal, jumlah umkm yang ikut serta, multiplier bagi pengembangan wilayah lain disekitarnya dan keterlibatan bahan baku lokal yang dipergunakan (bappenas, 2009, p. 14). ftz batam menjadi model dalam pembangunan ftz di indonesia. pemberian fasilitas di ftz batam bukan hanya untuk perusahaan saja akan tetapi juga terhadap penduduk sekitar dikarenakan wilayah ini didalamnya berpenduduk dan 658 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 dapat memberikan manfaat yang besar dari sisi konsumsi. disamping itu, juga harus diperkuat dengan pelayanan keimigrasian dan proses transaksi keuangan yang lebih modern. adanya saling koordinasi antara transaksi ekonomi, inetraksi social, dan sistem transportasi barang agar tidak terjadinya penggelapan terhadap barang maupun imigran gelap (bahrum, mercusuar batam madani potret & prospek pengembangan ftz batam, 2011, pp. 22-23). tabel 1. perkembangan status batam no status keterangan 1 tahun 1970-an ditetapkan batu ampar sebagai kawasan industri yang berstatus entrepot partikulir entrepot partikulir adalah suatu tempat perusahaan partikulir yang berfungsi sebagai pusat penerimaan barang untuk distribusi, dengan pelabuhan alihkapal barang impor atau penyimpanan sementara sebelum direekspor tanpa control pabean. menjadi logistic bagi pertamina hingga menjadi kawasan bonded zone atau kawasan berikat 2 penetapan kawasan kabil, batu ampar, dan sekupang sebagai gudang berikat (bonded warehouse) dengan keppres no 33 tahun 1974 hingga diatur dalam keppres no 41 tahun 1978 bonded warehouse adalah suatu kawasan dengan batas-batas tertentu diwilayah pabean indonesia yang didalamnya diberlakukan ketentuan khusus dibidang ke pabean yaitu terhadap barang yang dimasukkan dari luar daerah pabean atau dari dalam daerah pabean indonesia lainnya tanpa terlebih dahulu dikenakan pungutan bea, cukai dan atau pungutan negara lainnya sampai barang tersebut dikeluarkan untuk tujuan impor, ekspor atau reekspor. meliputi pulau janda berhias, tanjung sauh, ngenang, kasem dan moi-moi berdasarkan keppres no 56 tahun 1984. kawasan ini dilakukan penyimpanan barang rizqi apriani putri menakar paradiplomasi batam dalam lingkup free trade zone 659 no status keterangan 3 bonded zone (kawasan berikat) keppres no 28 tahun 1992 bonded zone adalah suatu kawasan dengan batas-batas tertentu diwilayah pabean indonesia yang didalamnya diberlakukan ketentuan khusus dibidang pabean, yaitu terhadap barang yang dimasukkan dari luar daerah pabean atau dari dakam daerah pabean indonesia lainnya tanpa terlebih dahulu dikenakan pungutan bea, cukai dan atau pungutan negara lainnya sampai barang tersebut dikeluarkan untuk tujuan impor, ekspor atau reekspor. memiliki cangkupan yang lebih luas yaitu batam, rempang, galang, galang baru dan 39 pulau kecil disekitarnya disebut wilaayah kerja daerah industry pulau batam. dapat dilakukan pengolahan dan penyimpanan barang 4 diwacanakan menjadi kawasan sez (special economic zone) akan tetapi yang muncul ftz kawasan yang sez mencakup seluruh kawasan berikat (bonded zone plus) di 26 kawasan industry dan dijadikan ftz termasuk kawasan industry berakses pelabuhan yang dijadikan ftz plus free port-partikelir yakni batu ampar, sekupang, tanjung uncang dan kabil. 5 pp no 46 tahun 2007 menetapkan tujuh pulau ditetapkan sebagai kawasan ftz yaitu batam, tonton, nipah, setokok, rempang, galang dan galang baru. menyusul pulau janda berhias berdasarkan pp no 5 tahun 2011 tentang perubahan atas pp no 46 tahun 2007 tentang kpbpb batam sumber: diolah oleh penulis dari beberapa sumber 660 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 dan terjadinya ubanisasi. kedua, pemerintah kota batam merupakan pelaksanaan otonom daerah atau pemerintah daerah di batam. pemko batam berperan sebagai pendirian dalam pengelolaan batam dengan memiliki fungsi utama sebagai kawasan industri, bongkar muat kapal (jasa ahli kapal), pariwisata maupun perdagangan. (bahrum, 2008, p. 89). dilakukan proses penandatanganan kesepakan kerja sama ekonomi antara pemrintah indonesia dan pemerintah singapura dalam pengembangan kawasan bbk pada tahun 2006. ditindaklanjutinnya dari kesepakatan ini, dengan dikeluarkan peraturan pemerintah untuk pengembangan wilayah ini. melalui peraturan pemerintah no 46 tahun 2007 untuk kpbpb batam, peraturan pemerintah no 47 tahun 2007 untuk kpbpb bintan dan peraturan pemerintah no 48 tahun 2007 untuk kpbpb karimun (bambang hendrawan dan rahmat hidayat, 2012, pp. 5-7). pada tanggal 25 juni 2006 dibentuk kerja sama antara indonesia dan singapura dengan ditandatangi memorandum of understanding (mou) kawasan ekonomi khusus untuk wilayah bbk oleh menko perekonomian boediono dan menteri perdagangan & perindustrian singapura lim perkembangan dalam sejarah status batam selalui berubah-ubah, dimulai pada tahun 1970-an hingga ditetapkan batam sebagai kawasan perdagangan dan pelabuhan bebas dengan dikeluarkannya peraturan pada tahun 2007. pada mulanya, pertamina yang merasa berat dengan biaya yang terus meningkat dalam pengelolaan minyak lepas pantai (offshore) sehingga dicarilah daerah indonesia yang berdekatan dengan singapura, dan dipilih batam sekaligus dijadikan daerah investasi. batam memiliki dua instutisi dalam pembangunannya yang berada dalam pemerintahan batam. pertama, badan pengusahan batam yang dahalu bernama otorita batam sebelum tahun 2007, bp ini berperan sebagai pengembangan dalam pembangunan batam, yang dimulai perkembangan pesatnya terjadi pada masa orde baru dibawah presiden bj. habibie dengan dicontoh barelang. bp batam merupakan lembaga dengan kewenangan yang merujuk pada presiden ri sebagai kepala negara dan regulasi pemerintah pusat. dari badan pengusahaan inilah, yang “melahirkan” dan maju seperti sekarang. untuk meningkatkan devisa negara, pendapatan daerah, membuka lapangan pekerjaan, magnet bagi tenaga kerja nasional, rizqi apriani putri menakar paradiplomasi batam dalam lingkup free trade zone 661 hing kiang dan disaksikan presiden republik indonesia susilo bambang yudhoyono dan perdana menteri singapura-lee hsien loong bertempat di nongsa point marina batam. (waluyo, romayati apriliyanti dan tri joko, 2015, p. 9) regulasi ftz yang sangat birokratis di dalam paradiplomasi, aktor merupakan hal yang penting karena aktorlah yang melakukan hubungan luar negeri. good governance menjadi hubungan yang kompleks d i antara sektor privat dan publik dengan masyarakat, kekuatan dari keseimbangan yang di barengi dari praktek demokrasi berkelanjutan. pada saat ini, civil society menjadi alasan untuk good governance seperti transparan, efektivitas, keterbukaan pertanggungjawaban dan responsiveness (malik, 2015, p. 29). perubahan atas undangundang nomor 32 tahun 2004 menjadi uu 23 tahun 2014 tentang pemerintah daerah, didalam uu ini berisi memberikan hak kepada daerah untuk mengurusi daerahnya sendiri, serta memanfaatkan potensi daerahnya masing-masing untuk melakukan hubungan dengan pihak asing. pemerintah daerah sebagai pelaku dalam melakukan kerja sama luar negeri dengan pihak asing dnegan bentuk investasi asing, hanya diberikan batas dalam pendatanganan mou atau letter of intent. sehingga, dapat dilihat pemerintah pusat masih memegang kendali penuh dalam kesepakatankespakatan internasional seperti konvensi, perjanjian maupun traktat (fathun, 2016, p. 80). tabel 2. indikator aktor indikator regulasi nasional total % 5/ 11 4/ 18 99 4/ 17 10 /1 2 12 0/ 17 44 /0 7 10 /1 9 48 /1 2 45 /1 7 07 /1 6 aktor pusat presiden p), pemerintah pusat (pp), diplomat (d), duta besar (db), menteri (m), menteri luar negeri (mln), lembaga negara (ln), direktorat jenderal (dj), kepala badan pengusahaan (kp) 5 6 27 42 12 3 18 6 31 15 165 56% 662 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 hasil dari isi yang dikaji terhadap sepuluh regulasi, pada indikator aktor. peranan aktor daerah masih menjadi minoritas dibandingkan aktor pusat. artinya, aktor daerah diajdikan dijadikan sebagai fasilitator atau hanya memfasilitasi penyelenggaraan hubungan kerjasama internasional di cangkupan ftz batam. pada peraturan menteri keuangan nomor 48/pmk.04/2012 tentang pemberitahuan pabean dalam rangka pemasukan dan pengeluaran barang ke dan dari kawasan yang telah ditetapkan sebagai kawasan perdagangan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas, dalam konten analisis ini aktor daerah tidak terdeteksi sama sekali. sehingga, hal ini kurang efektif dalam pelaksanaan paradilomasi di lingkungan ftz di batam. seharusnya, aktor daerah dapat memiliki peran dalam hal ini. jika, hal ini dapat ditingkatkan maka dapat memenuhi kebutuhan dan menyejahterakan masyarakat. sebagaimana impelementasi batam yang dijadikan sebagai kawasan free trade zone berdampak positif. pelaku usaha atau bisnis dapat didukung dengan memperbaiki sesuai dengan berbagai bidangnya agar memiliki kesiapan go international. pemerintah selaku fasilitator dapat ditingkatkan lagi karena ke butuhan masyrakat di batam yang lebih modern sehingga dapat memberikan manfaat bagi mereka, memberikan kemudahan izin dan investasi bagi pengusaha di batam, serta didukung dengan mendirikan pusat informasi dan promosi untuk produk indonesia, perbankan sistem go internasional dan juga memberikan fasilitas lainnya untuk indikator regulasi nasional total % 5/ 11 4/ 18 99 4/ 17 10 /1 2 12 0/ 17 44 /0 7 10 /1 9 48 /1 2 45 /1 7 07 /1 6 aktor daerah dewan kawasan (dk), pemerintah daerah (pd), gubernur (g), walikota (w), dprd, kepala daerah (kd), 3 8 3 1 1 3 7 0 17 22 65 22% aktor swasta pengusaha/ pelaku usaha (pu) 0 0 2 2 40 0 0 14 4 1 63 21,5% rizqi apriani putri menakar paradiplomasi batam dalam lingkup free trade zone 663 kemudahan berinvestasi selama ftz di batam (lesar, 2003, p. 27). tata kelola pelabuhan bebas yang kurang kompetitif dampak positif yang seharusnya d ib e r i k an k aw as an i ndust r i yaitu penyediaan infrastruktur, pengelolaan lingkungan dan adanya peningkatan sehingga memudahkan dalam suatu kawasan dengan memperluas lapangan kerja dan meningkatkan pendapatan daerah melalui pajak dan berkurangnya arus urbanisasi. namun, pada penyelenggarannya masih belum terjadi keefektivitasan pengaruh hal ini, dan terjadinya masalah iklim investasi di lingkungan ftz. permasalahan akibat terhambatnya iklim investasi ini dikarenakan masalah ketenagakerjaan, dan belum siapnya bersaing produk dengan dengan lain. biaya produksi yang tinggi dibandingkan dengan negara lain membuat ketidaksiapan ini terjadi (bappenas, 2009, p. 15). pada akhirnya, para investor kurang b erminat melakukan investasi dikarenakan hal ini. jika, permasalahan ekonomi yang tinggi dapat diatasi, maka investor akan melakukan kegaitan investasi di wialayah ini terutama di wilayah industri logistik dan industri pengolahan. sehingga, investor dapat berminat melakukan investasi di kawasan ftz jika masalah ekonomi dengan biaya tinggi ini dapat diatasi, terutama di wilayah industry pengolahan dan industri logistik. tabel 3. indikator tata kelola perdagangan bebas indikator regulasi nasional total % 5/ 11 4/ 18 99 4/ 17 10 /1 2 12 0/ 17 44 /0 7 10 /1 9 48 /1 2 45 /1 7 07 /1 6 pro-investasi kemudahan (k), perdagangan internasional (ki), percepatan (pc), jaminan (j), insentif (is), kelancaran (ke), waktu (w) 1 2 5 14 42 0 5 2 12 2 30% 664 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 dilihat dari tabel indikator tata kelola perdagangan bebas, tata kelola masih bersifat disinvestasi dengan persentase 70% dibandingkan yang pro-investasi 30%. artinya, dalam beberapa regulasi ini, masih kurang memberikan keleluasaan terhadap investasi asing. untuk mening kat kan p aradiplomasi dalam hubungan kerja sama ekonomi maupun politik di ajang internasional maka perlu adanya koordinasi dan keseimbangan (yusuf, 2019 , p. 189). pemerintah dapat melakukan kebijakan seperti (1) pemberantasan pungutan liar dan korupsi di bidang perijinan, lokasi investasi dan perpajakan di ftz; (2) penurunan tingkat suku bunga kredit usaha; (3) memberlakukan perizinan elektronik satu atap untuk memudahkan dan memberikan pelayanan bisnis lebih cepat; (4) memberikan kepastian hukun terhadap pengusaha agar merasa aman menanamkan modalnya di ftz; (5) untuk mengurangi kerusakan produk atau keterlambatan pendistribusian ke lokasi ftz diperlukan pembangun infrastruktur seperti tol (untuk daratan) dan menambah cargo ship (untuk antar pulau); (6) mengatur kembali p e r t au r a n p e r at u r a n d a e r a h yang mempersulit pihak yang berinvestasi dan selnajutnya diawasi kebijakan tersebut sehingga dapat berjalan sesuai rencana. peraturan pemerintah nomor 5 tahun 2011 perubahan atas peraturan pemerintah nomor 46 tahun 2007 tentang kawasan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas pasal 1, kawasan batam ditetapkan menjadi kpbpb dengan jangka waktu 70 tahun, meliputi pulau batam, pulau setokok, pulau tonton, pulau rempang, pulau nipah, pulau galang, galang baru, dan pulau janda berhias serta gugusannya (peraturan pemerintah nomor 5 tahun 2011 tentang kawasan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas batam, 2011, p. 2). indikator regulasi nasional total % 5/ 11 4/ 18 99 4/ 17 10 /1 2 12 0/ 17 44 /0 7 10 /1 9 48 /1 2 45 /1 7 07 /1 6 disinvestasi perizinan (pz), pertimbangan (pb), pengurusan (pg), pajak (pa), kendala (ke), tarif (t) 4 2 15 44 69 1 32 12 14 1 70% rizqi apriani putri menakar paradiplomasi batam dalam lingkup free trade zone 665 efisiensi pengelolaan manajemen pelabuhan yang kurang kompetitif interaksi antara pemerintah daerah dan pemerintah pusat ha rus ditingkatkan dalam proses pengembangan wilayah ftz sehingga dapat memberikan hasil yang maksimal terhadap pelayanan publik dan juga dalam proses pengambilan keputusan juga aka bersifat efektif dan efisien berdasarkan otoritas yang dimiliki oleh kedua stakeholder ters ebut. masyara kat b at am yang heteregon menguntungkan daerah lainnya karena terwakilkan keberadaan etnis sehingga memudahkan dalam perdagangan antarnegara dan berharap agar dapat berkembang dengan baik. dengan adanya proses ini, seharusnya setiap barang yang atau jasa yang dijual atau ditawarkan dalam lingkungan ftz, masuknya melalui pintu terminal pelabuhan bebas fpz (free port zone) didapatkan dengan harga yang lebih murah dibandingkan dengan kawasan non-ftz lainnya. tidak dikenakan pajak, maka diberi kemudahan dengan masuk yang lebih bebas dan tanpa kuota. sehingga kebijakan kuota dapat diterapkan secara fleksibel dan maencakup terhadap ketersediaan (bahrum, mercusuar batam madani potret & prospek pengembangan ftz batam, 2011). tabel 5. indikator efisiensi manajemen pelabuhan indikator regulasi nasional total % 5/ 11 4/ 18 99 4/ 17 10 /1 2 12 0/ 17 44 /0 7 10 /1 9 48 /1 2 45 /1 7 07 /1 6 inward looking pembebasan (pb), bandar udara (bu), pelabuhan nasional (pn), infrastruktur (i), pelayanan (pl), badan pengusahaan (bp) 43 0 29 50 46 4 34 5 28 12 251 74% outward looking bongkar muat (bm), bea cukai (bc), pelabuhan internasional (pi), fasilitas (f), tempat penimbunan (tp) 0 0 17 46 3 0 10 11 1 2 90 26% 666 islamic world and politics vol. 3. no. 2, december 2019 dilihat dari tabel indikator efisiensi manajemen pelabuhan, masih bersifat inward looking atau melayani kebutuhan domestik dengan persentase 74% dibandingkan outward looking yang berorientasi melayani kebutuhan luar negeri dengan persentase 26%. untuk mendorong kegiatan lalu lintas perdagangan internasional dengan mendatangkan devisa bagi negara dalam berorientasi outward looking, harus meningkatkan penanaman modal asing serta memp erluas lapangan ker ja, maka diperlukan undang-undang atau peraturan-peraturan untuk mendukung menstabilkan kegiatan ini. akan tetapi, dalam dapat dilihat dalam indikator ini masih dominan ke sektor inward looking. di dalam perundangan-undangan sudah dijelaskan dengan rinci atau mekanisme tentang pemasukan atau pengeluaran barang dan dari ke kawasan bebas bagi pengusaha besar. akan tetapi, pada praktik dilapangan masih terjadi kekurangan bagi pengusaha kecil atau masyarakat untuk melakukan perdagangan di kawasan bebas. fasilitas adalah pembebasan pengenaan bea masuk, pajak pertambahan nilai, dan pajak penjualan atas barang mewah dan cukai untuk barang asal luar daerah pabean, dalam daerah pabean yang dimasukkan dan dikeluarkan ke dan dari kawasan perdagangan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas. (peraturan kepala badan pengusahaan kawasan perdagangan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas batam nomor 10 tentang penyelenggaraan pemasukan dan pengeluaran barang ke dan dari kawasan perdagangan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas batam, 2019 , p. 7). kesimpulan pembentukan batam pada tahun 1970-an dikarenakan offshore pertamina yang terbebani oleh biaya yang terus meningkat dan dicarilah daerah yang berdekatan dengan singapura sehingga dipilih batam menjadi daerah investasi dikarenakan hal ini. batam yang dilalui jalur perdagangan internasional melalui selat malaka. berdasarkan peraturan pemerintah nomor 5 tahun 2011 perubahan atas peraturan pemerintah nomor 46 tahun 2007 tentang kawasan bebas dan pelabuhan bebas batam, kpbpb batam berlaku selama 70 tahun sesuai peraturan ini dibuat. peranan pemerintah juga sebagai fasilitator harus ditingkatkan karena kebutuhan masyarakat modern di batam. sehingga, kedudukan elite-elite politik yang ada di pemerintahan batam se perti rizqi apriani putri menakar paradiplomasi batam dalam lingkup free trade zone 667 walikota batam, badan pengusahaan (bp) batam atau gubernur kepulauan riau harus memiliki perbedaan dengan daerah lainnya di indonesia, karena memiliki keistimewaan dengan berhadapan langsung dengan negara tetangga seperti singapura dan malaysia. dilihat dari tabel indikator tata kelola perdagangan bebas, tata kelola masih bersifat disinvestasi dengan persentase 70% dibandingkan yang pro-investasi 30%. artinya, dalam beberapa regulasi ini, masih kurang memberikan keleluasaan terhadap investasi asing. untuk mendorong kegiatan lalu lintas perdagangan internasional dengan mendatangkan devisa bagi negara dalam berorientasi outward looking, harus meningkatkan penanaman modal asing serta memperluas lapangan kerja, maka diperlukan undang-undang atau peraturanperaturan untuk mendukung menstabilkan kegiatan ini. akan tetapi, dalam dapat dilihat dalam indikator ini masih dominan ke sektor inward looking. bibliography bahrum, s. 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(2014). sejarah kepulauan riau. retrieved from kepri news.com: https://www.keprinews.com/2014/08/sejarahkepulauan-riau.html islamic world and politics vol. 4. no.1 june 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 impact of isis on radical groups of southeast asia countries mustafa selçuk1, nikos panagiotou2 1ph.d. candidate, aristotle university of thessaloniki 2assistant professor, aristotle university of thessaloniki email corespondence: nikospanagiotou@gmail.com abstract radicalization is not a new phenomenon in southeast asia. islamic radicalization has increased and became a significant issue in southeast asia since 2001. faith-based organizations have supported the radical spreading of misinformation, and therefore various measures have many casualties. the development of islamic radicalism in southeast asia is starting to spread in indonesia, philippines, and malaysia, mostly via social media. this research focuses on how the ideology of isis affects (re-activated) radical groups in southeast asia. more specifically, through discourse text analysis and frame analysis, this research aims to analyze similarities in discourses and frames through their communication campaigns. besides, how the spreading of islamic radicalism in southeast asia and broadening the scope of knowledge on the impact of islamic radicalization in other regional countries also become a discussion. while isis shrinks in the middle-east, the researchers argue that in recent years isis has started to affiliate with countries in southeast asia. keywords: isis, radicalization, social media, southeast asia, terror attack, radical groups abstrak radikalisasi bukanlah fenomena baru di asia tenggara. radikalisasi islam telah meningkat dan menjadi isu penting di asia tenggara sejak tahun 2001. organisasi berbasis agama telah mendukung penyebaran informasi yang radikal secara radikal, dan karenanya berbagai tindakan memiliki banyak korban. perkembangan radikalisme islam di asia tenggara mulai 2 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 introduction there are many radical groups that they want to bring a caliphate system in their countries. this ideological frame is similar to isis that calls all muslims to join the caliphate system. they started making a campaign to reach people who want to join them through social media to people all around the world. since the syrian civil war began, isis tried to extend in the region, mainly in iraq and syria. many foreign fighters joined isis from europe, balkans, and southeast asia. in this article, the researchers will focus on foreign fighters from south asian and how isis affects southeast asian radical groups. hundreds of asians went to syria and joined isis. some of them went with their family. especially this year, isis started to focus on southeast asia because a massive number of the muslim population joins isis coming from radical groups throughout the countries. recent magazines and videos isis used asian children to show them that many southeast asians already joined, gave them courage, and spread the ideology of isis in the region. last year, there were many terror attacks in europe and turkey, even though there was not any attack news since it erupted in the philippines after the manchester menyebar di indonesia, filipina, dan malaysia, sebagian besar melalui media sosial. penelitian ini berfokus pada bagaimana ideologi isis mempengaruhi (mengaktifkan kembali) kelompok radikal di asia tenggara. lebih khusus lagi, melalui analisis teks wacana dan analisis bingkai, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kesamaan dalam wacana dan bingkai melalui kampanye komunikasi mereka. selain itu, bagaimana penyebaran radikalisme islam di asia tenggara dan memperluas ruang lingkup pengetahuan tentang dampak radikalisasi islam di negara-negara kawasan lain juga menjadi bahan diskusi. sementara isis menyusut di timur tengah, para peneliti berpendapat bahwa dalam beberapa tahun terakhir isis telah mulai berafiliasi dengan negaranegara di asia tenggara. kata kunci: isis, radikalisasi, media sosial, asia tenggara, serangan teror, kelompok radikal mustafa selçuk & nikos panagiotou impact of isis on radical groups of southeast asia countries 3 attack. some of the radical groups in the philippines announced that they accepted the caliphate of isis, and they siege the city of marawi. this issue was in the tenth magazine of isis (rome 10th). they said that isis fighters extended in southeast asia. methodology the researchers critically examined how isis affects radical groups in southeast asia and their campaign progress also how they tried to gain followers in southeast asia. this paper analyzed isis magazine, statement in 2016-2018 regarding southeast asia, and analysis of critical published news about isis in southeast asia between 2016-2018 to figure out the impact of isis in southeast asia. the paper reviewed the narrative strategies adopted by the news media. in this study, the researchers used frame analysis and discourse text analysis. meanwhile, the international news agency showed that isis shrinks. in reality, they are spreading, especially in southeast asia. isis changes its strategy and starts investing in southeast asia. the research is inventive because it examined the magazine of isis, which they publish regularly, and international news coverage in a critical comparison with major events. the main goal of this research is to find out the affiliation of isis in southeast asia. research method in 2014, when the civil war in syria started point for radical group, syria and iraq accrued isis and leader of isis baghdadi declared his caliphate in june 2014. baghdadi called, “global jihad is gone on to build a global network of affiliates and branches that now stretches from afghanistan to west africa, from the middle-east to southeast asia.” the most critical factor in easy spreading is social media and online publications in different languages. recently, isis starts to focus on southeast asia. it is southeast asia with a muslim majority or sub st ant i a l musl i m m i nor it y populations that have been the most worried by the effect of islamic state, because of the number of foreign fighters from the sub-region who have gone to syria and iraq. al qaeda and isis are different. it means they do not collaborate. their split has had an impact in southeast asian radical groups, such as most senior activists of the ji (jamaatul islamiyah) network support al qaeda’s syrian affiliate al-nusra. jemaah islamiyah has a base in indonesia, which links to the 4 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 global jihad vision of al qaeda and commits to the establishment of a pan southeast asian islamic state (ramakrishna: 2017, 3). the statement aims to include muslim groups in southeast asia, especially indonesia, malaysia, philippines, singapore also some territory of thailand and even australia, where muslim communities located. another group is abu sayyaf (as) in southeast asia bloody attacks in their regions. there is also an islamist movement, darul islam, established by abu bakar ba’asyir and abdullah sungkar. the two believed that the jamaatul islamiyah (ji) should wage jihad against indonesia. some extremist leaders supported the idea of isis, such a ba’asyir and aman abdurrahman. however, some of them eschew the concept of isis, such as abdul rohim and ridho. therefore, they left jat to establish jamaah ansharusy shariah (jas) (ramakrishna: 2017). also, jas rejected the declaration of isis socalled global caliphate and has even sought to recruit indonesian fighters for its chief rival, al-nusra, in syria. the bali attack rebuilt the threat of radical network to southeast asian security, edited deadly attacks by the extremist groups. august 2003 was the attack of the jakarta marriott, in september 2004. this attack happened outside the australian embassy in jakarta. in october 2005, there was an attack in bali, after a couple of years, a suicide attack that targeted jakarta ritz-carlton and the near to marriott hotel in july 2009 to set up an islamic state (hashim: 2015). their aim was not only in indonesia, but all of southeast asia countries establishing the islamic states. since then, radicalization has increased in southeast asia and become a severe threat to the regions. also, there are some other radical groups in indonesia, which have similar ideological thinking with isis in indonesia. hizb-ut tahrir, the extremist organization, founded by syrian omar bakri muhammad almuhajiroun in 1938. it is hard to argue all of the members that have a radical ideology. however, there is a potential of radicalization. almuhajiroun believes that countries such as pakistan, bangladesh, afghanistan, indonesia, and malaysia should be his aim to establish the caliphate (ipac report: 2014, 13). the ideology of hizb-ut tahrir has been a spread among young people in southeast asia. mainly, hizb-ut tahrir started to make links with their supporters and online activities. one of their followers, fachry, established a mustafa selçuk & nikos panagiotou impact of isis on radical groups of southeast asia countries 5 magazine because online magazines and news were an easy way to find followers. he believed that islam’s enemies, particularly america and western countries, controlled the mainstream global media. thus, it was crucial to establish a magazine to fight in the media. in 2 0 0 7 , a l mu h aj i r u n published their first magazine titled “staying on the road to jihad” (ipac report: 2014). in the beginning, fachry and his friends in faksi were neutral (tawaquf) toward the campaign of isis. nevertheless, on october 1, 2013, omar bakri proclaimed that they supported isis. he said that isis was the most active group among other jihadi groups. he believed that baghdadi descended from the quraishi, the tribe of the prophet. he thought that baghdadi had in-depth religious knowledge, knew for his piety, and was a proven faithful commander (ipac report: 2014). after the declaration of albaghdadi, many radical groups accepted and approved his idea regarding global jihad. also, the idea of the islamic state is not a new phenomenon in indonesia, especially malang city, east java, where the isis movement in malang had campaigned for the setting up of a well-prepared islamic caliphate. in 2006, a group of people who promoted the idea of an islamic state in indonesia sneaked to school and university students and became their mentors. between 2006 and 2007, they held mass demonstrations on campus under the banner of freedom of expression in support of the islamic state (thejakartapost: 08/08/2014). it means that indonesia is convenient for the idea of isis since many people support the concept of an islamic state. however, the establishment of islamic states discussed in the past, with many islamic thinkers is hard. there is a gap in the idea of an islamic state. who would be the leader? how should someone be chosen as caliph? to dispose of those gaps, the isis leader of baghdadi claimed that god wanted him for muslims all over the world. he used a spiritual way to convince to muslim join his idea. isis leader of baghdadi made his campaign mostly social media, which is a useful tool current time for spreading ideas and information. faksi (forum aktivis syariat islam) is a radical youth actively publishing via online websites and supporting isis. salim mubarok is one of the faksi members from malang, east java. he went to syria with his wife and children. when 6 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 he arrived in syria, he changed his name to abu jandal al-yemeni (ipac report: 2014). he fluently spoke arabic and quickly improved an extensive network within isis and helped facilitate arrangements for other indonesians who wanted to join isis, including five of his former students in malang. when the researcher was teaching in universitas muhammadiyah malang and explaining about isis, some of his students gave their testimony. they said that there were some cells of isis in which students and local people in malang (batu) did propaganda. batu is one of the best places in malang, where there are many resorts and villas for internal tourists to come. it means that isis members were trying to gain wealthier followers. east part of java island is an available spot for isis because java is a region where people are quite open to beliefs. therefore, isis tried to connect with local extremist groups and gain more members in indonesia. another extremist group is jad (jamaah ansharud daulah) based in indonesia, and since 2015, jad has linked with isis. jamaah ansharud daulah (jad), as two other terrorist incidents published by isis, was officially responsible for the jakarta thamrin attack in january 2016. it was the first isis-inspired attack in southeast asia (sidney: 2016). jad also perpetrated kampung melayu bombings in may 2017 (arianti: 2018). all the knives perpetrators attacks in indonesia outside poso consulted isis online propaganda material because most of the people in indonesia are active social media users. radical literature in indonesia, most of them translated from english and arabic, has been encouraging militants to use stabbing (including beheading) against their adversaries (icpvtr). isis’ mainstream media alhayat media center released a video entitled “join the ranks,” describing a group of indonesian foreign fighters in syria. in the video, most militants were young people from southeast asia. figure.1 al-hayat media center photo taken as a screenshot from the video of isis published on their website in 2016 mustafa selçuk & nikos panagiotou impact of isis on radical groups of southeast asia countries 7 in the video published (sputnik news: 20/05/2016), there were several teenagers and children from indonesia, malaysia, and the philippines who went to syria. they burned their passport and gave a message, “we renounce your socalled citizenship. we join soldiers that you will never be able to defeat. it is allah’s promise.” they tried to encourage people who are radical to join them. besides, rome (rumiyah) is one of the online journals of isis. they started publishing in 2016. publication languages are in arabic, english, turkish, and french and recently begin to issue their declarations in urdu, bahasa malay, and bahasa indonesia. they are giving general information regarding jihad action in different countries, how they do the operation, and give courage to their followers. the tenth issue of rumiyah focuses on east asia with the title of the magazine, jihad in east asia. in recent years, isis attacked the western countries, especially in central europe and turkey. isis attacked manchester arena after a concert by an american singer. the world’s attention focused on the british city of manchester, and suddenly radical groups erupted in the philippines. so it came as a surprise when, several thousand miles from manchester, the isis in southeast asia erupted the city of marawi violently in the southern philippines, mindanao island. many muslim armed groups in the country’s south, including some commanders of the violent abu sayyaf, have pledged loyalty to isis (the guardian: 28.08.2016). when the siege of marawi by isis from the maute and abu sayyaf groups was almost twomonth, the unsettling events in the southern philippines served as a grim reminder of a militancy and terrorism problem threatening the security and stability of much of southeast asia (forbes: 29.06.2017). abu sayyaf is one of the extremist groups in the southern philippines. abu sayyaf is notorious for kidnapping for ransom and attacks on civilians and the army. several of its factions declared their allegiance to the isis in 2014. 8 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 figure.2 institute for policy analysis of conflict; philippine institute for political violence and terrorism research figure.3 an isis fighter erects the flag of the so-called islamic state atop a school near a mosque in marawi, southern philippines, on may 24, 2017. source cnn (http://edition. cnn.com/2017/05/28/asia/isisthreat-southeast-asia/index.html) the sulu sea is the intersection of malaysia, indonesia, and the philippines. for extremists, it is accessible to reach the city of tarakan (indonesia) or malaysia. indonesia suspects that some of the extremists involved in the siege of marawi may have slipped away during the battle with military sources of the philippine. in recent years many ships passing through the sulu sea, including several indonesian ships, have been hijacked by the abu sayyaf militant group, based southern philippines, group demand money in return for the safety of the detained crews. mustafa selçuk & nikos panagiotou impact of isis on radical groups of southeast asia countries 9 figure 4 the sulu sea between malaysia, indonesia, and marawi (philippines) indonesia, philippines, and malaysia deployed a warship to reconnaissance patrol the waters plagued by this threat, signaling the start of unheard-of joint patrols by the countries that share borders in the region. there is a sense of urgency in the joint patrols following the alarming collapse of security in the southern philippines after isislinked fighters, including some from indonesia and malaysia, overran the city of marawi. malaysian defence minister dato said, “i expected other southeast asian countries to participate in more joint patrols in the future to ensure security and safe travel throughout the region.” extremist groups are connected, and terrorism has become transitional. the national police of the philippines reported that 38 indonesians involved in the marawi conflict. four of them died, and the philippines government deported 12 others, and the other 22 are still in marawi (thejakartapost: 20.06.2017). m a l a y s i a n g o v e r n m e n t estimates that there are 50.000 isis sympathizers in malaysia, a vast number compared to a country population. it is difficult to find out how many there are isis sympathizers in indonesia because there are more than 17.000 islands. still, at least there are some research radicalism maps, especially islands where the most population exists. regarding research of syarif hidayatullah state islamic university jakarta (uin), the following table.5, kalimantan is intolerant, and there is a tendency to radicalism. 10 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 therefore, isis members tried to link from marawi to sulu after reaching kalimantan (tarakan). social media and applications such as telegram, whatsapp, etc. facilitate them to communicate local extremist groups or gain more supporters for their goal. figure.5 ppim syarif hidayatullah state islamic university jakarta isis published made massive propaganda via social media in bahasa indonesia, also bahasa malay, which are similar to each other. anyone who speaks malay will understand bahasa, and so will people who speak bahasa (more than 90 percent of muslims in s outheast asia) (nawab: 14.09.2017). nowadays, the internet or social media propaganda remains the most important means of recruitment. indonesia has the most muslim population in the world, after marawi siege worries about the growing impact of isis in southeast asia. telegram is a popular messaging platform for islamic state sympathizers. they use chatrooms with hundreds of members, besides holding private conversations. indonesian authorities have blocked access to some telegram channels, saying it has several “full of radical and terrorist propaganda” forums. the authority has blocked 11 of telegram’s domain name systems (dns) for its web-based service on july 14, 2017, and they would mustafa selçuk & nikos panagiotou impact of isis on radical groups of southeast asia countries 11 be reopened these soon, as said by communications minister rudiantara in a statement (reuters: 01.09.2017). pavel durov, the founder of telegram, noted that “we have discussed ways to block publicly available propaganda of terrorism on telegram, which is something we have committed to do globally, and particularly in indonesia,” a joint news conference with the minister (reuters: 01.09.2017). durov added that it could take about 24 to 36 hours for the app to shut down public channels with terrorism content. still, a direct communication line to indonesian authorities would allow it to “shut them down more efficiently within several hours.” also, there has been considerable pushback against the ideology of isis. indonesia is home to two of the most significant muslim mass movements in the world – first is nahdlatul ulama (nu), and the second is muhammadiyah (liow: 2016). those movements are much more moderates than other actions. both organizations are active and well-known by society. therefore, their declaration has an essential impact on the community. muhammadiyah organization has many schools, universities, hospitals, and such institutions in different regions of indonesia. the organizations’ followers are approximately 30 million, which means it is a reputable organization in indonesia. nahdlatul ulama (nu) followers are about 40 million and the most prominent religious organization in indonesia. both religious movements endeavor at countering the isis narrative in indonesia; nevertheless, as seen above in table 5, a massive number of population intolerant and most intolerant. on may 13, 2018, a couple of days before ramadhan, a series of terrorist attacks occurred in surabaya, the second biggest city in indonesia. there was a big terror attack made by family members below. figure 6 dita with his family suicide bombers including children (photo: east java police hq) evan hudojo, 11, and ethan hudojo, 8, went to the entrance of the santa maria catholic church 12 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 located in east java in surabaya. at that moment, the two brothers, firman halim, 16, and yusof fadhil, 18, waited at the cross of the church on a motorcycle and detonated explosives that they were carrying. at the entrance of the santa maria catholic church in surabaya on sunday at 7.30 am local time, the attack killed all four boys and four other church members (channelnewsasia: 27.05.2018). then, their father drove a bombladen car to the surabaya centre pentecostal church at 7.35 am local time and detonated explosives. after that, his wife, puji kuswati, 42, and her two daughters, fadhila sari, 12, and famela rizqita, nine, brought a bomb attack on diponegoro indonesian christian church (channel news asia: 27.05.2018).. as a result of this attack, 12 people died, including the suicide bombers. the father of that family convinced family members of the suicide bombings. he said that all of them would gather in heaven after this suicide. former jemaah islamiyah (ji) bomb-maker ali fauzi manzi, said to channel newsasia. “that is their belief, and that is their ideology (channelnewsasia: 27.05.2018). according to indonesian police chief tito karnavian, dita was the branch of jamaah ansharut daulah (jad) linked with isis since 2015. there was no proof that dita went to syria and returned to indonesia. tito karnavian believed that they had learned how to make bombs via the internet and social media. surabaya attack was the third attack of jad since they linked with isis every year. after a couple of days, another attack occurred in sumatra utara. four sword-wielding men were shot dead, and one police officer also died. the investigators believed that the families in the attacks on sunday and monday were all part of the same cell of jamaah ansharut daulah. this indonesian terrorist group had declared loyalty to the islamic state (new york times: 16.05.2018). islamic state claimed responsibility for those attacks in indonesia and published a statement via social media (amaq). conclusion social media has a significant role in societies; even radical groups used social media actively for spreading their magazine and reached isis in 2014. abu sayyaf is one of the extremist groups in the philippines notorious for kidnapping for ransom and attacks on civilians and the army. in 2014, they accepted the “global jihad” of mustafa selçuk & nikos panagiotou impact of isis on radical groups of southeast asia countries 13 isis, and some of its factions have declared their allegiance to isis. in indonesia, there was a massive attack in bali in 2002 by jad (jamaah ansharud daulah). after this attack, there was no such attack until jad accepted the declaration of isis in 2014. the periodical terrorist attack appeared in indonesia after jad received a claim of isis. also, marawi siege in the philippines, and regarding malaysian authority, there were 50.000 people feeling sympathy for isis. all cases indicated that isis re-activated extremist groups in southeast asia. the 10th issue of rumiyah, which is isis magazine regularly published, focused on southeast asia and mentioned about jihadist from southeast asia (philippines, indonesia, malaysia, etc.) to give courage to followers join them and gain more sympathizer. internet and social media one of the significant are tools of isis to gain more followers and connect with local extremist groups. they used “twitter” for spreading their magazine and declarations, “youtube” for giving to courage their followers and “telegram” for communicating with their followers or members. despite the measures taken after the siege of marawi in the philippines, terrorist attacks are unavoidable in indonesia. regional governments should remain alert to isis or related extremist group’s developments, especially in terms of monitoring both returnees as well as communications between militants in syria and their counterparts and members back homeland. most of the attacks in indonesia came from local extremist group members inspired by isis. these cases indicate how isis re-activated local extreme group members. bibliography ahmed s. hashim, the impact of the islamic state in asia, policy report 2015. arianti v. analyzing use of sharp weapons in terrorist attacks in indonesia, a journal o f t h e i n t e r nat i o na l centre for political violence and terrorism research (icpvtr) issn 23826444, volume 10, issue 4 april 2018. mohamed osman, isis and islamic radicalization in southeast asia, an interview. hedges paul, r adicalization: examining a concept, counter terrorist trends and analyses its use and abuse issn 238214 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 6444 | volume 9, issue 10 | october 2017 ramakrishna, kumar, “the growth of isis extremism in southeast asia: its ideological and cognitive features and possible pol i c y r e sp ons e s ,” ne w england journal of public policy, vol.29, issue 1, march 3 2017. sidney jones, “battling isis in indonesia,” new york times, january 18, 2016. the evolution of isis in indonesia, september 24, 2014, ipac report no.13 thejakartapost, vol.35, no 045, tuesday, june,20,2017. jo s e p h c h i ny o n g l i o w, c o n g r e s s i o n a l testimony, isis in the pacific: assessing terrorism in southeast asia and the threat to the homeland, april 27, 2016. jolo and maguindanao: new is epicentres in philippines? rsis no. 065 – april 5, 2018. http://www.thejakartapost.com/ news/2014/08/08/ your-lettersisis-movement-malang.html h t t p s : / / t r. s p u t n i k n e w s . c o m / o r t a d o g u / 2 0 1 6 0 5 2 0 1 0 2 2 8 63093-isid-asyali-cocuk-askeregitim/ http s : / / w w w. t he g u ard i an . c om / worl d / 2 0 1 6 / au g / 2 8 / ph i l ip pines-isis-linked-extremistsfreeeight-militants-in-attackon-jail https://www.forbes.com/ sites/insideasia/2017/06/29/ s out he r n ph i l ippi ne s w i l l n e e d m o r e t h a n t r o o p s t o f i g ht i t s r a d i c a l i s l a m problems/#7d03c1fc6852 https://www.reuters.com/article/ us-indonesia-security-apps/ i n d o n e s i a t o l i f t b a n o n telegrammessage-service-oversecurity-iduskbn1ah40k https: //www.channelnewsasia.com /news/asia/surabaya-bomberd i t a o e p r i a r t o t h e f at h e rofdeath-10258580#cxrecs_s https://www.channelnewsasia. c o m / n e w s / a s i a / s u r a b a y a a t t a c k t e e n s u i c i d e b o m b e r s e e n c r y i n g inconsolably-10244778 https://www.channelnewsasia.com/ news/asia/surabaya-bomberd i t a o e p r i a r t o t h e f at h e rofdeath-10258580#cxrecs_s h t t p s : / / w w w . n y t i m e s . com/2018/05/16/world/asia/ indonesia-swords-terrorismsumatra.html journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 indonesian economic diplomacy in strengthening coffee exports in the united states market 2012-2017 h. hervinaldy universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: @hervinaldyzein@yahoo.co.id abstract several policies related to coffee have been implemented by the indonesian government and in collaboration with various parties; one of the steps is to introduce, invite, and participate in major events to introduce indonesian coffee. the development of the coffee industry in indonesia currently does not only supports the upstream but also has moved downstream (packaging, baristas, and e-commerce), which results in added value. this study aims to discuss the diplomacy strategies applied by indonesia to strengthening coffee exports in the united states and what factors support these diplomacy strategies. from this study, it could be concluded that indonesia’s diplomacy strategy will open more opportunities for foreign exchange-earners and introduce indonesia’s coffee characteristics. indonesian coffee production is expected to continue to be stable and increase, given the coffee needs of the united states community and the united states’ factor as the largest importer of indonesian coffee. in 2013, indonesia was ranked third as the world’s largest coffee producer before being overtaken by colombia in 2015. to date, brazil has been strong as the world’s coffee giant, followed by vietnam in the second place, colombia in third place, and indonesia in fourth, respectively. it was caused by two factors: unstable national coffee production and an increase in domestic coffee consumption. keywords: economic diplomacy, export strengthening, coffee exports, diplomacy strategy abstrak beberapa kebijakan terkait kopi telah dilaksanakan oleh pemerintah indo144 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 nesia dan bekerjasama dengan berbagai pihak; salah satu langkahnya adalah memperkenalkan, mengajak, dan berpartisipasi dalam acara-acara besar untuk memperkenalkan kopi indonesia. perkembangan industri kopi di indonesia saat ini tidak hanya mendukung hulu tetapi juga telah bergerak ke hilir (kemasan, barista, dan e-commerce) yang menghasilkan nilai tambah. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membahas strategi diplomasi yang diterapkan indonesia untuk memperkuat ekspor kopi di amerika serikat dan faktor apa saja yang mendukung strategi diplomasi tersebut. dari penelitian ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa strategi diplomasi indonesia akan membuka lebih banyak peluang bagi penghasil devisa dan memperkenalkan karakteristik kopi indonesia. produksi kopi indonesia diperkirakan akan terus stabil dan meningkat, mengingat kebutuhan kopi masyarakat amerika serikat dan faktor amerika serikat sebagai importir terbesar kopi indonesia. pada tahun 2013, indonesia menduduki peringkat ketiga sebagai produsen kopi terbesar dunia sebelum disusul oleh kolombia pada tahun 2015. hingga saat ini, brasil masih kuat sebagai raksasa kopi dunia, disusul vietnam di peringkat kedua, kolombia di peringkat ketiga, dan indonesia di peringkat ketiga. keempat, masing-masing. hal itu disebabkan oleh dua faktor: produksi kopi nasional yang tidak stabil dan peningkatan konsumsi kopi dalam negeri. kata kunci: diplomasi ekonomi, penguatan ekspor, ekspor kopi, strategi diplomasi introduction coffee, which is one of the indonesian economy wheels as a global commodity and the large consumption of coffee in the united states, is a valuable asset for indonesia. arabica and robusta coffees have become the prima donna of indonesia’s coffee exports. in 2013, indonesia occupied the third position as the world’s largest coffee producer before being overtaken by colombia in 2015. until now, brazil has been strong as the world’s coffee giant, followed by vietnam and colombia in second and third place, and indonesia in fourth place, respectively. it was due to two factors: unstable national coffee production and an increase in domestic coffee consumption. on the other hand, although indonesia is one of the world’s largest producers or exporters, most of the processed h. hervinaldy indonesian economic diplomacy in strengthening coffee exports ... 145 forms exported have been coffee beans. when seen from the increase in added value in exports, indonesia should have begun to focus on the progress of coffee production, including down streaming so that coffee commodity exports provide added value and profit, which gradually continues to grow. in 2012, indonesia’s coffee exports to the united states experienced a big jump, with an increase of 8% compared to the previous year with total exports of 69.7 thousand tons (badan pusat statistik, 2017). indonesian coffee production is expected to be stable and increase every year, given the need for coffee in the united states. the united states is the largest coffee importer from indonesia, while other export destinations are japan, germany, and italy. although the united states is the largest importing country from indonesia, in its development, indonesia’s coffee exports to the united states continued to experience fluctuations in export volume and value during the 20122017 period. graph of indonesian coffee exports to the united states (2012-2017 period) 114 coffee, which is one of the indonesian economy wheels as a global commodity and the large consumption of coffee in the united states, is a valuable asset for indonesia. arabica and robusta coffees have become the prima donna of indonesia's coffee exports. in 2013, indonesia occupied the third position as the world's largest coffee producer before being overtaken by colombia in 2015. until now, brazil has been strong as the world's coffee giant, followed by vietnam and colombia in second and third place, and indonesia in fourth place, respectively. it was due to two factors: unstable national coffee production and an increase in domestic coffee consumption. on the other hand, although indonesia is one of the world's largest producers or exporters, most of the processed forms exported have been coffee beans. when seen from the increase in added value in exports, indonesia should have begun to focus on the progress of coffee production, including down streaming so that coffee commodity exports provide added value and profit, which gradually continues to grow. in 2012, indonesia's coffee exports to the united states experienced a big jump, with an increase of 8% compared to the previous year with total exports of 69.7 thousand tons (badan pusat statistik, 2017). indonesian coffee production is expected to be stable and increase every year, given the need for coffee in the united states. the united states is the largest coffee importer from indonesia, while other export destinations are japan, germany, and italy. although the united states is the largest importing country from indonesia, in its development, indonesia's coffee exports to the united states continued to experience fluctuations in export volume and value during the 2012-2017 period. graph of indonesian coffee exports to the united states (2012-2017 period) source: data processing based on the above facts, despite experiencing fluctuations due to several factors, indonesian coffee production is a commodity with high competitiveness compared to foreign coffee commodities and has the potential to increase foreign exchange earnings. the 50,000.00 60,000.00 70,000.00 80,000.00 20 12 20 13 20 14 20 15 20 16 20 17 net weight (tona) berat bersih (ton) source: data processing based on the above facts, despite experiencing fluctuations due to several factors, indonesian coffee production is a commodity with high competitiveness compared to foreign coffee commodities and has the potential to increase foreign exchange earnings. the development of indonesian coffee exports to the united states from 2012-2017 experienced fluctuations, where the highest export occurred in 2012, amounting to 69,651.6 tons with a value of usd 330,814.7 (badan pusat statistik, 2017). problem formulation based on the problem description above, a research formula 146 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 could be drawn with the following questions: how is indonesia’s diplomacy towards increasing promotion and exports of coffee commodities in the united states? research methods this research focused on qualitative research methods, which generally referred to the nonnumerical collection and strategy or data analysis techniques. qualitative methods were used by the authors to get a better understanding of specific events, phenomena, regions, countries, organizations, or individuals. however, it could not be denied that the author would find numerical data, considering that this research examined economic diplomac y strategies towards strengthening coffee exports applied by indonesia to bring competitiveness and increase coffee exports. literature review liberalism’s view of trade and economic relations states that each individual is interdependent. (jackson & sorensen, 2014). in the coffee trade, indonesia is one of the largest coffee producers globally, while the united states is one of the countries whose people consume coffee in large numbers (kementrian perdagangan republik indonesia, 2013). the indonesian coffee trade to the united states provides evidence that interdependence occurs to meet each country or individual needs (dr.agus subagyo, 2019). liberalism is an ideology or political view that states equal rights and freedoms are owned by every individual. traditions and liberal views in international relations are closely related to the presence of the modern liberal state. john locke saw the great potential for human progress in civil society and a modern capitalist economy; both can develop in countries that guarantee individual liberty. the modernization process launched by the scientific revolution resulted in an increase in technology, and as such, more efficient ways of producing goods and controlling nature emerged ( jackson & sorensen, 2014). john locke argues that the state arose to guarantee its citizens’ freedom and then allow them to live their lives and get their happiness without undue interference from others. this argument was later expanded by jeremy bentham, an 18th-century english philosopher who gave rise to international law. he believes that international h. hervinaldy indonesian economic diplomacy in strengthening coffee exports ... 147 law is in the rational interest of constitutional states to believe in international law regarding foreign policy. later, this view was further expanded by the 18th-century german philosopher immanuel kant, who thought that the world of such a constitutional state and countries that respect each other or known as republics could ultimately establish lasting peace in the world (jackson & sorensen, 2014). e c on om i c d ipl om a c y i s a st rateg y implemente d by many developing countries in cooperating with countries with greater global power, both political and economic power. from the research case that raised the issue of indonesia’s economic diplomacy in strengthening coffee exports to the united states, it could have an impact on national production competition and policy reforms and coffee exports because indonesia is one of the world’s largest coffee exporting countries. economic diplomacy also includes the image of a trademark or brand image. from the research case of indonesian coffee so far, more of it was exported as coffee beans without a trademark. by using this branding image, it is hoped that indonesian coffee will be better known in the united states market. figure 1. economic diplomacy scope source: kishan s rana. the role of embassies (2013) 148 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 in kishan s rana’s article, he explained that the image of the country of origin underpins most diplomatic activities (kishan). wally olins asserts that countries need a new image because changing realities leave perceptions far behind (olins 1999). it is especially true of developing and transitional countries, which have seen dramatic changes but have been underestimated abroad. country branding is about presenting a country or region in a strong, attractive, and distinct way. branding works when it projects and amplifies a changing reality, but it can be counterproductive if it does not take root in reality. the key is to use a solid and straightforward central idea and capture the country’s unique qualities. according to peters and zinkhan, the importance of a brand image is that consumers, buyers, and the market can know and be more confident about the products being offered to open global interest (edited by frost & laing, 2018). in carr ying out economic diplomacy, it is also necessary to apply the concept of competitive advantage. according to michel. e. porter, it is a theory that suggests competitive advantage obtained through an institution or company’s characteristics in competing with other institutions or companies in the same field (porter, 1996). for this reason, companies are required to have a competitive advantage. as said by simic, bolfek, & stoic, competitive advantage is needed to satisfy customers so that they will receive a higher value from the products produced; at the same time, it can also provide large revenues as demanded by business owners on the company management, where the need to achieve it can be met with the company’s productivity, high-quality applications, and the company’s lowest possible production costs (simić, bolfek, & stoić, 2008). what is meant by competitive advantage here is when a company or institution can provide service benefits and products of the same quality as those produced by other competing companies or institutions. in other words, indonesia must be able to compete with other coffee exporting countries in the quality and quantity of coffee produced. results and discussion indonesia’s coffee farming, which is dominated by the robusta variety, has resulted in indonesia becoming one of the exporting countries of robusta coffee. similar h. hervinaldy indonesian economic diplomacy in strengthening coffee exports ... 149 to indonesia, vietnam’s coffee production is mainly dominated by robusta. for the arabica variety, it is produced more by the two-world coffee-producing countries, namely brazil, which occupied the first position as a world coffee producer and colombia in third place related to coffee production (international coffee organization, 2018). if divided and positioned into sections, the coffee consuming countries in the world are divided into four: the united states (us), which is a large country with high needs, followed by the european economic community (eec), including italy, which has espresso coffee as its country’s identity. then, it is followed by technologically advanced countries, namely japan and other countries. in 10 years, the world coffee imports carried out by each group of countries were 35.50% by the united states, 44.50% by the european economic community, 5.95% by japan, and 14.05% by other countries (badan pusat statistik, 2017). table 1. the 5 largest world coffee producing countries in 2017 no. countries production (ton) 1. brazil 55,000.000 no. countries production (ton) 2. vietnamese 25,500.000 3. colombia 14,500.000 4. indonesia 11,491.000 5. ethiopia 6,600.000 source: indonesia investments some of these coffee importing countries sometimes re-export some of the coffee they import, but in small amounts, namely 8% of all coffee imports in the world (international coffee organization, 2018). table 2. the 5 biggest world coffee exporting countries in 2017 no countries production (ton) 1 brazil 34,500.000 2 vietnamese 23,200.000 3 colombia 12,800.000 4 indonesia 6,891.000 5 honduras 5,589.000 source: indonesia investments for indonesia, the united states is a vital business and trade partner, in which the united states is the largest non-oil and gas importer after china and japan from indonesia. the us is, of course, also indonesia’s largest export 150 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 destination country for coffee. regarding coffee export activities, the government has implemented several export policies for coffee exporters in exporting coffee to open up indonesian coffee products’ competitiveness in the world. these policies include (gabungan eksportir kopi indonesia, 2011): 1. minister of trade regulation no. 10/m-dag/per/5/2011 regarding export licensing for coffee exporters. in accordance with indonesia’s coffee export trade system, only registered coffee exporters (etk) and temporary coffee exporters (eks) can export coffee. 2. minister of trade regulation no. 27/m-dag/per/7/2008 article 9 states that the exported coffee must comply with the quality standard stipulated by the minister of trade and must be accompanied by a certificate of origin (ska) form ico as referred to in the minister of trade regulation concerning the issuance of the certificate of origin for indonesian export goods. in this policy, there are regulations and forms for coffee quality standards that comply with the coffee quality standards implemented by the international coffee organization (ico). the cooperation in exporting indonesian coffee to the united states itself was already underway when indonesia officially joined the international coffee organization in 1963. the market share of indonesian coffee in the united states is quite good; changes in the competitiveness of indonesian coffee in the united states coffee market continue to increase. during the 2012-2017 period, the total export value of coffee produced by indonesia to the united states was around 65 thousand tons annually, with an average annual export value of usd 250 million. even though there are fluctuations every year, indonesia’s coffee exports to the united states are considered stable because each year’s differences do not show too large a number. during that period, the total export value of indonesian coffee to the united states in 2012 was 69.7 thousand tons, with the highest export value occurring in the same year, amounting to usd 330.8 million. meanwhile, the decline in exports occurred in 2014, with exports totaling 58.3 thousand tons. besides, data from the central bureau of statistics revealed that indonesia experienced the lowest export income from coffee in 2013, h. hervinaldy indonesian economic diplomacy in strengthening coffee exports ... 151 with a value of usd 207 million (badan pusat statistik, 2017). table 3. development of indonesian coffee exports to the united states (2012-2017) years net weight (thousand tons) free on board value (usd millions) 2012 69,7 330,8 2013 66,1 207,0 2014 58,3 295,9 2015 65,5 281,1 2016 67,3 270 2017 63,2 256,4 source: central bureau of statistics increasing the quality and quantity of coffee production indonesia could produce a total of 690,675 tons of coffee in 2012. from 2012-2017, the largest production occurred in 2012, with 661,429 tons produced by smallholder coffee plantations, 13,577 tons of large state plantations, and 15,759 tons produced by large private plantations. also, in that year, indonesia exported 69,700 tons to the united states. in 2017, indonesia had coffee farming land of 1,227,787 hectares, with a total production of 637,455 tons and a total export of 63,200 tons to the united states (badan pusat statistik, 2017) with the continuous development of the processed coffee industry, the government must strive to improve the quality of human resources, capital, and science and technology to catch up with other world coffee giants and create more competitive competitiveness. through the ministry of agriculture of the republic of indonesia, the indonesian government strives to continue to advance innovation and technology. through the 20152019 strategic plan compiled by the ministry of agriculture of the republic of indonesia in 2015, the following are efforts undertaken by the indonesian government (kementrian pertanian republik indonesia, 2015) : 1. increasing research capacity and facilities in the agricultural sector 2. increasing research that uses the latest technology to find a breakthrough to increase the productivity of seeds/plant seeds 3. expanding the scope of research starting from production inputs, land effectiveness, cultivation techniques, postharvest techniques, processing 152 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 techniques, to packaging and marketing techniques 4. increasing technology dissemination to farmers widely 5. fostering advanced farmers as actors in the development and application of new technologies at the field level indonesian coffee branding the birth of the third wave coffee era certainly had a considerable influence in the world of coffee, and specialty coffee has begun to be recognized, with the details that the coffee is of the best quality. the selection of specialty coffee also allows international coffee consumers, especially the united states, to get detailed information about the coffee they consume. this fact also opens up opportunities for the development of indonesian coffee as an export commodity, and of course, indonesian coffee can help increase country branding for indonesia. indonesian specialty coffee has many choices compared to other producing countries, such as brazil, vietnam, or colombia, which have always been indonesia’s competitors as a coffee producing country for decades. however, indonesia has not yet focused on developing coffee branding has resulted in the exported coffee not involving indonesia’s name as the export results’ landlord. indonesia labeling from the previous explanation, sumatran coffee is known as kopi sumatra or javanese coffee is known as kopi jawa; hence, there needs to be a change in branding. there needs to be indonesian information in every coffee tied to a regional name, such as balinese coffee being re-branded as indonesian balinese coffee. it aims to improve information and give consumers more confidence if they want to supply specialty coffee from indonesia. this re-branding will also affect other export products because if the country’s branding through indonesian coffee is successful, it may increase the united states consumers’ interest in other indonesian products. as already stated, regarding the importance of the label or branding “indonesia” in indonesian coffee marketing, on august 9, 2019, an interview was conducted at the ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia with mr. abu amar, as head of the sub-directorate for promotion of american and european regions, directorate of promotion and image development, directorate general of national h. hervinaldy indonesian economic diplomacy in strengthening coffee exports ... 153 export development, ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia and mr. yafrizal daniel, as staff of the directorate of promotion and image development, directorate general of national export development, ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia. both stated that in the specialty coffee case, the ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia had strategic steps for branding indonesian coffee in the united states. first, nation branding will be carried out to present indonesia in each coffee, which initially only used the region’s name or the name the coffee came from (amar & daniel, 2019). in an interview at the ministry of industry on august 2, 2019, with mr. mogadishu djati ertanto as deputy director of soft drink and horticulture based industry, it was also explained the importance of indonesian branding in the coffee products being promoted. according to mr. mogadishu, indonesia branding is essential for the country’s brand image or country image in the international world so that indonesia is better known for its quality natural products; not only as a tourist destination for the international community but also to open market opportunities to improve indonesia’s economy through the coffee industry (ertanto, 2019). in line with mr. mogadishu’s statement, during a visit to the indonesian c offee exporters association (aeki) on august 5, 2019, at the coffee building, jl. rp suroso, rt.2/rw.2, gondangdia, menteng district, central jakarta city, special capital region of jakarta, mr. hadi mardiansyah was interviewed as aeki administration & finance staff, who also served as aeki coffee class coordinator (ppki), stated that there must be positioning of indonesia’s name in branding to make indonesian coffee more familiar and define different coffees’ various characteristics owned by indonesia (mardiansyah, 2019). organizing an international event/trade expo in indonesia one of indonesia’s culinary events is the trade expo indonesia. at this event, indonesia’s superior products that can meet the world’s export needs are introduced, such as wood crafts, batik, tea, honey, and of course, coffee. starting in 1985, this event, which was developed through the ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia in cooperation with various parties, has succeeded in attracting international interest, not 154 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 only in culture but also regarding natural products produced and continuously developed. with this exhibition, the country has the goal of increasing international interest in importing indonesian goods and increasing indonesia’s export figures. it is also to increase the level of local companies to reduce the number of unemployed and become a solution because it will be able to open new jobs (kementrian perdagangan republik indonesia, 2019) in 2017, indonesia’s trade balance reached usd 17.3 billion, and in 2018, through the ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia september 2018, a surplus of usd 122 billion was recorded, growing by 9.2%. it showed an increase in terms of exports (kementrian perdagangan republik indonesia, 2019) as head of the sub-directorate for promotion of american and european regions, directorate of promotion and image development, directorate general of national export development, ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia, mr. abu amar provided information about the trade expo indonesia. it is one of the means for farmers, local and foreign entrepreneurs as a forum to make it easier in terms of information so that an agreement is made for cooperation. as before, the 2019 trade expo indonesia was held from october 16-20, 2019, at ice bsd tangerang (amar & daniel, 2019). attending the event/trade expo in the united states suppose the indonesian trade expo held domestically is to open up domestic business actors’ opportunities to expand their networks to national and international markets. in that case, indonesia also participates in events or trade fairs in the united states to further introduce indonesian coffee in the united states. quoted from gaeki.or.id, nus nuzulia ishak, as director-general of national export development, the ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia, stated that indonesia and the united states signed a memorandum of understanding (mou) worth usd 18 million (rp. 240 billion) for coffee exports to the united states (gabungan eksportir kopi indonesia, 20016) with the facts explained, it can be said that coffee is one of indonesia’s superior products. during the five periods of 20122017, coffee was included in the top 25 of indonesia’s primary export h. hervinaldy indonesian economic diplomacy in strengthening coffee exports ... 155 commodities to the world, and coffee became one of the leading export commodities for indonesia. the trend in the value of coffee trade during this period was positive, with exports to the united states valued at usd 330.8 million in 2012 and usd 256.4 million in 2017. although export revenues decreased, it was also due to increased national coffee consumption. with these data and facts, it is necessary to take several steps in facing the competition in world coffee exports, mainly opening up more of the united states market share as follows: 1. improvement of the quality of coffee commodity production 2. adjustment of coffee types to market demand and promotion to increase domestic consumption and exports by implementing the strategy for increasing exports described, indonesia must also implement a promotional strategy to attract more united states consumers to increase coffee exports from indonesia. the steps that can be taken are: a) attending the specialty coffee ass o c i at i on of ame r i c a ( s c a a ) / sp e c i a lt y c of fe e association (sca) exhibition b) organizing an education and knowledge program about indonesian coffee to make baristas and coffee lovers familiar with, getting to know, and understanding indonesian coffee’s characteristics c) c o n d u c t i n g k n o w l e d g e programs for buyers to maintain government relations and attention, both to importers, baristas, and roasters, each of which contributes to shaping the indonesian coffee exports’ image and value d) collaborating with existing indonesian chamb ers of commerce in the united states and other associations to build relationships with local business chains and lobby and leverage their experience and expertise to provide training/ workshops on export, import, and entrepreneurial skills for the indonesian diaspora. indonesia’s cooperation with the united states in terms of coffee export-import has at least three positive impacts for the two countries, namely: 1. as an exporting country, indonesia will get budget revenue and increase its foreign exchange in exporting coffee to the united states and improve 156 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 indonesia’s name as a natural product-producing country in the international market. table of indonesian export revenue value 125 indonesia's cooperation with the united states in terms of coffee export-import has at least three positive impacts for the two countries, namely: 1. as an exporting country, indonesia will get budget revenue and increase its foreign exchange in exporting coffee to the united states and improve indonesia's name as a natural product-producing country in the international market. table of indonesian export revenue value data source: data processing 2. as one of the world's superpowers, the united states is a country with a large need for coffee. by importing coffee from indonesia, the united states can meet its country’s coffee needs. 3. indonesia and the united states can build greater economic cooperation and strong bilateral relations. conclusion the various problems faced by indonesia in increasing coffee production and exports will, of course, be resolved gradually, starting with the regulatory policy issued by the indonesian government through the ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia, namely regulation number 26/m-dag/per/12/2005. this provision was replaced by regulation number 27/m-dag/per/7/2008. then, after a year, in 2009, the regulation changed to 0 200000 400000 20 12 20 13 20 14 20 15 20 16 20 17 fob values (usd thousands) nilai fob (ribu usd) data source: data processing 2. as one of the world’s superpowers, the united states is a country with a large need for coffee. by importing coffee from indonesia, the united states can meet its country’s coffee needs. 3. indonesia and the united states can build greater economic cooperation and strong bilateral relations. conclusion the various problems faced by indonesia in increasing coffee production and exports will, of course, be resolved gradually, starting with the regulatory policy issued by the indonesian government through the ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia, namely regulation number 26/m-dag/ per/12/2005. this provision was replaced by regulation number 27/m-dag/per/7/2008. then, after a year, in 2009, the regulation changed to 41/m-dag/per/9/2009. coffee export regulations were revised in 2011 with regulation number 10/m-dag/per/5/2011 (kementrian perdagangan republik indonesia, 2011). human resource development is also a focus. providing complete information to coffee farmers is considered necessary, considering current technological advances that can help to develop coffee plants to get high-quality production results. on the other hand, coffee exports will undoubtedly affect the promotional strategy that is implemented. the first focus that needs to be studied is coffee labeling or branding because so far, the world market and the united states have indirectly recognized coffee by name; for example, at this time, javanese coffee or sumatran coffee is known as javanese and sumatran coffee only. re-branding to include the name “indonesia” as the parent of sumatra and java itself is crucial. mr. abu amar, as head of the sub-directorate for promotion of american and european regions, directorate of promotion and image development, directorate general of national export h. hervinaldy indonesian economic diplomacy in strengthening coffee exports ... 157 development, ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia and mr. yafrizal daniel, as staff of the directorate of promotion and image development, directorate general of national export development, ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia, stated that the rebranding steps would be carried out in stages; indonesia will carry out nation branding for coffee produced by indonesia as an exported commodity (amar & daniel, 2019). t h e in d o n e s i a n c o f f e e promotion in the united states is also crucial to increase the united states consumers’ interest in indonesian coffee. one of the biggest trade events that discuss coffee in the united states is the scaa (specialty coffee association of america), which has now changed its name to the 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(2015). sejarah “f i r st, s e c on d a n d third wave coffee.” majalah otten. https://majalah. ottencoffee.co.id/sejarah-firstsecond-and-third-wave-coffee/ journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 post-colonialism perspective: why turkey’s efforts to join eu always ‘go down in flames’? muhammad fawwaz syafiq rizqullah universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: syafiqrizqullah@gmail.com mahbi maulaya universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: mahbimaulaya99@gmail.com abstract european union (eu) is an economically advanced, politically reliable, socially progressive, and regionally integrated community, making the so-called ‘the role model of world’s regionalism’ seem adorable in turkey’s lens. having the opportunity to wave its flag in brussels has been turkey’s foreign policy since 1987. turkey’s modus operandi to make the eu opening its door are enormous in scale. yet, it does not mean that turkey would quickly receive a lukewarm response from the eu. this paper lays down some theoretical arguments based on post-colonialism to discover why the eu has given a persistent rejection and derogation towards turkey. as this paper stands in a post-colonialism stance, the euro-centrism sense, which is embedded in the eu’s way of thought, serves as the reason why intentional rejection is intensively addressed towards turkey. this paper contains several features. after delivering a short introduction, there will be a modest explanation in picturing the used-theoretical framework. the discussion section stands upon three main questions; why does the eu treat turkey differently from greece? is turkey capable of fulfilling copenhagen criteria? does the eu tend to act in a discriminative manner to turkey? keywords: european union (eu), turkey, post-colonialism, euro-centrism abstrak uni eropa (ue) sudah jelas merupakan sebuah komunitas yang maju secara ekonomi, stabil secara politik, progresif secara sosial, dan terintegrasi secara muhammad fawwaz syafiq rizqullah, mahbi maulaya post-colonialism perspective: why turkey’s efforts to join ... 117 regional. oleh karena itu, organisasi yang dijuluki ‘panutan regionalisme dunia’ ini terlihat menawan di mata turki. mendapatkan kesempatan untuk mengibarkan benderanya di brussel telah menjadi kebijakan luar negeri turki semenjak tahun 1987. sudah beragam upaya yang turki lakukan untuk membuat ue bersedia menerimanya sebagai anggota penuh. namun, turki tetap saja kesulitan untuk mendapatkan sambutan yang hangat dari ue. tulisan ini menempatkan beberapa argumen teoritis berdasarkan konsep pos-kolonialisme yang ditujukan untuk menemukan salah satu alasan kenapa ue memberikan penolakan yang konsisten kepada turki. karena tulisan ini berdiri di atas sudut pandang pos-kolonialisme, tulisan ini percaya bahwa kecenderungan euro-sentrisme yang tertanam dalam pola pikir ue menjadi alasan kenapa penolakan tersebut selalu terjadi. tulisan ini terdiri dari beberapa fitur. setelah menyampaikan pengantar singkat, akan ada penjelasan sederhana untuk menggambarkan teori yang digunakan. bagian diskusi berisi beberapa penjelasan yang bersumber dari beberapa pertanyaan; kenapa ue memperlakukan turki dengan beda dibandingkan yunani? apakah turki mampu memenuhi persyaratan kriteria kopenhagen? apakah ue benar-benar cenderung berperilaku diskriminatif perihal perizinan turki untuk bergabung ke dalam badannya? kata kunci: uni eropa (ue), turki, pos-kolonialisme, euro-sentrisme introduction the groundwork for turkey’s eagerness to get into european union’s headquarters following the collapse of the ottoman empire in 1922, turkey’s governance dimension shifted into a modern republic-style design and the image of a powerful and energetic empire’ that usually referred to the so-called ‘the land of four seasons’ altered conversely. as a consequence of turkey’s reduction of power and influence, the european economy, particularly in terms of trade, which usually posed turkey as a central partner, had no longer remain. as turkey had been less needed for mutually beneficial cooperation, most european countries had found their ways and prevented turkey’s intervention, or even a tiny portion of participation, in their economic transaction (morelli v. l., 2013). despite having a troublesome 118 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 tragedy, turkey has been able to escape from the bondage of a footdragging national development, thus making it a country that has rapid advancement in social, political, and economic affairs. seeking economic development ambitiously, mo dern turke y b elieves that p ossessing an admission ticket as a european union (eu) member will enhance their economic strength. this perspective is entrenched within turkey’s perspective since the eu can incorporate an eyebrowraising development and prosperity towards its member states’ economic realm. the stonewalling for turkey’s attempt to wave their flag in brussels is high. notwithstanding plenty of rejection been received, turkey still has a considerable effort to be an eu member. economic-based motivation is not the only driving force behind turkey’s joining as an eu member and the political reason to gain recognition and a lucrative position on the worldwide stage. turkey perceives the eu as an extraordinary supranational organization in which the members can get a different, dominant level of competency compare with noneu members (modebadze & sayin, 2015). the interwoven discomfort between turkey and the eu the cooperation between turkey and the eu has been running since 1959. in numerous disputes, both actors’ relations have been interrupted, yet two remain unscathed severely, making the gradual thawing of ties sometimes. the bickering between turkey and the eu is commonly caused by economic and political-related activity. the dispute in trade and economic aspects between both actors, one among other reasons, was caused by the potency of turkey’s economic power, maintaining a considerable bargaining position in the atmosphere of economicrelated negotiation. the supporting evidence is observable in turkey’s economic intervention towards bulgaria and greece. turkey tried to liberalize service to create a bargain for the eu’s economic stability (hakura, 2018). in the political landscape, turkey often got plunge into the watershed of tension with the eu members state since the questioning of turkey’s democracy and political stability frequently echoed. under this circumstance, turkey received an antagonistic nickname as ‘the most controversial eu member candidate’. some may argue that the longstanding muhammad fawwaz syafiq rizqullah, mahbi maulaya post-colonialism perspective: why turkey’s efforts to join ... 119 dispute between turkey and eu members country such as cyprus and greece, although those crises had been receded into history, serve as the basis of eu member states’ qualm to turkey’s political stability (european union center of excellence , 2008). the dilemma in economic and political scope becomes a challenging disagreement, making turkey a burdensome obstacle to solving their way to become an eu member. on the other side, turkey is also dealing with a sort of euproposed regulation that should be fulfilled entirely. however, considering these disputes and obstacles, turkey should keep accepting all of the policy and the result from the eu decision. although demanding, turkey has no other path other than obeying the eu’s requirements as it serves as the supreme decision-maker that determines turkey’s status in the eu. turkey dilemma as the candidate status in the eu tu rke y got probl e m at i c approval from the eu due to some regulations, making a longwinded dealing occurred along the negotiation process. turkey was endorsed as an eu member as the candidate status in 1987. the opportunity seems to be a sweet promise in turkey’s view, believing that they will be a member shortly. as several requirements are still in the absence status and turkey needs to match their political and economic condition with the copenhagen criteria from the eu, turkey should explore a long and tedious ‘road’ to arrive in brussels. in one flashpoint, greece’s acceptance as one of the eu members has become one of turkey’s questions. turkey may point out that the eu’s openness only intended to particular states, making the eu has painted a gloomy picture of favoritism. compared to greece’s economic and political condition, turkey is better or may not even be far-fetched to suggest superior. this paper examines eu regulations towards turkey and subsequently seeks to address the following question ‘is the eu standard or requirements fair enough toward turkey compare with the acceptance of greece as the full members of the eu?’. this paper believes that post-colonialism theory may answer the questions above. therefore, the following section projects the theory in a modest elaboration. afterward, the discussion section would posit 120 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 its place and stems into several branches; eu unequal treatment against turkey ; the political criteria based on copenhagen criteria; the economic criteria based on the copenhagen treaty; eu discrimination regulation toward turkey euro-centrism. theoretical framework: post-colonialism the literature on p ostcolonialism discusses a wide array of issues in politics. the postcolonialist way of thinking entered the international relations theory realm more critically (brown, 1994). scholars of international relations have deeply blended in the discussion of post-colonialbased criticism and have spawned many essential publications, albeit discreetly without realizing t hems elves as p ost-coloni a l theorists (wilkens, 2017). l. h. m. ling has incorporated an essential contribution in introducing postcolonialism of international relations as a more applicable and inclusive approach and alternative to existing works of literature on international relations and global order. not only she has transcended the degree of a profound postcolonialism critique towards the historical character that ignored the colonial roots of the european states, but also she re-enforces the eurocentric conceptions (ling, 2002, in wilkens, 2017). postcolonialism has been stamped as a concrete and mature international relations theory, which has an influential position in international relations discussion. moreover, the position has got more expansive, particularly for post-colonial and non-eurocentric academics when the nowadays problems burgeoning post-colonial states increase in world politics (wilkens, 2017). post-colonialism emerges from literature and cultural studies and develops to be anthropology and history subject of the applicable study in analyzing international relation dynamics. post-colonialism was derived from two words: ‘post’ and ‘colonialism’. as a universal theory, the term ‘post’ is not similar to the meaning of particularly pointing about the time. however, the “post” in this context, according to homi bhaba, is a fighting term invoked in polemics against colonialism (rao, 2012). on the other side, colonialism here refers to the universalism and meta-narratives which using the historical term, thus making it an ideological concept (chibber, 2016: 1). to this end, the meaning of postcolonialism is a condition whereby muhammad fawwaz syafiq rizqullah, mahbi maulaya post-colonialism perspective: why turkey’s efforts to join ... 121 to prevent colonial modernity in the present, which is influenced by the ongoing experience. post-colonialism theor y tries to criticize the contemporary western discourses related to the critical aspect in international relations, such as ideological in term of the government system, security, trade, and global capitalism, which have been constructed and represented the significant structure of international politics (chowdhry and nair, 2002: 43). one of the concepts that postcolonialism theory criticizes is euro-centrism. this concept believes that comprehending modernity begins and ends within europe. consequently, this concept supports the thesis arguing that the standardization of modernity is coming from europe and that continent has a high degree of legitimations in deciding influential regulation. it is reflected in how the western created a discourse that became a temporary standard in the world’s crucial aspects, such as politics and economic (michael freeden, lyman tower sargent and marc stears, 2012). in this paper, this theory and its concepts will be used as a tool to explain the reason behind why has turkey not been accepted as the eu members, unlike greece, which could be readily accepted as a member of the eu even though both of those countries have the same problems in terms of the economic and political aspect. it is also expected to describe eurocentrism’s effect on the eu decision and regulation toward turkey that could be categorized as a discriminating regulation. using the copenhagen criteria, other countries such as cyprus and greece could enter the eu without any specific hindrance, albeit they have a parallel economic and political atmosphere with turkey. discussion unequal treatment by eu against turkey compared to greece historically, turkey wanted a member started in 1963 when the eu was a community concerned with economic integration (tocci, 2014 ). turkey’s dream became much more extensive continuously in 1987. unfortunately, turkey was rejected because of its crucial economic instability, human rights violations, and other specific political issues. subsequently, in 1999, turkey was successfully involved as the eu member’s candidate. to this day, turkey’s status in the eu remains unchanged. 122 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 greece is also one of the countries that have a desire to become an eu member. fortunately, greece could readily be accepted as a member of the eu, unlike turkey. greece applied to join the european community in 1975 and successfully accepted since 1981 (rankin, 2015). despite the economic and political instability condition, greece became one of the eu members for a long time. greece was also dealing with the political crisis, democracy instability, having a dispute with turkey, and ever led by a dictatorship leader (lyrintzis, 2011). political instability distributes large swathes of effect towards greece’s economic inflation enmeshed in the economic crisis (oecd, 2018). nonetheless, greece was permitted to pass the requirement, although they dealt with turkey’s exact problem. this phenomenon serves as one question regarding how exactly eu regulation works to decide new members. copenhagen criteria is one of the treaties constituting the criteria that new or the eu member’s candidate should fulfill. the political and economic fields are the most eye-catching aspects that should be considered for all eu applicants (european commission, 2016). this paper would like to explain the application of copenhagen criteria to analyze euro-centrism in eu authority, particularly eu decision towards turkey. the political criteria based on copenhagen criteria besides economic, politics is the core of copenhagen criteria that all candidates and eu members should pay serious attention to achieve the standard fulfillment. politicalbased standards of copenhagen criteria includes human right issue; the assurance of minority individuals or groups’ rights and a stable democracy based on eu standardization. those standards are the most critical requirements that become turkey’s obstacle to becoming the eu members. turkey had a considerable effort to match its political condition with the criteria attached by the eu since 2004. some may argue that turkey has successfully achieved the copenhagen criteria in a political aspect. yet, until today, the eu still does not recognize it (hochleitner, 2005). greece was also dealing with many political and economic inst abi lit y expl aine d ab ove. however, the eu did not consider it. arguably, copenhagen-based political criteria were adopted by greece in 1999. greece has become muhammad fawwaz syafiq rizqullah, mahbi maulaya post-colonialism perspective: why turkey’s efforts to join ... 123 an eu member in 1981, and the criteria have not been implemented yet (european union , 2019). from this fact, not only did the eu signify a one-sided adherence to its law, but also it implied the favoritism and euro-centrism tendency manifested by intentional discrimination against turkey. according to the copenhagen criteria, turkey has inevitably made a significant endeavor to solve its political problems, especially to achieve comprehensive democracy implementation. one of turkey’s efforts to create good democracy was by using a democratic system to choose the seat of leadership. turkey has used democracy system since 1946 with two political party systems. turkey was facing a couple of coup d’état by the military intervention, which could not last long (al-jazeera press, 2016 ). unfortunately, the eu utilized that historical background to became its guise of rejecting turkey as an eu member. the eu could not disagree that turkey’s current condition is much better in terms of democracy adherence. turkey also had to convince its domestic policy to fit the copenhagen treaty’s standard of human rights. the other issue that becomes the eu reason was related to many human rights violations that the ankara administration did (cakmak, 2003). those criteria should be fulfilled if turkey wants to join as an eu member, even though those criteria are complicated to achieve. compared to turkey’s political situation, greece had a relatively robust political aspect while being the eu candidate. at that time, some eu member countries’ presidents considered greece and turkey’s dispute, the political crisis that affects the economic inflation, and human rights. nonetheless, eventually, greece could still pass the obstacle and become the eu members. this unfairness proves that the eu is blind and biased to perceive greece’s political instability. the economic criteria based on copenhagen treaty the second criteria that become most important and have to be considered are related to the economic aspect. eu gives a complicated requirement in terms of the state’s economic capability. those requirements are related to the state’s macroeconomic stability, inflation and ability to provide citizens economic-related necessities (european commission , 2018). however, turkey was 124 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 struggling enough to create their economic condition to fit with the eu criteria resulting in turkey’s development has become one of the fastest economic growth in the world (gormez, 2014). furthermore, before an economic recession approaching, turkey was in excellent condition for its economic growth. yet, it still did not pass the copenhagen treaty requirement because the eu argued the lira inflation was still possible and remained an unstable currency (nelson, 2018) . even though turkey’s economic growth has increased significantly (see the graph below), the eu still has not accepted turkey as a member. figure 1. turkey’s economic growth source: oecd (2018), oecd economic outlook and oecd financial accounts (databases). link: https://doi. org/10.1787/888933798504 considering greece’s economic criteria, its economic condition was more unstable compared with turkey. economic inflation is still dealing with greece until now (kirby, 2015). oddly, greece can pass the regulation toward the criteria that copenhagen criteria have been posited. if comparing the economic condition between both countries, turkey will have the highest economic capability instead of greece, as proven by the graph below. figure 2. economic growth comparison between turkey and greece source: medina and schneider, “shadow economies around the world, 2018 link: https://doi. org/10.1787/888933798542 figure 2 above shows that turkey’s economic condition is higher than greece’s economic condition. nonetheless, it does not become one factor that can trigger the eu to accept turkey as a new member. nevertheless, a flexible regulation toward the eu muhammad fawwaz syafiq rizqullah, mahbi maulaya post-colonialism perspective: why turkey’s efforts to join ... 125 requirement can depend on the eu as the supreme leader. however, it can discriminate against turkey in this case. eu discriminative regulation toward turkey as the effect of eurocentrism eu was not consistent in implementing their vision or goals towards turkey because of their decisive authority. the eu’s goal is to “fight social exclusion and discrimination” (european union , 2019). unfortunately, the eu is relatively essential to entirely implement this goal, especially toward turkey, which still has no equal right to become an eu member. the post-colonialism perspective would argue that the eu’s discriminative gesture towards turkey reflects the euro-centrism sense embedded within european society. turkey admission’s refusal ostensibly implies that europe is the decision-maker and a paradigm that is highly bereft of basis in postcolonialism. the c openhagen criteria are the regulation labeled as a ‘discriminative’ mechanism. this conclusion is derived from the high criteria of political and economic aspects only to turkey compared to the other countries’ requirements before 1999, primarily before implementing it. the eu’s different treatment is precise whereby greece’s presence is preferable, despite their economic and political power (kollias, 2003). conclusion post-colonialism theory sees euro-centrism as surfacing when the eu authority firmly takes the role in creating a decision that could discriminate the eu members’ candidate. this statement proves how the eu treats greece and turkey in a contrasting manner. even though turkey has much developed economic stability and political aspect, the supreme authority still depends on the eu member’s country leader judgment. turkey could not sue the eu’s blatant discriminative act since they have a one-sided authoritative role. in conclusion, euro-centrism becomes one factor determining turkey’s fate in its future attempt to join the eu whether turkey will be accepted or remain a candi date. the eu’s attitude as the supranational organization should have a consistent decision to create regulation to prevent discrimination toward the eu member’s candidate. if the recommendation is disobeyed, eu goals will be inconsistent and 126 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 1, june 2021 show how euro-centristic the organization is. bibliography al-jazeera press. 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(2017). postcolonialism in international relations. international studies association and oxford university press. islamic world and politics vol. 4. no.1 june 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 modern slavery in indonesia : study case of maritime slavery in benjina kabupaten kepulauan aru maluku anastazia n wattimena universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta anastasyawattimena@gmail.com abstract the case of maritime slavery that took place in benjina, significance unpopular, and isolated area in the easternmost part of indonesia shook the world. hundreds of foreign shipmen, seafarers, were found enslaved for years. forced by the captains of thailand ships vessels from pt. pusaka benjina resources to work long and extra hours without being given any appropriate payments and food along the way. this paper is a qualitative type of research using secondary data from books, journals, articles, both online and paper-based, to gather all related information. this paper also used the theory of modern slavery as a management practice from andrew crane to analyze the pushing factors of this slavery case. hoping that the same situation will no longer happen in the future. since slavery in the fishing industry has happened in so many sea-based countries in the world, including indonesia. keywords: slavery, maritime industry, foreign shipmen, benjina abstrak kasus perbudakan maritim yang terjadi di benjina, wilayah yang tidak populer, dan terisolir di bagian timur indonesia mengguncang dunia. ratusan awak kapal asing, pelaut, ditemukan diperbudak selama bertahun-tahun. dipaksa oleh kapten kapal thailand kapal dari pt.pusaka benjina resources untuk bekerja berjam-jam dan ekstra tanpa diberikan pembayaran dan makanan yang sesuai di sepanjang jalan. makalah ini adalah jenis penelitian kualitatif menggunakan data sekunder dari buku, jurnal, artikel, baik online dan berbasis kertas, untuk mengumpulkan semua informasi terkait. makalah 118 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 ini juga menggunakan teori perbudakan modern sebagai praktik manajemen dari andrew crane untuk menganalisis faktor-faktor pendorong dari kasus perbudakan ini. berharap bahwa situasi yang sama tidak akan terjadi lagi di masa depan. sejak perbudakan di industri perikanan telah terjadi di banyak negara berbasis laut di dunia, termasuk indonesia. kata kunci: perbudakan, industri maritim, kapal asing, benjina introduction associated press in march 2015 published this case regarding hundreds of seafarers who happened to be slaves in fishing ships from a company called pt. pusaka benjina resources (mcdowell, manson, & mendoza, 2015). the exploitation occurred both in the sea and land, the land of benjina, a small village located in one of the easternmost parts of indonesia. according to the investigation of ap and extended interviews between the international organization of migration (iom indonesia) and all the slavery victims. the captain of the ship enslaved all foreign ship crews, and not just in one ship but in almost all the vessels owned by pt. pbr. the victims were all beaten by the big fishtail. they were in a cage where they only got curry to survive every day. they had to work 18-20 hours per day. whenever they were tired and complained, the captain would beat them. some of them died in the arafura sea. some of them were buried in benjina, and to cover the trails. they changed the name of ship crews when buried to hide the death (mcdowell, manson, & mendoza, 2015). for the first time, ap found the case long before. there was an investigation held by lpn (labors right promotion network) and sac (seafarers action centre) in corporation with ap and channel 3 thailand regarding their fishing vessels, especially the ones which traveled to indonesia. due to deep suspicion about the human trafficking network, especially involving thailand, myanmar, laos, cambodia, and indonesia (tangprachyakul, 2015). d ur ing 2006-2014, lpn accepted around 128 complaints about seafarers who left indonesia. thirty-nine people went back to thailand, death, and two others anastazia n wattimena modern slavery in indonesia: study case of maritime slavery 119 were disabled. there were neither payment nor compensation for those people (tangprachyakul, 2015). for that reason, then lpn helped by ap, and other actors decided to have further investigation to indonesian water regarding those fishermen. finally, it becomes the starting point for a significant discovery in benjina a year after. in the maritime industr y, laborers are fragile, trapped in slavery. fishing labors cost 30%-50% of the total fishing costs. then those costs tend to be cut to minimize total production costs. it makes the company tend to ignore the safety standards of crews or to decrease their payments or even eliminate it at all (tickler, et al., 2018). after the case was published, the indonesia government reacted in specific ways. for instance, the indonesian government represented by the ministry of maritime and fisheries took the first step by sending teams to investigate further the verdict of slavery as well as helping all the victims, especially in terms of their documents supported by immigration ministry. the second response from the indonesia government would be extending the moratorium until october 2015 to hold long and detailed investigations throughout the case. they also suspended foreign ships from indonesia water, especially those who came from thailand fishing companies (dillon, 2015). according to iom, nearly 550 people were safe from the practice of modern slavery in indonesia. based on the global slavery index 2016, indonesia was in the first place as a country, having the most number of current slavery cases compared to other asean countries (sindo, 2018). all the fish, shrimps, and different kinds of seafood captured by slaves come from thailand. all the fish and shrimp are processed and become canned food sold in big markets in united states such as wall-mart, kroger, and sysco (mendoza, us lets in thai fish caught by slaves despite law , 2015). hearing the issue of fish products produced by slaves in indonesia, the us government then passed an act of banning all kinds of fish products captured by slaves and or forced laborers. president barrack obama signed house of resolution 644 on february 24th, 2016 (mendoza, obama bans us imports of slave-produced goods, 2016). people probably wonder why the issue of slavery even exists in 120 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 this 21st century after a long time. after this practice of slavery banned all over the world since 18 century, but for the record even until the 20th century, chattel slavery still existed in arabia. slavery in these days has been quite modernized, meaning that it has many differences than chattel slavery that had happened in the past (miers, 2011). if chattel slaver y was a possession of someone who can be bought, owned, and sold to another party. modern slavery has many differences in a point where there is no legal ownership toward the slaves, and how the violence become an ultimate tight between the slaves and slaveholders (bales, understanding global slavery : a reader, 2005). since the phenomena of slavery come back over time, the author is interested in exploring more, especially regarding the push factors of slavery even occur in the first place. methodology and theory this research used secondary data taking from multiple resources like books, journals, websites, as well as an online newspaper. hopefully, it can give the closest pictures about what happened in benjina and why it even happened. the author analyzed the factors behind this phenomenon using the theory of modern slavery brought by andrew crane. however, the author did not use all five indicators; instead, only two of them. the author believes that those two indicators are enough to give the exact explanation about this new phenomenon in the maritime industry. theory of modern slavery andrew crane (2013), with his theory of modern slavery, explains five different indicators enabling the practice of modern slavery as a form of management practice. those five indicators consist of industrial context, socioeconomic context, geographical context, cultural context, and regulatory context. in this research, the author only will focus on two contexts, which are socio-economic context and regulatory context. the socioeconomic context has several parts. they are poverty and relative poverty, education, and awareness, as well as unemployment (crane, 2013). meanwhile, the regulatory context consists of the strength of governance and issue attention. the author will explain all indicators in the perspectives of the slaves and the indonesian government to give a concise anastazia n wattimena modern slavery in indonesia: study case of maritime slavery 121 yet comprehensive explanation regarding why the practice of slavery even happens in the east part of indonesia, especially the kind of maritime slavery. in his writing, crane explains that poverty will always be the “push” factors that trap people into slavery. people who live under poverty create opportunities, especially for slave recruiters, where they can be very persuasive to influence the potential laborers. in contrast, the laborers themselves have no better options. slavery will probably occur in one geographic location if it is perceived to have more extreme poverty compare to another area. the next indicator will be unemployment, directly linked to poverty. unemployment situation because of no skills and limited job opportunities, especially if it structurally happens. those situations are going to make the offer seems so realistic as the family the only option as economic survival choices, specifically if they have no alternative job options and without adequate social protection. in most modern slavery cases, all slaves are victims of deceiving and coercing. they are not well aware of the working arrangements due to lack of education and illiteracy among the target population (crane, 2013). the second context will be regulatory, which regarding slavery laws, both national and international levels. in this context, crane also emphasizes on governance system. how effective the system, how corrupt the system, or how low the maintenance of regional governance system. thus, it creates the possibilities of slavery to appear quickly. the two contexts of crane about the theory of modern slavery could explain the situation in benjina since 2015. result and explanation there are quite progressive developments of research, especially about modern slavery in general. talking about modern slavery, kevin bales, in his book disposal people, “slavery means that total control of one person by another for the purpose of economic exploitation” (bales, disposable people : new slavery in the global economy, 2000). old slavery may concern color skin, ethnics, race, or religion as the consideration to enslave somebody. however, modern slavery does a different job. modern slavery focuses on weakness, gullibility, and deprivation despite races and or skin colors. 122 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 the causes of old slavery no longer become causes for modern slavery. according to bales, the slavery grows best in an extreme poverty situation because the slaveholder can easily predict the pre-social status of slaves target. second, the slaveholder has to ensure that the cost of keeping a slave is much cheaper than hiring free labor (bales, disposable people : new slavery in the global economy, 2000). slavery happens from the desperation of options, being abandoned, a refuge, being poor, and the homeless to avoid the potency of being enslaved by somebody else. thirdly, slaves target should not have access for any helps or having any power to defend themselves against violence. those vulnerabilities make it so hard for slaves to save themselves from the slaveholder. old slaves in 1850 may cost almost $40.000 in modern money, but now slave worth only a few hundred dollars. this change, of course, has consequences, slaves nowadays are cheaper. it makes them so affordable to have but at the same time disposable, according to kevin bales in his book the slave next door (bales & soodalter, the slave next door : human trafficking and slavery in america today, 2009). they do not give much money if being sold. still, they will create thousands of profits from their work and exploitation, especially for industrial slavery or maritime slavery. that is why companies tend to enslave their workers if they have the chance to ensure a significant outcome over smaller costs. poverty and l ow education contribute to create opportunity to enslave people the victims of benjina slavery cases are mostly coming from countries such as myanmar, cambodia, and laos. figure.1 population living in poverty in asean 2014 based on adb 2014 (tien, ranola.,jr, & thuy, 2017) slavery always starts with human trafficking. people living in poverty in developing countries usually become an easy target to be manipulated by the recruiters. the figure above shows the population living under poverty in 2014, and not anastazia n wattimena modern slavery in indonesia: study case of maritime slavery 123 surprisingly, myanmar, cambodia, and laos are on the top lists of countries living under poverty. the problem with having many people living under poverty is that they will be most likely unemployment for so many reasons. they belong to the poor for a reason. they couldn’t afford their basic living needs, not to mention they do not have a permanent job, most likely because of no having qualified education or a structured direction into poverty. however, no matter what the reason behind those people living under poverty, being unemployment as well as having low or no education at all make them much more fragile and vulnerable. that vulnerability becomes an opportunity for the recruiters to traffic them to the outside territory, then, in the end, become slaves. 120 slavery always starts with human trafficking. people living in poverty in developing countries usually become an easy target to be manipulated by the recruiters. the figure above shows the population living under poverty in 0214, and not surprisingly, myanmar, cambodia, and laos are on the top lists of countries living under poverty. the problem with having many people living under poverty is that they will be most likely unemployment for so many reasons. they belong to the poor for a reason. they couldn’t afford their basic living needs, not to mention they do not have a permanent job, most likely because of no having qualified education or a structured direction into poverty. however, no matter what the reason behind those people living under poverty, being unemployment as well as having low or no education at all make them much more fragile and vulnerable. that vulnerability becomes an opportunity for the recruiters to traffic them to the outside territory, then, in the end, become slaves. figure 0. financial situation of victims before they enter indonesia (kkp indonesia, satgas iuu fishing indonesia, iom indonesia, & universitas coventry, 0210) from the figure, the victims identify themselves as either poor or very poor. by feeling that way, they realize that it is so essential for them to have more options for sustained life. one option that seems so potential is migration. moving to another location or territory that appears to have more choices of job. the recruiters well play this moment. they saw the opportunity and offer help by promising to give an alternative career in other territories as what has happened in most modern slavery cases. figure 3. figure 2. financial situation of victims before they enter indonesia (kkp indonesia, satgas iuu fishing indonesia, iom indonesia, & universitas coventry, 2016) from the figure, the victims identify themselves as either poor or very poor. by feeling that way, they realize that it is so essential for them to have more options for sustained life. one option that seems so potential is migration. moving to another location or territory that appears to have more choices of job. the recruiters well play this moment. they saw the opportunity and offer help by promising to give an alternative career in other territories as what has happened in most modern slavery cases. 120 slavery always starts with human trafficking. people living in poverty in developing countries usually become an easy target to be manipulated by the recruiters. the figure above shows the population living under poverty in 0214, and not surprisingly, myanmar, cambodia, and laos are on the top lists of countries living under poverty. the problem with having many people living under poverty is that they will be most likely unemployment for so many reasons. they belong to the poor for a reason. they couldn’t afford their basic living needs, not to mention they do not have a permanent job, most likely because of no having qualified education or a structured direction into poverty. however, no matter what the reason behind those people living under poverty, being unemployment as well as having low or no education at all make them much more fragile and vulnerable. that vulnerability becomes an opportunity for the recruiters to traffic them to the outside territory, then, in the end, become slaves. figure 0. financial situation of victims before they enter indonesia (kkp indonesia, satgas iuu fishing indonesia, iom indonesia, & universitas coventry, 0210) from the figure, the victims identify themselves as either poor or very poor. by feeling that way, they realize that it is so essential for them to have more options for sustained life. one option that seems so potential is migration. moving to another location or territory that appears to have more choices of job. the recruiters well play this moment. they saw the opportunity and offer help by promising to give an alternative career in other territories as what has happened in most modern slavery cases. figure 3. figure 3. level of education from foreign victims of trafficking sent to indonesia (kkp indonesia, satgas iuu fishing indonesia, iom indonesia, & universitas coventry, 2016) victims of human trafficking sent to indonesia, especially fishers, are having low education in general. for crane (2013), it is right from the perspective of the slaveholder. when someone has little knowledge about where they are geographically 124 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 and having no information on access to save themselves as well as they do not communicate well with the foreign language, it will make them hard to get their freedom out of slavery. a. myanmar after being independent of british colonization in 1948, myanmar, also known as burma at the time, had a dictatorship regime for quite a long period since 1962 (champkin, 2012). the military government seemed so repressive until myanmar themselves got international sanctions for it. for min zing, as he wrote in foreign policy magazine, poverty in myanmar rises not only due to the international sanctions against them, but more importantly, for him, is allocation of myanmar national budget is imbalanced. myanmar government spent 23,6 % ($ 2 billion) of their federal budget in the military, 1,3 % ($ 110 million) for health, and for education, they only allocate 4,13 % ($ 349 million) from their national budget. no wonder if they have quite a significant number of people living under poverty. figure 4. nationality of human trafficking victims in indonesia 2011-2015 (kkp indonesia, satgas iuu fishing indonesia, iom indonesia, & universitas coventry, 2016) figure 4. above reflects how many myanmar citizens become victims of human trafficking. this particular country has been so vulnerable for such a long time, like thailand, which is already well-known as a place for human trafficking recruiters. myanmar, on the other hand, has been so famous as forced laborers and slaves supplier. in 2014, the thai government reported that there are 224 myanmar citizens as victims of human trafficking in thailand (crime, 2017). it has been a long time connection between myanmar and thailand in terms of human trafficking. as time goes by since human trafficking can lead to slavery. thus, asean should anastazia n wattimena modern slavery in indonesia: study case of maritime slavery 125 probably do a little better to cut the tie between those two countries. there is no much information regarding the victims from benjina slave case, especially from the historical background of those victims from myanmar, but there are two things for sure. first, they are all poor, and second, they are not well-educated. those two causes make people so vulnerable and do not think much when they accept the offer of working to another location. b. cambodia cambodia is infamous for its conflict of preah vier temple, which become the most intense conflict between cambodia and thailand. however, the author will only focus on the long history of human trafficking lead to slavery-related to both cambodia and thailand. figure 5. human trafficking from cambodia (siren human traffickig data sheet, 2008) the data above lists the number of victims of human trafficking that repatriate from thailand. it seems like both countries have had a long tight relationship in human trafficking either as transit or as a destination. it is not shocking at all that more countries in asean involve in human trafficking since the distance between each country is quite close to each other. secondly, countries in asean are still developing countries, which have a problem with poverty as well as education access. going back to cambodia, they seem to have an average economic growth from 1998-2018 (8 %), as world bank said (the world bank in cambodia, 2019). at least not as much severe as myanmar did, but still, the poverty of its society contributes to human trafficking in asean. there has been quite a dangerous supply chain of human trafficking involving countries in asean. c amb o d i an wome n and girls historically become victims of human trafficking, whether in thailand or other asean countries. while men as victims increase hugely, especially in the thailand fishing industry, after the government passed a new trafficking law (siren human traffickig data sheet, 2008). 126 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 as a report from the united nations, they inter viewed in cambodia. moving and having to immigrate from cambodia to thailand is pretty much necessary because of the unavailability of jobs in cambodia. thailand has higher wages than cambodia. it is 20-30 % higher in thailand than in cambodia for the same position or job (crime, 2017). thus, thailand is so much attractive for people in their productive ages. c. lao pdr lao pdr is having almost the same background as the other fellow countries. having a lot of experiences regarding social, economic problems after its independence in 1975. lao pdr has had such difficult times because they passed through a civil war between the royal lao government and communist pathet lao. this country also took part in the indochina conflict. despite all former conflicts, lao pdr is well known as a land-linked country because it has bordered neighbors such as myanmar, cambodia, china, thailand, and vietnam (about lao pdr). such geographic position supposedly gives more advantages to the country, for example, become a trading track connected china and the rest of asean countries. providing some sort of disadvantages also becomes the track for human trafficking along with regional asean. 122 as a report from the united nations, they interviewed in cambodia. moving and having to immigrate from cambodia to thailand is pretty much necessary because of the unavailability of jobs in cambodia. thailand has higher wages than cambodia. it is 02-32 % higher in thailand than in cambodia for the same position or job (crime, 0210). thus, thailand is so much attractive for people in their productive ages. c. lao pdr lao pdr is having almost the same background as the other fellow countries. having a lot of experiences regarding social, economic problems after its independence in 1202. lao pdr has had such difficult times because they passed through a civil war between the royal lao government and communist pathet lao. this country also took part in the indochina conflict. despite all former conflicts, lao pdr is well known as a land-linked country because it has bordered neighbors such as myanmar, cambodia, china, thailand, and vietnam (about lao pdr). such geographic position supposedly gives more advantages to the country, for example, become a trading track connected china and the rest of asean countries. providing some sort of disadvantages also becomes the track for human trafficking along with regional asean. figure 0. unemployment rate annually in lao pdr sourced world bank (laos tingkat pengangguran) the graphic shows that lao pdr does not necessarily have such a massive problem of both unemployment and poverty compared to its neighbor, myanmar. lao pdr has successfully managed its advantages as a land-linked country to enhance its economy. further, to minimize the number of poverty. both human trafficking and modern slavery in the fishing industry are inevitable reality facing asean. thailand has a consistency to grow its seafood industry. at the same time, indonesia acts as a giant supplier for seafood, and the rest of asean member countries trapped in between either as transit location or fall as victims for human trafficking and slavery. figure 6. unemployment rate annually in lao pdr sourced world bank (laos tingkat pengangguran) the graphic shows that lao pdr does not necessarily have such a massive problem of both unemploy ment and p over t y compared to its neighbor, myanmar. lao pdr has successfully managed its advantages as a land-linked country to enhance its economy. further, to minimize the number of poverty. both human trafficking and modern slavery in the fishing industry are inevitable reality facing asean. thailand has a consistency to grow its seafood industry. at the same time, indonesia acts as a giant supplier for seafood, and the rest of asean member countries trapped in between either as transit location or fall as victims for human trafficking and slavery. anastazia n wattimena modern slavery in indonesia: study case of maritime slavery 127 bribery increase the chances for slavery the practice of bribery is not a new trend in worldwide. in almost all aspects of life, we will find the method of corruption lying around everywhere. legally speaking, it is, of course, trespassing the law to give or accept bribery, but sometimes to smoothing a business, this bribery is necessary. moving to the case in benjina 2015, indonesia’s government has a strict regulation, especially about foreign vessels shipping who operate and catching fish in indonesia water. for example, act number 31 of 2004 about fishing, article 27 clearly states that every fishing vessel, both local fishing vessels or foreign fishing vessels are obliged to have sipi surat izin penangkapan ikan or fishing license before running their operation. it is a proper and strict regulation (indonesia, 2004). however, the unavailability of maritime security patrols makes it so hard for monitoring ships that change their flag in the middle of the ocean to avoid making sipi. pt. pusaka benjina resources themselves did quite significant bribery to cover their act of slavery. pt. pbr intentionally gave rp. 37 million each month for local apparatus to maintain their operation (dugaan suap, perbudakan dan kerajaan kecil di benjina, 2015). therefore, the practice of slavery can occur again for such a long time. according to several victims, they have been in exploitation for almost ten years. some even got more. the practice continuously goes on not because people surrounding have no idea. it is because they do not want to tell. bribery makes them do so. so, it is imperative to build high maintenance security in a location where there are high foreign ship vessels, as well as erasing the possibility of corruption and bribery, especially at the local governance level. conclusion slavery has been in a ban for years, but it somehow grows and develops in its new form that currently known as modern slavery. this modern slavery is a high performed human exploitation that violates the most significant value of human beings. this type of slavery develops in various areas of a country. one of them is in the maritime and fishing industry. indonesia is not the only country that has to deal with this issue. people from indonesia may be 128 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 victims of this maritime slavery somewhere else as well. this slavery is possible to happen under so many reasons and situations that help it to exist. two among those various reasons and conditions are poverty, lack of education, the effectiveness of government, and regulation or the rule of law, and corruption, as explained by crane (2013). this paper may not provide a systemic solution, but it has helped identify the reason behind this slavery practice. since by knowing the pushing factors, it will help to contribute to creating the best possible solution to against modern slavery. references bales, k. 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(2018, february 21). negara dengan pebudakan modern terbanyak. retrieved january 5, 2020, from sindo news: https:// i n t e r n a t i o n a l . s i n d o n e w s . c o m / r e a d / 1 2 8 3 6 0 6 / 4 5 / negara-dengan-perbudakanm o d e r n t e r b a n y a k d i dunia-1519112527 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 the corona case and the increasing cases of racism and xenophobia against chinese ethnic groups in the world zunsyika zahra zatira universitas diponegoro email: zunsyikazahrazatira@gmail.com muhammad pambudi prakoso universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: pambuddi123@gmail.com abstract the development of international relations studies is marked by the increasingly complex global issues that occur in the life of the world community. at present, the research of international relations does not focus on the subject of war and peace. still, it is developing on more substantial issues about human rights being manifested in daily life. the world community is confronted with the problem of racism related to the realization of human rights. a global phenomenon that has powerful historical roots and occurs in various fields of human life, starting from politics, economics, socioculture, to sports. unfortunately, acts of racial discrimination (racism) are increasingly developed by the existence of extremist groups who like violent behavior, physical and non-physical. the coronavirus that spreads in almost all countries in the world makes the number of racism and expressions of hatred towards chinese people also jumps sharply. it is because the first case of the coronavirus occurred in wuhan city, the capital of hubei province, china. the disease from this virus is then transmitted to people and spread almost everywhere in the world. as a result of the outbreak of this disease, the level of racism and expressions of hatred towards the chinese people has increased dramatically, primarily through social media. the research method used was a qualitative method with a literature study used secondary data. the results of this study indicate significant increases in racism and xenophobic cases around the world during the corona virus. zunsyika zahra zatira & muhammad pambudi prakoso the corona case and the increasing cases of racism ... 247 understanding of this research may contribute to the awareness of people around the world about racism and xenophobia. keywords: racism, xenophobia, ethnic, chinese, coronavirus abstrak perkembangan studi hubungan internasional ditandai dengan semakin kompleksnya isu global yang terjadi dalam kehidupan masyarakat dunia. saat ini, penelitian hubungan internasional tidak berfokus pada masalah perang dan perdamaian. namun, hal itu berkembang pada isu-isu yang lebih substansial tentang hak asasi manusia yang dimanifestasikan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. masyarakat dunia dihadapkan pada masalah rasisme terkait dengan realisasi hak asasi manusia. fenomena global yang memiliki akar sejarah yang kuat dan terjadi di berbagai bidang kehidupan manusia, mulai dari politik, ekonomi, sosial budaya, hingga olahraga. sayangnya, tindakan diskriminasi rasial (rasisme) semakin berkembang dengan adanya kelompok ekstrimis yang menyukai perilaku kekerasan, fisik maupun non fisik. virus corona yang menyebar hampir di seluruh negara di dunia membuat jumlah rasisme dan ungkapan kebencian terhadap masyarakat tiongkok juga melonjak tajam. pasalnya, kasus pertama virus corona terjadi di kota wuhan, ibu kota provinsi hubei, china. penyakit dari virus ini kemudian ditularkan ke manusia dan menyebar hampir ke mana-mana di dunia. akibat merebaknya penyakit ini, tingkat rasisme dan ekspresi kebencian terhadap masyarakat china meningkat drastis, terutama melalui media sosial. metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif dengan studi pustaka menggunakan data sekunder. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan peningkatan signifikan kasus rasisme dan xenofobia di seluruh dunia selama virus corona. pemahaman penelitian ini dapat berkontribusi pada kesadaran orang-orang di seluruh dunia tentang rasisme dan xenofobia. kata kunci: rasisme, xenophobia, etnis, tionghoa, coronavirus introduction coronavirus or 2019-ncov has claimed hundreds of lives and tens of thousands infected. this virus is straightforward to spread and first appeared in wuhan, one of the cities 248 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 in china. rumors about the source of the emergence of this virus range from food to poultry animals. it is because there is no clear information about the origin of the development of the virus (merdeka.com, 2020). wuhan is one of the largest cities in china and is a vital transportation area in central china, which is located about 700 miles (1100 km) south of beijing ((han), 2020), about 500 miles west of shanghai, and 600 miles north of hong kong. wuhan airport has direct flights to major cities in europe, six weekly flights to paris, three times to london, and five times to rome. in december 2019, a group of cases of “pneumonia with no known cause” was associated with the huanan seafood wholesale market. this market has thousands of stalls selling various animals, such as bats, fish, birds, chickens, guinea pigs, snakes, deer spots, and other wild animals. after the coronavirus causes the disease, suspicion also arises that it is sourced from animals. most coronaviruses circulate among animals. however, six species have evolved and are capable of infecting humans. they are, such as in middle eastern respiratory syndrome (mers), severe acute respiratory syndrome (sars), and four other coronaviruses causing mild respiratory symptoms like a cold, from human to human (cdc, 2020). according to dr. peter daszak, the president of the ecohealth alliance, non-profit environmental health said that the coronavirus has similar genetic sequences to bat animals. according to the world health organization (who), the covid-19 outbreak is a global pandemic. the who’s director-general tedros adhanom ghebreyesus predicts that cases of exposure to the coronavirus will still increase. “in the past few weeks, the number of cases outside china and other countries have tripled (arnani, 2020). reporting from worldometers, here are some of the countries and regions that have confirmed the covid-19 case until thursday (03/12/2020). no. state name cases 1 china 80,790 2 italy 12,462 3 iran 9,000 4 south korea 7,755 5 france 2,281 6 spain 2,277 7 germany 1,908 8 united state 1,289 zunsyika zahra zatira & muhammad pambudi prakoso the corona case and the increasing cases of racism ... 249 no. state name cases 9 diamond princess cruises 696 10 switzerland 652 11 japan 639 12 norway 629 13 denmark 514 14 netherlands 503 15 sweden 500 16 united kingdom 456 17 belgium 314 18 qatar 262 19 australia 246 20 bahrain 195 21 singapore 178 22 malaysia 149 generally, sentiment towards china, especially wuhan people, are getting thicker as the development of such a hoax is intense. for example, religious sentiments call the coronavirus outbreak deliberately spread by the chinese regime to eradicate muslims in wuhan. based on an explanation from the ministry of communication and informatics who launched wikipedia, the spread of muslims in wuhan is not too significant. the data describe that the majority of wuhan citizens are animism. muslims in wuhan is only 1.6% of the 11 million of total citizens (tirto.id, 2020). the wave of racism towards ethnic chinese also spread internationally. for example, a chinese citizen who uploaded a photo of his parents in front of a car got racist comments. “stay in china until the flu leaves. thank you,” said a comment from one of the citizens. meanwhile, several vietnamese restaurants put “no chinese” signs outside their restaurants (tirto.id, 2020). even in japan, which is quite close to china, both geographically and racially, the hashtag # chinesedon’t cometojapan became a trending topic on twitter. in the southeastern district of paris, known as a destination for those who enjoy asian cuisine, the business declined in pascal collier’s vietnamese restaurant, a side effect of the chinese corona fears that triggered panic. at the same time, it has created xenophobia (dislike or fear of people from other countries, or those considered foreign). some customers started asking staff on duty if they were chinese, based on collier’s story, whose father-in-law is vietnamese and works by managing the kitchen and serving traditional dishes. “there is a barrier to psychosis that 250 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 is unfounded and unconsciously inherent among people around the asian and asian communities,” said the restaurant owner, and experienced a decrease in income of around 40% for the first few weeks of 2020 compared to the same period last year. similar to the case of chinese citizens, other asian communities are the largest community in france. they consist of cambodians and laotians, and there exists one of the largest vietnamese communities abroad a relic of the former french citizens of southeast asia. asians in france this week made the twitter hashtag #jenesuispasunvirus (“i’m not a virus”) to fight racial attitudes. racist incidents, insults, and insults received support from school playgrounds to supermarkets. based on the confession of laetitia chhiv, who is a member of the association for young people of chinese descent.” we have a student from china in strasbourg who was yelled at by a woman who told him not to touch the avocado he wanted to buy,” chhiv was quoted as saying by antara. “racism against asians spreads faster than the virus (tirto. id, 2020). therefore, it is fascinating to understand racism and xenophobia of the chinese ethnic groups that are overgrowing throughout the world during the coronavirus outbreak. research method the method used in this research was library research. the data obtained were written data from online and print media. all data collected were intended to get a picture of the community groups associated with racialism cases throughout the world. the researchers chose the case of countries that represent several continents because racism against chinese is not only happening in europe or america but also asia. theoretical framework racism racism is often used loosely and without much consideration to describe the hatred and negative feelings of an ethnic group or “community” towards other groups, as well as the various actions that result from these attitudes. however, the anticipation of one group against another group is expressed with seriousness and brutality that goes far beyond group-centered prejudice and arrogance (fredrickson, 2003). whereas racism, according to kwame anthony appiah, is understood as the belief with inheritable characteristics possessed zunsyika zahra zatira & muhammad pambudi prakoso the corona case and the increasing cases of racism ... 251 by members of the human species, which enable people to distinguish them into a smaller racial group, such that all members of this race have specific characteristics. traits and tendencies are similar, so they do not have it together with other members of the race. racism is an ideology that justifies the dominance of certain racial groups against other groups. included in this sense is a feeling of excessive superiority towards certain social groups. racial discrimination has three levels, such as individual, organizational, and structural. on the individual level, racial discrimination is in the form of racist attitudes and behavior. on the organizational level, racial discrimination is seen when policies, rules, and legislation only benefit certain groups. structurally, racial discrimination can be traced when one social institution imposes restrictions and restrictions on other institutions (suharto, 2001). racism is closely related to the dominance and subordination of one social group over another. the object of racism is also vulnerable to stereotypes, hatred, and violence (both physical and non-physical), which occur repeatedly. even if negotiations emerge, minorities are still defeated. based on the above definitions, the researchers assume that the behavior of the differentiation of one group, leading to acts of violence can occur anywhere, including during coronavirus outbreak in the world. the presence of immigrant communities from china who are a minority is the object of strong racism targets. human security conceptually, there is some debate when discussing the concept of human security. however, in this paper, the researchers will present various conceptual views about human security, especially those that apply to european countries. in europe, human security is seen as based on human security itself in individuals and society, deciding as “freedom from belief ” and “freedom from desire.” human security threats are related to protection from genocide and slaver y and natural disasters, storms or floods, to the most basic rights such as food, health, and housing. the application of the concept of human security was first proposed by the european security capability study group report in barcelona. in human security, the welfare of citizens is essential. they can avoid various threats 252 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 and also multiple sources, even oppression from the representative state apparatus, disease epidemics, widespread crime, natural disasters, or accidents. (anggoro, 2011). in 1994, the undp (un development program) declared the concept of human security, which included economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security, community security, and political security. in short, undp states, “first, safety from such chronic threats such as hunger, disease, and repression. and, second, protection from the sudden and hurtful disruption in the patterns of daily life, whether in homes, in jobs or communities.” in general, the definition of human security, according to undp, includes “freedom from fear and freedom from want.” the undp idea thus directly links human security with human rights and humanitarian law. structurally, the undp views represent the european countries’ view because most of the influential countries in the region are members of undp with donor status, such as the united kingdom, which contributed $233 million, the netherlands, norway, and sweden contributed more than $100 million. likewise, with the european union itself, which provided more than $921 million ($226 million came from the european commission and the rest came from european union member countries) (paul sciarone, 2011). in a broader context, europe also has a human rights protection process through a mechanism under the umbrella of the organization of security and cooperation in europe (osce) whose membership includes the us and countries in eastern europe. in latin america and africa, more or less, the same agreements and mechanisms exist, but their effectiveness is still far below the performance and regional mechanisms found in europe. according to david beetham, what has been practiced in europe is an example of the manifestation of cosmopolitan democracy that should be extended to other parts of the world (beetham, 2007). some types of discrimination experienced by people of chinese descent that we will bring to this journal include: 1. e conomics such as t he decline in income of chinese restaurants due to excessive fear of the coronavirus 2. socio-culture such as harassment is targeted at bloody zunsyika zahra zatira & muhammad pambudi prakoso the corona case and the increasing cases of racism ... 253 chinese communities due to extreme fear of the coronavirus such as bullying in schools and isolation of people of chinese descent 3. bullying on social media as reported by the daily mail, a report from l1ght, an organization that used to measure the level of toxicity in cyberspace, shows that the expressions of hatred for chinese people on twitter have increased, this hate speech is included in the hashtags circulating like #kungflu, #chinesevirus, and #communistvirus. based on the above perspective, the researchers consider that racial discrimination in the world is part of violations of the international campaign on the protection of humanity, especially related to personal security and community security. in other words, the concept of human security is relevant to the needs of research on the spread of racism cases against ethnic chinese due to the coronavirus, mainly when human security is associated with human rights issues. in this case, the researchers want to build a framework for thinking that in the social world, everyone has the opportunity or ability and freedom to live anywhere. freedom here is in the sense of being free from fear, threats, and hatred. result and discussion the pandemic of coronavirus 2019-20 has succeeded in increasing prejudice, xenophobia, conversion, resistance, and racism towards chinese people and people in east asia and southeast asia, and appearances throughout the world. here are some cases of racism and xenophobia against ethnic chinese races throughout the world. australia in australia, quoted from the january 31, 2020 edition of sbsnews, there were reports about members of the chinese-australian and asian-australian community. they were targets of humiliation and racism, with many physical attacks and bullying on social media. at a woolworths supermarket in port hedland, western australia, a person reported an incident whereby a staff member removed and refused entry to customers who appeared to be of asian descent, claiming it was to prevent the spread of the novel coronavirus. a witness to the incident made a complaint upheld by woolworths. he confirmed that the staff member 254 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 had been wrong, apologized for the incident, and said the authorities were conducting a full investigation into the incident (news y. , 2020). besides suggestions on social media to cull the chinese race and “burn down” china to stop the epidemic, there was another persecution on march 20, 2020. a student wearing a mask in hobart, tasmania, was told, “you’ve got the virus” and “go back to your country” before being punched, leaving him with a bruised eye and broken glasses. the reason for the attack was partly attributed to the cultural differences in wearing masks in eastern and western cultures. chinese restaurants and establishments in sydney and melbourne have seen a dramatic drop in business, with trade declining by over 70%. according to an online ipsos mori poll, 23% of australian respondents would consider in the future, avoiding people of chinese origin to protect themselves from coronavirus. south korea south korean websites have been flooded with comments calling on the government to block or expel chinese and racist remarks about chinese eating habits and hygiene. a popular seoul seafood restaurant frequented by chinese tourists posted a sign saying “no entry for chinese” before taking it down wednesday after an online backlash (news, 2020). more than 650,000 south koreans have signed an online petition filed with the presidential blue house, calling for a temporary ban on chinese visitors. some conservative opposition lawmakers publicly back these steps, and about 30 people rallied near the blue house on wednesday, demanding the government ban chinese tourists immediately. “unconditional xenophobia against the chinese is intensifying” in south korea, the mass-circulation joongang ilbo newspaper said in an editorial thursday. “infectious diseases are a matter of science, not an issue that can be resolved through an emotional outpouring.” the united states after news broke that someone attending arizona state university had the virus, ari deng, a chinese american, said she sat down at a study table on the tempe, arizona, campus near five other students (news, 2020). deng, who was the only asian, said the other students began zunsyika zahra zatira & muhammad pambudi prakoso the corona case and the increasing cases of racism ... 255 whispering. “they got tense, and they quickly gathered their stuff and just left at the same time.” in a new business class, a nonasian student “said ‘not to be racist, but there’s a lot of international students that live in my apartment complex. i try my best to keep my distance, but i think it’s a good precaution for all of us to wash our hands,’” deng said. “it stings, but i don’t let it take up room in my mind or weigh on my conscience,” she said. meanwhile, the university of california, berkeley’s health ser vices center, removed an instagram post-thursday that said, “fears about interacting with those who might be from asia and guilt about these feelings” were a normal reaction to the coronavirus outbreak. “no matter how much time we spend in this country, at times we are almost immediately viewed as a foreigner,” gregg orton, the national director of the national council of asian pacific americans, said. “it’s a pretty frustrating reality for many of us.” hong kong the virus has deepened antichinese sentiment in hong kong, where months of street protests against beijing’s influence have roiled the semi-autonomous chinese city (news, 2020). last week, hong kong chief executive carrie lam suspended ferry and high-speed train services to the mainland and reduced flights between hong kong and chinese cities. tenno ramen, a japanese noodle restaurant in hong kong, was refusing to serve mainland customers. “we want to live longer. we want to safeguard local customers. please excuse us,” the restaurant said on facebook. europe in france, they use the hashtag jenesuispasunvirus (i am not a virus) on social media. racist sentiments against citizens of chinese descent have been reported in several countries, including france and canada. in france, residents of chinese descent were angry when the local newspaper le courier picard posted headlines “alerte jaune” (yellow alert) and “le péril jaune?” (yellow danger?) with photos of chinese women wearing protective masks. the newspaper hurriedly apologized, stating they did not intend to use “asia’s bad stereotypes.” 256 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 meanwhile, in canada, some media reported racial sentiments towards the chinese people there, especially in the city of toronto. twitter users from toronto, terry chu, and several other mothers worried about the “inevitable wave of racism” as the coronavirus spreads. in york, a suburb of toronto, several students’ parents circulated and signed an online petition asking students who had just returned from china in the last 17 days to be prohibited from going to school. racist sentiments against the chinese also happened in canada following the sars outbreak in 2003. when panic broke out due to the plague, many chinese businesses in canada experienced a slump in income (indonesia b. n., 2020). japan many of the japanese people who have popularized anti-chinese hashtags on social media to call for a travel ban for chinese visitors in the midst of them coming to japan for virus-related treatments. one tweet said, “please stop chinese tourists immediately,” while speaking, “i am anxious that my child might catch the virus (news, 2020).” one candy shop in hakone, a city which is also a hot spring in western tokyo, recently made headlines after posting a note saying, “the chinese who entered the shop were requested.” on wednesday, menya hareruya, a popular ramen chain in sapporo on the island of hokkaido, northern japan, posted a sign that said: “there is no entry for chinese tourists.” southeast asia last weekend, several hundred residents in the indonesian tourist city of bukittinggi marched to the novotel hotel, where some 170 chinese tourists were staying, protesting their entrance into indonesia (news, 2020). they blocked roads near the hotel to prevent the chinese, who had arrived a day earlier, from getting out of the hotel. local authorities decided to send the visitors back to china later in the day. more than 400,000 malaysians have signed an online petition calling for a ban on chinese travelers and urging the government to “save our family and our children.” a former police officer and town mayor said that he burned a chinese flag on friday in front of the national press club in manila to protest the problems china has brought to the philippines and other southeast asian countries. zunsyika zahra zatira & muhammad pambudi prakoso the corona case and the increasing cases of racism ... 257 it includes the virus and beijing’s claim to disputed islands in the south china sea. the philippine president’s office stated, “let us not engage in discriminatory behavior, nor act with any bias towards our fellowmen. the reality is everyone is susceptible to the virus.” conclusion covid-19 is a new virus becoming a pandemic today and comes from wuhan, china. some studies reveal that winged mammals, bats, are the cause of the origin of this virus. until now, this virus has penetrated 200 countries, with 529,614 total cases. the existence of this virus invites the world to become sentimental towards the people of asia, especially china. chinese citizens experience various kinds of discrimination from multiple groups, as some examples presented above. some countries do openly blacklist chinese citizens not to visit their countries. it is a form of state responsibility to the community to avoid the spread of the covid-19 virus, which is increasingly widespread. however, the researchers feel that this method is considered too excessive if they have to discriminate against one party. the chinese government’s policy to lock all access out of this country is the right action. in addition to avoiding the spread of the virus that is increasingly widespread, the chinese government also applies 14-day isolation for chinese citizens and non-citizens who want to enter chinese territory. discrimination is not an appropriate action, but the chinese government’s policy can also be considered and applied globally to other countries. bibliography (han), h. a.-0. 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(2020, februar y 4). gelombang diskriminasi dan rasisme yang muncul akibat zunsyika zahra zatira & muhammad pambudi prakoso the corona case and the increasing cases of racism ... 259 hoaks corona. retrieved from tirto.id: https://tirto.id/ gelombang-diskriminasi-danrasisme-yang-muncul-akibathoaks-corona-ewfs islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 racial discrimination reflected in series drama tennou no ryouriban (the emperor’s cook) guruh bimantara airlangga university, indonesia email: guruhbimantara00@gmail.com abstract this paper discusses the discrimination that occurred in the life of asian immigrants. yellow peril phenomenon occurred in 1882 in europe and america, which resulted in racial discrimination toward immigrants from china and japan. in this study, the author used the data source from a series drama entitled tenno no ryouriban. this series drama showed two immigrants from japan named tokuzo akiyama and shintaro matsui who migrated to france. in their daily life, tokuzo and shintaro would frequently receive discrimination from white people. this study used the literal sociology approach suggested by wellek & warren and dovidio discrimination theory. to obtain a description regarding discrimination, the author would analyze data in scene and dialogue excerpts taken from tenno no ryouriban. furthermore, there was also support theory miseen-scene to explain why a scene was shown in a particular manner by the film director. this study showed several scenes and dialogues excerpt that described discrimination in various forms, such as explicit discrimination & implicit discrimination, and institutional discrimination & cultural discrimination. the author found the cause of discrimination described in the series drama tenno no ryouriban, which related to race differences such as differences in skin color, the nation of origin and body height. keywords: discrimination, drama series, literature sociology, yellow peril abstrak artikel ini membahas tentang diskriminasi yang terjadi dalam kehidupan imigran asia. fenomena yellow peril terjadi pada tahun 1882 di eropa dan amerika, yang mengakibatkan diskriminasi rasial terhadap pendatang dari 150 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 china dan jepang. dalam penelitian ini penulis menggunakan sumber data dari serial drama yang berjudul tenno no ryouriban. serial drama ini menampilkan dua orang pendatang dari jepang bernama tokuzo akiyama dan shintaro matsui yang merantau ke prancis. dalam kesehariannya, tokuzo dan shintaro kerap menerima diskriminasi dari orang kulit putih. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan sosiologi literal yang dikemukakan oleh teori diskriminasi wellek & warren dan dovidio. untuk mendapatkan gambaran mengenai diskriminasi, penulis akan menganalisis data adegan dan cuplikan dialog yang diambil dari tenno no ryouriban. selain itu, ada pula teori pendukung mise-en-scene untuk menjelaskan mengapa suatu adegan diperlihatkan secara khusus oleh sutradara film. studi ini menunjukkan beberapa adegan dan kutipan dialog yang menggambarkan diskriminasi dalam berbagai bentuk, seperti diskriminasi eksplisit & diskriminasi implisit, dan diskriminasi kelembagaan & diskriminasi budaya. penulis menemukan penyebab diskriminasi yang dijelaskan dalam serial drama tenno no ryouriban yang berkaitan dengan perbedaan ras seperti perbedaan warna kulit, bangsa asal dan tinggi badan. kata kunci: diskriminasi, serial drama, sosiologi sastra, bahaya kuning introduction discrimination and prejudice have been a widespread issue in human history. issues related to discrimination itself have spread to many parts of the world. discrimination can arise because of the history of a society or nation in the past. bringham (in kuncoro, 2007: 11) states that discrimination is a different treatment because of membership in a particular ethnic group. the statement is in line with fulthoni et al. (2009: 6), explaining that discrimination is an act of mistreating others only because they come from particular social groups. discrimination is a form of action conducted by a group of people who have an enormous influence in the community where it can affect the social conditions. furthermore, fulthoni et al. (2009: 9) depicts various types of discrimination: 1. discrimination based on ethnicity; race, belief and religion 2. discrimination based on sex and gender guruh bimantara racial discrimination reflected in series drama tennou no ryouriban ... 151 3. discrimination against people with hiv/aids 4. discrimination because of social caste before discussing racial discrimination, the definition and racial division are acknowledged. feagin (1993: 20) defines race as a group of different people from other groups based on physical characteristics. meanwhile, liliweri (2005: 18) explains that race is a group of people characterized by physical characteristics, such as skin color, hair and height. de gobineau (in giddens, 2001: 245) classifies three racial divisions: white (caucasian), black (negroid) and yellow (mongoloid). also, o’neil (in liliweri, 2005: 25) categorizes europeans and americans as caucasians, africans as negro race while asians from east, southeast asia and indian land as mongoloid race. of the many things that underlie a practice of discrimination, racial differences are among the most discussed topics. the practice of racial discrimination itself is a practice of discrimination that has existed for a long time and is difficult to eradicate. one form of racial discrimination is the yellow peril appearance that occurred in europe and america around 1882. this phenomenon arises because many immigrants from china and japan came to the mainland of europe and america. two factors trigger the arrival of immigrants: 1. the discovery of a gold mine in america, 2. the construction of a railway that required many labors in 1914, yellow peril had become a frightening phenomenon among europe and america because it impacted lifestyle changes. french (2015: 15) states that immigrants from the asian continent could lead to lifestyle changes and homogeneity of the white nation. this anxiety grew because of the negative issues surrounding asian immigrants, such as opium use and large-scale gambling. one example of racial discrimination practices is tenno no ryouriban by director yuichiro hirakawadan shingo okamoto that launched on april 26, 2015, to july 12, 2015. the drama tenno no ryouriban tells the story of a character named tokuzo akiyama. tokuzo is a chef of the japanese empire from the taisho era to the showa era. before becoming a japanese imperial chef, tokuzo learned about western cuisine in paris, france. 152 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 in the tenno no ryouriban drama series, there are various forms of discriminatory practices in europe. in this series, the characters akiyama tokuzo and shintaro matsui represent this practice. therefore, the various forms of discrimination portrayed in the tenno no ryouriban drama series can be analyzed using the literary sociology theory wellek & warren (1997) and the discrimination theory proposed by dovidio (2001). the theory explains explicit and implicit discrimination and institutional and cultural discrimination (discrimination in institutions and discrimination due to cultural differences). both discriminations are related to formal regulation in an institution based on different ideologies, cultural history, and normative behavior. according to the background discussed, the study’s research problem is how racial discrimination against akiyama tokuzo and shintaro is reflected in tenno no ryouriban ( the emperor’s cook ). this study aims to describe the forms of racial discrimination committed by white europeans against japanese people represented by akiyama tokuzo and shintaro matsui’s drama series tenno no ryouriban. the study’s result is suggested as an additional reference study of literary sociology theory by wellek and warren to prove that literary works reflect social problems. according to the study results, the theory of discrimination by dovidio can explain the acts of discrimination found in the tenno no ryouriban drama series. theoretical framework sociology of literature literature is the result of human culture, which appears through the language system as the language itself is an element of culture. kurniawan (2012: 3) explains that literature is the result of the creation of “thought” and “taste” in the form of artifacts, which are generally the embodiment of culture. cultural manifestations in the form of value systems, thought systems and action systems exist in literature. one matter that cannot be separated is that literature is a cultural artifact described as humans’ thoughts and feelings as to social beings. literature has a distinctive relationship with the social and cultural system based on the author’s life. therefore, literature is always alive and lived by the community and society as objects of sociology. studies confirm the relationship between guruh bimantara racial discrimination reflected in series drama tennou no ryouriban ... 153 kinds of literature as a scientific discipline with sociology as another scientific discipline. the following explanation will discuss the notion of sociology as a field of science. abercrombie (in kurniawan, 2012: 5) argues that sociology analyzes the structure of social relations formed through social interaction. therefore, sociology is the study of society that expresses human behavior in groups with all existing activities. sociology and literature have the same object of study, which is society. sociology discusses society in real life, whereas literature studies society created by the author’s imagination. sociology is useful to understand the social phenomena in the literature, both the people depicted in literary works or readers with current conditions reflected in society. by looking at the relationship between sociology and literature, wellek and warren (1977: 100) portrays three classifications (paradigms) in literary sociology: 1. sociology of the author; the problems related here are the basic economy of literary production, social background, the author’s status, and the author’s ideology as seen from author activities outside of literary works. 2. sociology of literary works; the second sociological analysis departs from literary works; the contents of the literary work, the objectives and implicit things in literary work itself related to social issues. 3. sociology of the reader includes problems of readers and the social impact of literary works. this study leads to the sociology of readers. the s o ciolog y p aradig m includes the author’s approach, literary works, and readers as a community from the sociology paradigm description. in conducting this research, the researcher will utilize the second point of the sociology paradigm, the sociology of literary works. the sociological approach of this literary work studies literature as a document as a social portrait in society. wellek & warren (1997: 122) explain that literature can record the characteristics of the era. through the sociology of literary works, the writer will address society’s problems in the tenno no ryouriban drama series. in this study, the paradigm that will be utilized is the sociology of literary works. in this case, the object of research is racial discrimination. 154 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 discrimination the term between racial discrimination and discriminatory treatment is often used interchangeably. theodorson & theodorson (fulthoni, 2009: 3) explains discrimination is unequal treatment of individuals or groups, and it is usually categorical. the difference between the two is that prejudice is a belief, while discrimination is an action. fulthoni (2009: 5) says that discrimination occurs when the belief in prejudice has turned into action. according to fulthoni (2009: 5), discrimination is often based on incomprehension in “their” groups. from the lack of understanding, in-groups often generalize about “them”. it is this discrimination between in-group and out-group that can later lead to the emergence of racial discrimination. jones (in kuncoro, 2008: 12) explains that discrimination based on racial differences is an action of differentiating aspects of a culture accepted by many people who encourage competition, power differences and judgemental treat ment of other group members. forms of discrimination dovidio (2001: 10) categorizes discrimination into two forms: 1. explicit and implicit discrimination (clear and subtle discrimination) 2. institutional and cultural discrimination (discrimination within an institution and discrimination caused by cultural differences) faizo (in dovidio, 2001: 10) explains that discrimination is two different attitudes, both explicitly and implicitly. explicit discrimination is an action that is performed consciously, while implicit discrimination is an unconscious response that has to categorize people as out-group. according to dovidio (2001), institutional and cultural discrimination is related to formal regulation and policy in an institution based on different ideologies, cultural history and normative ways of behaving. in this study, the author utilizes the theory of discrimination, according to dovidio (2001). racial discrimination often resulted from a perspective about differences in physical characteristics. different treatment and competition between in-group and out-group are often used as a source of discrimination problems. by looking at the understanding of racial discrimi nation that experts have elaborated, racial discrimination can be interpreted as any form of guruh bimantara racial discrimination reflected in series drama tennou no ryouriban ... 155 discrimination, restriction, and blamed based on racial differences. this difference in treatment can be manifested individually or through official social structures and institutions. the following will explain the types of discrimination, according to dovidio (2001). explicit and implicit discrimina­ tion allport (in blank & dabady, 2004: 56) suggests some actions that lead individuals to wrong action on other racial members. these actions are verbal antagonism (verbal antagonism), avoidance, inter p ers onal dis crimination, physical attack, and extermination (murder). verbal antagonism (verbal abuse) includes insults and comments that underestimate other races regardless of whether or not there are targets of hostility. dovidio (2001: 10) mentions that verbal abuse and subsequent nonverbal rejection indicate actual discrimination. avoidance can be a continuity action in which members of the in-group feel comfortable with the group and create tension in the in-group members. the ingroup will close themselves from other groups. in social life, in-group groups tend to choose whether to socialize with other groups or not. as a result, many in-group group members will separate themselves due to racial differences. interpersonal discrimination is a continuity action of explicit discrimination in which someone mistreats others because of the difference. feagin (1995: 13) says that this discrimination refers to individuals with other individuals. people against others do this since they are not a member of the group. green et al. (in blank & dabady, 2004: 58) explain that segregation supporters usually carry out physical attacks. in other words, segregation supporters will usually be the perpetrators of physical assault. if this stage happens then, there is a high probability that this behavior will turn into an extermination stage or murder. in addition to acts of tangible or intentional discrimination, there are also acts of discrimination that are carried out automatically, smoothly and unintentionally, namely implicit discrimination. fiske (in blank & dabady, 2004: 59) explains that discrimination can also be subtle discrimination that is done automatically because ingroup members have unconsciously categorized out-groups based on 156 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 race, sex, and age. the response is a reflection of the subconscious awareness of in-group members. faizo in dovidio (2001: 11) says that some acts of discrimination are subtly contained in a “habit” perpetrated by group members repeatedly. jackson in dovidio (2001: 15) also says that acts of discrimination clearly and subtly are two treatments that explain different actions towards individuals or groups. institutional and cultural discrimination referring to benocraitis in feagin (1995: 18), discrimination in an institution refers to norms, r ules, and practices within social institutions’ scope. this discrimination treats individuals or groups differently from the rules and norms that apply within a social institution. apart from discrimination in an organization, there is discrimination due to cultural differences, where a person or group has a view of culture that is different from another person or group. dovidio (2001: 22) says that cultural discrimination is created by differences in ideology, customs, literature and even small things like music and painting. someone or group who influences ideology or customs different from other groups will be exposed to acts of discrimination that can harm the person or group to be addressed. yellow peril phenomenon in the mid-19th century, the conversation about race, migration, and national security became a conversation between nations across america’s plains, and europe is no exception in canada. the subject was talk of global migration by asians and the alleged threat posed by such migration. asians, mostly immigrants from china, japan and immigrants from south asia, are large-scale immigrants considered dangerous to caucasian people in different economic, disease and moral competition (lee 2007: 538). from intercountry talks emerged a phenomenon concerning discrimination and stereotypes based on race known as the yellow peril phenomenon. witchard (2015: 4) explains in more detail that a yellow peril phenomenon broke out in the plains of europe in 1914, where the subject of this phenomenon was regarding opium, gambling and interactions that took place in embroidery houses belonging to chinese immigrants. “yellow peril” itself is an offensive term given to chinese and japanese immigrant workers who migrate to europe and america’s guruh bimantara racial discrimination reflected in series drama tennou no ryouriban ... 157 plains. martin (2004: 10) states that the word “yellow” refers to the color of the skin of east asians. in this case, chinese and japanese immigrants belong to the mongoloid race. while the word “peril,” according to yang (2015: 4), means a potential threat from the population of asian immigrant workers who will outperform western culture. yang further (2015: 4) explains that the yellow peril phenomenon itself is a phenomenon of chinese and japanese immigrant workers carried out by the white working-class due to fear of job loss, which would later affect the white’s economic downturn workers. yellow peril in france the problem of low birth rates in france in 1890 gave rise to a concept of threats from immigrants from asia, especially japan and china. cook (2014: 25) mentions that peril jaune (yellow peril) in france is a negative view of differences in french birth rates with birth rates of asian immigrants. based on this cynical view, fear arises that one-day asian immigrants will “flood” france. unlike the case in canada and america, in france, the phenomenon of peril is only limited to stereotypes and prejudices and does not lead to physical contact between the two parties. however, cook (20014: 185) adds that given racism, the press in france deliberately exaggerates the concept of yellow peril during the war between russia and japan, where russia is portrayed as a hero for defending the caucasian against the attack of the yellow race (mongoloid) in this case the japanese nation. mise­en­scene mise -en-scene comes from french, which means “staging action”. mise -en-scene is anything that is located in front of the camera captured in a film. mise -en-scene is the central aspect other than actors that appear in a frame to create the desired atmosphere (prastita, 2008: 61). research methods this research was carried out in qualitative research with descriptive method. according to gunawan (2013: 82), a qualitative approach is an approach to construct knowledge statements based on perspectiveconstructive (for example, meanings that originate from individual experience, social values and history, to construct theories or particular patterns of knowledge) or based perspective-participatory (for example, orientation towards 158 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 politics, issues, collaboration or change). data source in this research, primary data sources were dialogue, narration, footage of scenes and depictions of the main characters in the drama series tenno no ryouriban works of director yuichiro hirakawa and shingo data okamoto. secondary data sources came from previous scientific papers, journals and several books on sociological theory literature associated with racial discrimination. data collection technique the technique of data collection itself was done by observation, inter view, questionnaire, and documentation. according to marshal & rossman (1995: 63), related to this research, the author used the documentation method b e c aus e t he do c ument at ion technique is one of the data collection methods used in a qualitative study. data analysis this study’s data analysis technique was a qualitative data analysis technique with an analysis based on the data obtained, then developed into a pattern. conclusions were drawn, and data verification referred to data analysis using discrimination theory according to dovidio (2001), which aims to show the form of racial discrimination in the tenno no ryouriban drama series. the author also used mise en scene’s supporting theory because the research object used was a drama series. results and discussion a p h e n o m e n o n k n ow n as yellow peril is the cause of discriminatory acts carried out by white races (caucasian) against akiyama tokuzo and shintaro matsui figures belonging to the mongoloid race. the yellow peril phenomenon began to spread in the plains of europe and america in 1914 due to the large number of immigrants coming from china and japan who migrated to the european plains and america and canada. in the tenno no ryouriban drama, japanese immigrants’ stereotype is reflected in white chefs’ discriminatory actions belonging to the caucasian race against tokuzo, a member of the mongoloid race. this racial difference caused tokuzo to be treated with discrimination and injustice when tokuzo became a chef. guruh bimantara racial discrimination reflected in series drama tennou no ryouriban ... 159 explicit discrimination there is a scene depicting verbal antagonism (verbal slur and verbal hate), which is an act of discrimination in the type of explicit discrimination. figure 1. explicit discrimination the treatment of verbal antagonism (verbal slur and verbal animosity) is seen where this scene illustrates the situation when tokuzo had just worked at the majestic hotel. when he wanted to get to know another chef, tokuzo was reviled by a chef named albert. the humiliation carried out by albert received support from other chef members, as other chefs laughed at the term “yellow monkey” given by albert to tokuzo. humiliation can be a manifestation of a precise type of explicit discrimination, namely verbal antagonism. verbal antagonism supported by nonverbal expressions can create hostile environments in educational institutions, workplaces or target residences (feagin in blank & dabady, 2004: 56). verbal hostility is the first step in the existence of discriminatory acts experienced by a particular race. the nickname “yellow monkey” given to tokuzo by albert refers to the yellow peril phenomenon where the word “yellow” shows the color of the skin of tokuzo, which is a mongoloid race like immigrants from asia, especially china and japan. as martin said (2004: 10) that the word yellow itself refers to the skin color of the mongoloid race like that of asian immigrants, mostly chinese and japanese, who migrated to the plains of europe and america around the mid-19th century. implicit discrimination the scenes above show acts of subtle discrimination or implicit discrimination. pettigrew (in blank & dabady, 2004: 59) explains that prejudice does not directly make the in-group blamed the out-group on shortcomings in the disposal. the response reflects the subconscious awareness of in-group members. 160 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 faizo in dovidio (2001: 11) says that some acts of discrimination are subtly contained in a habit that has been perpetrated by group members repeatedly. ambivalent out-group figure 2. implicit discrimination institutional discrimination acts of discrimination reflected in the scenes above show acts of discrimination within an institution or institution. benokraitis in feagin (1995: 18) explains that discrimination in an institution refers to norms, rules, and practices within social institutions’ scope. often discrimination within institutions occurs because of neutral decisions regarding race, sex and sexual orientation but ends with different consequences for members of out-group groups. can be valued but in a demeaning way. members of out-groups have to work harder with in-group members and not force something on in-group. figure 3. institutional discrimination cultural discrimination the action taken by albert was an act of discrimination because of cultural differences due to differences in the use of dining tables, but the satire that albert carried was felt to be very detrimental to tokuzo’s self-esteem because of the japanese way of eating using a small table instead of on the floor. waswo (2013: 85) stated that a traditional japanese dining room is guruh bimantara racial discrimination reflected in series drama tennou no ryouriban ... 161 based on tatami and using chubudai. chubudai is a traditional japanese table that has short legs. as a result, the differences in tableware used make albert see a gap to commit an act of discrimination against tokuzo. in the chapter of this discussion, there are various forms of racial discrimination in tenno no ryouriban, discriminations done by the chef and white parisian people against tokuzo and shintaro are explicit discrimination to implicit discrimination based on responses from the subconscious of in-group members. it does not stop there. shintaro and tokuzo are also discriminated against due to cultural differences or cultural discrimination and discrimination within an institution or institutional discrimination. figure 4. cultural discrimination conclusion the acts of discrimination in the tenno no ryouriban drama series are acts of discrimination based on the origin and racial differences. the development of the yellow peril phenomenon, which is a stereotype of hatred of chinese and japanese immigrant workers carried out by the white working-class due to fear of job loss, will affect the white working-class economy’s decline. these are the cause of ideas for discrimination against akiyama tokuzo and shintaro matsui in the tenno no ryouriban drama series. acts of discrimination will worsen if an out-group member is incorporated into the in-group for a long time. furthermore, some acts are unintentionally and subtle innuendos committed by white people who are included in the act of implicit discrimination. meanwhile, institutional and cultural discrimination was also found when tokuzo worked as a chef at the majestic hotel. to sum up, it is easy to say that discrimination in this drama series occurs because of racial differences between in-group and out-group. in 162 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 this case, the out-group is tokuzo and shintaro, while the in-group is white people. bibliography book cook, margaret. 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(accessed on september 19, 2017). retrieved from h t t p s : / / l i n k . s p r i n g e r . c o m / article/10.1007/s40647-0150089-4 witchard, anne. (2015). “the malleable yet undying nature of the yellow peril.” (accessed on october 2, 2017). retrieved from l are vie wofb o oks.org/china blog/yellow-peril-sinophobiagreat-war-qa-dr-anne-witchard/ yang, tim. (2015). “the malleable yet undying nature of the yellow peril.” (accessed on october 2, 2017). retrieved from http://www.dartmouth.edu/~hist32 / h i s t o r y / s 2 2 % 2 0 t h e % 2 0 m a l l e a b l e % 2 0 y e t % 2 0 undying%20nature%20of%20 the%20yellow%20peril.htm islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 issn: 2614-0535 gagasan democratic peace dalam politik luar negeri amerika serikat rizki dian nursita universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta rdiannursita@gmail.com surwandono universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta wsurwandono@yahoo.com abstrak tulisan ini menganalisa tentang pengaruh gagasan dalam democratice peace theory terhadap politik luar negeri amerika serikat dengan menggunakan metode library research. tulisan ini menemukan bahwa democratic peace secara jelas telah menggerakkan politik luar negeri amerika serikat pada era bill clinton dan george w. bush. pada era obama, sentuhan akan democratic peace juga memengaruhi politik luar negerinya. politik luar negeri amerika serikat saat ini di bawah kepemimpinan trump lebih dipengaruhi oleh gagasan nasionalisme dibandingkan dengan ide-ide demokratisasi. kata kunci : america serikat, democratic peace theory, politik luar negeri pendahuluan democratic peace theory merupa kan salah satu teori yang cukup masyhur dalam hubungan internasional, terutama bagi pen dekatan liberalisme. gagasan liberalisme tentang keadilan, order, kebebasan, dan norma telah menghadirkan sentuhan yang berbeda dibandingkan dengan pandangan realis mengenai interaksi antaraktor, atau dalam hal ini negara yang selalu diidentikkan dengan konflik, perang, dan struktur yang anarki. salah satu pemikir liberalis klasik; atau lebih tepatnya idealis, dalam hubungan internasional, immanuel kant memandang bahwa arena dalam hubungan internasional 28 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 sebagai “lawless state of savagery”, atau kondisi yang tidak bermoral dan penuh dengan kebiadaban(dunne, 2005). kant dalam bukunya ‘perpetual peace’, mengungkapkan bahwa, hanya liberalismelah yang dapat menciptakan perdamaian antarnegara, karena negara liberal cenderung ‘pasifis’ dengan sesama negara liberal. tesis kant mengenai perdamaian inilah yang kemudian memotivasi sejumlah “kantian” dalam ilmu hubungan internasional. hingga akhirnya democratic peace theory pun terlahir. kita bisa melihat bagaimana gagasan dalam democratic peace theory memengaruhi politik luar negeri amerika serikat. seperti dalam kebijakan bill clinton yang mendukung demokratisasi di negara-negara pecahan uni soviet pada tahun 1994, atau demokratisasi yang menjadi justifikasi bagi penerus clinton, george w. bush untuk melawan rezim otoriter di timur tengah pada tahun 2003. bahkan di era obama, amerika serikat juga mengutuk pemerintahan yang otoriter, seperti di libya dan suriah. lantas, bagaimanakah dengan kebijakan luar negeri donald trump yang dikenal dengan “america first foreign policy”? apakah hal tersebut juga dipengaruhi oleh gagasan dalam democratic peace theory sebagaimana pendahulunya? tulisan ini mencoba untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut. akar dan gagasan utama democ­ ratic peace salah satu ilmuwan liberalis klasik yang mengkritik tentang praktik hubungan internasional yang dipenuhi dengan kekerasan, serta perilaku yang barbar adalah immanuel kant. walaupun telah ditulis sejak dua abad silam, namun gagasan immanuel kant tentang perdamaian dalam tesisnya yang berjudul perpetual peace dianggap sebagai benih bagi sejumlah gagasan dalam liberalisme. dalam tulisannya, kant menjelaskan bahwa kondisi dunia bisa bertransformasi menjadi damai, bahkan perdamaian yang abadi bisa tercapai karena adanya kesadaran pada tiap individu tentang perdamaian, konstitusi yang republik, serta kontrak antarnegara untuk menyudahi perang, dan kosmopolitanisme atau komunitas universal(dunne, 2005). persatuan negara-negara yang terikat dalam perjanjian internasional lebih efektif untuk menciptakan perdamaian diban dingkan dengan adanya institusi suprastate atau pemerintahan dunia yang mengawasi perdamaian antarnegara. kant meng klaim bahwa rizki dian nursita & surwandono, gagasan democratic peace dalam politik luar negeri amerika serikat 29 negara yang liberal akan cenderung pasifis dalam hubungan internasional dengan sesama negara liberal. negara liberal juga dianggap tend to be wealthy; cenderung lebih makmur apabila dibandingkan dengan negara yang menganut sistem otoritarian. gagasan kant kemudian ‘bangkit’ pada tahun 1980-an. gagasan tersebut cukup memengaruhi sejumlah pakar hubungan internasional yang kemudian dikenal dengan kantian. michael doyle misalnya, me nyampaikan bahwa negaranegara liberal telah membentuk perdamaian yang terpisah, atau separate-peace satu sama lainnya. negara-negara demokrasi mungkin tidak sepenuhnya terlepas dari konflik, maka dari itu doyle membagi negara-negara demokrasi menjadi peace-prone, dan warprone(doyle, 1986). yaitu negaranegara yang memiliki kecenderungan untuk ‘damai’, serta kecenderungan untuk ‘berperang’. tanpa adanya pemerintahan yang demokratis, komitmen terhadap pemikiran untuk menjaga hak asasi manusia, serta kesaling ketergantungan transnasional, maka suatu negara dikategorikan sebagai war-prone(richardson, 2012). democratic peace menjadi teori bagi pendekatan liberal mengenai isu keamanan internasional, terutama bagi sejumlah fenomena yang terjadi pasca-perang dingin. bagi para penggagas democratic peace, demokrasi akan menciptakan perdamaian bagi sesama negara yang demokratis, perang dan kekerasan antarnegara demokratis dapat diminimalisir, atau bahkan tidak terjadi. negara-negara yang demokratis akan meng hadapi kompetisi terkait dengan kepentingan nasionalnya. namun, kompetisi tersebut melibatkan kekerasan dan penyelesaian melalui militer, seperti yang dilakukan oleh negara-negara non-demokratis. hal tersebut dikarenakan negaranegara demokratis terikat oleh nilai-nilai, serta keterikatan dalam institusi internasional. dalam kompe tisi tersebut, negara-negara yang demo kratis akan cenderung menggunakan jalan non militer untuk men capai kepentingannya, atau ketidak setujuannya, seperti melalui jalan mediasi, negosiasi, serta diplomasi(baylis, 2005). walaupun demikian, korelasi antara demokrasi dengan perdamaian masih terus menjadi p erdebatan dalam diskur sus hubungan internasional. democratic peace sering menuai kritik baik secara teoritis, maupun praktis. apakah hubungan antara 30 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 demokrasi dengan perdamaian adalah hubungan kausalitas atau tidak. ataukah terdapat faktor lain di samping demokrasi yang menyebabkan hubungan antara negara demokratis? perdamaian yang terjadi di antara negaranegara di uni eropa, khususnya eropa barat, menurut cohen bukan semata-mata dikarenakan demokrasi, namun karena adanya ke samaan pengalaman sejarah serta kultur (pugh, 2005). kita juga dapat menyaksikan bagaimana hubungan ‘dekat’ antara amerika serikat dengan negara non-demokratis, seperti arab saudi yang menganut sistem monarki merupakan suatu anomali. democratic peace dalam politik luar negeri amerika serikat teori democratic peace terkadang dipandang sebagai bentuk ‘dalil’ oleh pemerintah amerika serikat dalam menjalankan politik luar negerinya. amerika serikat, negara yang dikenal sebagai promotor demokrasi, bahkan sejak era perang dingin.pasca-perang dingin, tepatnya pada era presiden bill clinton pada tahun 1994, presiden clintonyang berasal dari partai demokrat, menggunakan demokrasi sebagai alasan bagi politik luar negeri amerika serikat untuk mendukung serta mempromosikan demokratisasi kepada negara-negara di eropa timur, atau negara-negara bekas uni soviet. setelah yugoslavia mengumumkan kemerdekaannya pada tahun 1992, konflik pun terjadi di bosniaherzegovina, antara serbia dengan bosniaks (muslim), dan kroasia. pada awalnya clinton meminta kepada negara-negara di eropa barat untuk mengambil tindakan terhadap orang-orang serbia yang terus melakukan agresi ter hadap bosniak dan kroasia. namun, ketika orang-orang serbia hampir menguasai bosnia dan kroasia pada bulan november, clinton membanting setir dengan mendorong konsiliasi dengan orangorang serbia. pada bulan november 1995, p emerintahan clinton mengadakan pembicaraan damai antara pihak-pihak yang bertikai di bosnia. dari upaya konsiliasi tersebut kemudian lahirlah sebuah kesepakatan damai yang dikenal dengan dayton accords. bosnia kemudian menjadi negara tunggal yang terdiri dari dua entitas terpisah dengan pemerintah pusat(dumas, 2009). tidak hanya presiden bill clinton, presiden george w. bush, yang menggantikan bill clinton, juga menggunakan democratic rizki dian nursita & surwandono, gagasan democratic peace dalam politik luar negeri amerika serikat 31 peace untuk menjustifikasi apa yang kemudian dikenal dengan bush doctrine.bush doctrine adalah doktrin yang dikeluarkan oleh bush pasca-peristiwa pemboman wtc pada 11 september 2001. doktrin tersebut secara garis besar berisi gagasan bush mengenai perang melawan terorisme, demokratisasi, national security, dan justifikasi terhadap pre-emptive war; atau pencegahan terhadap ancaman dari musuh dengan menyerang terlebih dahulu. doktrin tersebut merupakan ciri khas dari pemikiran partai republik, yang banyak dipengaruhi oleh ideologi neoconservatismyang sangat kental akan realisme politik. presiden bush secara terbuka mengancam akan memerangi terorisme dan melakukan propaganda terhadap gerakan antiterorisme kepada dunia. bush membentuk koalisi anti-teroris me pada tahun 2001 dengan mengirimkan pasukan ke afghanistan. bush juga menegaskan bahwa rezim saddam hussein di irak merupakan ancaman serius bagi keamanan amerika serikat. saddam hussein diduga memiliki senjata pemusnah massal yang dikaitkan dengan gerakan terorisme internasional. amerika serikat kemudian melakukan agresi militer di irak pada tahun 2003(cole, 2008). agresi ini kemudian mengakhiri rezim saddam hussein di irak. bush menyampaikan gagasan democratic peace kepada publik dalam konferensi pers pada tahun 2004. dalam pidatonya, bush menjelaskan bahwa alasan bush untuk menegakkan demokrasi dengan ‘tegas’, adalah karena negara-negara yang mengusung demokrasi tidak akan berperang satu dengan yang lainnya. rakyat yang berada di negara demorkatis tidak berperang, karena mereka tidak menyukainya, dan mereka mengerti tentang konsekuensi dari perang. melalui usaha partai neokonservatif, democratic peace theory telah bertransformasi menjadi keyakinan politik, sehingga situasi menjadi sangat kondusif bagi bush untuk mengampanyekan dan melegetimasi bush doctrine(ishshalom, 2013). terdapat tiga alasan bagi kelompok neo-konser vatif di amerika serikat dalam mempromosikan demokrasi. pertama, penyebaran demokrasi akan memperluas zona perdamaian dan mengatasi ancaman terhadap per adaban, terorisme global dan sejumlah negara yang berbahaya. kedua, negara dapat dikatakan demokratis secara struktur, bukan 32 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 hanya sekadar kultur. ketiga, struktur demokrasi juga dapat diterapkan di negara-negara yang memiliki peradaban serta kultur yang berbeda dengan negara-negara demokratis di barat. tiga alasan tersebut menjelas kan mengapa neokoservatif menjadi promotor bagi demokratisasi di dunia, terutama di negara-negara di timur tengah. bahkan hal ini juga melegitimasi penggunaan militer apabila diperlukan (ish-shalom, 2013). gagasan democratic peace pada era bush kemudian menjadi ciri khas, serta agenda besar bagi neo-konservatif untuk mempromosikan demokrasi. berbeda dengan kedua pendahulunya, kebijakan luar negeri amerika serikat era barack obama tidak dipengaruhi oleh gagasan dalam democratic peace dan upaya demokratisasi. bagi obama, penggunaan militer secara unilateral hanya akan dilakukan apabila terdapat ancaman langsung ter hadap kepentingan amerika serikat; berbeda dengan konsep pre-emptive war yang diberlakukan pada era bush. sedangkan kekuatan militer multilateral akan digunakan apabila terdapat ancaman tidak lang sung yang mengganggu kelompok yang tertindas. terkait dengan keamanan, obama juga memasukkan perlawan an terhadap proliferasi senjata pemusnah massal, serta pen cegahan genosida dalam politik luar negerinya. obama juga tidak menggunakan diktum “global war on terrorism”, meminta penutupan fasilitas penahanan di guantanamo, berjanji untuk menarik pasukan dari irak dan afghanistan, serta rekonsiliasi dengan rusia dengan mengabaikan program rudal anti-balistik di polandia, ceko, dan afghanistan. obama juga berupaya melakukan sejumlah pendekatan dengan negara-negara di asia, termasuk china. walaupun tidak secara eksplisit menggunakan gagasan demokratisasi dalam politik luar negerinya, namun kita tidak dapat mengabaikan intervensi amerika serikat di bawah pemerintahan obama dalam perang sipil di libya dan suriah. baik ghadafi dan assad, keduanya adalah pemimpin ‘otoriter’ dan telah berkuasa cukup lama. bagaimanapun, kita masih dapat melihat sentuhan democratic peace dalam politik luar negeri obama. donald trump dan america first foreign policy setelah donald trump terpilih menjadi presiden, pada tanggal 27 april 2017, trump menyampaikan visi dari kebijakan luar negerinya rizki dian nursita & surwandono, gagasan democratic peace dalam politik luar negeri amerika serikat 33 yang kemudian diberi nama sebagai “america first”(wąsiński, 2017). doktrin ‘america first’ tentu saja menjadi sorotan tidak hanya pada tataran domestik, namun juga menyita perhatian internasional. america first merupakan implementasi dari slogan trump “make america great again!” selama kampanye pilpres. banyak masyarakat dan pakar politik yang mengira bahwa amerika serikat di bawah trump akan memberlakukan politik isolasionis lewat america first.“amer ica first” s endir i identik dengan politik isolasionis amerika serikat pada perang dunia ii yang dikeluarkan oleh america first committee, sebelum akhirnya amerika serikat masuk ke dalam konstelasi perang dunia pasca-hancurnya pearl harbour pada tahun 1941. walaupun pada akhirnya dugaan tersebut tidak sepenuhnya benar, karena memberantas islamic state of iraq and syria (isis) juga merupakan salah satu kebijakan luar negeri trump . sebagai presiden yang berasal dari partai republik, seperti halnya bush, kebijakan trump tentunya juga dipengaruhi oleh pemikiran neo-konservatif. dalam website resmi white house, tertulis bahwa america first bertujuan untuk menciptakan dunia yang damai, walaupun menggunakan pendekatan yang militeristik, “peace through strength will be at the center of that foreign policy”(white house, 2017). di samping keamanan, kebijakan luar negeri trump juga concern perihal ekonomi serta kerjasama luar negeri. walaupun sama-sama berasal dari partai republik, lantas apakah america first adalah reinkarnasi dari bush doctrine yang memuat gagasan demokratisasi? isu tentang terorisme dan islam radikal sejatinya bukanlah hal yang baru bagi amerika serikat pascaperistiwa wtc 9/11. sebelum trump terpilih menjadi presiden, dalam kampanyenya ia selalu me mpromo s i k an p e rl aw anan terhadap kelompok islamic state of iraq and syria/ levant atau yang dikenal dengan isis/isil atau daesh. seperti yang tertulis dalam website white house, perlawanan terhadap kelompok isis ini bahkan ditempatkan sebagai “highest priority” bagi amerika serikat(white house, 2017). dalam hal ini, trump berupaya untuk membuat koalisi dan kerjasama militer yang agresif dan berupaya untuk mengajak negara lainnya untuk menghentikan suport dana bagi kelompok teroris, saling berbagi informasi, serta meng galakkan 34 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 perlawanan terhadap terorisme. di samping itu, trump juga merencanakan untuk membuka kembali aliansi militer amerika serikat dalam nato. pada tanggal 13 april 2017, militer amerika serikat menyerang kelompok teroris dengan menjatuhkan moab di afghanistan; massive ordnance air blastyang merupakan bom non-nuklir terkuat yang juga dikenal dengan “mother of all bombs”. sebagian besar memberikan applause terhadap serangan tersebut, namun yang meng utuk serangan tersebut juga tidak sedikit.walaupun demikian, kita masih belum memastikan motivasi trump dalam serangan tersebut, karena hal tersebut bukanlah tindakan pre-emptive war seperti halnya yang disuarakan oleh bush untuk men justifikasi agresi amerika serikat terhadap irak, dan amerika serikat juga kini tidak mendapatkan ancaman langsung seperti peristiwa 9/11. tidak hanya itu, trump berupaya untuk mendekati rusia dalam rangka mengajak kerja sama dalam memberantas terorisme di suriah. padahal selama kepemimpinan obama, rusia selalu mendukung dan berada di balik rezim assad yang otoriter, sedangkan obama menentangnya. bahkan selama kampanye, sempat muncul kecurigaan dari kubu clinton mengenai keterlibatan putin dalam pemilu di amerika serikat. hubungan antara trump dengan putin semakin membaik, trump bahkan dalam akun sosial media pribadinya menyebut putin sebagai orang yang “cerdas”. tidak hanya propaganda antiterorisme, propaganda anti-komunisme pun juga menjadi hal yang mencolok dalam empat bulan kepemimpinan trump. konfrontasi antara amerika serikat dengan korea utara pun kembali muncul ke permukaan di bawah administrasi trump. uniknya, trump juga mengajak china yang juga komunis, untuk sama-sama menjadikan korea utara yang menganut juche dan komunisme sebagai ancaman. pesan-pesan anti-terorisme dan anti-komunisme (korea utara) disampaikan oleh trump dengan p e n e k a n a n “u n i l at e r a l i s m e” amerika serikat apabila negara lain tidak mau bekerjasama. di samping persoalan keamanan, trump juga mengajak china untuk bekerjasama dalam bidang ekonomi. amerika serikat kini melihat china bukan sematamata sebagai pesaing. namun, kemajuan perekonomian china yang begitu pesat dalam beberapa tahun rizki dian nursita & surwandono, gagasan democratic peace dalam politik luar negeri amerika serikat 35 ini, serta downturn yang dialami oleh amerika serikat, menyebabkan amerika juga memiliki kepentingan terhadap china. pendekatan terhadap china dilakukan trump dengan mengundang presiden china, xi jinping untuk dalam sebuah negosiasi yang diadakan di kediaman trump pada 06 april 2017. tidak hanya itu, trump juga menyampaikan dukungannya terhadap one-china policy. padahal, taiwan merupakan kawasanyang demokratis, dan taiwan juga memberikan ucapan selamat tepat setelah trump terpilih menjadi presiden. isu migrasi juga menjadi security concern dalam politik luar negeri trump. problem migran serta lapangan kerja menurutnya merupakan per soalan mendasar yang harus segera dituntaskan. amerika serikat selama ini merupakan rumah bagi migran dari 60 negara. tingginya tingkat migran di amerika serikat bagi neo-konservatif sering dikaitkan dengan anc aman ke amanan (terorisme) serta penyebab melemahnya perekonomian amerika serta meningkatnya jumlah pengangguran. dalam pidato trump pada tanggal 15 agustus 2016, trump menyebutkan sejarah serangan terorisme di amerika serikat yang telah lalu; 9/11, penembakan di fort hood, bom marathon di boston, penem bakan di chattanooga, tennessee; the orlando nightclub, sebagai justifikasi kebijakan trump untuk memberlakukan travel ban terhadap migran dari negara-negara yang memiliki keterkaitan sejarah dengan terorisme(politico staff, 2016). maka dari itu, pada tanggal 27 januari 2017, trump menandatangani kebijakan untuk menangguhkan para migran yang berasal dari sejumlah negara islam, seperti irak, iran, libya, somalia, sudan, syria, dan yaman selama 120 hari, karena di kha watir kan kedatangan mereka akan membawa ancaman bagi ke amanan nasional amerika serikat. kebijakan ini kemudian direvisi pada maret 2017 dengan mengecualikan irak (chakraborty, 2017).tidak sampai disini, trump kerap kali menekankan bahwa amerika harus membangun tembok yang membatasi amerika dengan meksiko untuk meng halangi arus migran. bahkan trump juga menyampaikan bahwa meksiko adalah negara yang penuh dengan masalah, seperti cartel dan perdagangan obat bius, pemerkosaan, dsb. retorika trump sebagai kandidat dan kini sebagai presiden n a mp a k ny a " m e n g h i d u p k a n kete gangan hubungan antara 36 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 amerika serikat-meksiko yang tidak terlihat dalam beberapa dasawarsa"(gaouette & kosinski, 2017). keluarnya amerika serikat dari trans-pacific partnership(tpp) merupakan kebijakan ekonomi pertama yang dilakukan oleh pemerintahan trump, pasca-terpilihnya trump menjadi presiden. padahal tpp semestinya bisa menjadi wadah bagi amerika serikat untuk mem bangun hubungan dengan sejumlah negara di asia, serta mem promosikan demokrasi. trump juga akan member lakukan impor pajak bagi perusahaanperusahaan amerika s erikat yang memindahkan operasinya ke meksiko dan menyampaikan bahwa amerika akan keluar dari wto apabila impor pajak tersebut tidak dapat tercapai (needham, 2016). trump juga akan mengupayakan renegosiasi nafta, dengan menekan kan bahwa amerika juga akan keluar dari keanggotaan nafta apabila tidak terjadi renegosiasi.“if our partners refuse a renegotiation that gives american workers a fair deal, then the president will give notice of the united states’ intent to withdraw from nafta” (white house, 2017). amerika serikat kini melihat bahwa kerjasama inter nasional terkadang menjadi burden bagi perekonomian nasional. kesimpulan democratic peace adalah teori yang cukup ‘tua’ dalam hubungan internasional. kelahiran democratic peace sendiri merupakanmanifestasi dari kekecewaan kant dalam melihat kondisi di eropa yang pada saat itu ‘memperihatinkan’. idealisme kant kemudian dikembangkan oleh doyle, doyle melihat bahwa demokrasilah yang mampu menciptakan per damaian antarnegara, karena di antara negaranegara yang demokratis kecend e r u ng an u ntu k b e r p e r ang sangatlah kecil, bahkan tidak ada sama sekali. konflik yang terjadi di antara negara-negara demokratis bukanlah konflik yang melibatkan senjata, namun kompetisi untuk meraih kepentingan dengan upayaupaya ‘damai’. kita bisa melihat bahwa gagasan dalam democratic peacetelah memberikan corak pada politik luar negeri amerika serikat. bahkan bisa dikatakan demokratisasi digunakan untuk menjustifikasi politik luar negeri. sebagaimana pada era bill clinton, clinton mendukung upaya demokratisasi di negaranegara pecahan yugoslavia pada tahun 1994. democratic peace juga rizki dian nursita & surwandono, gagasan democratic peace dalam politik luar negeri amerika serikat 37 kembali menjadi top issue dalam politik luar negeri bush. gagasan dalam democratic peace bahkan digunakan sebagai ‘dalil’ untuk melegitimasi invasi amerika ke afghanistan yang disebut oleh amerika sebagai sarang teroris, bahkan pre-emptive war melawan negara otoriter seperti irak. pada era obama, gagasan democratic peace memang tidak lagimuncul ke permukaan. walaupun demikian, kita dapat melihat sentuhan democratic peace memengaruhi intervensi amerika serikat untuk mendukung kelompok oposisi di negara yang otoriter, seperti libya dan suriah. lantas, apakah yang mendrive (mendorong) politik luar negeri trump? mungkin slogan trump selama kampanye “make amerika great again!” serta term “america first” adalah jawabannya. dalam bidang keamanan, trump menemp at kan isu teror isme sebagai top priority tanpa begitu memperdulikan konstelasi politik dan posisi amerika serikat sebelum pemerintahannya. walaupun samasama berasal dari partai republik seperti halnya bush, namun kita bisa melihat bahwa gagasan democratic peace nampaknya sudah outdatedsemenjak trump berkuasa. agenda perang melawan terorisme di suriah yang diartikulasikan oleh trump nampaknya tidak berkaitan dengan isu demokratisasi dan antiotoritarianisme. trump bahkan semenjak kampanye juga melakukan pendekatan terhadap rusia. padahal sejauh ini rusia yang merupakan rival bagi amerika serikat dalam percaturan internasional selama ini mendukung rezim assad yang otoriter. amerika juga berupaya untuk melakukan pendekatan terhadap china terkait dengan isu ekonomi dan deterence terhadap korea utara. atau dengan kata lain kerjasama dengan komunis untuk melawan juche-komunis. dalam bidang ekonomi, kebijakan america first yang penuh dengan kontroversi dan kritik , bahkan dari dalam negeri, yang meliputi keluarnya amerika serikat dari tpp, impor pajak bagi perusahaan amerika yang beroperasi di luar negeri, termasuk pem batasan arus migran serta ide ‘tembok’ pembatas antara amerika serikat dengan meksiko, pada dasarnya adalah upaya untuk m e n i ng k at k an ke s e j a hte r a an ekonomi bagi amerika serikat lewat peningkatan pendapatan dan meminimalisir angka pengangguran. bagaimanapun, kebijakan luar negeri trump yang ‘unpredictable’ nampaknya lebih 38 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 banyak dipengaruhi oleh gagasan nasionalismenya, “make america great again!” dibandingkan dengan democratic virtue. referensi baylis, j. (2005). international and global security in the postcold war era. in j. baylis, & s. smith, the globalization of world politics: an introduction to international relations (pp. 297-324). new york: oxford university press. chakraborty, b. (2017, march 06). trump signs new immigration order, nar rows scope of travel ban. retrieved may 04, 2017, from fox news: h t t p : / / w w w. f o x n e w s . c o m / politics/2017/03/06/trumpsigns-new-immigration-ordernarrows-scope-travel-ban.html cole, j. (2008). "us-iraq war" micros of t encar ta 2009. r e d m o n d : m i c r o s o f t corporation. doyle, m. (1986). liberalism and world politics. the american political science review, 11511169. dumas, e. c. (2009). "bill clinton" microsoft encarta. redmond: microsoft corporation. dunne, t. (2005). liberalism. in j. baylis, & s. smith, the globalization of world politcs: an introduction to international relations (pp. 185-203). new york: oxford university press. gaouette, n., & kosinski, m. (2017, february 23). mexico slams us immigration plan as tillerson arrives. retrieved may 18, 2017, from http://edition. cnn.com/2017/02/22/politics/ tillerson-kelly-trip-to-mexico/ ish-shalom, p. (2013). democratic peace: a political biography. united states of america: university of michigan press. needham, v. (2016, july 24). trump suggests leaving wto over import tax proposal . retrieved may 19, 2017, from h t t p : / / t h e h i l l . c o m / p o l i c y / f i n a n c e / 2 8 9 0 0 5 t r u m p sug gests-le aving-wto-overimport-tax-proposal politico staff. (2016, august 15). full text: donald trump's speech on fighting terrorism. retrieved may 17, 2017, from http://www. politico.com/stor y/2016/08/ d o n a l d t r u m p t e r r o r i s m speech-227025 pugh, j. (2005, april). democratic peace theory: a review and evaluation. retrieved may 15, rizki dian nursita & surwandono, gagasan democratic peace dalam politik luar negeri amerika serikat 39 2017, from center for mediation, peace, and resolution of c o n f l i c t , i n t e r n a t i o n a l : ht t p s : / / w w w. c e mp r o c . o r g / democraticpeacecwps.pdf richardson, j. l. (2012). liberalism. in r. devetak, a. burke, & j. george, introduction to international relations (pp. 48-60). new york: cambridge university press. wąsiński, m. (2017). donald trump’s foreign policy stances: unpredictability and neoisolationism. retrieved may 04, 2017, from australian institute of international affairs: http:// w w w. i n t e r n a t i o n a l a f f a i r s . org.au/global-wire/donaldtrumps-foreign-policy-stancesu np r e d i c t a b i l i t y a n d n e o isolationism/ white house. (2017). america first foreign policy. retrieved may 04, 2017, from white house: https://www.whitehouse.gov/ america-first-foreign-policy islamic world and politics vol. 4. no.1 june 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 current phenomenon tension between the united states and iran in the middle east musyfiqur rahman postgraduate interdisciplinary islamic studies concentration in middle east studies, state islamic university of sunan kalijaga, yogyakarta email: budakmu.allah@gmail.com abstract the tensions between the united states and iran, as can be seen lately, have reached a rare point in the many escalations in recent years in the middle east. apart from the historical factors that began since iran succeeded in carrying out a revolution by subverting the regime of shah mohamed reza pahlavi, another factor further heightening the geopolitical dynamics of the region was the departure of the us under president donald trump from nuclear agreement of the joint comprehensive plan of action (jcpoa), followed by the enactment of tighter economic sanctions on iran. in this article, the writer tried to explain the phenomenon of tensions between the two countries using the national interest theory according to scott burchill, by reading the strategic goals of the political attitudes of the us in the middle east for its national interest. the findings of this article confirm that the us does not want a large force in the region disturbing its national interest. however, the us also does not want to launch an open war against iran but rather tighten a series of sanctions economically. keywords: tension, united states, iran, national interest, middle east, jcpoa abstrak ketegangan antara amerika serikat dan iran, seperti dapat dilihat belakangan ini, telah mencapai titik langka dalam banyak peningkatan dalam beberapa tahun terakhir di timur tengah. terlepas dari faktor-faktor historis yang dimulai sejak iran berhasil melakukan revolusi dengan menumbangkan rezim shah mohamed reza pahlavi, faktor lain yang lebih meningkatkan 32 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 introduction in the beginning, it was hegemony. it is a desire to rule by suppressing weak social structures. gramsci defines hegemony as the embodiment of a class and all its components carrying out the power project to grip the lower classes through violence and persuasion (simon 2004, 16). it is illustrated in the recent phenomenon, the tensions between the united states and the islamic republic of iran. america, as a superpower, moves all its components and instruments to control iran’s “class” state as a structure under the united states. the desire of the united states to launch a more massive hegemony to iran began when donald trump brought the united states out of iran’s nuclear agreement or the joint comprehensive plan of action (jcpoa). even since the beginning of his campaign, trump has been touting for bringing america out of the agreement, which trump called the “worst agreement” ever made by the united states. indeed, this criticism leads to the 44th united states president, barack obama, because the agreement was made and agreed during obama’s leadership. iran, as the first islamic country in the world succeeding in igniting its revolutionary fire and was very popular in 1979 (esposito 1997, 77), up to now has values and dinamika geopolitik di kawasan itu adalah kepergian as di bawah presiden donald trump dari perjanjian nuklir negara tersebut. rencana aksi bersama komprehensif (jcpoa), diikuti dengan diberlakukannya sanksi ekonomi yang lebih ketat terhadap iran. dalam artikel ini, penulis mencoba menjelaskan fenomena ketegangan antara kedua negara menggunakan teori kepentingan nasional menurut scott burchill, dengan membaca tujuan strategis dari sikap politik as di timur tengah untuk kepentingan nasionalnya. temuan artikel ini mengkonfirmasi bahwa as tidak ingin kekuatan besar di kawasan itu mengganggu kepentingan nasionalnya. namun, as juga tidak ingin melancarkan perang terbuka terhadap iran tetapi lebih memperketat serangkaian sanksi ekonomi. kata kunci: ketegangan, amerika serikat, iran, kepentingan nasional, timur tengah, jcpoa musyfiqur rahman current phenomenon tension between the united states 33 significance for political maps and policymakers in the middle east. one of its strategic values is because politically iran has control over the persian gulf and the strait of hormuz, which is a shipping lane for oil carriers from the region to western countries, besides iran itself is one of the largest oilproducing countries in the region (burdah 2008, 66–67). in addition to the strategic geopolitical value making these two countries to face each other diametrically, there is another fundamental factor that is quite primordial, namely excessive fear of monolithic islam, which for john l. esposito is an unfounded western myth, but it continues to be produced for the sake of achieving certain interests. without being based on authentic historical reality about islam, western commentators on islam have distorted much of the reality of islam itself (esposito 1996, 202). they are actually building a myth to legitimize hegemonic purposes. including in the case of iran, america made the main spectrum in building meta narration about the latent dangers of the influence of the islamic revolution to achieve its national interest. since ayatollah khomeini appeared as one of the symbols for the resistance movement over western hegemony, it was increasingly emphasized above the view that islamic fundamentalism or militant islam is a real threat to the west. how khomeini discussed frontal narratives by calling the united states “great satan” or “destroy america!” as a jihad against foreign infidels who have usurped the rights of muslims as an oppressed party (esposito 1996, 13). in recent times, several important events have occurred, which have either directly or indirectly added to the escalation between the united states and iran. from shooting down the most sophisticated unmanned aircraft ever made by the united states to take a hostage of british warships, then bombing two saudi arabian aramco oil refineries, and also endless wars in yemen. the study of tensions between the united states and iran is widely discussed by researchers, such as the article written by enayatollah yazdani in the journal sociology study entitled confrontation between america and the islamic republic of iran. in his article, yazdani revealed that the united states and iranian tensions in the last few decades were rooted in three fundamental issues: 1). the nuclear program problem, 2). 34 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 development of ballistic missiles, and 3). iran’s influence in the region (yazdani 2019, 180). yazdani considered these three issues as a serious threat to the united states’ interest in the region. thus, the escalation is increasing and heating up from time to time. however, yazdani also concluded that the confrontation strategy done by the united states against iran led to the option “no war and no peace”. the second article was written by albert b. wolf in the comparative strategy journal entitled after jcpoa: american grand strategy toward iran. if yazdani, in his article, identified three fundamental problems related to iran’s policy, which the united states considered would interfere with its national interest, then wolf revealed four fundamental united states’ interests in the middle east that directly related to iran’s behavior: 1). energy security, 2). the proliferation of the nuclear program, 3). the problem of terrorism, and 4). israeli security guarantee (wolf, 2018, 22). however, the two articles have not offended the issues of regional crisis in which iran is considered by the united states to have a very significant role, especially in supplying weapons and military funds for resistance movements spread in several countries in the middle east, such as the yemeni houthis and others. therefore, the writer would review some of the current tension phenomena regarding iran’s involvement in the constellation in the middle east and how it makes iran confront the united states’ national interest. research method in the preparation of this study, the writer relied on primary sources of library material that pretty much explains the historical and theoretical framework around the themes raised in this study. the effort to portray an area during an escalating situation between two countries, which both want to show the existence, domination, and fulfillment of their national interest in the region, certainly requires a comprehensive and analytical study. the writer also enriched the data by following the latest news related to the tensions between the united states and iran in the region and specifically news about this research, both from printed newspapers or online media. theory in this study, the writer made the national interest theory a surgical tool for analyzing the construction musyfiqur rahman current phenomenon tension between the united states 35 of phenomena regarding the united states and iranian tensions in the region. according to scott burchill, the true national interest refers to the interest of a country by relying on the power it has (scott 2005, 35). furthermore, burchill describes his analysis of national interest in four perspectives; realism, marxism, liberalism, and english schools, each of which has a four-way approach and certainly has its implications and implications in formulating and deciphering a phenomenon of international relations. however, the writer focused only on using the perspective of realism. realism is a perspective trying to develop a full conceptualization related to the national interest. this view builds the assumption that national interest must be seen from the framework of the interests of a country as a high institution in politics representing society’s interest as well as the character of anarchism in the arena of international politics (scott 2005, 31-32). in this study, the writer would explain how this realism perspective has taken place in the map of the united states political policy since the beginning of the post-revolution tensions od the united states-iran until now, under the pretext of realizing its national interest and making efforts to quell iran’s influence in the region. hence, the main focus of this article is to look at the united states’ national interest in the constellation with iran and, at the same time, see how iran survives resistance. the beginning of iran-united states tensions islam reappeared as one of the global forces taken into account on the international political stage in the 1970-1980s. space for the spirit of the rise of islam covers various parts of the world. islamic government leaders and opposition groups also use religion to legitimize the support of the people (esposito 1996, 21). moreover, the only success of this islamic revival to the scale of the country was the iranian islamic revolution. iran and america relations deteriorated rapidly after the islamic revolution in 1979. the new iranian regime under the control of mullahs no longer trusted america because it supported the shah of the past, mohamed reza pahlavi. when the american government accepted the overthrow shah to enter america for treatment due to cancer, a group of iranian students stormed the american embassy in tehran and held 52 american diplomats on 36 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 november 4, 1979 (rogan 2017, 590). recorded on january 20, 1981, 52 american diplomat hostages detained at the united states embassy for 444 days finally left iran. a few days later, they arrived in america, and the country and the mass media cheered on their return by congratulating them on the “return of the hostages”. for days this event received special attention from various media in the world, complemented by various analyzes related to the diplomatic process taking place behind the scenes between the two parties until an agreement was reached for the release of the hostages. besides, the sentiments emerging in the mass media narrative were the heroism of the united states and iranian barbarism. on january 31, 1981, the new republic revealed the “ransom” issued by the jimmy carter administration to meet iran’s demands to free the hostages (said 1986, 7–8). the west, primarily america, has witnessed a series of “islamic revival” events with certain doubts mixed with fear. however, the image of the iranian revolution was present to fulfill the complexity of the western outlook on islam. since 1979, terms associated with islam, such as fanaticism, islamism, fundamentalism, and islamic militancy, have often appeared in the mass media without a clear understanding of its meaning and substance (esposito, arkoun, and al-jabiri 2002, 182). on the surface, the iranunited states crisis represented an ideological and cultural war between the governments of two different political systems. nevertheless, at a deeper level, iran’s portrayal of satan increasingly shows the severity of the views of united states officials and their fear of regimes controlled by the mullahs by using islam as legitimacy to attack the interests of america and its allies. since 1979, iran has staked the legitimacy of power in the region by using its islamic (shia) identity (gerges 2002, 50–51). ayatollah khomeini and his revolution by the western media are described as having a reactionary character carrying a “medieval” feel imaged as a century of backwardness and static. furthermore, islam is attached to negative abstractions alleged by western scholars as inhibiting the development process and hindering modernization theories (eickelman and piscatori 1998, 34). even for europe, islam is an eternal trauma, symbolized musyfiqur rahman current phenomenon tension between the united states 37 as terror, destruction, and hordes of barbarians who are loyal and despised (said 2016, 88). moreover, it is hard to rebuild good relations between the united states and iran. especially after the september 11, 2001 incident, instead, the united states put iran on the terrorist blacklist (tamara 2017, 378). crucial point of current tension in addition to the tensions occurring since the beginning of iran’s revolution, the current tension was caused by several issues. one of the main triggers is since the united states, under the rule of donald trump, left the nuclear agreement or the joint comprehensive plan of action (jcpoa) unilaterally. trump considered this agreement as “the worst agreement that should not have been possible”. thus, for this reason, trump has again imposed harsh sanctions on iran (mikail 2018, 70). the sanctions regime imposed by the united states on iran began in 1979 in the form of economic and political sanctions. however, in this situation, iran is still able to show its superiority as these mullah countries do not necessarily go bankrupt due to the united states’ sanctions. it is exactly from this point that iran learned to continue to improve and become an independent country, meaning that it does not depend on the global economic cycle controlled by the united states and the international zionist network. based on data published in the influential economic weekly media, business week shows that iran, with a population of 69 million, has a reserve of 35 billion usd, income per capita that reaches 6,800 usd, and income growth of 5.9%. indeed, the united states’ economic and political sanctions in no way affect iran’s socio-economic pressures. one impact of the united states’ economic sanctions is the emergence of a phenomenon in which iran seems “thirsty for goods, foreign capital and technology”. until 2004, foreign investment was minimal, and it was estimated to only around 2 billion usd per year (sihbudi 2007, 269). the economic situation under pressure from america’s sanctions increasingly complicated the tactical steps of the iranian government in the decision-making process to keep domestic stability safe and under control. on november 1618, 2019, the iranian government faced demonstrations taking place in various cities. the main trigger was the government’s decision to revoke part of the fuel subsidy so 38 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 that fuel prices increased by up to 50% (kompas, n.d.). iranian president hassan rouhani said that iran was facing a difficult situation because it needed huge funds to meet the benefits and services of 60 million underprivileged people. this source of income is usually from oil exports. due to america’s sanctions making it very difficult for iran to conduct global-level transactions with its partner countries for oil exports, the government was forced to raise domestic fuel prices (kompas, n.d.). if iran does not take this step, the government will face a far greater crisis as the government has not maintained economic stability. by tightening sanctions on iran, the american attitude increasingly made it difficult for the countries involved in this agreement, namely the five permanent members of the un security council (us, uk, france, russia, china) and the european union represented by germany. however, they experience a dilemma between maintaining an agreement with iran as a country having strategic values in the region and also supporting the sanctions regime imposed by america. although trump’s controversial move has angered many parties, he remained firm in his stance. even many people opposed his policy. as for trump’s goal of bringing the united states out of the nuclear agreement, then tightening a series of sanctions on iran, according to munir shaqiq, secretary-general of the palestinian people’s congress abroad, is because of four factors. first is to review iran’s nuclear agreement by considering tighter restrictions on iran for nuclear development projects, even on the pretext of security. second is the ban on iran to develop ballistic missiles. third, iran must withdraw from intervention and provide missile supplies to syria. fourth, iran must stop supplying weapons to hezbollah in lebanon and hamas in gaza (shaqiq 2019, 119). there is another aspect munir shaqiq does not attend to, namely the problem of iran’s involvement in the yemen conflict by supplying sophisticated weapons to the houthi militia as houthi does not deny the involvement of iran in providing political support, military, and flush funds (al-daghsyi 2013, 85). however, the united states wants iran to stop and immediately withdraw from its intervention in the yemen conflict. the united states wants the yemen conflict to end immediately with saudi arabia and its coalition winners. then, musyfiqur rahman current phenomenon tension between the united states 39 these points become the main trigger trump withdrew from the agreement to return the nuclear talks to zero so that these points could be included in negotiations. definitely, iran rejected negotiation efforts beyond the nuclear issue, while the united states insisted on making the external aspects part of the negotiating material. the dual political tendencies played by america in the region, on the one hand, it wants the stability of the region free from the threat of nuclear weapons, but on the other hand, it allows israel to carry out nuclear development as free as possible without any supervision. this action exactly prevents the balance of strategic geopolitical interests among policymakers in the region. indeed geographically, israel’s position is very vulnerable because this small country is surrounded by states and resistance movements, and without natural geographical boundaries either in the form of large mountains or wide waters providing sufficient defensive positions in depressed conditions (burdah 2014, 144). this situation has undoubtedly silenced america and even supported israel’s nuclear program. even since the beginning of the process of initiating the israeli nuclear project, known as the shimon peres negev nuclear research center, or sometimes also called the dimona reactor, the cia has known it. even the cia itself submitted an essential document to the us secretary of state, john foster dulles, in 1963, informing in detail that israeli prime minister david ben gurion had released a document related to the nuclear reactor construction project in 1956. in secret, the us intelligence assisted israel in ensuring that the israeli nuclear reactor construction project is realized. under the pretext of the 1967 war, which almost threatened israel’s existence due to the onslaught of arab coalition forces (salim 2001, 291–92), the united states fully provided support and assistance for israel’s nuclear program as a major bulwark for military threats and distress which could come at any time. to answer the anomalies of the political attitudes of the united states, which always play double politics to realize its national interest, iran is not motionless. evidently, since rq-a4 global hawk, the drone us military scouts dropped by the islamic revolution guards corps (irgc) in the southern persian gulf, precisely at 19:44 gmt on wednesday, june 19, 40 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 2019, or 00:14 thursday local time (jakarta greater 2019), tensions in the region between the united states and iran has reached the rare point of the many escalations in recent years. after the shooting, the united states, at trump’s instructions, had declared an open war with iran, but shortly after the decision was made; trump withdrew his statement because he received information from one of his generals that an attack on iran’s three main points would sacrifice 150 lives (detik.com 2019). much speculation has been c i rc u l at i ng am ong an a ly s t s regarding changes in trump’s attitude at the last minute as part of the upheaval between his military advisers who wanted war with trump’s commitment not to decide to open warfare immediately. it could be because trump does not want to take risks difficult to reckon with since an open war with iran will cause widespread tensions throughout the region where proxies will engage in this war and will automatically become a threat to israel’s security so vulnerable. besides, trump is considering calculations for investment in the upcoming 2020 elections. if the war with iran is fought in the last years of his leadership period, his votes will be seriously threatened when the war occurring cannot be resolved immediately. therefore, he chose to ignore the input of his advisers who tended toward open war. post-aramco saudi bombing indeed the complexity of the various tensions in the middle east has a parallel chain connecting one problem point to another. when discussing the problem of the yemen conflict, it certainly cannot stand alone without involving the parties involved in the conflict. including when discussing the increasing escalation between the united states and iran, it also can not be separated from various proxy wars throughout the region. these factors cause the complexity of the breaking of the embers in the middle east. as a country leading the fight against the houthi insurgency in yemen, saudi arabia must accept the harsh reality after years of bombarding yemen. it is because the houthi militia began to attack by targeting saudi arabia’s vital objects, namely two of aramco’s biggest oil refineries in the abqaiq and khurais regions. this attack used several unmanned aircraft (drones) able to penetrate saudi arabia’s air defense bases (kompas, n.d.). musyfiqur rahman current phenomenon tension between the united states 41 meanwhile, saudi arabia’s military defense base, especially its air defense, is increasingly being highlighted by the public. it is because saudi arabia is serious about maintaining its sovereignty, especially in the midst of vulnerable situations and conditions as it is today. billions of usd have been spent on buying weapons and sophisticated defense systems from europe and the united states. the weapons purchased from the united states include avengers short-range missiles, i-hawk midrange missiles, and swiss shortrange missiles named orelinkons (kompas, n.d.). moreover, the usmade patriot missile defense system was also installed in various major cities and several other strategic facilities. as if dissatisfied with the houthis claiming responsibility for the incident, saudi arabia and the united states agreed to throw accusations at iran, or at least, iran was behind the attack on saudi arabia’s oil refineries. however, iran’s foreign minister, mohammad javad zarif, denied iran’s involvement in the aramco refinery shooting and further stressed that if this tension requires militar y involvement, iran firmly states that it will fight seriously (schemm and loveluck 2019). calculation of us open war with iran looking at various phenomena today, it is true what was expressed by martin wight that what distinguishes modern history from the history of the middle ages is the superiority of the idea of power over the idea of truth (sahide 2017, 86). determination of winners and losers is no longer measured according to a set of values and other social institutions, but by testing the extent to which power and hegemony can create a structured and systematic movement to control a country for its national interest. therefore, the united states, as a superpower, exists without value or wants to surpass all values. being above all existing order values, the united states, in its hegemonic projects, hid many reasons behind the pretext of human rights and democracy. however, these drives are never consistent. if it is truly consistent, inevitably, it will clash with its national interest. it is true what samuel p. huntington said when addressing the issue of clashes between civilizations reflected by a particular interest and purpose by relying 42 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 on the legitimacy of identities intentionally made face to face: people use politics not only for their interests but also to state their identity. we will only know who we are when we know who “we are not” and that can only be known through “with whom we are dealing with” (huntington 2012, 8). it is also seen in various nerve wars between american and iranian officials, where both parties constructed each other as superior to others, either by relying on a particular identity to give legitimacy or even to bring down. in the arena of international politics, a country will be thrown from a competitive global arena when it fails to realize its national interest properly. for morgenthau, international politics is the same as politics in general, the arena of power struggles. whatever is the ultimate goal of political power, power is always the most immediate goal (morgenthau 2010, 33). in the context of its dispute with iran, america wants to realize its national interest by grounding in the direction of policies formulated and then implemented through its foreign policy. us foreign policy is often discussed in terms of the dialectical tension between two opposing poles: legalism-moralism and pragmatism-realism. alternatively, in other words, american foreign policy goes back and forth between real politics and moralism. for supporters and practitioners, realism is a clear, orderly, straightforward, and firm understanding of policy formulation based on well-defined state interests. the essence of this realism is the national interest closely related to national security (hastedt 2000, 28-34). one of the most critical aspects of power capable of influencing a variety of hegemony projects is military power. according to kabi al-khuri, from the center for arab unity studies, citing data from global firepower assesses that iran, as one of the countries in the region, is indeed ranked 14th in the world’s strongest military. many researchers doubt the true strength of iran because these calculations exclude nuclear power (al-khuri 2019, 165-66). if it is included, iran’s military might be above that rank. on this side alone, america is sure to calculate very well when it has to deal directly with an open war with iran. it is also important to see trump’s attitude, which, from the very beginning, was known to be aggressive in leading uncle sam’s musyfiqur rahman current phenomenon tension between the united states 43 country. seeing from his sarcastic attitude, undoubtedly, many people assume that trump is also among the us leaders who like to hunt for war. it is just that if observed in several cases, including cases of tension with iran, he seemed to appear softened before the facts; that iran cannot be compared to the weak countries in the middle east because, since the beginning of the initiation of an open war with iran, it was the primary option always encouraged by its military advisers. although in the end, trump chose to cancel the attack at the last second to cause tension between trump and his national security adviser, john bolton, who then ended with his dismissal by trump (kompas, n.d.). at this point, it appears that trump is experiencing symptoms of repression in which the ego mechanism relies on the defense of the subconscious to maintain its existence from feelings of anxiety or depression that always overshadow when panic, conflict, and threatened (az-zaghul 2004, 285). in the situation of facing various challenges both outside and inside, finally, john bolton, as the main stumbling block in deciding policies, must be discarded, even though both of them have a skeptical attitude toward multilateralism. conclusion the tensions between the united states and iran, as can be witnessed lately, have reached the rare point of several escalations in recent years, especially in the middle east. apart from the historical factors that began since iran succeeded in carrying out a revolution by subverting the regime of shah mohamed reza pahlavi, another factor heightening the geopolitical dynamics of the region was the departure of the us under president donald trump from the nuclear agreement of the joint comprehensive plan of action (jcpoa), followed by tighter economic sanctions on iran. the escalation, which is increasing from time to time, cannot be separated from the series of sanctions imposed on iran by the united states. there is intense pressure from america on iran to immediately stop its nuclear program considered to have disrupted geopolitical stability in the middle east. viewed from the perspective of national interest, america does not want a stable country influencing the political map in the region. if it happens, it will clash with its national interest. however, despite 44 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 the escalation of the firing points of rivalry between the two countries, even the shooting down of the global hawk rq-a4, a us military surveillance drone by the islamic revolution guards corps (irgc) south of the persian gulf at 19:44 gmt on wednesday, june 19, 2019, or 00:14 thursday local time, no serious signs were leading to open war, except only limited to curses and expletives of the american president, donald trump, who at first had given orders to wage war against iran. however, shortly after, he withdrew his orders under the pretext of humanity. america, under the quite sarcastic president in addressing the iran problem, seems to choose a more rational option by not deploying the military to face iran. if this option is taken by the stakeholders, the middle east situation will face a big open war by involving various proxies in various countries, especially those under iran’s influence. therefore, due to the huge risk, america chose another option by tightening sanctions on iran to cripple it economically so that iran experiences domestic turmoil. furthermore, this option no longer requires an open war, which will be detrimental to both parties, especially for donald trump, who will step forward again to run for president for his second term in 2020. trump is considering calculations for investment in the upcoming 2020 elections. if the war with iran is carried out in the last period of his leadership, his votes will be very threatened. hence, he chose to ignore the input of his advisers who tended toward open war. besides, another important factor is that the iranian military cannot be underestimated. global firepower data show that iran is one of the most influential countries in the region and ranks 14th in the world’s strongest military. indeed, it is excluding nuclear power. references al-daghsyi, ahmad muhammad. 2 0 1 3 . al hut siy y un wa mustaqbaluhum al-’askari wa al-siyasi wa al-tarbawi. i. doha: muntada al-alaqat alarabiyah wa 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“kilang aramco dis erang hout hi.” pr int version, sunday 15 september 2019 edition. ———. n.d. “perselisihan baru iranas.” print version, tuesday, 19 november 2019 edition. musyfiqur rahman current phenomenon tension between the united states 47 ———. n.d. “persenjataan mahal, tapi kebobolan juga.” print version, thursday 19 september 2019 edition. ———. n.d. “pilihan sulit rouhani.” print version, tuesday, 19 november 2019 edition. schemm, paul, and louisa loveluck. 2019. “iran warns u.s. of ‘all-out war’ if attacked.” the wasington post, 20 september 2019. https://www.washingtonpost. c o m / w o r l d / m i d d l e _ e a s t / i r a n w a r n s u s o f a l l o u t war-if-attacked/2019/09/19/ 2 6 c 0 4 8 6 4 d a 4 c 1 1 e 9 a 1 a 5 162b8a9c9ca2_story.html. journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 japan’s challenges on muslim friendly tourism to attract muslim tourists 2013-2019 sandyka kurniawan universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: sandykakur@gmail.com sidik jatmika universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: dr.sidikjatmika@gmail.com abstract tourism is now a part of the modern lifestyle. infrastructure, technology, and information are developing, making it easier for individuals to go abroad. when traveling, each individual brings identity and need. in islam, muslims have a role in tourism because islam for muslims is a lifestyle. tourism in islam is called halal tourism, a new phenomenon, and a new business opportunity, targeting muslim tourists. japan is a non-muslim country and is not based on islamic values. of course, it will be a challenge for japan to understand halal tourism. japan is well known for its services, products, and facilities. japan has been preparing for halal tourism well, introducing itself as the world’s best tourist destination and host for the 2021 olympics. the authors used qualitative methods, observation, and literature study. the final results of this study are expected to provide awareness of the importance of tourist destinations that are friendly to muslims and offer new economic opportunities in the tourism sector. keywords: tourism, japan, halal abstrak pariwisata sekarang hari adalah bagian dari gaya hidup modern. dukungan infrastruktur, teknologi, informasi semakin memudahkan mobilitas individu maupun kelompok. tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa individu atau kelompok ini dalam perjalanannya membawa suatu identitas dan juga kebutuhan. dalam 314 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 introduction t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f infrastructure in a countr y, technology, and information is fast to make individuals’ or groups’ mobility easier. in this digital era, increasing middle-class economic growth and social media also affect different patterns of individuals or groups. one of the most important patterns of change in the field of tourism. social media not only introduces but also motivates these individuals or groups to travel to these places. according to unwto, tourism is a social, cultural, and e conomic phenomenon t hat entails the people’s movement to countries or areas outside their usual environment for personal or business / professional purposes. these people are called visitors (which may be either tourists or excursionists; residents or nonresidents), and tourism has to do with their activities, some of which imply tourism expenditure (charles r. goeldner, 2009). tourism religious and spiritual motivation has become widespread and popular in recent decades, occupying an essential segment of international tourism substantially in recent years. religious tourism agama islam, islam memiliki peranan dalam wisata, karena agama islam bagi umat muslim adalah sebuah gaya hidup. pariwisata dalam islam dikenal juga sebagai pariwisata halal yang merupakan fenomena baru dan peluang bisnis baru dalam dunia pariwisata yang menargetkan wisatawan muslim sebagai pasar. jepang adalah negara non-muslim dan tidak berlandaskan nilai-nilai islam, tentunya akan menjadi tantangan dan hal yang baru bagi jepang dalam memahami pariwisata halal. jepang dikenal baik dalam pelayanan, produk dan fasilitas, tentunya memunculkan pertanyaan apakah jepang yang merupakan negara non-muslim ini mempersiapkan dengan baik pariwisata halal, mengingat jepang ingin mengenalkan dirinya sebagai destinasi wisata terbaik dunia serta sebagai tuan rumah untuk olimpiade 2021. dalam penulisan ini penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif, observasi dan studi pustaka. hasil akhir dari penelitian ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesadaran akan pentingnya destinasi wisata yang ramah bagi umat islam, serta memberikan peluang dan peluang ekonomi baru di bidang pariwisata. kata kunci: pariwisata, jepang, halal sandyka kurniawan, sidik jatmika japan’s challenges on muslim friendly tourism to attract muslim tourists ... 315 is one of the less-studied topics in tourism research (dallen j. timothy, 2006). timothy and olsen explained that an increase in tourists with religious motivations attracted academia, government, and tourism agencies to develop tourism. this religious travel is associated with the place inside the holy quran (namin, 2013), the bible, and other sacred texts. tourism itself is one of seven sectors in the islamic economy with a significant role other than halal culinary, fashion, cosmetics, pharmaceuticals, entertainment, insurance, and islamic finance (thomson reuters, 2016). halal tourism has recently gained popularity and is now becoming a new phenomenon in the tourism industry. halal tourism refers to tourism products that provide services with islamic beliefs and practices. tourism is included in the pillars of peace (peace, 2019). of course, tourism has a vital role in international relations to show good relations with neighboring countries and political stability. of course, tourism also has an impact on business, foreign direct investment. targeting muslims as a market in tourism is an excellent opportunity for the future and undoubtedly influenced by several factors, such as the growing muslim population globally, predicted in 2050 to reach 2.8 billion million people. this population also the growth of muslim millennials and young adults, with some already transiting into parenthood, are shaping the future of tourism and hospitality with their unique service needs. the economic growth of the middle-class people, such as the gulf countries, malaysia and indonesia, are categorized as developing countries. increased and easy access to information for muslim tourists is critical because it is related to the choices of muslim tourists, whether the destination is muslim-friendly. the increasing muslim population also increases availability needs, services, and facilities, making a chance more on business, not only for domestic support but also for export opportunities. this growth can help japan to meet its target as a world-class tourist destination. abenomics is the japanese economic and investment strategy program targeted in the 2020-2030 period. tourism is one of the pillars for building the japanese economy, with plans in 2020 to reach up to 40 million foreign tourists and 2020. 2030 is targeted to get 60 million foreign 316 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 tourist arrivals. japan is planning to achieve the target of 8 trillion yen in 2020 and 15 trillion yen in 2030 against the costs incurred by foreign tourists when traveling to japan, and 70 million tourists per night in 2020, then 130 million tourists by 2030. twenty-four million foreign tourists who returned to visit japan (repeat inbound tourists) in 2020 will increase to 36 million tourists in 2030 and recently achieve the target issued by domestic tourists of 21 trillion yen in 2020 and up to 22 trillion yen in 2030. japan is not a muslim country, and muslims are only a minority there. of course, in carrying out tourism that targets muslim tourists, japan will face challenges in running muslimfriendly tourism. islam for muslims is not only a religion but also a lifestyle. therefore it is necessary to see the basic understanding and real challenges in carrying out friendly tourism with muslim tourists. literature review japan, which is not a muslimmajority country, has challenges in developing muslim-friendly tourism. to understand japan’s challenges on muslim-friendly tourism to attract muslim tourists, the authors conducted a literature review related to previous studies about muslim-friendly tourism. the first journal entitled halal certification and its impact on tourism in southeast asia: a case study of halal tourism in thailand by alfian nurdiansyah (nurdiansyah, 2018). the author explored the global era and the advancement of the international trade system, market investors to attract new products. halal products can become new reference points given the increasing number of muslim populations in the world. the demand for halal products will also increase significantly along with the people. second in the journal entitled halal, new zealand! an exploratory study into the halal-friendliness of accommodation providers in new zealand by serrin razzaq, c. michael hall, and girish prayag (razzaq, hall, & prayag, 2016). the authors revealed that new zealand had increasingly promoted itself as a muslim-friendly destination to attract muslim tourists. new zealand’s long-time exporter of halal beef and goat is now trying to encourage other forms of halal products. however, providing halal tourism and hospitality and tourism is a much more complicated process than providing halal meat. it requires a nuanced understanding of islamic sandyka kurniawan, sidik jatmika japan’s challenges on muslim friendly tourism to attract muslim tourists ... 317 consumers and their socio-cultural positions and different demands. third, majang palupi, rizqi wahyu romadhon, and nur arifan on a journal entitled importance of optimization of halal tourism: a study of the development of halal tourism in indonesia (palupi, romadhon, & arifian, 2017). this research stated that the development of the halal tourism industry in indonesia is lagging behind other countries. however, there are factors for booming halal tourism in indonesia, such as halal accommodation, halal food, drinks availability, and human resources. besides, the government is advised to implement strategic policies, national branding, and human resource investment. fourth, isa ma on halal market in china: potentials and challenges (ma, 2018). this research explained that china could develop the halal market assuming that the chinese government is probusiness, encouraging political issues and other factors. the factor that determines the potential of the halal market is the muslim population in china. the size of the consumer population is significant. the second factor that determines the potential of the halal market is the purchasing power. fifth is surwandono, rizki dian nursita, rashda diana, and ade meiliyana on the discoursing on halal tourism policy in indonesia and its review in maqâshid syarî’ah (surwandono, nursita, diana, & meiliyana, 2020). tourism in indonesia, especially halal tourism, still experiences ambiguity in understanding halal tourism itself. the governance of halal tourism in indonesia is still not fully following the maqashid sharia because it only follows trends and reactions that distort the basis of tourism. what happened in indonesia was different from what happened in east asia, where east asia considered this phenomenon an economic phenomenon, not an exclusive identity. methodology the study of this paper used observation and interviews from 2018-2019, browsed information sourced from print, electronic media, tourism literature about the development of tourism in the world, and tourism in islam, described and interpreted the data. in particular, the study of muslimfriendly tourism as part of a muslim religious practice will be described based on tourism. 318 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 tourism in religion the growing tourism industry will undoubtedly bring up new segments for tourists to fulfill specific targets. for example, in religion and tourism, some do not realize this relationship. religion is still the most common motivation for traveling (kreiner & wall, 2015). religiously motivated tourism remains the oldest and most basic reason for mobility in the world. even each sacred text or holy book of every religion mentions “tourism” or “tourist destination” as a religious activity. in this case, tourist destinations related to spiritual matters become the main tourist destinations for religious reasons or only tourism (collinskreiner, 2010). humans are always interested in new hobbies, and hence the emergence of inventions and developments in various specialties. there is no exception to visiting new areas because places have different norms, values, and cultures. certain areas are considered sacred or more special to both certain groups and beliefs. it certainly motivates the individual or group to visit the place, for example, in islam by visiting mecca and medina, christianity and judaism by visiting jerusalem, catholic by visiting the vatican, hinduism with benares and tirupati, buddhism with bodh gaya, and lhasa. those locations are famous for their believers. this religious tourism affects either local and wide (kim & king, 2019). religion can be motivated by people traveling to go out of their environment due to historical, religious benefits, and spiritual reasons. the origins of tourism are rooted in religious activities (griffin & raj, 2017). tourism is now considered a necessity and new in modern society and increases the quality of life and economy. it certainly impacts the needs and behavior of tourists, such as influencing the choice of destination, desired tourism products, and even reaching the point where tourists need special needs to relativity facilities. thus, religion affects tourism. tourism in islam and the concept of muslim friendly tourism islam practices and advises tourism in the quran. religious activities such as hajj, umrah belong to tourism in islam (edbiz, 2012) even though qur’an does not mention them as tourism. still, this activity is part of religious activities to fulfill spirituality or even completed the five pillars in islam. hajj and umrah are spiritual tourism where muslims visit mecca sandyka kurniawan, sidik jatmika japan’s challenges on muslim friendly tourism to attract muslim tourists ... 319 and medina. mecca and medina are two cities with a historical and religious appeal for muslims. hajj and umrah, are mentioned in surah ali imron/3: 96-97: َ ة َّ ِذْي ِبَبك َّ ل َ اِس ل َّ ِضَع ِللن َل َبْيٍت وُّ وَّ َ ا َّ ِان ۢ ٰيٌت ٰ ا ِفْيِه 96 ۚ ِمْيَن َ ٰعل ْ ل ِ ّ ل ُهًدى وَّ ا ً ُمٰبَرك اَن َ ٗه ك َ ل َ اُم ِاْبٰرِهْيَم ۚە َوَمْن َدخ َ ق ٌت مَّ ٰ ن َبّيِ َبْيِت َمِن ْ اِس ِحجُّ ال َّ ى الن َ ِه َعل ّٰ ِمًنا ۗ َوِلل ٰ ا َه ّٰ الل َّ ِان َ َفَر ف َ ۗ َوَمْن ك ً ْيِه َسِبْيل َ اَع ِال َ اْسَتط ل عمران/3: ٰ ِمْيَن 97 ) ا َ ٰعل ْ ِنيٌّ َعِن ال َ غ )97-96 96. indeed, the first house [of worship] established for mankind was that at makkah blessed and a guidance for the worlds. 97. in it are clear signs [such as] the standing place of abraham. and whoever enters it shall be safe. and [due] to allah from the people is a pilgrimage to the house for whoever is able to find thereto a way. but whoever disbelieves then indeed, allah is free from need of the worlds. (ali’ imran/3:96-97) traveling in islam is not always about hajj or umrah, but can be aimed at leisure or other activities and purpose. the qur’an says that islam sees tourism as the greatness of allah swt and everything in the world. these actions are also a reminder and fulfill the spiritual need for muslims. in qur’an, muslims are advised to travel as a form of seeing the greatness of allah swt as depicted in surah al ankabut/29:20: َ ْيف َ ك ُرْوا ُ ظ ْ ان َ ف ْرِض َ ْ ال ِفى ِسْيُرْوا ْل ُ ق َ ة َ ا ْ ش َّ الن �ِشُئ ْ ُين ُه ّٰ الل مَّ ُ ث َق ْ ل َ خ ْ ال َ َبَدا ِدْيٌرۚ 20 َ ّلِ �َشْيٍء ق ُ ى ك ٰ َه َعل ّٰ الل َّ ۗ ِان َ ِخَرة ٰ ْ ال )العنكبوت/29: 20( 20. say, [o muhammad], “travel through the land and observe how he began creation. then allah will produce the final creation. indeed allah, over all things, is competent.” (al-’ankabut/29:20) besides, as a reminder, and to fulfill the spiritual need for muslims, surah fusilat/41:53 states that: ُفِسِهْم ْ ن َ ا ٓ َوِفْي اِق َ ف ٰ ْ ال ِفى ٰيِتَنا ٰ ا ِرْيِهْم ُ َسن ِف ْ َيك ْم َ َول َ ا َحقُّۗ ْ ال ُه َّ ن َ ا ُهْم َ ل َن َبيَّ َ َيت ى ّٰ َحت 53 ِهْيٌد َ ش �َشْيٍء ّلِ ُ ك ى ٰ َعل ٗه َّ ن َ ا َك ِبَرّبِ )فّصلت/14: 53( 53. we will show them our signs in the horizons and within themselves until it becomes clear to them that it is the truth. but is it not sufficient concerning your lord that he is, over all things, a witness? (fussilat/41:53) 320 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 tourism in islam is unique. the qur’an as a guide for muslims indirectly tells muslims to explore what is on earth as part of worship to allah swt. the relationship between tourism, religion, and individuals in islam also raises new things that primarily fulfill the basic needs. the needs are mentioned as basic needs between the identity from the tourists and availability to meet the needs of tourist destinations. in islam, all matters have been regulated. the concept of muslim-friendly tourism is a complex social activity because it deals with individuals or groups as a whole (soekadijo, 2000). after all, some individuals or groups will carry their identity and needs. indeed, this situation will affect the conditions of the local environment. muslim-friendly tourism is also known as islamic tourism, halal friendly tourism destination, halal travel, muslim-friendly travel destinations (sesric, 2017). this name is undoubtedly related to muslim travelers. according to the organization of islamic cooperation (oic), islamic tourism mainly targets muslims. however, it could also have a universal appeal even for nonmuslims for many reasons like fair pricing, peace and security, familyfriendly environment, and hygiene (sesric, 2017). the other definition about islamic tourism from the standing committee for economic and c ommercial c o op eration of the organization of the islamic cooperation or comcec is tourism by following per under islam, involving people of the muslim faith interested in keeping with their religious habits while traveling (comcec, 2016). from this understanding, a muslim must fulfill their need for spirituality as a form of obedience to islam by traveling. the simply main p oint of muslim-f r iend ly tour ism destinations is the availability to fulfill the basic needs of muslim tourists. muslims are allowed to travel as long as facilities and services based on islamic values are available. the essential requirement in a friendly muslim tourism destination is a pleasant hotel with muslims by providing halal food and prayer. tourism in japan and muslim tourist japan is perfect for tourism management and also its services. omotenashi focuses on politeness and kindness with relationships with customers or guests by presenting heartwarming service in japanese sandyka kurniawan, sidik jatmika japan’s challenges on muslim friendly tourism to attract muslim tourists ... 321 culture. under the mlit (ministry of land, infrastructure, transport, and tourism), japan has a particular organization to promote and develop japanese tourism, domestic and worldwide, called japan national tourism organization (jnto). since its establishment in 1964, jnto has had 20 offices spread throughout the world. japanese prime minister shinzo abe uses tourism in abenomics, and this policy their economic policy during the reign of shinzo abe. abenomics targets that in 2020 japan will have had 40 million tourists coming to japan to earn an income of 8 trillion yen, and in 2030 will attract 60 million tourists with 15 trillion yen income. 121 muhammad zahrul anam xx international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah during yogyakarta earthquake 2006 table 1. japan visitors with tourism purpose (jnto, 2020) table 2. japan visitors with commercial and other purpose (jnto, 2020) japan keeps developing further for service, facilities, and some policies. the japanese government, since 2013, provides facilities in making visas for tourists who come from southeast asia to visit japan, of course. this step was taken to attract tourists from southeast asia. southeast asia consists of developing countries with a middle-class economy. this situation does not exclude the possibility for muslim tourists from malaysia, indonesia, and brunei, predominantly muslims, to travel to japan, especially indonesia as a country with one of the most populations globally, with 80% of the population muslim. in 2016, 121 million muslim tourists were coming to japan and grew to 156 million by 2020, where the travel expenditure by muslim tourists is expected to reach usd 220 billion. it is also projected that the total muslim travel expenditure will reach usd 300 billion by 2026 (crescentrating, 2017). japan is famous for having good quality products or unique characteristics. the japanese government is increasing the number of foreign tourists by implementing a tax-free policy for tourists visiting japan. this tax-free policy will undoubtedly increase the level of tourists to shop. in this case, it will indeed affect income in the japanese economy. according to the japan 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 indonesia malaysia turkey 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018indonesia malaysia turkey table 1. japan visitors with tourism purpose (jnto, 2020) 121 muhammad zahrul anam xx international network, social capital and the role of muhammadiyah during yogyakarta earthquake 2006 table 1. japan visitors with tourism purpose (jnto, 2020) table 2. japan visitors with commercial and other purpose (jnto, 2020) japan keeps developing further for service, facilities, and some policies. the japanese government, since 2013, provides facilities in making visas for tourists who come from southeast asia to visit japan, of course. this step was taken to attract tourists from southeast asia. southeast asia consists of developing countries with a middle-class economy. this situation does not exclude the possibility for muslim tourists from malaysia, indonesia, and brunei, predominantly muslims, to travel to japan, especially indonesia as a country with one of the most populations globally, with 80% of the population muslim. in 2016, 121 million muslim tourists were coming to japan and grew to 156 million by 2020, where the travel expenditure by muslim tourists is expected to reach usd 220 billion. it is also projected that the total muslim travel expenditure will reach usd 300 billion by 2026 (crescentrating, 2017). japan is famous for having good quality products or unique characteristics. the japanese government is increasing the number of foreign tourists by implementing a tax-free policy for tourists visiting japan. this tax-free policy will undoubtedly increase the level of tourists to shop. in this case, it will indeed affect income in the japanese economy. according to the japan 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 indonesia malaysia turkey 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018indonesia malaysia turkey table 2. japan visitors with commercial and other purpose (jnto, 2020) japan keeps developing further for service, facilities, and some policies. the japanese government, since 2013, provides facilities in making visas for tourists who come from southeast asia to visit japan, of course. this step was taken to attract tourists from southeast asia. southeast asia consists of developing countries with a middle-class economy. this situation does not exclude the possibility for muslim tourists from malaysia, indonesia, and brunei, predominantly muslims, to travel to japan, especially indonesia as a country with one of the most populations globally, with 80% of the population muslim. in 2016, 121 million muslim tourists were coming to japan and grew to 156 million by 2020, where the travel expenditure by muslim tourists is expected to reach usd 220 billion. it is also projected that the total muslim travel expenditure will reach usd 300 billion by 2026 (crescentrating, 2017). japan is famous for having good quality products or unique characteristics. the japanese government is increasing the number of foreign tourists by implementing a tax-free policy for tourists visiting japan. this tax-free policy will undoubtedly increase the 322 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 level of tourists to shop. in this case, it will indeed affect income in the japanese economy. according to the japan muslim travel index (jmti), in 2016, international muslim tourists visited japan were 700,000 and increased to 1,400,000 muslim tourists by 2020. muslim-friendly tourism has become a new phenomenon in the world of tourism and brought needs and services. muslim-friendly tourism depends on muslim tourists’ needs once they are met. the availability of halal food and places to salat is muslim tourists’ basic needs. muslims only eat halal food as listed in the qur’an and hadith. furthermore, in serving halal food and beverages, cooking utensils must also be separated from non-halal. challenges and case studies food sign being a muslim when traveling to a non-muslim country, consuming halal or muslim-friendly food is an option to avoid illicit food prohibited in islam. muslim travelers somehow should adjust according to the conditions. therefore, information and accessible wifi services for tourists are undoubtedly beneficial to find restaurants for muslim travelers. giving pictures and the inclusion of cooking ingredients for a muslim has been helpful in a country with a majority of nonmuslims. it is also beneficial for other tourists even though nonmuslims indirectly learn the dish component or have an allergy. another issue is language constraint because not all tourists understand japanese, and not many japanese people can speak english. it will be helpful when the restaurants have a halal label to avoid communication fails. prayer room and wudu, we will stay longer in your places! salat is obligatory for muslims. a prayer room is a place for prayer and an area with educational, social, administrative, and preventative functions. therefore, it must be clean. lack of understanding of halal means that worship provided does not have boundaries, and men and women must be separated. also, another critical aspect closely related to prayer is wudu. it is an activity of purification. business people in japan have been aware of halal food and salat for muslims. some places have provided prayer rooms, but not wudu space. halal sign providing a logo or symbol sandyka kurniawan, sidik jatmika japan’s challenges on muslim friendly tourism to attract muslim tourists ... 323 related to halal food or product ingredients will certainly be a solution to cover these shortcomings and as a form of additional service. having a halal sign will also increase the trust of the restaurant between restaurants and customers. a halal sign will attract muslim tourists, and non-muslim tourists can also try halal cuisines. it can also affect locals to learn more about islam. lack of knowledge of halal products and food may also create problems. the restaurants put self-claimed logos or halal under illegal halal institutions. hence, socialization related to halal products and food also needs to be a concern. language japan is a country with a high nationalism, so only a few japanese can speak foreign languages, especially english. language in japan is a fundamental problem. instructions and information in english are limited. some tourists may make this a complaint and an obstacle. little english instructions make it difficult for muslim tourists to decide whether the food is halal. conclusion travel tourism has been part of people’s lives. accessible information and technology make human mobility faster. consciously, each religion has a role in tourism, seen from the pilgrimages. in islam, traveling has its benefits and purposes for muslims, as mentioned in surah ali imron/3: 96-97, al ankabut/29:20, and fusilat/41:53. the primary traveling needs are to ensure that each is fulfilled. travelers should consider carefully how the destinations can fulfill their needs. muslim tourists or travelers have the exact needs as other tourists, but more specifically, following islamic teachings such as having halal food and a prayer room. it would be better if the places also provide wudu space and understand about ramadan. non-muslim tourists can also take benefits from the services if they want to avoid casinos or pubs. muslim tourists, in general, will significantly appreciate the destinations when they can help meet their needs. it also can be a soft promotion and image branding for tourist destinations. through sns, muslim tourists will help spread and promote halal services and facilities provided to the world. references charles r. goeldner, j. b. (2009). tourism principles, practices, philosophies. new jersey: john wiley & sons, inc. 324 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 c ol l i ns kre i ne r, n . ( 2 0 1 0 ) . r e s e a r c h i n g pilgrimage c ontinuity and transformations. annals of tourism research, vol. 37, 440–456. comcec. (2016). muslim friendly tour ism: developing and marketing mft products and services in the oic member countries. ankara: comcec coordination office. crescentrating, m. a. (2017). global muslim travel index 2017. singapore: mastercard & crescentrating. dallen j. timothy, d. h. (2006). tourism, religion and spiritual journeys. new york: routledge. edbiz. (2012). the global halal indust r y : an o ve r v i e w. nasdaq omx global indexes. 13, 140-158. griffin, k., & raj, r. (2017). the imp or t ance of religious tourism and pilgrimage: reflecting on definitions, motives, and data. international journal of religious tourism and pilgrimage. 5, 2-9. jnto. 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(2018). halal certification and its impact on tourism in southeast asia: a case study halal tourism in thailand. kne social sciences, 26-43. palupi, m., romadhon, r. w., & arifian, n. (2017). importance of optimization of halal sandyka kurniawan, sidik jatmika japan’s challenges on muslim friendly tourism to attract muslim tourists ... 325 tourism: a study of the development of halal tourism in indonesia. conference paper, 1-10. peace, i. f. (2019). global peace index 2019: measuring peace in a complex world. sydney: institue for economics & peace. razzaq, s., hall, c. m., & prayag, g. (2016). the capacity of new zealand to accommodate the halal tourism market – or not. tourism management perspectives. 18, 89-107. sesric. (2017). strategic roadmap for development of islamic tourism in oic member countries. an k ar a : t he st at ist i c a l, economic and social research and training centre for islamic countries (sesric). soekadijo, r. (2000). anatomi p a r i w i s a t a m e m a h a m i pariwisata sebagai system linkage. jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama. surwandono, nursita, r. d., diana, r., & meiliyana, a. (2020). polemik kebijakan wisata halal di indonesia serta tinjauannya dalam maqashid syariah. tsaqafah jurnal peradaban islam. 16, 91-108. thomson reuters, d. s. (2016). state of the global islam economy r e p or t 2 0 1 6 / 1 7 . d u b ai : thomson reuters. journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 women’s labor force success in hong kong widodo universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia dodo_sukses@yahoo.co.di abstract international migration occurs because population growth does not match the job opportunities and availability. this issue has increased labor migration abroad. international migration as a workforce is dominated by female migrant workers or tenaga kerja wanita (tkw). women in their development want to actualize themselves by having transitional roles as workers who actively earn money for their families. during this time, news and research are still around the protection and problems tki / tkw has experienced. only a few studies have focused on the tki / tkw’s success during their work. this research is qualitative using the textual study method by analyzing secondary data from various related literature and former tkw interviews. empirical data showed that the factors leading to hong kong’s success were caused by the hong kong and indonesian governments’ policies. they protected the workers’ rights and support to self-actualize, and female workers began to join the organization. thus, women had more insight, freedom, and confidence to work in hong kong. keywords: women’s labor force, success, policy, organization abstrak migrasi internasional terjadi karena pertumbuhan penduduk tidak sesuai dengan kesempatan kerja dan ketersediaan. masalah ini telah meningkatkan migrasi tenaga kerja ke luar negeri. migrasi internasional sebagai tenaga kerja didominasi oleh pekerja migran perempuan. perempuan dalam perkembangannya ingin mengaktualisasikan dirinya dengan memiliki peran transisional sebagai pekerja yang aktif mencari nafkah untuk keluarganya. selama ini pemberitaan dan penelitian masih widodo women’s labor force success in hong kong 197 introduction migration is a process that affects every individual with specific economic, educational, social, and demographic characteristics. population mobility occurs due to spontaneous migration, usually based on economic reasons. a classic theory that is quite familiar with population movements is everett s. lee’s push and pull theory (1981). it explains the pushing and pulling factors that cause a person to immigrate. the limited job opportunities in a country followed by an overgrowing workforce and demand for labor force in developed countries and labor force availability in developing countries make labor force migration abroad increase the international migration activities. the indonesian ministry of foreign affairs recorded that more than 3,091,284 indonesian citizens are currently abroad, and 58.9 percent work as domestic workers. the number of migrants can be estimated to be two to three times higher because most indonesian citizens do not report to the immigration s e r v i c e ( h i d a y a t u n n i s m a h , 2013). some countries, including indonesia, have immigrated workers as the leading choice for survival, especially for people in rural areas. overseas migration is another alternative when climate change disrupts agricultural production or an economic crisis occurs. families in the village can survive by relying on remittances from families working abroad. during this time, indonesian migrant workers or tenaga kerja seputar perlindungan dan permasalahan yang dialami tki/tkw. hanya sedikit penelitian yang berfokus pada keberhasilan tki/tkw selama bekerja. penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif dengan menggunakan metode studi tekstual dengan menganalisis data sekunder dari berbagai literatur terkait dan wawancara mantan tkw. data empiris menunjukkan bahwa faktor keberhasilan hong kong disebabkan oleh kebijakan pemerintah hong kong dan indonesia. mereka melindungi hak-hak pekerja dan dukungan untuk mengaktualisasikan diri, dan pekerja perempuan mulai bergabung dengan organisasi. dengan demikian, perempuan memiliki lebih banyak wawasan, kebebasan, dan kepercayaan diri untuk bekerja di hong kong. kata kunci: angkatan kerja wanita, keberhasilan, kebijakan, organisasi 198 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 indonesia (tki), both men and women, are known as foreign exchange heroes. tki who work abroad is almost 75% working in the informal sector such as household management, baby and toddler caregivers, and elderly (nursing) nurses. tkis who work in the formal sector such as oil palm plantations, industry and trade services are only around 25%. tkis who work in the formal sector is relatively low due to their education level related to the domestic labor market structure. indonesian workers make a significant contribution to indonesia’s balance of payments (npi). according to 2007 data, national income from migrant workers’ remittances nationwide was estimated at 5.9 billion us dollars, equivalent to 27.6% of the total income and current transfers listed in the indonesian balance of payments. this remittance reached 8.24 billion us dollars, equivalent to 80.24 trillion rupiahs in 2008 (supriana et al., 2010). this value does not include remittances that are not recorded because they are sent through friends or taken alone. this remittance can then have a double impact on the economy. remittances are used to build houses and open businesses for families, and some are saved for venture capital after the overseas employment contract ends. ever y year, thousands of indonesi an cit izens b e come migrant workers. most of them are women, estimated at 72% of the total number of indonesian migrant workers (bmi). of all the women migrant workers (bmp), 92% work as domestic workers. on average, female workers come from various regions in indonesia, especially from villages. one reason for the increasing number of female workers comes from the patriarchal structure of development, which deprives women of their livelihoods, further strengthening women’s i mp ove r i s h m e nt ( s ol i d ar it a s perempuan, 2014). rural indonesian women, especially the lower middle class, are almost entirely involved in economic activities. they will leave their villages to improve their economy. in social construction, women belong to the household domain with tasks or activities related to managing the house, husband and children. men are in the domain outside of household activities, focusing on the productive economy by earning a living for the family. most women who work abroad come from the most impoverished areas in indonesia. unemployment, widodo women’s labor force success in hong kong 199 poverty and the limitations of formal education contribute to the increasing number of indonesian women who migrate, not to mention the opportunity to get relatively high wages compared to their villages. the dominant representation embedded in the community towards migrant female workers (tkw) is that they are helpless victims. the media often reviews cases regarding women migrant workers who experience abuse, rape and murder by their employers in the recipient country. so far, mass media and online report migrant workers for the government directly, while studies discuss more on the problems experienced by workers. indonesian labor migration has become a public issue on a national scale since the mid-1980s, seen from a large amount of press coverage and reviews regarding the sad conditions of indonesian migrant workers, especially female migrant workers (komnas perempuan, 2003). barely any studies focus on discussing the success of migrant workers and migrant workers during work. their success in actualizing themselves brings about a better chance because their existence has been underestimated, although they are economic cycle actors. therefore, with their success, they will undoubtedly make the country proud of them. some migrant women have begun to show that they are not helpless victims and can become empowered activists and agents. for example, eni lestari, a former migrant worker in hong kong, became an activist and was invited on various occasions to speak at the opening of the 2016 un summit on migrants and refugees. she showed that female workers could succeed in self-development. another example, a migrant worker who succeeded in hong kong was rina sari. she came from brebes and won the gold medal at the hong kong taekwondo competition master’s poomsae in 2017 (tribunjogja. com, 2017). by seeing this potential, migrant workers, especially women, are expected to be agents of change. they get money and add some value, as the local government will support migrant workers who organize themselves neatly. this condition is what distinguishes hong kong from other countries. the consul general of the republic of indonesia is obliged to maximize this golden opportunity, then the indonesian consul general or self-help tki/ tkw in hong kong conducts programs for self-development through various training, arts, 200 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 cultural, religious and sports organizations, salary management, and providing education on rights and obligations and how to report and deal with problems. this program aims to prepare the future of tki / tkw to prepare for the future. they are equipped to start a business and live independently (konjen ri hong kong, 2007). by becoming a female workforce, they participate in the economic sector of the family. however, their choice of working abroad is also accompanied by problems of subordination and oppression. therefore, it requires extra protection from the government. knowledge and awareness of rights and obligations as workers and activeness is a self-development into an agent of change. based on the facts mentioned earlier, the author is interested in studying the factors that make the female workforce successful in hong kong. research methods the research approach used was a descriptive qualitative approach. the textual study method analyzed secondar y data from various related literature and interviewed some former tkws using the library research method. this data collection method was a secondary data collection technique where the data was taken, analyzed, and quoted from various sources. this study used secondary data through scientific books or research results, documents, journals, articles, newspapers and other documents relevant to this research. then, this study was completed by semistructured interviews of the primary respondents. discussion 1. driving force for female migrant workers female workers take over family economic responsibilities. most of them work in the informal sector, such as plantation workers, housemaids, farm laborers, factory workers, scavengers, and migrant workers. the increasing number of indonesian female migrant workers raises a new phenomenon called the feminization of migration. by looking at the type of work that the average woman is engaged in, feminizing poverty is a systematic process of impoverishing women, where women have to bear more weight because of poverty (tr wulan, 2010). migration for women is a phenomenon driven by the compulsion of the conditions experienced. economic backwardness, low education levels, and the absence of jobs are several reasons women migrate. the multiple widodo women’s labor force success in hong kong 201 burdens that women must carry to ensure their families’ survival have encouraged them to work abroad as domestic workers. it further reinforces the argument that the driving force for women’s migration comes from external factors. women who become female migrant workers experience an increase in each labor dispatch period. based on data from the percentage of female workers in 1996, 55.8% of 517,169 indonesian migrant workers were recorded, until in 2000, the number of female workers was 68.3% of 435,222 indonesian migrant workers. although it declined in 2005, in 2007, the number of tki increased again with 78% of the total tkis 696,746. similarly, in the following years, the percentage of female labor was higher than male labor (badan pusat statistik (bps), 2016). from this phenomenon, indonesian labor is increasingly feminized. the feminization of migration shows that the pattern of international migration has been gendered. according to iom, almost 79% of indonesian migrant workers were women, while bnp2tki said lower, with a ratio of 56% for female workers and the remaining 44% to 46% were male workers. the difference between the two sources was that data from bnp2tki are generally based on official records, while undocumented indonesian workers were not well recorded (ali maksum dan surwandono, 2017). however, apart from the differences in the two data sources, women who work abroad remain higher than men based on gender-based workers’ data distribution presented by bnp2tki below (ali maksum dan surwandono, 2017). figure 1: the distribution of indonesian migrant workers based on gender source: (bnp2tki, 2015) 202 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 from the graph above, the percentage of female workers or migrant workers abroad is higher because opportunities for open employment for women are more significant than men, especially the type of work in the informal sector in households such as domestic workers, babysitters, and caregiver (raharto, a. et al., 2013). women are somehow forced to migrate by those around them due to family economic difficulties, low education levels, and lack of employment. wijiati is an ex tkw who worked in hong kong for seven years, from 2011-2018. in wijiati case, her decision to leave as a migrant worker was because she had to provide a decent living for her family. her decision to work abroad is a sacrifice for the people in her life. 2. becoming women workers in hong kong hong kong is one destination where indonesia sends its migrant workers. based on data from bnp2tki in 2017, hong kong is the third choice country as a place to work, with a presentation of 2,869 people. working in hong kong compared to other countries is relatively safer. labor issues in hong kong are significant only related to violations of work agreements, and underpayment, unlike other placement countries with various more severe problems. working in hong kong allows its workers to earn much higher wages and extraordinary freedom in various ways. hong kong also upholds human rights and firmness in law enforcement based on direct reports from victims. the type of work offered does not require particular expertise, but with a relatively large salary of around 8 million rupiah per month, such as housemaid or asisten rumah tangga (art), babysitter, elderly caregiver, and gardener. hong kong is a region in china that has inherited many european cultures where every home needs domestic helpers, while most chinese people are rarely interested in working in that sector. this condition opens the opportunity for migrant workers to work there. the regulations and policies of the hong kong government support the protection of foreign workers in the region. together with indonesia, hong kong held a labor attaché (atnaker) where its authority protects indonesian migrant workers (syaifud adidharta, 2011). “the salaries are high. we have time off every week, and the widodo women’s labor force success in hong kong 203 employer’s house is small, so that house chore is easy. i always wanted to travel abroad. for seven years, i had explored hong kong and its surroundings (wijiati, 2019). “ wijiati, a former tkw, had unique reasons for choosing hong kong as a place to work. low wages in hong kong are still higher than wages in indonesia, which becomes a critical draw factor in the migration process. moreover, the average female worker comes from the village so that the wages will be noticeable. however, wages are not the only crucial factor. wijiati also added that she always wanted to travel to developed countries which was another determining factor for choosing hong kong. besides, hong kong has explicit rules regarding work time-offs, which employers must obey, unlike other countries that can exploit workers’ work time. those are what distinguishes hong kong from the other destination countries for migrant workers. 3. success factors of migrant workers in hong kong a. indonesia and hong kong government policies • indonesian government policy legal protection for migrant workers in hong kong is currently quite good, and there is still synchronization between indonesia and the hong kong governments. the protection of indonesian migrant workers in hong kong is based on good relations between indonesia and hong kong. as a commitment to protecting migrant workers, the indonesian government has agreed on a memorandum of understanding (mou) with the hong kong government. the memorandum of understanding was signed by the indonesian minister of foreign affairs, retno marsudi and hong kong secretary for manpower and welfare, stephen sui and witnessed by president jokowi and hong kong chief executive leung chun ying on may 1, 2017. the memorandum contains the two governments’ continued commitment to cooperate, improve communication and information sharing, and promote awareness of migrant workers’ rights to prote c t indonesi an mig rant workers in hong kong (larasati, 2018). in terms of institutions, the indonesian government authorizes the indonesian representative office in hong kong, called the consulate general of the republic of indonesia in hong kong, to protect indonesian citizens in hong kong, including indonesian migrant workers. 204 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 the indonesian consulate provides education to indonesian migrant workers to improve the knowledge and skills of indonesian migrant workers in hong kong. the aim is to smooth the daily tasks as a foreign domestic helper (fdh) and the future provision of migrant workers after finishing their work in hong kong. these skills enhancement activities foster labor functions divided into 3 (three) activities, welcoming program, stay and debriefing activities, and exit programs (kjri, 2015). the training skill above is also prevention carried out by the consulate general for fulfilling indonesian migrant workers’ rights. wijiati, while working in hong kong, often participated in training and workshops held directly by the indonesian government, represented by the indonesian consulate and from organizations or communities. usually, the indonesian government brings experts from indonesia and the consulate general. “we often joined training in self-development bases, like a workshop organized by the government with pak ippho santosa and dwi gunawan as the speakers (wijiati, 2019).” through a consulate general program in hong kong, which began in 2007, slowly, the workforce began to understand and realize what their rights and obligations were while working in hong kong. indonesian workers in hong kong, especially women, began to participate in the organization, self-supporting organizations or institutions such as the international migrant alliance (ima) and the association of indonesian migrant workers in hong kong (atki-hk), and other communities. then, tkw began to know their rights as workers, salary mechanism, and how to report when exposed to problems. with the government’s various efforts, it opens opportunities for migrant workers to develop their abilities outside of their primary work, such as by training to sharpen their talents. the training gave birth to competitive migrant workers by participating in various indonesian and hong kong governments. another successful migrant worker, rina sari, won a gold medal at the hong kong taekwondo competition master’s poomsae in 2017, and many more stories about other migrant workers. outside activities are also highly supported, as long as not violating work visa rules. holidays are utilized for any activity following their respective talents and interests. widodo women’s labor force success in hong kong 205 • hong kong government policy the hong kong government has good policies related to protecting migrant workers in their country that comprehensive labor policies and systems protect foreign workers. the hong kong ministry of manpower focuses on the affairs of foreign workers. migrant workers in hong kong have rights, obligations, and standard contracts arranged in such a way by the government. these provisions are in employment ordinance chapter 57 to manage foreign households or foreign domestic helpers. the regulations made tend to pay more attention to women workers who work in the domestic sector because they are a more problem-prone group. the items in chapter 57 employment ordinance include: picture 1: employment ordinance chapter 57(larasati, 2018) various issues are regulated from the picture above, such as minimum salary, job description, residence conditions, work accident insurance, one day’s week off, 7-day annual leave, meals and transportation, and health insurance. the hong kong government also provides access and some free services to workers, including consultation and conciliation. since 2018, the hong kong government has increased the salaries of indonesian migrant workers because tki / tkw is considered helpful given that hong kong’s demographics are the elderly and good relations between the two governments. the salary rate has increased since september 2018 from 4,410 to 4,520 hong kong dollars, and it exacerbates sanctions for agencies that violate the rules in 206 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 the amendments to the employee ordinance. the government also provides good services by facilitating workers with training first (larasati, 2018). the ministry of manpower hong kong provides a service hotline that is available for 24 hours. the hong kong immigration department provides a guidebook for the employment of domestic helpers from abroad for informal foreign workers and standard contract guidelines for workers or prospective employers. the hong kong government also applies a minimum wage for foreign migrant workers in the informal sector called minim allowable wage (maw) because it is categorized as unskilled labor. employment contracts for migrant workers are regulated by the immigration department of the hong kong government. the department only provides one standard employment contract for foreign domestic workers (the hong kong government calls it the foreign domestic helpers / fdh). prospective employers must fill in the work contract form with code id407, and prospective workers must send a file for filing requirements for foreign domestic workers at the immigration department (departemen tenaga kerja hong kong, 2012). picture 2: hong kong policies government looking at the comprehensive h o n g k o n g g o v e r n m e n t employment policies and systems in protecting foreign workers, their social rights can be guaranteed, unlike other countries which have not entirely regulated the problem of migrant workers. with guaranteed rights, workers will interact socially. holidays are used by participating in various indonesian government activities and from organizations or associations in hong kong. the guarantees they get will undoubtedly make it easier to develop their potential with activities that can hone their skills in various fields, including art, sports, religion, and activism. b. organizational awareness the organization of migrant workers has an essential role in protecting its members. in line with the 1987 international labor widodo women’s labor force success in hong kong 207 organization (ilo) convention, migrant workers have the right to form unions and worker associations of their choice. they are also allowed to join and be represented by trade unions in the recipient countries. an association or organization is needed to voice and advocate for problems or as a place for the selfdevelopment of migrant workers. indonesia certainly has trade unions or trade unions both within the country and abroad, especially the country of workers’ destination. the organization of indonesian migrant workers (bmis) in hong kong is developed compared to bmi organizations in other countries. then, the rights of trade unions/ labor unions are as follows: first, a) make a collective labor agreement with the entrepreneur; b) represent workers/laborers in labor agencies; c) establish institutions or carry out activities related to efforts to improve the welfare of workers/ laborers; d) represent work/laborers in resolving industrial disputes; e) conduct other activities in the field of labor that do not conflict with applicable laws and regulations. secondly, it is the duty of trade unions/labor unions: a) protect and defend members from violating their rights and fighting for their interests; b) fight for improving the welfare of members and their families; c) be accountable for the organization’s activities to its members following the articles of association and bylaws (zulkarnain, 2016). hong kong has many emerging organizations because it upholds equalities that do not discriminate b etween humans and t heir backgrounds. similarly, the freedom of organization in hong kong is guaranteed by the government so that indonesian migrant workers in hong kong have the freedom to organize according to their wishes. in hong kong, there are many organizations and associations established by bmi, including the indonesian migrant worker union (imwu), the indonesian workers’ association (atki), the hong kong indonesian workers coalition (kothiko), and many other bmi communities. many organizations are still engaged in various fields, such as indonesian migrant workers organizations whose focus is only on cultural and artistic activities, religion (da’wah), writing (lingkar pena), sports, investment or business for strengthening the organization’s relationship in the association of the coalition of indonesian labor organizations in hong kong (kotkiho) (narsidah & fika murdiana r, 2012). 208 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 picture 3: representative organization the picture above represents organizations engaged in various fields, from the law, cultural arts to religion. in 1999, the indonesian migrant workers union (imwu) registered with the hong kong government. imwu became the only bmi union in hong kong at that time. imwu members are indonesian migrant workers who work as domestic workers from indonesia in hong kong. 7 bmi organizations founded kothiko in august 2000 based on togetherness, solidarity and shared feelings. the seven organizations are imwu, the mu’minat caring for people’s communication forum (fkmpu), yogya international club (yic), sanggar budaya, amanah, and majelis taklim and the da’wah victoria association (pdv). in 2008, al mubarokah and mar’atush sholihah joined kotkiho, so that currently, kotkiho members are nine organizations(associated press in hong kong, 2015). the coalition aims to provide a unifying forum for existing bmi organizations and conduct social work by establishing training centers for indonesian mig rant workers, prov iding advocacy services for troubled bmis, and establishing shelter houses for problematic bmis. in addition to carrying out that social work, kothiko’s essential task is to build cooperation and communication with migrant worker organizations from other countries. so far, well-working unions are in hong kong, known as the indonesian migrant workers association in hong kong (abmihk) or atki (indonesian workers’ association). the destination country for migrant workers who have a trade union must first have a memorandum of understanding (mou) regarding these two matters. therefore, not all countries that use indonesian migrant workers have trade unions. for southeast asia itself, only the philippines is a sending country with trade unions throughout its partner countries, cooperation or the country of employment. the destination country for indonesian migrant workers who have a trade union must first have a memorandum of understanding (mou) regarding widodo women’s labor force success in hong kong 209 these two matters (sitti nurtina, 2018). according to wijiati, several organizations are directly managed by the government, namely the consulate general and independent organizations managed in groups from the personal funds of each migrant worker. through the organization, they learn many skills and can show their potential. the associations are a makeup studio, dance studio, or several study groups in mosques. particular organizations accommodate computer courses, sewing courses, english language courses, arts, and sports. usually, every holiday saturday or sunday has held a meeting and training. wijiati participated in several associations, one of which was gemar membaca. “yes, i joined the gemar reading association, the activity coordinated the mobile library. we brought books that were put in wooden suitcases, we opened them in the parks, and we rented them (wijiati, 2019).” other migrant workers who want to read are given one week to borrow books. the association provides various books but in limited numbers because they only carry the books only with wooden suitcases. they move from the park to another park because many migrant workers gather there. funds for providing books come from personal funds and from supporting proposals for funding to the government. the government contributes books and funds to facilitate the joy of reading. this association aims to educate migrants to read fluently or increase knowledge because migrants usually have a low educational background. since joining the atki (the association of indonesian migrant workers in indonesia) organization in hong kong, wijiati has only begun to understand what rights should be obtained as migrant workers. in hong kong, it has a role in advocating for the rights and protection of migrant workers, providing information on indonesian migrant workers, and participating in providing socialization regarding the legal placement in hong kong. therefore, when she returned to indonesia, wijiati was directly involved in the organization by helping migrant workers demand their rights and prevent injustices against indonesian migrant workers. wijiati sees that injustice can be resisted and dealt with together by building an organization for migrant workers in indonesia. the absence of a law that can protect the rights of migrant workers makes wijiati motivated to 210 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 build organizations that can provide knowledge about the process of migration and empowerment of former migrant domestic workers and their families. “when i returned to indonesia, i tried to help the atki organization and make it a forum for the empowerment of migrants, especially migrant domestic workers and their families (wijiati, 2019).” the following is an example of how activists help resolve migrant workers who experience problems through organizational assistance. in 2013, atki received a report of torture cases that happened to erwiana, who suffered torture and exploitation by her employer for eight months. since the report, indah, an activist from atki, was determined to help erwiana get justice. picture 4: the flow of settlement of migrant problematic erwiana’s family reported her case. complaints of problems were conveyed directly to the atki organization. as a beautiful activist, he also advocated for this case by assisting erwiana since treatment in sragen, central java. with the yogyakarta legal aid institute (lbh) and the atki network, the erwiana case was success sexy tried in hong kong. when erwiana’s case entered a hong kong trial, her former employer named law wantung was arrested. during the six weeks of the trial process, erwiana’s employer was found guilty and sentenced to prison for six years. erwiana’s employer was proven to have committed 18 of the 20 charges given against her. indah felt that she could obtain justice by advocating for the rights of migrant workers and becoming a person who had empowerment for her destiny by carrying out these activism activities (wahyudi, 2020). based on anik maslikah’s experience, she said that hong kong’s law is quite fair. “hong kong has a fair law and does not take sides on native hong kong citizens. if someone reports with direct evidence, the laws will drag the perpetrators to prison (muslimah, 2020). “ from the experiences of migrant workers above, being widodo women’s labor force success in hong kong 211 activists makes them more aware of their fundamental rights as workers and helps other workers when experiencing the same problems and fight the injustices. they also strive to help female migrant workers and former migrants use their organizations to advocate for rights violations and empower themselves when returning home. figure 5: tkw social change and success process the figure above explains the social change of migrant workers to become successful based on the two factors. the first flow shows that being successful begins with being a victim of exploitation, discrimination, overcharging, and so forth. then, they decide to gain more knowledge about the case and how to handle it, be aware of the law, and know their rights as women workers because their ignorance will make them vulnerable to discrimination. the organization works as a bridge for them to be more reflective and efficient. furthermore, those who want to become reliable organizers must learn more to understand various cases and speak publicly. finally, to be an activist or advocate, when coworkers get discrimination problems, they have to find out the root, provide solutions and help, and provide advocacy as erwiana experienced, departing from her 212 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 case and becoming an influential person. the second flow shows that being successful begins with tkw, who have talents in art, food, beauty, literature, and sports. female workers who already have expertise in a field will have a greater chance of developing themselves. they will join an organization or association specifically to teach like a cultural studio. furthermore, tkw, with the potential of sufficient talent to occupy them, will be provided with a training center/place for selfdevelopment to train their talents to participate in a competition or live show. the training venue is usually in a better place with more professional trainers. for example, tkw will train at oriental martial arts in hong kong and do taekwondo at the nunchaku association for kungfu. then, they will join competitions once ready, like anik maslikah, who participated in several wushu competitions, and rina sari in the taekwondo competition. anik maslikah has inspired others to follow in her footsteps (maslikah, 2020). the more organizations and associations of migrant workers, the more success chance of migrant workers. organizations in value can provide knowledge or as a place to develop the potential of a migrant. organizational awareness gives birth to new, more insightful individuals with different and competitive mindsets than those who have not joined the organization. they took part in changing their role as agents of change and agents of development. they can have this ability because there is a role for institutions in organizations or movements in advocating for migrant workers’ rights (especially the rights of women migrant fdh). becoming activists in their organizations can realize the strength of women’s agencies through their efforts to fight for their rights, either by reporting their cases or by demonstrating to claim their rights and their struggle to negotiate their positions. negotiating their position is an attempt by female migrant workers to no longer have subordinate or marginal positions. by negotiating positions through activism, several women have managed to revive themselves and become more empowered. conclusion the indonesian government has begun to give greater attention to indonesia’s foreign exchange heroes actively. the indonesian consulate general in hong kong as a representative of the indonesian widodo women’s labor force success in hong kong 213 government in hong kong has provided training to indonesian migrant workers to support good indonesian migrant workers’ performance. the indonesian government also cooperates with a network of indonesian migrant workers in hong kong to guard against the problems of indonesian migrant workers. the indonesian government and the hong kong government’s various policies and efforts make it easier for workers to get the access they want, including in developing potential. it is also supported by the awareness of organizing to change the mindset of migrant workers, especially women who are initially limited to domestic work. organizations add their insights regarding their fundamental rights at work, like maternity leave. with the training held by the indonesian consulate and social security from the hong kong government, the success of migrant workers can be determined because they are freed to actualize themselves to become competitive individuals. references associated press in hong kong 2015, “employer in hong kong maid abuse case is sentenced to six years’ jail,” the guardian. retrieved on february 3, 2019, https://www. theguardian.com/ world/2015/feb/27/hong-kongcourt-sentences-woman-to-6years-inprisonfor-abusingindonesian-maid-0 badan nasional penempatan dan perlindungan tenaga kerja indonesia (bnp2tki). 2010. dapat diunduh dari: ht t p : / / w w w. b np 2 t k i . g o. i d / s t a t i s t i k m 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(2013). indonesian labour migration: social cost and families left behind. dalam valuing the social cost of migration: an exploratory study (hal.19-71). bangkok: un women. sitti nurtina. 2018. “analisis kesepakatan regulasi perlindungan pekerja migran tahun 2017 di asean.” universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. ———.2019. “fema le l ab or migration and its contribution to the family economy.” jisiera 4: 41–61. solidaritas perempuan. 2014. “situ a s i keke r a s an d an pelanggaran hak buruh migran perempuan dan keluarganya di negara asean.” : 41. http://www. solidaritasperempuan.org/sub/ wp-content/uploads/2013/04/ widodo women’s labor force success in hong kong 215 s i t u a s i k e k e r a s a n d a n p e l a n g g a r a n h a k b u r u h m i g r a n p e r e m p u a n d a n keluarganya.pdf. supriana, tavi et al. 2010. “the role of ex-migrant worker enter prise toward local economic development and factors that influence income of ex-migrant enterprise in sumatera utara province.” 14(1): 42–50. s y a i f u d ad i d h a r t a . 2 0 1 1 . “keb eb as an hong kong surganya para tki_tkw halaman all kompasiana.” kompasiana.com. wawancara responden tkw ibu anik maslika tenaga kerja wanita purna hong kong. 15 februari 2020. wawancara responden tkw ibu wijiati tenaga kerja wanita purna hong kong. januari 2019 wawancara staff infest ridwan wahyudi. 20 februari 2020. wulan. tr. 2010. pengetahuan dan kekuasaan: penguatan remitan sosial sebagai strategi pemberdayaan buruh migran perempuan indonesia. disertasi. bogor: institut pertanian bogor. covid-19 and vote buying in sumenep direct regional head elections mohammad hidayaturrahman fakultas ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik universitas wiraraja, madura email: hidayaturrahman@wiraraja.ac.id sudarman universitas islam negeri imam bonjol, padang email: sudarmanma@uinib.ac.id ahmad hasan ubaid universitas brawijaya, malang email: hasanubaid82@ub.ac.id elazhari universitas pembinaan masyarakat indonesia, medan email: elazhari12345@gmail.com aryo wibisono universitas wiraraja, madura email: aryo.feb@wiraraja.ac.id faqih alfian universitas brawijaya, malang email: alfaqih99@ub.ac.id abstract the current covid-19 pandemic has killed tens millions of people. one way to avoid covid-19 is to keep a distance from each other. at the same time, indonesia held direct regional head elections in 270 regions, which required voters to come and gather at the polling station (tps). this research was conducted to analyze the relationship between covid-19 and vote-buying with voters participation in direct regional head elections in indonesia, which was held on december 9, 2020. for the research approach, mixed methods both quantitative and qualitative descriptive were used. the quantitative method was carried out by distributing questionnaires directly to 139 polling stations in sumenep regency, east java, during the regional head election. while the qualitative approach is carried out by observing the conditios directly at the polling station (tps). in addition, in-depth interviews with the election committee and voters were also conducted. the results of the study found that voter participation was very high even though the regional head election was held during the covid19 pandemic. this increased participation was apparently correlated with the widespread practice of vote-buying carried out by the winning team for the two pairs of regional head candidates. key words: covid-19; vote buying; regional head elections; money politics; voters. abstrak pandemi covid-19 saat ini telah menewaskan puluhan juta orang. salah satu cara untuk menghindari covid-19 adalah dengan menjaga jarak satu sama lain. pada saat yang sama, indonesia menggelar pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung di 270 daerah, yang mengharuskan pemilih datang dan berkumpul di tempat pemungutan suara (tps). penelitian 137 mohammad hidayaturrahman, sudarman, etc covid-19 and vote buying... ini dilakukan untuk menganalisis hubungan antara covid-19 dan pembelian suara dengan partisipasi pemilih dalam pemilihan kepala daerah langsung di indonesia yang dilaksanakan pada tanggal 9 desember 2020. untuk pendekatan penelitian digunakan metode campuran baik deskriptif kuantitatif maupun kualitatif. . metode kuantitatif dilakukan dengan menyebarkan kuesioner secara langsung ke 139 tps di kabupaten sumenep, jawa timur, pada saat pemilihan kepala daerah. sedangkan pendekatan kualitatif dilakukan dengan mengamati kondisi secara langsung di tempat pemungutan suara (tps). selain itu, wawancara mendalam dengan panitia pemilihan dan pemilih juga dilakukan. hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa partisipasi pemilih sangat tinggi meskipun pemilihan kepala daerah dilaksanakan pada masa pandemi covid-19. peningkatan partisipasi ini rupanya berkorelasi dengan maraknya praktik jual beli suara yang dilakukan tim pemenangan dua pasangan calon kepala daerah. kata kunci: covid-19; pembelian suara; pemilihan kepala daerah; politik uang; pemilih. journal of islamic world and politics vol.6. no.1 june 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 introduction covid-19 has become a pandemic that has been hitting almost all countries in worldwide (dube et al., 2021). the number of victims of covid-19 continues to increase from time to time (szekely et al., 2021). many countries are considered successful in handling the covid-19 pandemic when measured by the small number of infected citizens and the minimal number of deaths (altakarli, 2020). but not a few countries have failed, as seen the high number of citizens infected with covid-19 and the number of victims who died (olufadewa et al., 2021). all countries that are being hit by covid-19 are continuing to work hard to deal with this pandemic (duek & fliss, 2020). all countries that are being exposed to covid19 allocate the resources they have, both in the form of budgets and human resources, to get out of the crisis caused by the covid19 pandemic (mana et al., 2021). some democracies face a double problem. on the one hand, they have to do prevention and treatment by keeping a distance and avoiding crowds (khan et al., 2021). but on the other hand, they have to hold elections which of course have to invite citizens to come and vote at the polls, as happened in the united states (norris & gonzalez, 2020). this condition is, of course, a potential for spreading of covid19 (landman & splendore, 2020). in addition, candidates who participate in general election contestations also carry out campaign activities that gather large numbers of people. they must come to the same place to follow the campaign carried out by the candidate. likewise, the election organizing committee is involved in meetings involving large numbers of people (rusydi & sulchan, 2020). with this activity, the struggle to overcome covid-19 is getting tougher, and challenges are also getting more diverse. 138 138 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june indonesia is one of the democracies that has held a democratic party in the form of regional head elections during the covid19 pandemic (mutiarasari & herawati, 2020). at least 270 regions in indonesia have held regional head elections, nine provincial levels, 224 district levels, and 37 cities in 2020 (rosanti, 2020). the high number of covid-19 spreads in indonesia has indeed postponed the implementation of the regional head election which should have been held in june 2020, until it was postponed to december 2020 (haridison et al., 2020). the implementation of the regional head election in december 2020 has also been criticized by many groups, because it is feared that it will become an arena for the spreading covid-19. however, the government continues to implement it despite the high risk of the potential spread of covid-19 (ramadani & rezah, 2021). before the election, the terukur survey institute surveyed sumenep regency, east java on december 1-7 2020. as a result, as many as 92.1% of prospective voters will participate in exercising their right to vote directly in the regional head election which will be held on september 9, 2020. december 2020. only 0.6% of voters said they would not participate or would not vote. meanwhile, 4.9% of them are still unsure whether to exercise their right to vote or not. the rest, 2.4% of potential voters, did not give an answer (terukur, 2020). tabel 1. voter participation survey in 2020 direct election vote not voting doubtful no answer 92,1% 0,6% 4,9% 2,4% (source: terukur survey institute, december 2020). the survey also obtained data on the high number of vote-buying in the regional head elections in sumenep regency, east java in december 2020. 81% of residents claimed to be ready to accept money politics and 19.0% refused. it can be seen in the following table. tabel 2. voter acceptance of vote buying in the 2020 regional head election accept money politics receiving and selecting regional head candidates accepting but choosing according to conscience reject money politics 81% 58,5% 22,5% 19,0% (source: terukur survey institute, december 2020). this condition is also not much different from other regions in indonesia. voters in various regions who have conducted regional head elections are permissive to money politics. there are many violations related to money politics in the regional head elections in december 2020. such as in gunung kidul regency, special region of yogyakarta. money politics in regional head elections here reaches 76% (pramana et al., 2021). in sleman regency, special region of 139 mohammad hidayaturrahman, sudarman, etc covid-19 and vote buying... yogyakarta, novice voters consider money politics normal (harjanto, 2021). this study was conducted to reveal the relationship between covid-19 and votebuying in the regional head election in sumenep regency, east java, indonesia which was held in december 2020. how does vote-buying affect the attendance of voters at the polling station (tps) in the head election area? this study seeks to reveal how money politics affects voter behavior, in this case to come to polling stations (tps), even though they face the threat of being exposed to the covid-19 disease. money politics has a major influence in shaping voter behavior in regional head elections. prospective voters who have received money know the candidate or winning team who has given money. research method the research method used is a mixed method both quantitative descriptive and qualitative descriptive which was carried out by distributing questionnaires directly to voters at polling stations (tps) during the regional head elections on december 9, 2020. the results of the questionnaire were then tabulated and analyzed. this study's population is the citizens registered in the general election, assuming that at one polling station (tps), the average number of registered participants is around 300. of the 340 villages in sumenep regency, east java, 139 villages were sampled. this means that about 1,700 people represent the survey population conducted at the regional head election in sumenep regency. this amount is equivalent to 5% of the final voter list (dpt) in sumenep regency which reached 822,320 people. for quantitative data collection, the sample used for this study refers to isaac and michael's table with a population of 41,700 people with an error rate of about 10%, which is 126 people. sampling was carried out using quota sampling technique, because sampling had a quota. in each village took only 1-2 voters because time was limited. sampling must also be conducted as soon as possible, because the regional heads' election lasts only half a day, starting at 07.00 am to 13.00 pm. as for the qualitative data collection, it was carried out by observing directly the implementation of regional head elections at polling stations (tps) spread across various regions in sumenep regency east java. observation activities have then been documented in the form of photographs. some photos of documentation from observation activities are included in this research article, and others are attached to research documents. data collection was also carried out by conducting in-depth interviews with informants consisting of voters and the implementing committee for regional head elections at the polling level (tps). some of the results of the in-depth interviews are presented in this research article in the form of direct statements quoted by the researcher, and others are attached to the research document. result and discussion the regional head election which was held on december 9, 2020, has been held in 270 regions consisting of 9 provinces, 224 regencies, and 37 cities (wahyuningsih, 2021). it is a challenge for the indonesian government, considering that around 106 million voters are involved in it. this number can potentially to spread covid-19 in indonesia (marisa et al., 2020). one of the regions that held regional head elections in indonesia in december 140 140 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june 69% 31% voter attendance data for the election hadir tidak hadir 2020 was sumenep regency, madura, east java. there are two pairs of candidates have competed in the regional head election in sumenep regency. first, the candidate pair for regent achmad fauzi and candidate for deputy regent dewi khalifa. second, the candidate pair for regent fattah jasin and candidate for deputy regent moh. ali fikri. in this regional head election in sumenep regency, east java, the voters turnout was fairly high. this can be seen from the following graph. graphic 1. voter attendance data in the regional head election (source: hidayaturrahman et al, 2020). from the graph above, it can be inferred that the number of voters who came to tps in the regional head election was more than those who did not. about 69% of the voters who came and those who didn't came around 31%. the attendance rate of 69% is quite a high number, considering that in many regions previously regional head elections were also held, the participation rate was below 69%. this happened in kuningan, west java, in the regional head elections held in 2018, where the participation rate was only around 67% (nasuha & cholik, 2019). there are also regions where the voter turnout rate is only around 50%, such as in the regional head election in brebes regency, central java, which was held in 2017, where voter turnout was only around 55% (suparto & edy, 2018). the high voter participation in the regional head election in sumenep regency, east java in december 2020 was apparently caused by money politics carried out by the two pairs of candidates for regent and their supporting team. this is evidenced by the finding that there are 93% of voters who claim to know about money politics and the remaining only about 7% who do not know about money politics. this can be seen in the following graph. 141 mohammad hidayaturrahman, sudarman, etc covid-19 and vote buying... 93% 7% money politics data tahu tidak tahu graphic 2. voters who claimed to know and do not know about vote buying in regional head elections (source: hidayaturrahman et al, 2020). through in-depth interviews, one of the informants stated that they accepted vote buying because it has become a culture for local people to get money politics during the election campaign. “money politics can be said to have become a habit that cannot be separated from the political system. even in the neighborhood where i live, people are used to having money when there is an election.” (interview with ra, voter at polling station/tps 02 aeng merah village, batuputih district, sumenep regency at tps on december 9, 2020). am also conveyed the same thing. according to him, he accepted the money politics given by the supporting team from one of the candidates for regent. “i personally choose to remain silent and will not report about the existence of money politics, because even though i boast that there is money politics, my voice will not be heard. i do not have a position equal to or higher than the candidate for regional head. i also will not forbid my family and people i know from accepting the money politics, even if it is only 50 thousand rupiahs.” (am interview, voter at polling station / tps 10, kolor village, sumenep city district at tps on december 9, 2020). the same thing was also acknowledged by rl, one of the voters who accepted money politics. he admitted that he was offered money amounting to rp. 25,000. “i want to report myself, but i think again that the current economic condition is unstable. our expenses do not match the income we get. then i will remain silent. i also don’t have the authority to forbid my family from accepting it, because i myself also accept the gift of money politics.” (rl interview, voter at polling station/ tps 19, east kalianget village, kalianget district, sumenep regency at tps on 9 december 2020). even so, there are still voter who argue that the culture of vote buying is contrary to the principles of honest and fair elections. he/she believes that if the wrong candidate is chosen, and if a leader is chosen only because of his money, society will not know the impact for the next five years. this was conveyed by sj. “in my opinion, money politics is the wrong thing to do in our political culture. because basically, money politics is an act of bribery that can turn leaders into corruptors because they are moved to return the capital that has been spent.” (sj interview, voter at polling station/tps 04, rubaru village, rubaru district, sumenep regency at tps on december 9, 2020). rk conveyed the same thing. he admitted that he refused even though subtly the vote142 142 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june buying given to him, because money politics was of no use to him at all. “even if it’s for the reason of tired money or something, i won’t accept it. for now, i'm keeping quiet, because in most of every pilkada there must be money politics, which seems to have become an entrenched tradition. and if i resisted, i would definitely be excommunicated.” (rk interview, voter at polling station/tps 02, pakandangan sangra village, bluto district, sumenep regency, at tps on december 9, 2020). on the other hand, most of the voters in the regional elections in sumenep regency, east java, admitted they were not afraid of being exposed to covid-19. they came to the polls to distribute their right to vote in regional head elections and were not at all worried about covid-19. most of the residents who came were not afraid of being exposed to covid-19 with the argument that the things they had done were in accordance with the health protocols, 73%. around 14% said they were afraid of contracting covid-19. there are 7% of respondents who are not afraid of covid-19 at all. around 4% of respondents do not believe in the existence of covid-19. about more than 1% of respondents did not answer this question. this can be seen in the following graph. graphic 3. voters who are afraid and not afraid of covid-19 in the regional head election (source: hidayaturrahman et al, 2020). a paired test was conducted to find out how much influence vote buying culture has on the regional head election in sumenep regency, east java in december 2020. in addition, it is also tested whether the covid-19 pandemic also affects the attendance of voters to come to the polling station (tps) to channel their political rights or not. 14% 7% 73% 2%4% survey on the level of courage to face covid-19 takut tidak takut tidak takut karena sesuai prokes tidak respon tidak percaya 143 mohammad hidayaturrahman, sudarman, etc covid-19 and vote buying... table 3. paired samples test paired differences t df sig. (2tailed) mean std. deviat ion std. error mean 95% confidence interval of the difference lower upper pair 1 vote buying – covid-19 ,410 ,600 ,051 ,309 ,511 8,062 138 ,000 (source: hidayaturrahman et al, 2020). hypothesis h0: there is no influence between the culture of money politics and the covid-19 pandemic in the regional head election. h1: there is an influence between the culture of vote-buying and the covid-19 pandemic in carrying out general elections. according to singgih (2014: 265), in deciding on the paired sample t test, the significance value is as follows: 1. if the value of sig. < 0.05 then rejected h0 and accepted h1 2. if the value of sig. > 0.05 then accepted h0 and rejected h1 in the paired sample test results, it was found that the significant value was below 0.05 or rejected h0 and accepted h1, which means that there is a relationship between vote buying culture and the covid19 pandemic. this means that many regional head candidates and their winning teams have carried out a vote buying culture so that people ignore the covid-19 pandemic in the regional head elections held in sumenep regency, east java in december 2020. photo 1. polling station (tps) 06, gapura barat village, gapura district, elections to regency regions (source: hidayaturrahman et al documentation, 9 december 2020). 144 144 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june in in-depth interviews with informants consisting of voters and election committees at the polling station (tps) level, they admitted that they came to polling stations without fear of being exposed to covid-19 because they felt they had implemented health protocols. it was conveyed by yn, one of the voters in the bangselok village, sumenep city. “i’m not worried about getting covid-19 because the election is in accordance with health protocols.” (interview with yn at the polling station/tps 04, bangselok village, sumenep city on december 9, 2020). the same thing was also stated by rf, one of the voters from daramista village, lenteng district, sumenep regency. “i’m not afraid of being exposed to covid-19, because all the committee at tps have been wearing masks.” (interview with rf, one of the voters at the polling station/tps 02, daramista village, lenteng district, sumenep regency, on december 9, 2020). photo 2. polling station (tps) 01, bungbungan village, bluto district, sumenep regency (source: hidayaturrahman et al, 9 december 2020). from the research that has been carried out in the 2020 regional head election in sumenep regency, east java, the rise of vote buying carried out by the two supporting teams for the regional head candidate pair encouraged voters to come to the polling station on december 9, 2020. according to data released by the regency general election commission sumenep, the voter attendance rate reached 75%. the covid-19 pandemic, which suppressed the income and economy of residents in sumenep regency, encouraged voters to think pragmatically. even though the money they received was only around rp. 25,000 to rp. 50,000 per person, they were already happy. the gift is considered. to lighten the economic burden on that day. the number of residents who voted for a candidate for regional head who gave money was also quite large, at around 58%. they received the money to make sure to choose the regional head candidate who gave them the money. some voters still accept vote-buying, but voted according to their conscience, not because of the money they receive. their number is about 22%. the rest are voters who do not accept money politics, which is around 19%. these voters absolutely refused to accept money politics, both in the form of money and goods. 145 mohammad hidayaturrahman, sudarman, etc covid-19 and vote buying... the political behavior of voters, in regional head elections, as happened in sumenep regency in 2020 shows that voters are pragmatic in making political choices. this is actually relevant to rational choice theory. in rational choice theory, a person takes action, based on self-interest. one form of self-interest is economic interest. regardless of the nominal economic benefits obtained by the voters during the contestation of the regional head election, it means for them, to make a choice. this was also expressed by mark p. petracca when explaining the theory of rational choice related to individual interests in politics (petracea, 1991). the public needs to be aware of the negative side of political pragmatism that occurs in regional head elections. such behavior is prohibited by law. as stated in article 187a of law number 10 of 2016 concerning the election of governors, regents, and mayors, regarding the prohibition of money politics in regional head elections (prasetyo, 2020). sanctions for perpetrators of money politics in regional head elections are actually quite heavy, namely a fine of up to rp. 1 billion or a maximum imprisonment of six years (febrianto et al., 2020). the election supervisory body or bawaslu (asmawi et al., 2021). has also promoted socialization and awareness regarding the prohibition of the practice of money politics. the cause of the widespread practice of money politics culture in regional head elections is due to weak law enforcement against the perpetrators. the law enforcement process that has taken place so far has only touched the actors in the field. meanwhile, the intellectual actor or the mastermind has never been touched by the law (suparnyo & aji, 2020). weak law enforcement is getting worse by the lack of facilities, infrastructure, and tools which allows the implementation of law enforcement against violators of money politics down to the level of intellectual actors. infrastructure and legal instruments in the regions are inadequate to process all money political actions carried out by the supporting team for the candidate pair for regional head (indriadi, 2021). in addition, the permissive and pragmatic attitude of the voters also contributes to the growth of money politics in regional head elections (fitriyah, 2020). the practice of vote buying in regional head elections has harmed on local government. regional heads who are elected through vote buying generally become corrupt. hundreds of regional heads have been arrested by the corruption eradication commission (kpk) for committing acts of corruption (suyatna, 2020). the number does not seem to be stopping. many regional heads will become suspects in corruption cases in the future (ubwarin, 2021). in lampung province, for example. four regional heads have been arrested by the corruption eradication commission (kpk) for committing criminal acts of corruption (kurniawan et al., 2020). one of the corruption loopholes carried out by regional heads is related to projects sourced from the regional budget and revenue and expenditure (apbd) (indrawan et al., 2020). several approaches and efforts continue to be made to prevent the increasingly massive culture of vote buying in regional head elections. among them is by seeking transparency in party financial reporting and the financial reports of candidates (ashsyarofi, 2021). in addition, a clean and halal regional head election campaign without vote buying is also being pursued (septiadi et al., 2020). an example of the implementation of this 146 146 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june effort is the formation of a civil society group movement that rejects vote buying in the regional head election in bantul regency, special region of yogyakarta. the culture of money politics in regional head elections will only damage democracy and create more regional corruptors. however, regional heads who are elected because of vote buying will try to return their money in various ways, one of which is through corruption (pahlevi et al., 2020). conclusion the regional head election held in sumenep regency, east java on december 9, 2020, was colored by the culture of vote buying carried out by the two supporting teams for the candidate for regional head. the nominal of the vote buying given varies, ranging from rp. 25,000 to rp. 50,000. the rise of money politics carried out by the two supporting teams for the regional head candidate pair encouraged voters to come to the polling station on december 9, 2020. that is because the voters feel responsible for the money received and appreciate the gift from the team supporters of regional head candidates. on the other hand, most of the voters who attended the polls were not afraid of being exposed to covid-19. they believe that the election committee has implemented health protocols. the turnout rate of voters at this polling station reached 69% to 75%. bibliography altakarli, n. s. 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(2021). partisipasi masyarakat pada pemilihan kepala daerah serentak masa pandemi covid-19 di kota semarang. public service and governance journal, 2(1), 1–10. http://jurnal.untagsmg.ac.id/index.ph p/psgj/article/view/1966/1404 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 the chinese vs. western media framing on uygur conflict aucky adi kurniawan departement of international relations, university of muhammadiyah malang. email: auckykurniawan021@webmail.umm.ac.id al dina maulidya departement of international relations, university of muhammadiyah malang. email: aldinamaulidyaa@webmail.umm.ac.id khaerul sa’ban departement of international relations, university of muhammadiyah malang. email: young99786@webmail.umm.ac.id indrawati departement of international relations, university of muhammadiyah malang. email: indrakwati@webmail.umm.ac.id abstract this paper focuses on the uyghur conflict, which became international news. many reports about the uygur appear with religious-based heroic narratives that corroborate discrimination, persecution, and the chinese government’s mistake against the uyghur ethnic minority. it aims to understand the difference in western mass media’s preaching compared to the chinese mass media informing uyghur-related news. compared to other ethnicity issues, the authors believed in specific interests behind the preaching of various online mass media to what was happening in xinjiang. the authors used the explanative method with the framework of the framing theory of pan konciski and the constructivist paradigm to interpret the news of the uygur conflict. the study results show western media are more likely to use words or sentences that drain the reader’s emotions, while chinese media are more likely to be neutral in framing the news. it is a record for the authors that the public perception regarding the internationalization of issues occurring in a country can be influenced by how the media package news content. 132 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 introduction xinjiang is the westernmost region in china. this region is directly adjacent to turkey in central asia, east turkestan. the uyghurs, who have initially been east turkestan residents, originally came from the proto-turkish ethnic group who inhabited central asia to the turkish republic’s territory. therefore, there must be a closeness bond built between the countries in central asia, turkey and the uyghurs (laylia, 2010). in the beginning, xinjiang named east turkestan before they merged with china. in the 17th century, east turkestan was colonized by the chinese, ruled by the qing dynasty. however, east turkestan succeeded in taking over its country again until 1949. the soviet union keywords: mass media of western, mass media of china, uyghur, political instruments. abstrak artikel ini berfokus pada konflik uyghur yang menjadi berita internasional. banyak laporan tentang uygur muncul dengan narasi heroik berbasis agama yang menguatkan diskriminasi, penganiayaan, dan kesalahan pemerintah china terhadap etnis minoritas uyghur. ini bertujuan untuk memahami perbedaan pemberitaan media massa barat dibandingkan dengan media massa tiongkok yang menginformasikan berita terkait uyghur. dibandingkan masalah etnis lainnya, penulis meyakini adanya kepentingan spesifik di balik pemberitaan berbagai media massa online hingga apa yang terjadi di xinjiang. penulis menggunakan metode eksplanatif dengan kerangka teori framing pan konciski dan paradigma konstruktivis untuk menafsirkan berita konflik uygur. hasil studi menunjukkan media barat lebih cenderung menggunakan kata-kata atau kalimat yang menguras emosi pembacanya, sedangkan media china lebih cenderung netral dalam membingkai pemberitaan. ini menjadi catatan bagi penulis bahwa persepsi publik mengenai internasionalisasi isu yang terjadi di suatu negara dapat dipengaruhi oleh bagaimana media mengemas konten berita. kata kunci: media massa barat, media massa tiongkok, uyghur, instrumen politik. aucky adi kurniawan, al dina maulidya, khaerul sa’ban & indrawati the chinese vs. western media framing on uygur conflict 133 saw the triumph of this muslimdominated region so that it was seen as a threat. in the same year, a split arose between nationalist supporters and the ccp in china. the soviet union then gave full support toward mao zedong to take over east turkestan, and eventually, east turkestan officially changed into xinjiang. the collapse of the soviet union in 1991 brought independence to the countries in central asia, namely kazakhstan, uzbekistan, turkmenistan and kirgizstan. however, it is tragic for the uyghurs, not the independence they get but the increasing pressure from the chinese government (laylia, 2010). in 1950, the chinese government implemented a domestic migration policy. this policy brought about eight million han chinese to move and live there (ding, 2018). the chinese government gave superiority to ethnic han by supporting them to have higher positions in the government. after the death of mao zedong, many demonstrations were carried out by students and residents. the biggest riots between the uyghurs and han people occurred on july 5, 2009 (laylia, 2010). according to human rights groups, the riots perpetrated by the uyghurs could not be separated from restrictions or acts of discrimination against the religious, cultural and racialethnic uyghur minority (ferdian & utomo, 2018). certain elements then used this riot to divide china and show the existence of separatist movements in xinjiang involving the uyghur islamic community (ferdian & utomo, 2018). another accusation through the white book from the state council information office stated that this minority in xinjiang had been used as an instrument to support the interests of pro-turkish and pro-islam groups (bbc, 2018). this particular group’s interests made china feel the need to maintain the country’s unity. in this case of imbalanced development between han ethnic and uyghurs, uyghurs are even more disadvantaged in welfare. china’s government also had a restrictive religion policy (wei & cuifen, 2012). the chinese government then tried to imply some policies to balance the economic development in xinjiang. however, china leaders were also concerned with this concept because they assumed that people with a better economy and education were more likely to strengthen their ethnic identity, threatening national integrity. so, the chinese government also 134 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 implied some policies regarding nationalism. those policies are related to nationalism and are already stated in china’s white paper. they had the policy to own vocational and educational training of uyghurs in xinjiang (us-china institute, n.d.). in the xinjiang work forum, there was an “ethnic mingling” policy (jamestown, n.d.). with those policies, china’s government provided them both political re-education and economic development. mo st p e opl e m i g ht b e unfamiliar with “the vocational and educational training” for uyghur in xinjiang. the policy that the chinese government already stated could also be called with “strike hard against violent terrorist activity” campaign. strike hard campaigns began as anti-crime operations to assure the public of the state’s ability to provide security (byman & saber, 2019). these camps have been compared to internment camps. the uyghurs have to recite chinese laws and communist party policies, learning mandarin, singing songs about the ccp and xi jinping, and renouncing religious beliefs in those camps (blanchard, n.d.). due to these policies, the chinese government got much criticism for violating human rights. based on global perception about the ethnic conflict of uyghur are discriminate issues for their freedom of having religion, tradition, culture and language as well. meanwhile, in china’s govern_ ment perception, they eliminated ethnic problems and extinguished extremism and fought terrorism to solve xinjiang’s problems and protect xinjiang as their territory. xinjiang province is known as one of the wealthy regions in china. based on data, xinjiang’s gdp growth is significant than in any other region in china because xinjiang has both the beauty of nature and culture that attracts tourism. hence, xinjiang’s existence is also crucial for the chinese government’s belt road initiative (chinadaily.com.cn). phenomena that occur in a country, such as an act of rebellion or applying a policy, will always be preached to the international world. the news was disseminated through various media, such as newspapers, magazines, journal publications, articles, etc. according to mc quail, quoted by aria aditya setiawan, the mass media is one way to develop culture (aria sditya setiawan, 2013)discourse is just one term that scholars have developed to analyze the systems of thoughts, ideas, images and other symbolic aucky adi kurniawan, al dina maulidya, khaerul sa’ban & indrawati the chinese vs. western media framing on uygur conflict 135 practices that make up what we, following anthropology, generally call culture. other terms have their limitations though: 1. this culture is defined as art, symbols, fashion, lifestyle and norms. the de velopment of information and communication technology now makes the distribution of information/news flows more freely. according to ashadi siregar in husnul khatimah’s quote, online media can be interpreted as a general designation for a form of media based on telecommunications and mu lt ime dia (computers and the internet) (khatimah, 2018). online media consist of news portals, websites, online radio, online television viewing, online press releases, etc. online media can facilitate the public to enjoy information or news and entertainment through the internet. if viewed from the content, a journalist’s stor y is usually inclined towards certain parties (rahmayuni, 2020). the chinese mass media called guo ji ri bao published news related to china’s defense amidst uyghur ethnic discrimination (rahmayuni, 2020). the media said that the news related to the persecution activities experienced by the uyghurs had been exaggerated. the camps were a center for honesty training and many other festive activities. meanwhile, news from the bbc, a mass media from the west, provided information if b eijing discriminated against ethnic minorities in the uyghur. they were detained in camps suspected of being a place of reeducation in xinjiang. it was also a place to suppress the formation of developing islamic extremists in china (bbc, 2018). western mass media also believed that the chinese government’s involvement with several community organizations from other countries came to the camps. the difference in reporting is due to the interests carried by each country of origin of the mass media. there was a significant ideological difference between the united states of liberal ideology and soviet communism (eka afriyansyah, 2015). china is a country that is still carrying out the ideology of socialist-communism (lubis, 2017). thus, there will be differences between western media and chinese media in presenting news related to uyghur. the chinese mass media will defend their country, so they try to present news that benefits their country’s position. meanwhile, western media from 136 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 the united states, such as the bbc, abc news, new york times, and others, will preach everything they say as “truth” without taking china’s side. therefore, in this study, the chinese mass media and western mass media will see their role in constructing people by becoming a political weapon. in the current era of globalization, mass media is no longer a means of entertainment media, but it can be one of the weapons owned by a country in shaping the public image of a country or that we can now know as a proxy war. mass media not only brings out the constructed reality, or the mass media is not only good at creating frames from a news story. however, the media has also acted as an instrument of propaganda and foreign political instruments that are a surefire and bridge to war. with its role as a media propaganda, the mass media can grab fast public support (international community support). the formula on the research reads: “how western mass media and china’s mass media can be a political instrument thought the issue of uyghur?”. this article is to know the different perspectives of western and china mass media about how they frame the news and understand how mass media can be a political instrument. the paradigm of constructivism the paradigm of this study is the paradigm of constructivism. this paradigm has its position or view of the media, and the news text it generates. the concentration of analysis on this paradigm to discover how events or reality was constructed, in what way it was constructed was formed. peter l. berger first introduced the concept of constructionism. according to berger, the reality is not formed scientifically; instead, it is formed and constructed. everyone has different constructions of reality. this paradigm looks at a reality exposure in the news text due to “the maker” construction, so the reality of the show’s events is not a natural event (eriyanto, 2008, pp. 13–15). in this case, how the western mass media and the mass media of china manage to construct society and the international community. the term social construction of reality became very popular since its introduction by peter l. berger and thomas luckmann. social reality is a life-like knowledge that lives and develops in the community, such as concepts, public awareness, and public discourse, resulting aucky adi kurniawan, al dina maulidya, khaerul sa’ban & indrawati the chinese vs. western media framing on uygur conflict 137 from social construction (bungin, 2006, pp. 191–192). media is a construction agency of reality. media content is the result of workers who construct the reality it chooses. the news describes reality and shows the opinion of news sources, also the media’s construction. according to peter l berger, the theory believes that reality has a subjective and objective dimension. that reality is the result of human thought. as social individuals, people have never stagnated as long as they live in their society. technically, berger and luckmann’s central thesis is human, and society is the product that is dialectical, dynamic, and plural continuously. according to berger and luckmann (eriyanto, 2008, pp. 14– 19), the dialectical process has three phases: externalization, objectivity, and internalization. these theories and approaches look at variables over mass media phenomena into substance in the externalization, objectivity, and internalization processes through social mass media construction. thus, nature or excess mass media has improved the social construction process’s weakness that runs slow reality. the substance “mass media construction theory” is on rapid and widespread circulation so that social construction takes place quickly, and the spread is evenly (bungin, 2006, p. 207). these theories and approaches look at variables over mass media phenomena into substance in the externalization, objectivity, and internalization processes through social mass media construction. thus, nature or excess mass media has improved the social construction process’s weakness that runs slow reality. the substance “mass media construction theory” is on rapid and widespread circulation so that social construction takes place quickly, and the spread is evenly (bungin, 2006, p. 207). with the foundation of thought theory of social reality construction that explains how reality is formed, it will help understand how events or how the phenomenon develops into reality. the preaching conducted by the western mass media and the chinese mass media on the strike hard policy conducted by the chinese government against the uyghur ethnic is not separated from the news of the case’s construction. the reality of the chinese government enforcing the strike rigid policy is formed when journalists or media see the fact, then how the media is applying it, and how the media constructs the facts to be revealed to be news. 138 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 the method used in this research was the method of framing analysis. framing has been used in the communication research literature to examine how the selection and construction process the reality of a medium performed by a medium. besides, this pan and kosicki model can be conducted through discourse devices such as words, sentences, leads or images, or tools to understand the media in packaging the news. (eriyanto, 2008, pp. 257–266) result and explanation a. mass media of china 1. news: allegedly ‘missing’ uy g hu r s fo u n d l i v i n g normally – global times no. indicator result of research 1. what the ‘missing’ uyghurs that were viral in global media were found by the global times (chinese media) staff to have an everyday life in xinjiang, and they were getting disturbed and confused by the spreading false rumor of the western media. no. indicator result of research 2. when december 2019 3. where xinjiang, china 4. who the uyghur family and also the family member was suspected of joining the separatist group, east turkistan. 5. why there were found tweets on social media, saying that many uyghurs had been missing. 6. how staff from global times found the missing uyghurs after investigating tweets on social media. description of the news: in decemb er 2019, the suspected uyghurs joining the east turkistan, ruzi memet, claimed that his brother was missing and post that statement on twitter with the hashtag #stillnoinfo and talked about that his family had been suffering from the concentration camp in xinjiang. the tweet was posted right after china’s government announced the graduation from vocational education and training centers of trainee once influenced by extreme thoughts in xinjiang. aucky adi kurniawan, al dina maulidya, khaerul sa’ban & indrawati the chinese vs. western media framing on uygur conflict 139 after that tweet popped up, then there was another tweet saying no missing people in uyghur. global times staff investigated the case to reveal the truth. after discovering the online information from some organizations and some individuals on the alleged missing uyghurs, the authorities in xinjiang confirm and visiting some of the “lost people” in different places in xinjiang, but the global times (gt) reporters found the fact that they are living everyday lives. this news told how the ‘missing’ uyghurs were doing fine in xinjiang and having everyday life. revealing their daily routines life, and also there was a short documentary video of the uyghurs. the interview with the uyghurs showed that uyghurs in xinjiang did not have any discrimination. instead, they were grateful for having vocational education training. they said that it prevented them from extremism and made their life more valued. the news also stated that knowing those false spreading false rumors were disturbing (jie & juecheng.). this news from media under the chinese government denied what western media talked about violence in concentration camps and proof of a uygur’s daily life in xinjiang and even constructed the mindset that vocational and educational training effectively prevented extremism in xinjiang. 2. news: rumors of ‘forced labor’ in xinjiang refuted – global times no. indicator result of research 1. what lawmakers and australian think tank organization have been sparing no effort on hyping up the “forced labor conspiracy” in northwest china’s xinjiang uygur autonomous region and also pursuing a bill to limit xinjiang export activities to the us 2. when december 2019 3. where xinjiang, china 4. who workers in xinjiang, companies that implicated in “forced labor” reports by the western media 5. why a report showing that there was forced labor in xinjiang 140 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 no. indicator result of research 6. how the staff of the global times investigated the case by visiting more than 70 companies in xinjiang description of the news: us politicians have been trying to push china’s sanctions over socalled forced labor in xinjiang to have possible restrictions in future strategic confrontations. this effort is also accompanied by a report from the us and australia, stating that forced labor inside and outside of xinjiang’s vocational education and training centers is “systematic repression” of minority groups. from the two reports, many us lawmakers and politicians were pursuing a bill in the last week to implement stringent limits on imports from xinjiang, knowing that the global times staffs decided to visit more than 70 companies and private workshops in four prefectures in southern xinjiang and found that accusations of forced labor in china were false. the “dirty campaign” launched by antichina groups would undermine the livelihoods of the uygurs and other people located in xinjiang who lived in poverty. the global times reached all of the companies and stated that there was no forced labor happening in their factories, and the jobs could help financial issues of the uyghur workers and their families. the global times also stated that the world uyghur congress, a us-backed regime, worsened the media’s situation. both government and companies denied all of the report’s false statements and embraced how they helped uyghurs survive from poverty. in this news, chinese media and the people in xinjiang admitted that the local government had already provided ser vices for transferring labor, and residents voluntarily signed up for them. the local government mentioned that everything wa under control. “the ‘dirty campaign’ from the us politicians and media outlets had already undermined, and the result would undermine the livelihood of uygurs and other residents in xinjiang who were currently living,” said the workers in xinjiang. by having the statement, the media stressed that every company in xinjiang did not have any behavior (forced labor) toward the uyghurs ethnic (global times staff.). this news from the media under the chinese government once again shaped how xinjiang was excellent, and the chinese government did aucky adi kurniawan, al dina maulidya, khaerul sa’ban & indrawati the chinese vs. western media framing on uygur conflict 141 not have any mistreatment behavior toward uyghurs in xinjiang. the media could also frame the us in this case and desperately want china to fall by having a statement about world uyghur congress and the us’s irrational attitude for targeting the companies. meanwhile, there were also companies from the us in xinjiang. b. mass media of western 1. news: inside china’s push to turn muslim minorities into an army of workers the new york times no. indicator result of research 1. what forcing uyghurs to take part in learning activities in working in training camps, if they refused, the chinese government would threaten their families 2. when december 30, 2019 3. where uyghurs and kazakhs 4. who the government of china, uyghurs and kazakhs no. indicator result of research 5. why this minority made up about half of the population and were considered necessary for the government’s social reengineering strategy in indoctrination camps, accommodating one million or more uighurs and kazakhs to establish control over the uyghur and kazakh regions 6. how to control the uyghur territory and the kazakhs, the chinese government implemented training camps. the qapqal labor bureau ordered that villagers underwent militarystyle training to convert them into obedient workers, loyal to their employers and the ruling communist party. 142 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 description of the news: this media reported about the chinese government forcing uighurs and kazakhs to do vocational training and be separated from their families (chris buckley, 2020). in training, the chinese government used a military-style that suppressed uyghurs and kazakhs to be loyal to the ruling communist party. the chinese government stated that uyghur and kazakh villages were “rural surplus labor” and unemployed populations that threatened social stability. placing them in governmentapproved work is overseen, officials would eradicate poverty and slow the spread of religious extremism and ethnic violence. the chinese government described workers as volunteers, although critics said that they were forced. official documents, interviews with experts, and the new york times’s visit to xinjiang showed that local plans to deprive villagers limited their movements and pressured them to keep working. there are also reports that workers were not paid according to their work. for example, amanzhol qisa, a 31-year-old xinjiang resident, spent a year in an indoctrination camp, and she was sent to do a labor job in a clothing factory for three months in april. she was paid $ 115 a month, less than half the minimum wage, according to her husband, muhamet qyzyrbek. to be released, workers must accept all policies of the chinese government. 2. news: ‘absolutely no mercy’: leaked files expose how china organized mass detentions of muslims the new york times no. indicator result of research 1. what • the leaking of the file revealed how china organized mass arrests of muslims. • more than 400 pages of china's internal documents provided a view into something that never happened before about a crackdown against ethnic minorities in the xinjiang region. 2. when august 2016 3. where xinjiang, china 4. who xi jinping’s president, chen quanguo aucky adi kurniawan, al dina maulidya, khaerul sa’ban & indrawati the chinese vs. western media framing on uygur conflict 143 no. indicator result of research 5. why there is evidence of violence committed by president xi jinping, party leader, against the uyghur tribe because it was based on the stabbing carried out by terrorists. 6. how the most significant leak of government papers from within the ruling chinese communist party in decades; they were provided an inward view of the ongoing persecution in xinjiang, where authorities dragged as many million ethnic uyghurs, kazakhs and others into detention camps and prisons over the past three years. senior party leaders were noted to have ordered drastic and urgent action against extremist violence, including mass detention. no. indicator result of research the leaked papers consisted of 24 documents, some of which contained duplicated material. that included nearly 200 pages of internal speech by mr. xi and other leaders, and more than 150 landing pages and reports on the supervision and control of the uighur population in xinjiang. there are also references to plans to expand islamic restrictions to other parts of china. description of the news: the new york times reported that there had been leaked secret files that explained the chinese behavior towards the uyghurs. it would prove the chinese government’s lies who said the camp, as a job training center that used lightweight methods to combat islamic extremism (austin r amzy, 2020). however, the documents confirmed the nature of the imposition of measures loud in words and commands of the officers who compose and arrange. 144 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 the new york times illustrated that the leaking files’ contents were the party seniors who recorded ordered actions drastic and urgent against violent extremists, including the detention of mass and discussed the consequences with detachment cold. in the media, china’s government wanted to rule xinjiang’s region with sources of power by limiting the activities of the muslims uyghur’s culture and religion. their detention by the authorities in xinjiang was against hundreds of thousands of uyghurs, kazakhs, and muslims in the camps internment camp. the prisoners underwent many months or years of indoctrination and interrogation, which aimed to transform them into supporters of the party that was secular and loyal. in his speech, the media proclaimed that xi jinping said that islam in uyghur was religious extremists, so the assumption was led to the attack on uyghur, and xi argued that extremism islam had its roots in swaths of society in uyghur. most great uyghurs embraced the tradition of moderate, although some began to embrace the practices of religion that were more conservative and more common in the 1990s, although there was control of the state against islam. this media believed that xi jinping’s lies were caused by worrying about the rise of public piety. he blamed that the controls were weak in faith because the predecessor lowered guard them. c. mass media of western and mass media of china becoming an instrument of political interest wit h g l o b a l i z at i on an d integration happening, they have made a new world order. state actors and non-states and other actors such as ingo, ngo, mnc, business actor, and private sector have added a treasure in the international world. today, the media play an essential role in forming public opinion in china. mass media not only brings out the constructed reality, or the mass media is not only good at creating frames from a news story. the media has also acted as an instrument of propaganda and foreign political instruments with a surefire and bridge to war. with its role as a media propaganda, the mass media can grab fast public support (international community support). in its announcement of the uyghur muslim conflict, the global times tends to bring out the frame to uphold humanitarian principles with a political approach. from the two aucky adi kurniawan, al dina maulidya, khaerul sa’ban & indrawati the chinese vs. western media framing on uygur conflict 145 titles, global times displays clearly by not compromising the concern of uyghur muslim conditions. it is reinforced by the expression of the global times’ sentence so that it posed an impression on the public that what was done by the chinese government was humanist and caring about humanity. the global times emphasized humanist aspects with a political approach through titles, news schemes, and sources. from news headlines, the global times put the muslim uyghur as a party to be aware of its parallels and salvation. the title of the news was accompanied by a political theme by the pro-uighur speakers. the new york times in spreading the uyghur muslim conflict has not been more than a frame that has to build the public opinion that the chinese governments were responsible and liable for muslim uyghur’s tribulations. through both its news headlines, the new york times features a public image of the chinese government with the editorial of a sentence that the chinese government describes as the wrong party to implement a reeducation of the uyghur muslim community accompanying violence and persecution. the new york times also impressed the heavy side in displaying portions of the news, as more of a portion of condemnation to the chinese government than the further explanation of the chinese government itself was related to the re-education to muslim uyghur. the new york times also features the muslim uyghur as the dehumanization object of the chinese government. conclusion china and america are two big countries with different histories and ideological backgrounds. as a national mass media from china with political alignments of the chinese communist party, the global times continues to provide news that tends to his country’s government. on the other hand, the national mass media from america, the new york times, always presents news that increasingly highlights the “reality” of how china is doing various ways for its interests. so, the two mass media became instruments of political interest by framing many reports about the uyghur issue. references aria sditya setiawan. 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(2017). hero and villain on a foreign land: a textual analysis on us newspaper coverage of china’s uighur unrest. shs web of conferences, 33, 00017. https://doi. org/10.1051/shsconf/2017330 0017 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 climate change and international conflict: how climate change’s impact on the nile affects egypt-ethiopia conflict rafsyanjani mohammad universitas airlangga, indonesia email: rafsyanjani.mohammad-2019@fisip.unair.ac.id abstract this article aims to explain the influence of climate change on the international conflict between egypt and ethiopia. the climate change phenomenon was already felt in various parts of the world, but its impact will be more significant if it hits hotspot areas such as the nile. therefore, the author will first describe a literature review of relations between climate change and international conflict. second, the article will explain how the climate change phenomenon in the nile is resulting in some security risks, especially toward egypt. this research concludes that the climate change phenomenon in the nile can exacerbate the conflict escalation between egypt and ethiopia and security threats in egyptian water, food, and the economy due to climate change. however, many who doubt the possibility of armed conflict, nile’s condition as one of the hotspots of climate change and the absence of comprehensive international river management make all options still counted and must be undertaken cautiously. keywords: climate change, international conflict, egypt, ethiopia, nile abstrak artikel ini bertujuan untuk memahami dan menjelaskan pengaruh perubahan iklim terhadap konflik internasional yang terjadi antara mesir dan ethiopia. fenomena perubahan iklim sudah dapat dirasakan di berbagai belahan dunia namun dampaknya akan semakin signifikan apabila melanda daerahdaerah hotspot seperti kawasan nil. oleh karena itu, pertama, penulis akan memaparkan tinjauan literatur mengenai hubungan antara perubahan iklim 212 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 dengan konflik internasional. kedua, artikel ini akan menjelaskan bagaimana perubahan iklim di sungai nil menghadirkan berbagai bentuk ancaman keamanan khususnya terhadap mesir. penulis kemudian berargumen bahwa fenomena perubahan iklim di sungai nil dapat mendorong terjadinya eskalasi konflik antara mesir dan ethiopia seiring dengan keberadaan ancaman di sektor air, pangan dan ekonomi mesir sebagai akibat dari perubahan iklim. meskipun banyak pihak meragukan terjadinya perang, namun melihat realita yang ada di mana daerah merupakan salah satu hotspot perubahan iklim dan ditambah dengan ketiadaan manajemen sungai internasional yang komprehensif, maka segala kemungkinan yang ada pun masih dapat terjadi dan harus diperhatikan dengan seksama. kata kunci: perubahan iklim, konflik internasional, mesir, ethiopia, nil introduction current trends in global climate change still seem to indicate distressing conditions. intergover nment al panel on climate change (2018) released a special report that estimates that global warming will reach 1.5°c in 2030-2052 if the trend continues at its current speed. however, it is predicted that it will not reach 2°c soon. global warming at 1.5°c is still considered significant damage to natural and human systems than current conditions. united nations climate change secretariat (2019) explains that climate change will escalate climate risks and hazards, especially extreme weather, flooding, changes in precipitation rate, drought, increasing temperatures, and rising sea levels. the increasing frequency of climate hazards above has resulted in various vulnerabilities, especially in water, agriculture, and health sectors threatening the sustainability of future human socio-economic conditions. in addition to threatening socio-economic conditions, climate change is also suspected of having relations with the security situation, especially in its capacity as a driving force of conflict. although it is not a direct causal factor, climate change can still affect security conditions in various ways, such as influencing resource availability, affecting how humans access these resources, regulating population movements, changing economic conditions and rafsyanjani mohammad climate change and international conflict: how climate change’s ... 213 determining power relations (levine et al., 2014)the goal of so many concerned about crises, poverty, climate change and conflict, is often presented as a technical challenge – that is, technical interventions, ranging from stronger schools and higher dams to more irrigation and drought-resistant seeds, are often presented as the ‘solution’ to the resilience ‘problem’. the increasing consensus that climate change is a threat to the development of poorer nations and a cause of humanitarian crises has ensured that climate change concerns are at the centre of recent discussions on resilience. this has also contributed to the belief that supporting resilience requires a broad, multi-disciplinary approach, and that resilience may even provide a conceptual umbrella under which experts from different disciplines can find a common language (e.g. davies et al., 2013. the whole situation can trigger the acceleration of tension, riots, and conflicts at local, national, or even international levels. one of the regions affected famously by climate change is the nile in africa. the nile is a vital river for countries located along the basins, especially for downstream areas such as egypt, where 97 percent of its national water needs come from the nile (newman, 2019). climate change is predicted to cause nile’s water flow patterns challenging to predict, and even in the future, it can reduce the river’s capacity by as much as 25 percent (schlanger, 2019). the geographical position of the nile as an international river potentially brings up potential dimensions of conflict between countries amid the threatened capacity of the river due to climate change effects. indeed, international disputes related to the nile’s management have long occurred before the river is affected by current climate change. however, the effects of climate change on the nile must also be considered a factor in the regional security constellation between nile basin countries. this paper will focus on a research question about how climate change factors affect international conflict circumstances among the nile basin countries? to answer this question, the author will limit the research’s focus on the only conflict between egypt and ethiopia without marginalizing the potential for broader conflict outside the two countries. the author’s initial statement affirmed the impact of climate change on the nile ecosystem in one way or another had 214 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 influenced international conflicts circumstance, especially between egypt and ethiopia. literature review: climate change and international conflict initially, the international relations (ir) study looks at the environment only as one of the components that constitute the national power. however, along with the increasing environmental degradation due to climate change, ir scholars began to expand the studies’ scope on environmental issues, including in security studies. homer-dixon (in vogler, 2014) states the link between environment (climate change) and conflict (security) issues is mainly caused by the expansion and deepening of traditional security concepts that have begun to accommodate human-centered security rather than merely ends at traditional military-oriented security. tyler h. lippert states in his dissertation nato, climate change, and international security that one of the critical aspects of climate security is the cross-border and global dimensions of climate change threats. this argument is based on the “global” nature of the climate system. the socio-environmental impacts of climate change in one region can lead to the cross-border consequences endured by other parts elsewhere (lippert, 2016) i apply the international risk governance council’s (irgc. the “international” nature of climate change’s security impacts is also featured in thomas h. karas’s writing global climate change and international security. he explains the effects of environmental degradation from climate change are closely related to states’ ability and intention to protect themselves from threats coming from abroad. this attitude of “self-defense” can lead to conflict or even escalate to armed hostilities and war. he also points out that increasingly intense competition for natural resources affected by climate change effects could exacerbate existing conflicts or even start new ones (karas, 2003) bringing together a variety of external experts with sandia personnel to discuss “the implications of global climate change for international security.” whatever the future of the current global warming trend, paleoclimatic history shows that climate change happens, sometimes abruptly. these changes can severely impact human water supplies, agriculture, migration patterns, infrastructure, financial flows, rafsyanjani mohammad climate change and international conflict: how climate change’s ... 215 disease prevalence, and economic activity. those impacts, in turn, can lead to national or international security problems stemming from aggravation of internal conflicts, increased poverty and inequality, exacerbation of existing international conflicts, diversion of national and international resources f rom i nte r nat i ona l s e c u r it y programs (military or non-military. the reality of modern international security structure influenced by climate change was also noted in the warming war: how climate change is creating threats to international peace and security by kirsten davies and thomas riddell. they introduced the term “warming war” as the word they used to describe the reality in which the effects of climate change have endangered global security stability. they explain that climate change can directly or indirectly impact the security vulnerability, especially in developing countries and small island developing states (sids) (davies & riddell, 2017). after understanding the impact of climate change can potentially cause cross-border/international conflict, what form of security threats that the impact of climate change generates? a report from the high representative and the european commission to the european council climate change and international security explained at least seven potential threats presented by the impacts of climate change: “(1) conflict over resources, (2) economic damage and risk to coastal cities and critical infrastructure, (3) loss of territory and border dispute, (4) environmentally-induced migration, (5) situations of fragility and radicalization, (6) tension over energy supply and (7) pressure on international governance” (council of the european union & european commission, 2008). the report also emphasized the primary role of climate change as an agent of “threat multiplier” in which climate change gives a more indirect causal dimension to security threats (council of the european union & european commission, 2008). this argument focused on the role of climate change, which is preferred to be seen as encouraging the acceleration of pre-existing instability. furthermore, the threats posed by climate change are humanitarian (human security) aspects and inter-state political and military security risks. 216 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 besides, an article wrote by jurgen scheffran on climate change and security also describes fourdimensional factors of security threats arisen from the impacts of climate change; (1) degradation of water sources, (2) food insecurity, (3) natural disasters, and (4) environmental migration (scheffran, 2008). in addition to emphasizing the potential of climate change as a “threat multiplier of instability,” this article also includes a historical explanation of the relations between climate change (or temperature) and conflict. according to this paper, temperature changes are always followed by decreasing agricultural pro duction and intensif ying warfare’s frequency resulting in the collapse of various forms of ancient civilization and modern political revolutions (scheffran, 2008). based on this literature review, several propositions regarding relations are between climate change impacts on international conflict. first, these propositions are the global nature of the impacts of climate change that has resulted in cross-b order/inter nat iona l dimensions of conflict and the accompanying security instability. therefore, climate change impacts can lead to tensions and conflicts between countries. second, the effect of climate change does not directly result in security disturbances but instead must be translated into a series of threats, which generally include; (1) natural resources, (2) agriculture, (3) natural disasters, (4) migration flows and population movements, and (5) territorial existence. third, the impact of climate change can be a threat multiplier agent that will encourage the escalation of potential vulnerabilities and preexisting conflicts. discussions and findings climate change in the nile a report in 2007 stated that many rivers and lakes in africa are hotspots of climate change, where these water sources are particularly vulnerable to the possible impacts caused by changing climate patterns (intergovernmental panel on climate change, 2007). due to the nile’s geographical location and crucial role for the surrounding p opu l at i on , cl i m ate ch ange generates more impact on the river. indicators of climate change generally seen in the nile case include temperature, precipitation, and evapotranspiration. cu r re nt cl i m ate change trends have shown a significant rafsyanjani mohammad climate change and international conflict: how climate change’s ... 217 temperature rise in egypt. the data show a 0.5°c increase in the average annual temperature per decade during 1983-2013. moreover, the daily minimum temperature in egypt has also continued to rise since 1960. future trend predictions indicate a 2-3°c rise in mean annual temperature in 2050, with a drastic increase will hit during the summer and in the barren southern area (united states agency for international development, 2018). this trend also occurs in ethiopia as a place where headwaters of the nile (nile blue), lake tana, are located. furthermore, as happened in egypt, the average temperature in ethiopia (including lake tana) has also increased due to the climate change process. the report shows a 0.1°c increase in the minimum temperature per decade and a 0.250.37 in the maximum temperature per decade. the mean annual temperature across ethiopia also experiences a rise of 0.28°c per decade (zeleke & damtie, 2017) regression and wavelet analyses were used to investigate the trend, f re quenc y and int ra-annu a l variability of climate over the abay (blue nile. another indicator of the climate change process is precipitation. current climate change trends have shown the decreasing precipitation rate has reached 2.76 mm per month since 1960 (ministry of foreign affairs of the netherlands, 2018). future projections even show egypt in 2050 will experience a growing decrease in rainfall, with coastal areas predicted to decrease by 7% and the central to southern regions by 9% (world bank, n.d.-a). the precipitation rate is also an essential factor in ethiopia because the primary water source in lake tana comes from rain. the average annual rainfall in lake tana can reach 1280 mm (abebe et al., 2017)regression and wavelet analyses were used to investigate the trend, frequency and intra-annual variability of climate over the abay (blue nile. however, along with the growing process of climate change, the variability of the rain cycle in lake tana is challenging to predict due to el-nino and la nina’s presence caused by the pacific ocean’s warming temperatures. the rising temperatures along the nile river basin due to climate change have increased evaporation and evapotranspiration. the rising of surface temperature along the nile has increased evapotranspiration, which is expected to reach 9% by 2050. studies suggest an increase 218 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 in evapotranspiration by 4% could lead to an 8% potential reduction in blue nile’s water flow and 11% at lake victoria (united nations environment programme, 2013). evapotranspiration will severely hit water supplies in nile’s huge headwaters, such as the african great lakes and lake tana and arid regions generally found in egypt and sudan. the presence of various key indicators of climate change (temperature, precipitation, and evapotranspiration) is predicted to affect water availability in the nile river. statistical data predicts that there will be a significant decrease in annual water flow in the blue nile river after 2050. the decline is maximally predicted to reach -50% (united nations environment programme, 2013). the reduced water flow in the blue nile will positively impact decreasing nile river water’s quantity in downstream areas such as egypt and sudan. in addition to reducing the amount of water, climate change can also increase interannual variability. nile water flow will experience extreme fluctuations characterized by the growing number of “extreme years” in floods and prolonged drought (ministry of foreign affairs of the netherlands, 2018). security threats of climate change in the nile the increase in capacity reduction and inter-annual variability flow in the nile because of the climate change process potentially creates various security threats, especially for downstream countries that have been very dependent on the river. changing the flow pattern will significantly affect the emergence of egypt’s risks, which mainly includes water security, food availability, and national economic stability issues. rising temp eratures and reduced rainfall in egypt can increase the egyptian population’s water demand toward the nile river. however, the river is already affected by climate change in which future projections show that there will be a significant decrease in its water capacity. the extended demand without an increase in supply will harm the water balance and endanger egypt’s water security. damage to egyptian water balance will significantly affect the agricultural sector, where it consumes at least 80% of the national freshwater resources (united states agency for international development, 2018). current egypt’s agricultural conditions also exacerbate the threat to water availability for the agriculture sector. the main crops, rafsyanjani mohammad climate change and international conflict: how climate change’s ... 219 such as cotton, wheat, rice, corn, and berseem, contribute 80% of the total land area and around 60% of the total water consumption in egypt’s agricultural sector. rice plantation in egypt alone already absorbs 15% of total water consumption in the agricultural sector (zeidan, 2013). given the diminishing availability of nile water, water-hungr y plants such as rice in the egyptian population’s cereal structure will threaten national food availability. moreover, egyptian food availability will also be significantly affected by the current traditional method in domestic agriculture. the potential impact of climate change on the nile will also affect the egyptian economy’s stability, which depends on agricultural production. the agriculture sector contributes 11.7% of gdp and absorbs 25.8% of the national workforce (central intelligence agency, n.d.). in addition to reducing nile water flow, climate change is also predicted to reduce the fertile land area in egypt, which is indeed located in the basins and delta of the nile. the reduced flow of the nile and the depletion of fertile land will lead to a decline in agricultural yields that can hurt domestic economic conditions. besides, the reduced availability of nile water can affect the textile industr y’s production, which generally requires an abundant water supply. the decline in the textile industry’s production output due to water availability issues will significantly impact the egyptian economy, where the industr y contributes to a quarter of egypt’s non-oil and gas exports and absorbs a large amount of labor. vulnerability factors also exacerbate egypt’s security threats mentioned above; 1) increasing population and 2) extensive poverty. these two vulnerability factors are not only found in egypt (internal vulnerability) but can also be found in ethiopia (external vulnerability). first, egypt experienced a steady population growth of around 2% per year, which made egypt’s population growth in 1980-2008 reached 41%. the 2017 data stated that egypt’s population reached 97.55 million people and is also the country with the largest north africa population (world bank, n.d.-b). ethiopia also showed steady growth, but even at a tremendous rate of 2.5%-3% per year. this substantial growth rate has made ethiopia’s population have surpassed egypt since 2005, and in 2017, it reached 105 million people or the largest between nile basin countries (world bank, n.d.-b). 220 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 second, egypt’s poverty rate is still tremendous which 2016 data indicated that there are still 27.8% of egypt’s population (or around 26.6 million people) living below the poverty line (central intelligence agency, n.d.). this poverty issue also happens in ethiopia. although ethiopia shows rapid economic growth (around 10%), this figure becomes difficult to translate when population growth increases significantly. data from 2015 show 23.5% of the population below the national poverty line and 30.8% of the people below the global poverty standard (world bank, n.d.-b). the presence of these two vulnerability factors will potentially increase the threat of climate change security in the nile, where these two factors will require the availability and demand of large amounts of water in the form of irrigation and energy supply. climate change as a “threat multiplier” of the egypt-ethiopia conflict in the end, all the security threats derive from the impacts of climate change are translated under the role of climate change as a threat multiplier or as an agent of reinforcing/escalating existing security conflicts. in the nile case, the actual conflict had long occurred between basin countries related to river flow management. this conflict’s historical origin originated from two international treaties, which became the fundamental basis of the nile flow’s current management, the 1929 agreement and the 1959 agreement. the 1929 agreement or officially known as the exchange of notes regarding the use of waters of the nile for irrigation purposes, was an agreement between egypt and the united kingdom (at that time represented its colonial state, sudan) which gave egypt and sudan the right to receive 48 and 4 bcm from the flow of the nile annually. besides, this agreement also gave egypt exclusive rights to oversee the nile’s flow upstream and to veto any construction projects along the nile, threatening their interests (zeidan, 2013). after sudan gained its independence in 1956, the 1929 agreement began to be reviewed. after various bargaining and negotiation processes, two countries approve the 1959 agreement or “agreement on full utilization of the nile waters between egypt and sudan.” this agreement determines that the annual quantity capacity of the nile is set at 84 bcm in which all will be allocated to egypt and sudan as much as 55.8 and 18.5 rafsyanjani mohammad climate change and international conflict: how climate change’s ... 221 bcm respectively, leaving only ten bcm for the potential of water lost through evaporation and other natural factors (carles, 2006). these two agreements ensure the dominance of downstream countries, especially egypt, in maintaining its hydro-hegemony over the nile river. the pattern of power relations between the nile basin states was always regulated to benefit egypt and harm the upstream countries’ interests, especially in this case, ethiopia. the source of egyptian power in maintaining this “imbalance” of power relations comes from its structural capability, bargaining power, and ideology influence (carles, 2006). as ethiopia became increasingly concerned about the economic potential of the nile (and followed by its growing economic capability), the country began to dare “to revise” egypt’s status quo in the nile management. ethiopia (with other upstream countries) started to emphasize their utility rights, ask for more equitable distribution and oppose egypt’s natural and historical claims to the nile. the latest and “hardest” ethiopian resistance is constructing the great renaissance ethiopian dam (gerd) project at 500km southwest of addis ababa and close to the ethiopian-sudan border. ethiopia’s economic development ambitions are driven by the gerd project to meet domestic electricity needs while exporting more to neighboring countries. with gerd’s existence, ethiopia wants to become a significant electricity exporter, especially in the horn of africa. the gerd construction project officially began in 2011 and is planned to be the largest dam in africa, with 1800m in length and 170m in height. inside the dam, there will be a 150km2 reservoir with 67 bcm water capacity. two power stations will be installed on both sides of the river with electricity capacity reaching 6000 mw, or it can produce around 15000 gw per hour per year (harb, 2019). the ambition of ethiopia’s economic development through gerd is what has heightened tensions between ethiopia and egypt. egypt is worried that the gerd project will threaten their historical rights and eventually lead to its survival affairs as egypt relies heavily on the nile flow. the main short-term problem lies in the time of the first reservoir filling, in which egypt (and sudan) will be very vulnerable to experiencing water shortages during this period. initially, ethiopia planned the time to be around three years, drastically 222 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 reducing the nile water supply to egypt. the egyptian side sharply criticized this plan, and they countered with a new proposal citing minimum time to be around seven years. however, at the time of writing in 2019, there was still no clarity regarding the agreed time of first reservoir filling and the negotiation deadlock between the two parties (shay, 2018). egypt is in the long-term worried about the decline in water capacity they receive from the nile along with the construction of gerd. the decline potentially threatens egypt’s water security in which they describe as a matter of national security (swain, 1997). therefore, egypt is trying hard to keep the gerd project from threatening the status quo they have enjoyed so far. to fulfill this goal, the first path taken is through diplomatic negotiations between egypt and ethiopia. however, talks seem to be still running in place or even deadlocked, along with the opinion incompatibility on underlying issues such as the appointment of independent consulting agency and other parties such as the world bank (shay, 2018). both parties even blame each other for being the ones who slow down the negotiation process. the deadlock of diplomatic negotiations can lead to escalating conflicts and more dangerous security tensions. it happens because the nile water is a sensitive issue involving egypt’s national security problems. when viewed from the historical context, there has long been a bitter conflict between egypt and ethiopia concerning the nile. these cold conflicts generally include official verbal expressions (both light and stiff ), diplomaticeconomic feuds, and even politicalmilitary hostilities (carles, 2006). although there are various forms of conflict, there have not been any small or large-scale military operations between the two. however, the tension between the two can potentially escalate along with the ethiopian insistence on gerd construction. several recent military showcase actions from the egyptian military, such as forming the new south fleet in the red sea in 2017, reinforced their most sophisticated warships, “gama l ab d a l-nasir” and “ahmad fadil”. the egyptian navy commander explained that this fleet is employed when “regional dynamics developments” leading to the threat of “egypt’s national security”. this military showcase was even exploited as egypt’s basis for rafsyanjani mohammad climate change and international conflict: how climate change’s ... 223 bargaining so that ethiopia would resume their negotiations (lawson, 2017). besides, egypt also has closer cooperation with ethiopia’s neighboring rival countries such as uganda, south sudan, and eritrea. egypt is claimed to have helped these countries to launch armed conflict operations with ethiopia (eritrea) and sudan (south sudan), which supports ethiopia (lawson, 2017). therefore, it can be observed here that the conflict over the management of nile potentially grows towards an armed conflict that not only involves the two but also includes other regional players, which will automatically threaten regional security stability. how does climate change play a role as a threat multiplier of existing conflict between egypt and ethiopia? the previous explanation has shown that climate change has brought rising temperatures, de clining pre cipit at ion, and increasing evapotranspiration, which led to decreasing water capacity and inter-annual variability in the nile. the reduced water supply of the nile will make egypt enhance attention to efforts that can reduce their water supply from the nile, with the gerd project stands as their present biggest threat. egypt’s focus will also develop massively as the population grows, and poverty rates are still high. the more considerable attention of egypt can result in egypt’s earnest desire to maintain its water security even to the extent that many people fear the outbreak of the water war. although many people oppose this argument but seeing the reality that the nile is one of the hotspots of climate change and coupled with the absence of comprehensive international water management, all possibilities are still counted and must be undertaken cautiously. the following concept map can help explain the various idea connections in this paper. existing conflict egypt-ethiopia (historical hostilities, gerd construction) security risk (water security, food availability, economy development) climate change (temperature, precipitation, evapotranspiration) vulnerabilities (population, poverty) resulting exacerbating diagram 1. relations between climate change and security in nile river 224 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 conclusion one of the climate change hotspots is the nile river and its surrounding region. climate change in the nile can be seen from the rise in temperature, a decrease in rainfall, and an increase in evapotranspiration. coupled with vulnerability factors (population and poverty), the phenomenon of climate change can result in various forms of security threats that involve water security, food availability, and economic development. therefore, the diminished water flow in the nile as an impact of climate change will lead to growing egypt’s awareness of projects that can decrease their water supply from the nile with the gerd remains as their current most significant risk. an enormous egypt’s attention can result in the country’s earnest desire to maintain its water security, 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(2017). temporal and spatial climate variability and trends over abay (blue nile) river basin. in k. stave, g. g. yemer, & s. aynalem (eds.), social and ecological system: dynamics characteristics, trends, and integration in the lake tana basin, ethiopia (1st ed., pp. 59–75). springer international publishing. https:// doi.org/10.1007/978-3-31945755-0_6 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 cyber-terrorism in the context of proselytizing, coordination, security, and mobility iqbal ramadhan affiliation: international relations department of universitas pertamina email: iqbal.ramadhan@universitaspertamina.ac.id abstract the simplicity and flexibility of information and technology have made human life more comfortable. terrorist groups have been using these things to disseminate terror, recruit new members, fundraise, and mobilize their activities. technology provides the terrorist group an exploit to conduct its hideous activity. globalization eventually gives the double-edged sword that needs to be addressed by state actors regarding terrorist issues. the author used james d. kiras’ four cyber-terrorism concepts: proselytizing, coordination, security, and mobility. the terrorist group harnesses those four concepts in the modern world to achieve their interest. on the other side, the author harnessed comprehensive security from the copenhagen school of security studies to analyze cyber-terrorism activity threats. this article aims to analyze terrorist groups in conducting their activity based on kiras’ four cyber-terrorism concepts. using kiras’ concept and comprehensive security from copenhagen school, the author aims to analyze the impact of cyber terrorism on society and prevent such a threat. the author also used the qualitative method as an analytical tool to analyze the research problem and concluded that states had to establish a rigid counter-terrorism system holistically at the domestic level without neglecting international strategic cooperation among international actors to counter this threat. keywords: cyber-terrorism, proselytizing, coordination, security, mobility. abstrak kesederhanaan dan fleksibilitas informasi dan teknologi membuat kehidupan manusia semakin nyaman. kelompok teroris telah menggunakan hal-hal ini untuk menyebarkan teror, merekrut anggota baru, menggalang dana, dan 180 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 memobilisasi aktivitas mereka. teknologi memberikan kelompok teroris suatu eksploitasi untuk melakukan aktivitas mengerikannya. globalisasi pada akhirnya memberikan pedang bermata dua yang perlu disikapi oleh para aktor negara terkait isu teroris. penulis menggunakan empat konsep cyberterorisme james d. kiras: dakwah, koordinasi, keamanan, dan mobilitas. kelompok teroris memanfaatkan keempat konsep tersebut di dunia modern untuk mencapai minat mereka. di sisi lain, penulis memanfaatkan keamanan komprehensif dari copenhagen school of security studies untuk menganalisis ancaman aktivitas cyber-terrorism. artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis kelompok teroris dalam melakukan aktivitasnya berdasarkan empat konsep cyber-terorisme kiras. menggunakan konsep kiras dan keamanan komprehensif dari sekolah kopenhagen, penulis bertujuan untuk menganalisis dampak terorisme dunia maya terhadap masyarakat dan mencegah ancaman semacam itu. penulis juga menggunakan metode kualitatif sebagai alat analisis untuk menganalisis masalah penelitian dan menyimpulkan bahwa negara harus membangun sistem kontra-terorisme yang kaku secara holistik di tingkat domestik tanpa mengabaikan kerja sama strategis internasional di antara para aktor internasional untuk melawan ancaman ini. kata kunci: cyber-terrorism, dakwah, koordinasi, keamanan, mobilitas. introduction the problem regarding security in a cyber-world does not only involve technical, hardware, or software issues. furthermore, it drags interstate relations between one country and another. joseph s.nye (2011) once said in his book, the future of power, that states must have the ability to rule technological power because the cyber-world provides another threat. human in the modern world cannot ignore their dependence on technology. as one of world politics’s main actors, even states heavily depend on technology to sustain their critical sectors such as defense, governance, finance, and energy. as once stated by kshetri (2014), the state’s security and relations involve both physical and cyber aspects. it means that states must overcome threats that are coming from the cyber-world. myriam dunn cavelty emphasized that cyber threat always correlates with national security (cavelty in mauer and cavelty, 2010). hence, iqbal ramadhan cyber-terrorism in the context of proselytizing, coordination, ... 181 protecting national cybersecurity is essential for maintaining political, social, and economic stability. as a new issue in security studies, cyber threat is not a bluffing nor a myth. a prominent institution such as pricewaterhouse cooper (pwc) global, in 2013, conducted some research and analyzed that the number of cyberattacks would increase each year. the cyber-world attack had significantly increased to 23 percent at that time (pwc, 2014). indeed, those numbers were not static but dynamic. they said that technology eventually would improve and become more sophisticated. it has also made some causality in which the cyber attack would be more advance (pwc, 2014). how about the cyberattack in 2018? was there any escalation? forbes made a forecast that the attack would involve a terrorist group. forbes said the terrorist could exploit a vulnerability in states’ internet backbone like the financial and banking sector. in 2015, the cyber caliphate, linked to isis (islamic state of iraq and syria), hacked and stole 1,000 us military defense (gilsinan, 2018). meanwhile, in 2013, approximately 6,000 indonesia’s ip addresses had been infiltrated by malware and virus to steal essential data (idcert, 2013). cyber threat typologies come from different types. for example, myriam dunn cavelty divides it into three typologies: cybercrime, cyber war, and cyber-terrorist (cavelty in mauer and cavelty, 2010). cybercrime is placing a criminal organization’s ability to harness and cover their crime activity using technological sophistication. on the other side, cyberwar is a digital version of von clausewitz’s war where technology specializes in modern warfare. the third one is cyber-terrorism, where terrorist groups exploit the technological advantage to spread fear for political purposes and destabilize national security (cavelty in mauer and cavelty, 2010). cavelty’s typology is slightly different from jonathan d. aronson’s argument. he said that cyber threats came in intelligence gathering, hacking, and cyberwar (aronson in bayliss, 2005). aronson explained that intelligence gathering tends to come in the act of cyber spying activity. meanwhile, hacking has the purpose of stealing important data, and cyberwar emphasizes state defense capability using technological advancement to cripple its opponent (aronson in bayliss, 2015). 182 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 the author will focus on cyberterrorism as the central issue in this article. from the author’s perspective, there is no firm definition regarding what cyberterrorism is. however, several types of research were trying to define the activity of cyber-terrorism. one of them is a study conducted by michael l. gross, daphne canetti, and dana r. vashdi called cyberterrorism: its effect on psychological well-being, public confidence, and political attitudes. their study discussed cyber-terrorism’s impact on human psychology (gross, canetti, and vashdi, 2017). they used quantitative methodology to quantify and measure human psychology after watching videos on terrorist recruitment, propaganda, or their diabolical activities (gross, canetti and vashdi, 2017). from their argument, cyberterrorism is an act of terrorism by harnessing malware and even media information systems to recruit a new member and destabilize state national security (gross, canetti and vashdi, 2017). another research has other definitions to describe cyberterrorism. that activity can be defined as an act of violence to spread fear among citizens by using information systems and influence public opinion towards national security (samuel and osman, 2014). kobuye oluwafemi samuel and wan rozaini sheik osman, in their journal, cyber-terrorism attack of the contemporar y information technology age: issues, consequences, and panacea, were focusing their research on military defense system and its impact on state defense capability. how does the terrorist group take advantage of modern technology to achieve its purpose? myriam dunn cavelty stated that cyber-terrorism is an easy method for a terrorist to utilize because many technological systems are open source based. hence, most people, including the terrorist group, can use it to exploit a state’s information system (cavelty in mauer and cavelty, 2010). on the other hand, joseph s. nye disagreed that terrorist groups can cripple its backbone. he argued that it would be possible for them to exploit the state’s information system (nye, 2011). cyber-terrorism can target everyone to show and demonstrate the terrorist’s political purpose. for example, isis once targeted 19,000 france multinational companies, universities, and government websites to protest prophet muhammad’s defamation iqbal ramadhan cyber-terrorism in the context of proselytizing, coordination, ... 183 by charlie hebdo. they defaced the user interface and changed it by putting terrorist propaganda (giantas & stergiou, 2018). another case had shown that a young man from kosovo who had an affiliation with isis was proven guilty because he hacked a considerable amount of us army personnel data (federal times, 2016). terrorist groups like isis also disseminated kill lists containing personal information from twenty-two (22) us departments. they would use it to order sleeper cells (isis hidden agents) worldwide to execute whoever is on that list (giantas & stergiou, 2018). indonesia, as the largest muslim country, indeed cannot ignore this kind of new threat. cyberspace is no longer a haven since terrorist uses it to recruit new members or gains funding to support their cause. one research indicated that terrorist is targeting young people and harnessing “new media” like facebook, twitter, and youtube (sarinastiti & vardhani, 2018). the terrorist knew that the new social media platform is the perfect medium to gain influence and recruit its supporters (sarinastiti & vardhani, 2018). instead of crippling the nation’s state it system, terrorist groups are far more dangerous by recruiting and gaining support through social media (sarinastiti & vardhani, 2018). cyberspace or internet is easy to access and terrorist exploits it quickly due to its security, mobility, accessibility, and the ability to reach a wider audience (bambang & fitriana, 2017). by reaching its spectators, they will brainwash, recruit, and spread its radical ideology in indonesia’s moderate muslim citizens (bambang & fitriana, 2017). another research showed a shred of evidence that most terrorist groups are recruiting indonesian young people through social media like facebook, twitter, and youtube (lubis, 2017). this research indicated that young people were vulnerable since they were volatile and easy to influence due to their immature behavior (lubis, 2017). based on badan nasional penanggulangan terorisme (bnpt) or indonesia national agency for terrorist prevention, approximately 4 percent of indonesia’s citizens pledge their support to isis (putri, 2019). they also had deradicalized 500 ex-isis combatants who held an indonesian passport from 20172019 (putri, 2019). the main focus of this article will be cyber-terrorism and its impact on nation-state stability and security. states have to protect 184 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 their national stability and their people to anticipate the upcoming threat. the stepping stone of this problem came from james d. kiras’ concept of cyber-terrorism in the modern world, such as proselytizing, coordination, security, and mobility (kiras in bayliss et al., 2014). the author used the kiras’ central concept to analyze the threat and a referent object. first, states have to identify who will be threatened by cyberterrorism because it affects plenty of referent objects, ranging from state, multinational company, society, and even on an individual level. as the main actor in international relations, states are responsible for protecting their political stability and their people’s safety. from those concepts, the author initiates a research question: “how does the state prevent the threat of cyberterrorism based on the concept of proselytizing, coordination, security, and mobility?” the author will use qualitative methods and the copenhagen school of security studies relevant to international relations studies. this article aims to analyze how terrorist groups conduct their cyberterrorism activity from the concept of proselytizing, coordination, security, and mobility. conceptual framework the author used kiras’ concept of cyber-terrorism to analyze the research question above. proselytizing can be defined as a terrorist group’s effort to recruit new members, gain sympathy, and fundraising (kiras in bayliss et al., 2014). the outcome of technology, such as social media, is a perfect medium for disseminating terrorist ideology. most of them, such as isis, used social media like facebook, youtube, and even twitter to recruit new members. kiras said that this technique is efficient, especially in the middle east (kiras in bayliss et al., 2014). as in coordination, terrorist groups harness the flexibility of technology to coordinate among the internal members. nowadays, technology has provided most people to connect easily. people are familiar with chatting applications such as email, line, or telegram, embedded in the smartphone. kiras stated that terrorist groups such as al-qaeda had done this mo (modus operandi) to launch an attack on september 11th, 2001 (kiras in bayliss, 2014). technology has given another benefit to the terrorist group. even though a technological product is flexible to use, most hardware and software are more secure from time iqbal ramadhan cyber-terrorism in the context of proselytizing, coordination, ... 185 to time. as we can say, most system developers have upgraded their software and hardware application with encr yption. eventually, terrorist groups can communicate anonymously and have no fear of being tapped by a third party (kiras in bayliss, 2014). nevertheless, this technology security affects terrorist mobility. for example, terrorist groups can now implement covert missions and have the opportunity to mobilize from one country to another (kiras in bayliss et al., 2014). preventing the impact of cyber-terrorism needs to be done by a nation-state to protect their sovereignty. the author utilized the concept of security studies from copenhagen school as a tool of analysis for analyzing and mitigating the threat of cyber-terrorism. from this conceptual framework, the author used comprehensive security to define the state’s ability to resolve the threat that can change states’ integrity and identity (buzan, 1991). security studies were developed by barry buzan, ole wæver, and jaap wilde to comprehend traditional and non-traditional security. the author employed security concepts such as threat, vulnerability, referent object, and security sector to understand cyber-terrorism as a threat (buzan et al., 1998: 7-11). buzan defined threat as something or someone who can hinder a state, organization or individual from obtaining their primary goals (buzan et al., 1998: 7-11). buzan also explained the referent object as an object threatened by incoming threat (buzan et al., 1998: 7-11). he argued that every referent object would be different depending on its sector. buzan classified five security sectors: military, economics, societal, political, and environmental (buzan et al. 7-11). every sector has its threat, which means referent objects can differ from one another (buzan et al., 1998: 7-11). on the other hand, buzan also explained vulnerability as the incapability of state, organization, or individual to overcome and tackle the threat (buzan et al., 1998: 7-11). the author combined both kiras’ concept of cyber-terrorism and security studies to analyze threats and their impact on the referent objects and how states should respond to the threat. proselytizing in the previous chapter, the author mentioned that proselytizing is a technique or method for disseminating terrorist ideology, recruiting new members, and fundraising by using technology. 186 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 the purpose of proselytizing intends to nurture and sustain the existence of supporters of the group’s revolution. one of the easiest ways to proselytize is using social media, which is accessible and user-friendly among people in this modern world. rand corporation researched social media’s impact on disseminating radical ideology and recruiting new terrorist members. for example, isis successfully mobilized its 40,000 sympathizers, promoting and gaining influence through social media (ward, 2018). majid alff, parisa kaghazgaran, and james caverlee from texas university also researched how terrorist utilizes twitter as a perfect medium to get funding and attract new members (alff, kaghazgaran and caverlee, 2018). they also compiled many tweets that had a connection with isis’s proselytizing effort, based on their research called measuring the impact of isis social media strategy (alff, kaghazgaran, and caverlee, 2018). it is shown in the table below: table 1. number of isis’s twitter account dataset accounts tweets isistweets 23,880 17,434,323 isisretweets 551,869 10,436,603 dataset accounts tweets isismentions 745,721 19,570,380 legittweets 23,880 17,454,068 legitretweets 1,753,195 12,175,619 legitmentions 2,161,106 17,479,990 (source: alff, kaghazgaran and caverlee, 2018) the existence of young generations (millennials) and their interest in social media have advantages for most terrorist groups like isis. cyber terrorist activism is no longer on how to disable and cripple government information systems. moreover, it focuses on obtaining their necessities, such as funding and gaining new members. according to a new age of terrorist recruitment: target perceptions of the islamic state’s dabiq magazine, terrorist groups like isis tend to recruit young members ranging from 18 to 25 years old (otterbacher, 2016). kaylee otterbacher argued that most of isis’s new members are still twenty-five (otterbacher, 2016). she also explained that isis is starting to recruit members with higher education and people from middle-class income. otterbacher iqbal ramadhan cyber-terrorism in the context of proselytizing, coordination, ... 187 claimed in her research that people from 18 to 25 years old are adaptive to modern technology, and most of them are middle-class people. many of them are still in the phase of searching for their identity. hence, they are vulnerable and easy to be manipulated by terrorist groups (otterbacher, 2016). proselytizing also has a severe impact on indonesia. terrorist groups use two types of influence to affect and sway indonesian. the first one is official propaganda. they disseminate their ideology by establishing an official website or account on several social media (putri, 2019). through its social media account, terrorist groups like isis persuade people to join their cause, become regular members, or support them (putri, 2019). another way is unofficial propaganda. it is a method where a terrorist’s ideology spreads through its sympathizer (putri, 2019). though it is not direct propaganda, this method is also devastating (putri, 2019). social media platforms like facebook or twitter emerge as a perfect spreader to disseminate radical ideology (putri, 2019). eventually, the information can reach a bigger audience and gain influence (putri, 2019). facebook, twitter, and youtube are the most effective social media platforms as a radicalized instrument (lubis, 2017). three of them have a significant impact on proselytizing people (lubis, 2017). it can be shown in the table below: table 2. social media used as cyber radicalization instrument social media method, purpose, and function facebook • multiple accounts • private messaging and group • closed group youtube • media dissemination • validation • messaging twitter • wide broadcast • multiple accounts • direct messaging source: (lubis, 2017) how do security studies see this phenomenon? the author argues that cyber-terrorism is a real threat. with the concept of proselytizing, technology can be used as leverage to inject and spread fear among the people. in addition to using technology, it gives terrorist groups another advantage. there is a higher possibility for them to gain more funding and new members (kiras in bayliss et al. 2014). cavelty (2014) stated that terrorism has a devastating impact on modern 188 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 society. the author highlights that the referent object in the context of proselytizing is society itself. hence, the threat comes from the societal sector. a terrorist group needs new members to sustain their struggle and regenerate members (bloom, 2017). the advantage of technology has provided them with the opportunity to reach a wider audience. social media is a platform where terrorist groups can affect people, especially the younger generation, to join their so-called “revolution” (bieda & halawi, 2015; giantas & stergiou, 2018). ranging from 18 to 25 years old, these people are vulnerable due to their unstable psychology and inability to counter terrorist ideology (otterbacher, 2016). social media’s platform is easy to be made as a tool for cyberterrorism, especially in proselytizing, because it affects and changes human psychology (otterbacher, 2016; weimann, 2005). playing with mutual identity, common religion, and raging hatred towards western culture is useful for terrorist groups to recruit new members from the middle-class economy (bloom, 2017; otterbacher, 2016; weimann, 2005). anticipating cyber-terrorism from the context of proselyting surely needs government efforts. society is the referent object, and people from the middle-class economy are the most vulnerable. states can start filtering social media accounts that have any affiliation with the terrorist groups. nonetheless, social media is a perfect medium to disseminate violent radical ideology to recruit new members. the information on social media is massive and can influence a wider audience. the government needs to spend its security budget to filter and anticipate the cyberterrorism threat, impacting their society (ranggasari, 2019; tumber, 2019). besides, the state might want to invest in its information system and its human resources. states can develop a constructive and holistic program by making legal frameworks and combining all fields, including defense, information systems, and even education (zerzri, 2017). the outcome of this legal framework is a national strategic plan for countering any threat from terrorists. implementing such kind of program can build awareness, especially to counter any extremization efforts. the cyber-terrorism threat can only be contained if the government acts holistically. integrating every national aspect from state to private institutions can be an effective way to counter proselytizing. iqbal ramadhan cyber-terrorism in the context of proselytizing, coordination, ... 189 coordination and security the result of modern technology was the birth of the internet, allowing becoming anonymous. the purpose of anonymity is to ensure the user’s privacy when going online or when it comes to communicating with each other via the internet. unfortunately, this privilege has been misused by a terrorist group from all around the world. al-qaeda and isis exploit this privilege for their teaching to be spread and gained support from sympathizers. in his research, stephen idahosa, international terrorism: the influence of social media in perspective, examined that al-qaeda was the first terrorist group who employed the internet to coordinate its operations (idahosa, 2017). al-qaeda successfully coordinated with its sleeper cells in silence. almost undetected, the aftermath of the september 11th tragedy was devastating and shocked the whole world. to prepare for such an attack, al-qaeda trained and developed its agents to make a bomb and explode it towards the enemy (idahosa, 2017). they developed a global islamic media front website to coordinate with their agents, equip them with the skill to make a bomb, and disseminate radical ideology to gain support from the muslim countries (idahosa, 2017). in the end, their purpose was to destabilize western countries and spread terror in the heart of society (idahosa, 2017). the internet provides not only anonymity but also has an advantage like encryption technology. in the dawn of the internet, encryption was firstly created to protect electronic mail from being tapped by a third party. indeed, the first objective of encryption was to protect people’s privacy when communicating in c y b erspace. never theless, encryption can be a threat if the state does not recognize the threat it might possess. terrorist groups are aware of encryption’s capability and see that it may be a gateway to cover their track. when it comes to coordination, it is almost impossible for the authority to track them. as luke bertram said, technology had changed the way people were communicating (bertram, 2016). the flow of communication would be far more comfortable and more straightfor ward. unfortunately, privilege is often misused by unwanted groups to do evil deeds. for example, encryption has made the terrorist communication system more secure and hard to detect. it also makes them agile in coordinating with each other. 190 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 cyberspace can indeed be a source of threat to destabilize p olitical st ability f rom t he perspective of security studies. as the main actor of international relations studies, states are responsible for protecting national security and their people’s safety, so this threat needs to be appropriately addressed. people cannot put aside the fact that al-qaeda and even isis have utilized this technology to achieve their primary purpose. the internet and its cyberspace are borderless territories. it is hard to explain where the main boundaries of states in the cyber-world are. there are only a few regulations that conduct law and legal aspects to govern those issues. for example, the indonesian government should make sure its cyber domain is safe from cyber-terrorism. the government can employ counter intelligence to monitor ever y anomalous activity to prevent any harmful incidents. the author quoted idahosa’s research that the terrorist group uses social media and cyberspace to coordinate with their agents worldwide (idahosa, 2017). the counterintelligence system might penetrate and disrupt any communication in cyberspace that involves any terrorist activities. states cannot ignore the danger the encryption technology has since it protects people’s communication inside an email or even daily chatting application. the developers built it to protect the message from being tapped by the third party. many developing states can decrypt any suspicious information or even put back door systems in the application so the government can monitor terrorist activity in the cyberworld. unfortunately, if the state does not develop a legal framework to monitor communication in the cyber-world, it can lead to privacy rights violations. in 2014, the us government branch called the national security agency was sued because they intentionally tapped world internet communication without any legal framework (cohn dan gullo, 2019). developing legal frameworks may drive them to build strategic corporations between the state, private sector, non-governmental organizations, and individuals. this case could be a perfect benchmarking for indonesia to be reconsidered. for example, the indonesian government can cooperate with internet company giants like google or facebook to build and establish strategic collaboration to monitor and minimize cyber-terrorism iqbal ramadhan cyber-terrorism in the context of proselytizing, coordination, ... 191 threats on the cyber-world (bodin et al., 2015). the first weakness to realize is that the cyber-world is an invisible arena. therefore to decrease cyber-terrorism activities, the most logical way to do this is to collaborate with actors who know the place. huge internet companies like google, microsoft, or facebook may be perfect partners. the second one, the cyber-world, is full of anonymity. many internet giants can uncover anonymity. with the right legal frameworks, the indonesian government needs to cooperate without jeopardizing people’s privacy. indonesia once worked with telegram by implementing an information-sharing agreement to detect any terrorist movement. this cooperation can be extended into a holistic agreement with other techcompanies. mobility technological outreach is borderless. people in a different region can communicate and interact with others in a whole different hemisphere. when a terrorist group can exploit this leverage well, there is no telling of what kind of terror they might do. kiras said that technology had allowed terrorist groups to mobilize their group in the entire world (kiras in bayliss et al., 2014). what will happen if states cannot prevent a threat from terrorist’s mobility? hypothetically speaking, terrorist groups can mobilize and maximize their movement in the global realm. the author has mentioned above that technological outreach does not know any border. to prevent their movement, state actors must collaborate and cooperate (hough, 2008). suppose one terrorist group can maximize technology outreach. they can order their hidden agents to terrorize society in a single click of an email or text via social media chat groups. even in the context of cyberterrorism, states are still the main actor in the world politics constellation. they are bound to protect their interest and are driven by it, an inseparable consequence of the state’s existence. cyberterrorism can affect not only a single region but a whole global realm. once the government can prevent the threat of proselytizing, coordination, and security, they have to detect their mobility and activity. to mobilize their hidden agent, a terrorist group often move from one country to another. this kind of threat is highly possible to deter by implementing strategic cooperation with other states. the indonesian government can establish sharing 192 islamic world and politics vol. 4, no. 2, december 2020 intelligence mechanisms bilaterally or involving regional organizations (ramadhan, 2017). any forms of terrorism, both physical and cyberterrorism acts, are a threat to a state’s political stability. buzan said that if the threat becomes urgent, it must be institutionalized (buzan, 1998). terrorism is a threat to any country in the world, including indonesia. hence, implementing sharing intelligence mechanisms is an important thing to do if states want to overcome cyber-terrorism threats. many states prefer establishing bilateral or multilateral cooperation. the united states and the british government have collaborated, deterring the threat of cyberterrorism. both countries established cert (computer emergency response team) cooperation. they work together to identify, monitor, and respond to computer incidents or anomalies in cyberspace to prevent the threat from occurring (dogrul, aslan & celik, 2011). they also developed a legal and working framework to mitigate cyber-terrorist threats and detect their movement in a cyber-world that can disrupt their national security. they also conduct intelligence sharing if they find any peculiar movements and mobilities in cyberspace (dogrul, aslan & celik, 2011). bilateral cooperation can be implemented not only by developed countries but also by developing countries or vice versa. the indonesian government indeed can develop robust international cooperation for combating the mobility of the terrorist group. one of them is enhancing cooperation between state and state governments within the southeast asia region (nadjib & c angara, 2017). another option is the indonesian government can support and regulate cert cooperation within asean members since most of them already have their cert community (nadjib & cangara, 2017). harnessing intelligence sharing can be implemented not only on the bilateral level but also on the multilateral level. as mentioned before, if the threat becomes urgent, it must be institutionalized (buzan, 1998). by utilizing an international organization’s role, indonesia can address this cyber threat with other members. ranging from regional into a global organization – international institutioncan reduce common threats like cyberterrorism (ramadhan, 2017). hence, international organizations can be a hub for the state to share, cooperate, iqbal ramadhan cyber-terrorism in the context of proselytizing, coordination, ... 193 and prevent the hazardous effect of cyber-terrorism. on the other side, it also provides state information to detect and stop any terrorist mobility from cyberspace. for example, the european union made a regulation to push its member to share any information that contained terrorist groups (bodin, echilley & quinardthibault, 2015). this kind of cooperation among the eu members is significant since they have a common framework and oblige. as a supranational organization, the european union believes that every cyber-terrorist problem can be adequately addressed due to their common interest. even though this method is not one hundred percent free from the problem, the eu members know how to counter it. on the other side, indonesia was involved in the european union of cybercrime prevention (nadjib & cangara, 2017). this experience should be a starting point for this government to establish a joint agreement at the asean level for combating cyberterrorism. conclusion in this modern era, preventing cyber-terrorism is dependent on the sophistication of technology. terrorist activity in cyberspace cripples the state’s information systems, builds masses, recruits members, and coordinates their operations. to overcome the threat of cyber-terrorism from the context of proselytizing, the indonesian government needs to develop a holistic approach within its domestic system. state also should build a critical awareness of its citizens; hence they will use technology wisely and filter false information. in the context of coordination, security, and mobility, the government can prevent those threats from other states by implementing bilateral or multilateral cooperation. indonesia can even build relations with other related institutions. building legal frameworks is indonesia’s main priority to conduct a robust strategy, such as terrorism-related intelligence data or stopping terrorist crossborder mobility. cyber-terrorism is not solely one nation’s problem, but it is a world’s problem. hence, states cannot ignore the sacredness of cooperation. references alff, majid., kaghazgaran, parisa., c averle 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(2019). 3 c o mp el ling r e a s o n s to invest in cyber security – c onclu sion. avai l able at https://www.forbes.com/sites/ iqbal ramadhan cyber-terrorism in the context of proselytizing, coordination, ... 197 rajindertumber/2019/01/26/3c o m p e l l i n g r e a s o n s t o i n v e s t i n c y b e r s e c u r i t y conclusion/#76a9d30a6dee. [accessed, may 8th, 2019] ward, antonia. (2018). isis’s use of social media still poses a threat to stability in the middle east and africa. available at https:// www.rand.org/blog/2018/12/ isiss-use-of-social-media-stillp os es-a-t hre at-to-st abi lit y. html. [accessed, may 7th, 2019] we i m an n , g abr i e l . ( 2 0 0 5 ) . cyberterrorism: the sum of all fears? studies in conflict & terrorism, 28:2 z erzri, mayssa. (2017). the threat of cyber-terrorism and recommendations for countermeasures in the center for applied policy research. the power relations between mursyid and murid: a review of the tarekat of qadiriyah wa naqsabandiyah in the islamic boarding school darul 'ulum, jombang fatkhuri faculty of social and political science, universitas pembangunan nasional “veteran” jakarta email: fatkhuri@upnvj.ac.id abstract this study aims to examine the power relations of mursyid and murid in the tarekat qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah islamic boarding school darul 'ulum jombang. this study is important to find out how the relationship between mursyid and students is not only to build a spiritual relationship but also to strengthen their religious authority and political power base. this research uses qualitative methods in which data is gathered through literature studies. the data is analysed through the theory of power by robert a. dahl (1957), by selecting two dimensions namely: the dimensions of the power base and the instrument of power. the results of this study found that the power relations between the mursyid and murid in the tarekat qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah, darul 'ulum jombang were strung together through the relationship between mursyid and students in the rituals carried out by this tarekat. the rituals of seninan and kemisan which are routinely performed become the basis and instrument for the effective working of power relations between mursyid and students, but it is limited to religious power and not for the political interests of the mursyid. power relations are formed through the hope of students to always seek a way of salvation through the intermediary of the mursyid and obey what is ordered or advised by the mursyid, which incidentally is believed to have the advantage of reading the eyes of a student's heart on the one hand and students hoping for blessings and rewards on the other. for mursyid, the ritual of dhikr which is routinely carried out through monday and thursday is the basis and instrument of power to strengthen their religious authority, but it does not necessarily strengthen the basis of their political power. keywords: power relations, tarekat, mursyids, murid, pesantren abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji relasi kuasa mursyid dan murid dalam tarekat qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah pesantren darul ‘ulum jombang. riset ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui bagaimana relasi mursyid dan murid tidak semata-mata untuk membangun relasi yang bersifat spiritual, melainkan juga untuk memperkokoh otoritas keagamaan dan basis kekuasaan politik mursyid. menggunakaan metode kualitatif, riset ini memanfaatkan studi literatur dengan mengacu pada analisis relasi kuasa mursyid dan murid berdasarkan teori kekuasaan roberth a. dahl (1957), dengan memilih dua dimensi yaitu: dimensi basis kekuasaan dan instrumen kekuasaan. hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa relasi kuasa mursyid dan murid dalam tarekat tarekat qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah pesantren darul ‘ulum jombang terangkai melalui jalinan relasi mursyid dan murid dalam ritual yang dilakukan oleh tarekat ini. ritual seninan dan kemisan yang secara rutin dilakukan merupakan basis dan instrumen bekerjanya relasi kuasa antara mursyid dan murid yang mailto:fatkhuri@upnvj.ac.id 123 fatkhuri the power relations between... berjalan secara efektif, namun terbatas pada kepentingan murid yang ingin memperoleh keselamatan dunia dan akhirat. relasi kuasa terbentuk melalui harapan murid untuk selalu mencari jalan keselamatan melalui perantara mursyid dan mematuhi apa yang diperintahkan atau dinasehatkan oleh mursyid, yang notabene dipercaya memiliki kelebihan membaca mata hati seorang murid di satu sisi, dan mendatangkan berkah dan pahala di sisi lain. sementara bagi mursyid, ritual dzikir yang secara rutin dilaksanakan melalui seninan dan kemisan merupakan basis dan instrumen kekuasaan untuk mengokohkan otoritas keagamaan mereka, tetapi tidak demikian dengan usaha memperkuat basis kekuasaan politiknya. kata kunci relasi kuasa, tarekat, mursyid, murid, pesantren journal of islamic world and politics vol.6. no.1 june 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 introduction jombang is one of the areas located in east java which is widely known to have many islamic boarding schools (pesantren). as this is very well known, pesantren is an institution, where classical islamic studies and islamic knowledge, in general, are transmitted. pesantren are also generally closer to the traditional javanese education model, which in many respects has similarities to madrasas in the middle east and south asia (woodward, 2013). in indonesia, pesantren applies a very varied curriculum. however, in general, the pesantren curriculum includes several combinations covering classical arabic grammar, and qur'anic studies, including the application of memorization, reading and interpretation programs, islamic law, theology and mysticism (tarekat) (woodward, 2013). it is widely known that pesantren has two community groups; the first group is called kyai, and the second group is called santri (student). the first group is generally a leader who owns the pesantren. the kyai plays a central role in pesantren, instead of being a teacher, kyai also becomes a source from which students or the wider community are consulted on all kinds of issues such as political problems, marriage problems, spiritual problems and the like. in short, the kyai has a varied role not only teaching islamic doctrine, but also guiding the morality of santri, political support and so on. the second group is santri. santri is student who studies islam in pesantren. in pesantren, santri is not only required to study islam, but also has to guard their hearts and minds to avoid actions that are prohibited by religion (islam). more precisely, santri must do good and submit to what is ordered by the kyai. it is in this context that in many ways the tarekat then plays an important role. darul 'ulum pesantren is one of the largest pesantren in indonesia which is the center of tarekat activities, namely the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah order. the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah order is one of the various tarekat schools in indonesia. from the historical 124 124 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june perspective, this tarekat was founded by sheikh abdul qadir jaelani, a scholar, and a well-known fiqh expert in the hambali school, who later switched his passion to tarekat and essence science (firdaus, 2018). as a da'wah movement, the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah tarekat has grown so rapidly in indonesia. the development of this tarekat is not only concentrated on the island of java, but also it spreads out to all corners of the country. sambas is an example of a place where this tarekat is growing very rapidly. the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah order in sambas was brought by akhmad khatib sambas, and this tarekat is well known by the people of sambas district widely (setiawan, 2020). many previous studies describe tarekat not just religious ritual activities, but its existence has covered many aspects, either social, economic, or political aspect. for example, the qadiriyah naqsyabandiyah order in suryalaya, west java, has a wider range of roles beyond religious teaching. this tarekat plays an important role to carry out education and social development by establishing rehabilitation lodges for drug victims, plays a role in economic empowerment by establishing financial institutions, and educational institutions (shalahudin, 2013). meanwhile in the political realm, several research results explain that historically the qodiriyah wan naqsabandiyah tarekat was present as an important part of the nation's component to participate in the struggle for indonesian independence. the tarekat in this context emerges to respond the colonization by the dutch colonial government (zainurofieq, 2021) so that its existence is not merely to guide people to the path of god through religious rituals, but also it exists to participate in encouraging indonesian independence. the tarekat relationship with politics is also unavoidable in today's era. in his study al abza et al. explained that the cukir tarekat in jombang was a tarekat institution that not only taught religious knowledge, especially how to build closeness with god for students, but the tarekat was actively involved in practical political activities where the mursyid gave full support to the incumbent candidate in the regent election (pilkada) in jombang in 2018 (abza, m thohar al; qodir, 2018). in the context of the cukir tarekat, the power relation between the mursyid and the student is formed due to the understanding of knowledge about islam and politics which is perceived as inseparable entities, and the knowledge about the importance of alms, courtesy, friendship which is the doctrine of the tarekat itself (abza, m thohar al; qodir, 2018) that should be undergo by students which ultimately encourage mursyid and politicians (students) to build relationships actively. furthermore, the existence of tarekat which is actively involved in politics is determined by the relations and influence of the mursyid's predecessors. for example, the involvement of kyai shiddiq as a mursyid of the qodiriyah wan naqsabandiyah tarekat at the manba'ul falah pesantren in piji, kudus in political arena is a reflection of the great influence of his predecessors such as kyai hasyim asy'ari, kyai romli tamim and kyai muslich who historically had quite close relations with political affairs (mu’min, 2014). in this regard, turmudi explains that most of the kyai in jombang are ulama who are closely related to political activities. he asserts that the importance of pesantren lies not only in 125 fatkhuri the power relations between... the fact that these institutions are media for instilling a system of islamic values, but also that the kiai (mursyid) who lead pesantren are often involved in politics. for example, the darul ulum pesantren which is the center of one of the qadiriyah wa naqsyabandiyah tarekat is led by kiai as'ad umar, who is a member of the provincial parliament (turmudi, 2006). concerning the relationship between tarekat and politics, the darul ulum pesantren is a unique as the leader of this institution mostly get a close affiliation with the political party since the early period of the new order regime. it was in 1977 that kyai musta’in romly as the leader of the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah tarekat decided to join golkar party. his decision to enter golkar was very controversial and brought a bitter debate among many kyai. many religious elites both from internal families at darul ulum pesantren, united development party/ppp (islamic party), and the nahdlatul ulama (nu) protested against the decision (setianingsih, 2017). this situation exacerbated the trust of tarekat followers which in turn went down in its number, and kyai mus’tain was also excluded from social relations. the relationship between the elites of the darul ulum pesantren with the political sphere is persistent until now. therefore, to see the position of mursyid in darul ulum pesantren cannot be separated from two perspectives. the first is religious figures from which murid will place them as a bridge to connect with god and as the problem solvers. second is political figures in which most of the mursyid are political party elite. for example, kyai as’ad umar who was a former national legislative member (dprri) between 1992 and 1999 was associated with golkar. in addition, kyai dimyati romly (the leader of the tarekat) was the former of golkar elite who in 2007 moved to the democrat party (pd), and kyai tamim romly and gus mudjib musta’in are the members of the national awakening party (pkb) respectively (fatkhuri, 2007). based on the explanation above, this study aims to examine the power relations between mursyid and murid in the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah tarekat at darul ‘ulum pesantren. the question posed in this research is, how do mursyid exercise their power over their murid in the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah tarekat? what kinds of power do the mursyid exercise? theoretical framework and research method power relations power is a very crucial entity in people's lives. its existence does not merely describe the relationship and influence between individuals or groups with other individuals or groups, but in general power is able to drive the future direction of human life. according to syarbaini et al, power has an important role because its role can determine the fate of many people (syarbaini; rusdiyanta;fatkhuri, 2012). it is important to note that there is no single definition of the term power. the conceptualization of power is carried out in various ways, and the concept has many meanings (wong, 2015). the compact oxford english dictionary of current english for example, offers several definitions as described by soanes and hawker (2005) that power is the notion of "the ability to do something or act in a certain way, and the capacity to influence others [and] the rights or 126 126 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june authority given or delegated to a person or entity” (wong, 2015). the depiction of power is accommodated into three streams, which include: functionalist theory, conflict theory and interpretive theory. functionalist theory assumes that society is categorized as an organized and stable entity as a consequence of the existence of community relations based on complementary main values so that society tends to be stable. different from the first, conflict theory sees society as a phenomenon that shows instability in which each grup competes with each other to achieve their respective interests (wong, 2015). conflict occurs as a result of an imbalance in the distribution of status, capital, and opportunities that is not evenly distributed, and this also results in competition for limited resources, creates conflict and tension between individuals and groups and determines their economic and cultural conditions and status. meanwhile, interpretive theory sees society as a group that interacts in a micro context. this theory assumes that individual is the main players in any social phenomenon, and has the freedom to decide how to play their daily roles and shape society (wong, 2015). how does power work? power works in the areas that present the relationship between individuals or groups with other individuals or groups. the relationship describes a situation in which an individual or group can control the existence of another group of individuals. the existence of individuals or groups, including governments, nations, or groups of people, is the object of power relations which in dahl's terms are referred to as actors (1957). in this regard, dahl conceptualizes power in a simpler image, namely when a has power over b, and a can order b to do something even though b actually does not expect it (dahl, 1957). to determine actors in power relations, there are variables that can be used as a basis for measuring the operation of a power which includes resources, domains, and bases (eg opportunities, actions, and objects to influence behavior); and the second is the means or instruments (such as: promises of protection, threats of vetoes, threats of appeal to voters, using charm/appearance and charisma (dahl, 1957). in the world of pesantren, power relations can be seen from the relationship between kyai and santri. whereas in the tarekat world, this relationship can be referred to the relationship between the mursyid and murid (student). this relationship is called suhbah (mudin, 2015). in the world of sufism, the use of the term suhbah1 to describe the relationship between the mursyid and the student which is very close relationship. this connection is described through friendship, which it is inspired by the process of the relationship between the prophet muhammad and his followers and companions (mudin, 2015). the relationship between mursyid and students, or kyai and santri in the pesantren world is very strong. different from general relations, the mursyid in the tarekat is often not only placed as a teacher, but as a source from which various kinds of problems can be solved. not surprisingly, the relationship between 1 shuhbah is a spiritual relationship between mursyid and murid in the sufi order. the term suhbah in most cases refers to the friendship between a person and someone else. it is more of spiritual companionship or friendship that has a purpose for discussion and to sharpen one's inner eye. 127 fatkhuri the power relations between... the mursyid and murid can last forever because the mursyid is considered a sacred figure where students will fully obey and submit to the will of the kyai (mursyid) as a form of respect and charisma they have (setiawan, 2020). tarekat the term tarekat derives from arabic, which is called tariqatun which means a road. the road in the context of the tarekat is the path that connects the people with god. al-kailani in setiawan (2020) quoting al-jurjani defines "tarekat as a path that is specifically intended for people who enter the path of allah, through spiritual paths and stations"(setiawan, 2020). in a similar vein, tarekat is also a path to goodness. according to madjid as quoted by mahmudi, the meaning of the word is the same as the words shari'atun, sabilun, sirãtun and manhajun (machmudi, 1997). referring to the meaning of "way" above, tarekat is defined as the path to goodness (heaven). historically, tarekat, as it is called as sufi brotherhood, is one of the islamic movements which plays a significant role in southeast asia. peter mandaville in his work stated that in the contemporary transnational islam in south and southeast asia, sufi brotherhoods is one of the forms of movement out of four primary forms such as renewalist/pietistic movements, islamist parties and groups, charitable organizations and da’wa organizations (mandaville, 2009) which has a significant impact for islamic development in the world. as an islamic movement, tarekat is spread out in the world with different approaches. mostly, tarekat movement is introduced with a softy instrument which is less directly involved in conflict and politics (mandaville, 2009). indonesia is one of the countries from which sufi brotherhood blossoms. in this regard, nahdatul ulama is one of the islamic mass organisations which is largely sufi-based (mandaville, 2009). tarekat is believed to be the most effective way to free people from the shackles of the world. in this context, a tarekat practitioner is obliged to carry out various kinds of rituals as a way to get closer to allah. the tarekat is a guide in carrying out worship in accordance with the teachings determined and exemplified by the prophet and implemented by sahabat and tabiins, from generation to generation to teachers, connected and chained (firdaus, 2018). in practice, the tarekat teaches its followers to always carry out the "dhikr" as a ritual to remember allah. in this way, the tarekat is believed to be able to purify the human heart from various kinds of things that pollute it such as immorality, and other sins, and fill it with good deeds. the tarekat (sufi brotherhood) is mostly associated with tassawuf (islamic mysticism) in which its practice is a strict adoption of islamic principles through observance of both obligatory and recommended religious work for attaining god’s favor. tarekat and pesantren are two things that have become the hallmark of islamic tradition in java. the relationship between both is obvious in indonesia as the development of sufi orders have relied heavily on the pesantren (fatkhuri, 2007). sufism is a path of wisdom that is taken by a muslim who wants the safety and protection of allah. in its implementation, it strictly adopts islamic principles which are carried out through ceremonial means, the aim of which is to achieve goodness. the term sufism has 128 128 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june developed since the first century hijriah which was pioneered by hasan basri in 110 h through his teachings known as khauf, which is to strengthen the fear of allah and reciter 'that is, to practice and increase spiritual life (machmudi, 1997). with this understanding, sufism always encourages humans to always get closer to allah and increase practices to strengthen the spiritual aspect of humans. tarekat and pesantren are two elements that characterize the islamic tradition in java. the relationship between the two is very strong in indonesia where pesantren is a place for the development of sufi doctrine. in the historical context, the doctrine of sufism plays a role that cannot be underestimated, because its presence gives its own color to the pattern of development of islam in java. as explained by mahmudi (1997) that in the process of spreading islam in indonesia, sufism has an important role in developing islam since the beginning of the 14th century ad, 15 ad, and continued until the 19th century ad, and even in the 13th century ad., a number of sufis succeeded in converting a number of residents in java. this fact becomes empirical evidence that the existence of the tarekat in the development of islamic history has a significant role. in indonesia, the qadiriyya wa naqsbandiyyah tarekat was founded by kyai ahmad khatib sambas (died 1875) from kalimantan. he was a well-known scholar who mastered various fields of islamic knowledge such as the qur'an, hadith (prophet traditions), and fiqh and had many students in mecca (fatkhuri, 2007). at the darul 'ulum pesantren, this tarekat has many followers. since its inception, the darul 'ulum pesantren has been known as qadiriyya wa naqsabanidyya. his presence in this pesantren was brought by ahmad juremi (later known as kyai khalil), a student of kyai khalil bangkalan. kyai khalil (ahmad juremi) who is the son-in-law of kyai tamim irsyad is the tandem of kyai tamim irysad, the founder of the darul 'ulum pesantren (fatkhuri, 2007). this research uses descriptive qualitative method. the qualitative method is a method with research that relies on text and image data, has unique steps in data analysis, and describes a variety of designs (creswell, 2018). in its implementation, this research was conducted by collecting data and information through literature and document studies. the literature study was carried out by analyzing several sources from various literatures related to this study either directly or indirectly. for example, this study utilizes documents owned by islamic boarding schools related to recitation programs and activities, and other literature in the form of journals, online newspaper articles, and so on. the various data that have been collected are then categorized and reduced before being analyzed to answer the research questions. furthermore, the results of the research data analysis are presented in the form of descriptions related to responses to research questions. results and explanation darul ulum is as a center for religious activities run by the tarekat qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah. most of the followers (jamaah) who attend the activities held at this pesantren generally come from various cities in east java, including mojokerto, surabaya, jombang, nganjuk, kediri, and others. they regularly gather at darul' ulum on 129 fatkhuri the power relations between... mondays and thursdays to conduct a ritual of seninan and kemisan.2 for those who are registered as official members of the congregation, attending the recitation on that day is mandatory as a form of their consistency (istiqomah) to do dhikr to allah (remembrance of allah). generally, those present on these days are either ordinary members or leaders (imam khususiyah)3 from various cities. as described in the theoretical basis above, the figure of the kyai or mursyid in the tarekat is the central figure. in the context of the power relations between the two, this study will describe the relationship between mursyid and students using the perspective of power relations according to dahl (1957) which choose two dimensions, namely: the basis (opportunity) of power and means of power. mursyid and murid power relations based on the dimensions of power bases power relations arise when there are relationships that have an influence on others. however, power relations can only work when there is a vehicle for the operation of that power (power bases). according to dahl, the space that becomes the basis of power includes the existence of resources such as opportunities, actions, objects, and so on that can influence the behavior of others (dahl, 1957). in the context of the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah tarekat at 2 seninan and kemisan are originated from the day when those activities were carried out on monday and thursday. seninan means performing ritual on monday and kemisan means activity, which is traditionally carried out on thursday. 3 imam khususiyah is a person who has the authority to perform ritual activities in their village or region. imam khususiyah is appointed by mursyid (leader of tarekat) the darul 'ulum pesantren, jombang, power relations can be seen from the actions and opportunities in the implementation of the religious rituals of monday and thursday (seninan and kemisan). as mentioned above, it is important to note that mursyid in darul ulum pesantren can be seen from two perspectives. the first is a religious symbol from which murid will come to ask many problems. second is a political figure in which most of the mursyid are in a close relationship and even become political party elite. so, maintaining religious rituals by means of the tarekat can invite many followers and this also preserve their power. in the perspective of the power base, this study examines that the dhikr ritual is an action and opportunity that is routinely carried out twice a week namely seninan and kemisan is a concrete form of the use of mursyid's power. seninan and kemisan are rituals in the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah tarekat at the darul 'ulum pesantren which are run regularly by followers/members of the tarekat. for murid, this ritual is believed to be a means to get closer to allah through the guidance of the mursyid. the reason why this ritual activity is conducted on mondays and thursdays is not known. however, it is important to underline that the selection of monday and thursday to carry out the activities of the tarekat qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah tarekat places more emphasis on the traditions that have long been built by the predecessors at the darul ulum pesantren in jombang (fatkhuri, 2007). 130 130 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june for the qadiriyya wan naqsbandiyya order, dhikr4 (remembrance of allah) must be done regularly and consistently by the congregation/followers, both individually and collectively. this ritual routine is a manifestation of the principles and moral commitments that must be carried out by murid. dhikr recited by murid in the tarekat must go through the intermediary of the teacher or mursyid. in this tarekat, dhikr is very crucial because it is able to create peace and peace of mind for those who carry it out (nisa, 2020). in its implementation, murid not only recites dhikr in speech, but also has to imagine the face of the teacher. murid who does dhikr must have high concentration, so that what is in front of him is really just the face of a teacher without any other shadow or focus. connecting the teacher when doing dhikr is an effort to concentrate so that the heart of the student seems to be facing mursyid's heart and it feels as if the teacher's heart is emitting the teachings of his dhikr (machmudi, 1997). therefore, the bond between mursyid and murid is very high due to the the role of the teacher which is in the tarekat is so strong that it is believed to be the link (way) between students as servants, and allah as their lord. in terms of the interest of the mursyid, it should firstly be noted that the tarekat was not merely a religious ritual but also it is one of the activities which enables mursyid to connect closely with murid as followers. this is very pivotal 4 dhikir in tarekat is carried out through the procedures such as in general, the members are recommended to get the intimacy with their leaders (murshid). in addition, people should perform initiation before they conduct dhikir. finally, when they do dhikir, they should use ka’bah (qiblat) as a center of the attention. instrument to maintain both religious authority and political interests of the mursyid. for the tarekat leaders, conducting dhikr for murid routinely is very important because it enables mursyid and murid to get closer at any time. this is based on the fact that from a historical perspective, the tarekat in darul ulum had lost a large number of tarekat followers due to kyai musta'in romly's decision to switch political parties from ppp to golkar in 1977. the successors of the tarekat in this pesantren are aware that their affiliation to a political party might possibly cause followers to go. therefore, the tarekat must be maximized in order to ensure that followers can still carry out routine dhikr activities, and it is also in an effort to establish closeness with students. a strong relationship with murid is very important, because mursyid is not only as a religious leader but also as part of the elite of a political party. mursyid, who is at the same time part of the party elite, of course expects the huge support for the students even though it is not in obvious direction. in this case, mursyid usually utilise that political symbol which has a sign for murid to support for mursyid. therefore, the routine rituals held by tarekat cannot be separated from the kyai's efforts to secure two things, namely religious authority and political authority. hovewer, in terms of political interests of the mursyid, this research does not obtain an adequate data as then this can be inferred that such kinds of ritual only contribute to the religious power development, but it is not to the development of political (power) interests which is related to the support for the mursyid’s political party. 131 fatkhuri the power relations between... mursyid and murid power relations based on the means or instrument dimensions in this perspective, power will work when there are means that allow it to be used. the power will be effectively used when there is a message for protection (safety), liberation from threats (danger), and other similar forms that can be accepted by followers from their role models. the instrument of power is an arena that can mediate or connect between the power bases of one actor and provide a response for other actors (dahl, 1957). in the context of tarekat, the power relation between mursyid and murid in the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah order at the darul ulum pesantren can be seen in the phenomenon that mursyid is a figure who is believed to be a washilah to bring salvation to the students. mursyid is a figure who can be a source for a student to get protection and safety. through the tarekat way, a student has great hopes for the guidance of the mursyid to get safety in both this world and the hereafter. this hope of salvation causes a disciple to always give his obedience and submission to the mursyid. in the tarekat world, the student is a person who must obey what is the will of the mursyid. regarding the importance of dhikr as a way to find salvation, as tarekat practitioners, students believe that if they do dhikr regularly, they will get a sense of security and peace both in this world and in the hereafter. the main reason for doing dhikr is in order to seek the pleasure of allah (fatkhuri, 2007). for mursyid, their position in the tarekat is not only fo leading the dhikir ritual. in most cases, they also provide more opportunities for murid to consult any problems. in darul ulum, there is visitation tradition (sowan) which is existed to tight connection between mursyid and murid. at this pesantren, a sowan tradition is as an effort to build harmony and closeness between mursyid and murid. sowan is a tradition which in islam is recommended as a form of behavior for believers, namely to connect the relationship between fellow ummah. sowan is generally carried out by someone who wants to get guidance or advice from a kyai on various problems they have. the sowan tradition is carried out with someone visiting or saying goodbye to the kyai's house, and this activity is done because the kyai figure has a high social position or status, wisdom and as a place to look for instructions, advice, prayers and so on (zuliansyah et al., 2017). the kyai who is also a mursyid always emphasizes that friendship (visit) by visiting someone directly is very important for students or the community. kyai often argue that sowan is one way to honor the kyai as a teacher (religious teacher) who will produce reward (pahala) and blessing of allah (barokah). in addition, sowan is not just a visiting activity, but rather a spiritual journey, because the kyai will instill religious dogma for their guests or visitors (fatkhuri, 2007). for a student, sowan is a tradition that has many benefits. according to al abza et al. (2018), knowledge of this friendship is very important in shaping the behavior of a student who in turn can regularly visit religious leaders including kiai/ulama who become their role models (abza, m thohar al; qodir, 2018). in addition to being a medium to strengthen the bond of love with mursyid as a role model, the friendship between teachers and students as mentioned above is a place to pour out their hearts and all the problems that 132 132 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june students have. this fact indicates that the role of the mursyid or teacher is not only related to spirituality alone, but also they play an important role in guiding students to achieve a better life in the world. this phenomenon also illustrates that the teacher is perceived as a figure who has a huge influence and charisma, that distinguishes the type of leader in other groups/organizations in general. according to jung and sosik (2006), a characteristic of charismatic and transformative leaders that distinguishes them from other types of leaders is their ability to respond/accommodate the interests/needs of their followers (students), from minor problems such as psychological problems and the need for compassion. safe for his followers, to the level of great needs such as self-esteem and actualization in life ( jung & sosik, 2006). at the darul ulum pesantren, sowan or silaturrahmi are generally carried out, especially before the istighasah ritual activities and other events begin. similar to the description above, for mursyid, a strong relationship is very important in the tarekat. therefore, mursyid always provide ample opportunities for murid to visit their homes. some people come to mursyid just to do silaturrahmi (just to strengthen relations), and others usually bring problems that they want to consult with mursyid. these visits are generally used as an opportunity to convey both personal problems and other issues such as social, political and economic. mursyid with his extensive knowledge and experience will help provide solutions to students' problems. in this context, mursyid as a teacher is also delightfull because their relationship with students is getting closer. this relation for mursyid is beneficial because they are also political figures. in this regard, they are more likely to hope that murid also will also have similar political standpoint. however, some research shows that in the context of political aspect, the loyalty of murid to mursyid does not necessarily contribute to political support for mursyid. it means students do not always have similar political choice as mursyid does. a study conducted by usman (1998) shows that the results of studies in the the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah in piji shows that some murid in this tarekat do not support mursyid’s political party in the general eelction in 1992 (usman, 1998). in the context of tarekat in darul ulum, mursyid is the central figure who occupies the top position in the structure of the tarekat's jam'iyah. the mursyid has considerable authority and influence for a student. but in terms of political interests, there is no clear information whether mursyid has a huge influence on murid’s political choice. in many occasions, when friendship and recitation activities are established, the kyai at the darul 'ulum pesantren who is as a mursyid does not clearly invite or explain problem which is related to political affairs. in this case, he just for instance emphasizes that a form of sincere respect for the teacher will have an impact on the acquisition of rewards and blessings (god's blessings) (fatkhuri, 2007). it is important to note that the majority of sufis are prohibited from following the sufi path without the endorsement of the mursyid or sheikh. in this regard, no one should and can criticize the mursyid because they are figures who guide students, and as a bridge to draw closer to allah. furthermore, the advantage of a mursyid 133 fatkhuri the power relations between... who is believed to have the advantage of reading people's hearts and minds (occult power), where they can see and guess the hearts of their members is an important instrument for the mursyid to gain obedience from his students. these advantages in the end make the students obey and respect the mursyid. finally, the high level of obedience of the students lies in the value of blessings expected by students from a mursyid. from the explanation above, mursyid and murid power relations then is obviously carried out by means of providing opportunities for murid to consult any problems through visitation tradition (sowan). this instrument contributes to the tight connection between mursyid and murid which also develop mursyid’s religious power. however, there is no enough information which delienates that this is also in line with murid’s political support for the mursyid. conclusion based on the descriptions aforementioned, this study finds that the power relations between mursyid and murid are in the qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah tarekat at the darul 'ulum pesantren jombang can be traced from two important factors. firstly, the ritual routine of dhikr monday and thursday (seninan and kemisan) is an action and opportunity used by students to pray through the intermediary of the mursyid. the obligation of students to do dhikr through the intermediary of the mursyid becomes an instrument for the effective and sustainable working of power relations between the mursyid and students. second, the routine of dhikr monday and thursday is a means of power (means or instrument) used by mursyids to convey moral and spiritual messages which then become doctrines that must be implemented by students. mursyid can be an important agent to bring protection (safety), and peace of mind will always be the foundation of hope for students in every life. this hope of obtaining salvation encourages a disciple to always give his obedience and submission to the mursyid. while for mursyid, relationship with murid is important to exercise both their religious authority and political power. maintaining the tarekat in this case is not only for guiding their followers into god, but also it is very important instrument to maintain political power. however, this research shows that there is not ample avidences which describe the murid’s support for political interest of the mursyid as there is no a clear political obidience of murid to mursyid’s political interest. bibliography abza, m thohar al; qodir, z. 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(2007). maintaining traditional religious authority : the kyai of darul ‘ ulum pesantren jombang , east java pdf created with pdffactory pro trial version www.pdffactory.com pdf created with pdffactory pro trial version www.pdffactory.com. firdaus, f. (2018). tarekat qadariyah wa naqsabandiyah: implikasinya terhadap kesalehan sosial. aladyan: jurnal studi lintas agama, 12(2), 55–72. https://doi.org/10.24042/ajsla.v12i2.2 109 machmudi, y. (1997). kepemimpinan mursyid dalam tarekt qadiriyah wan naqsabandiyah di rejoso, jombang jawa timur. universitas indonesia. mandaville, b. p., noor, f. a., horstmann, a., reetz, d., riaz, a., hasan, n., fauzi, a., hamid, a., banlaoi, r. c., & liow, j. c. (2009). transnational islam in south and southeast asia. director, april, 1– 210. mu’min, m. (2014). pergumulan tarekat dan politik (peranan kyai haji muhammad shiddiq dalam tarekat dan politik di kudus). fikrah, 2(1), 153–186. mudin, m. i. (2015). shuhbah: relasi mursyid dan murid dalam pendidikan spiritual tarekat. tsaqafah: jurnal peradaban islam, 11(2), 399–416. https://doi.org/http://dx.doi.org/10.21 111/tsaqafah.v11i2.275 nisa, k. (2020). tradisi sewelasan di pondok pesantren darul ulum rejoso peterongan jombang (studi kasus pada jamaah tarekat qadiriyah wa naqsyabandiyah dalam tinjauan teori tindakan sosial max weber). universitas islam negeri sunan ampel surabaya. setianingsih, d. (2017). continuity and creative change: pesantren darul ulum jombang di era globalisasi. in islam indonesia pasca reformasi: dinamika deagamaan pada ranah sosial, politik, budaya, hukum dan pendidikan. universitas airlangga. setiawan, h. (2020). strategi public relation tarekat qodariah wa naqsabandiyah dalam mensosialisasikan eksistensi tarekat di kecamatan sambas. syi’ar: jurnal ilmu komunikasi, penyuluhan …, 3(1), 1–11. http://journal.iaisambas.ac.id/index.p hp/syiar/article/view/209 shalahudin, a. (2013). komunikasi kaum tarekat studi tentang pola-pola komunikasi dalam kelompok tarekat qadiriyah naqsyabandiyah di pesantren suryalaya tasikmalaya. indonesian journal of dialectics, 3(1), 6–14. http://jurnal.unpad.ac.id/ijad/article/vi ew/3621 sunyoto usman. (1998). komunitas tarekat dan politik lokal di era ordebaru. jurnal ilmu sosial dan politik, 2(3), 26–39. syarbaini, syahrial;fatkhuri, r. (2012). konsep dasar sosiologi & antropologi: teori dan aplikasi. jakarta: hartmono media pustaka. turmudi, e. (2006). struggling for the umma : changing leadership roles of kiai in jombang, east java. 135 fatkhuri the power relations between... struggling for the umma : changing leadership roles of kiai in jombang, east java. https://doi.org/10.26530/oapen_4597 52 wong, m.-y. (2015). teacher–student power relations in primary schools in hong kong. lexington books. woodward, m. (2013). gender and power in indonesian islam: leaders feminists, sufis and pesantren selves. in gender and power in indonesian islam: leaders, feminists, sufis and pesantren selves. https://doi.org/10.4324/97802037975 18 zainurofieq, z. (2021). gerakan politik kaum tarekat dalam sejarah indonesia. jurnal iman dan spiritualitas, 1(4), 547–552. http://journal.uinsgd.ac.id/index.php/j is/article/view/15027 zuliansyah, m. a., antoni, & suryadi. (2017). sowan kyai, komunikasi perspektif masyarakat islam-jawa. jurnal komunikator, 9(2), 95–104. islamic world and politics vol. 4. no.1 june 2019 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: a lesson from west nusa tenggara province in 2013-2018 dhany putra pratama master program of international relations, faculty of postgraduate, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, yogyakarta, indonesia 55183 email: dhanyputra.026@gmail.com abstract this article attempts to reveal the factors inflicting the decision-making process of paradiplomacy in west nusa tenggara within six years between 2013 and 2018, including the problems faced by them under the administration of two governors, tuan guru bajang and dr. zulkieflimansyah. utilizing rational choice theory in the form of qualitative-descriptive research, various field findings and kinds of literature indicate one primary matter. it is that external and internal factors consisting of a combination of individual and bureaucratic rationalities and influence play significant roles in driving the trend of halal tourism-based paradiplomacy by tuan guru bajang and education and investment-based one by dr. zulkieflimansyah. there are attempts from both governors and their administration to achieve the full potential of both paradiplomacy policies. the policies, however, are not flawless as errors and issues due to economic disparity, development rate inequality, and lack of proper management of information systems become points of critics by many parts of the society, both public and official. keywords: dr. zulkieflimansyah, education, halal tourism, ntb, paradiplomacy, tuan guru bajang abstrak artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap faktor yang memengaruhi proses pembuatan kebijakan paradiplomasi di nusa tenggara barat dalam kurun waktu enam tahun antara 2013 dan 2018 termasuk masalah yang dihadapi dhany putra pratama paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: 63 introduction the term “paradiplomacy” is indeed unpopular but not without reason. at first, the term paradiplomacy is not a common term in public. it is mainly used by social and political science academicians and researchers to mention foreign relations conducted between substate actors across national borders (mukti, 2013), which becomes the initial focus of this research. secondly, the public, especially in indonesia, tends to be more familiar with the word “diplomacy” and as “meant to be coordinated by the central government by any means” as the classic form. thirdly and presumably, lastly, there has been a limited number of researches conducted by scholars in indonesia, explicitly pointing “paradiplomacy” as their concern of analyses. these situations challenge the author to further introduce this term to the public and policymakers and possible lessons from the already existing practices worldwide, including those nearby. with the rise of various new actors in the realm of international relations along with new issues to tackle, central governments worldwide start to open their tables for options to enforce their interests further while guaranteeing others’ and paradiplomacy is among them. indonesia is arguably among the latest to include paradiplomacy in its foreign relation options aside dalam administrasi dua gubernur, tuan guru bajang dan dr. zulkieflimansyah. melalui teori pilihan rasional dalam bentuk penelitian kualitatif-deskriptif, penemuan lapangan dan literatur menunjukkan bahwa faktor eksternal dan internal yang terdiri dari gabungan rasionalitas dan pengaruh individu dan birokrasi memengaruhi tren paradiplomasi pariwisata halal oleh tuan guru bajang dan pendidikan dan investasi oleh dr. zulkieflimansyah secara signifikan. meskipun usaha untuk memaksimalkan potensi kebijiakan telah dilakukan oleh kedua gubernur beserta administrasi mereka, kebijakan yang diterapkan belum sempurna dikarenakan kesalahan dan isu yang terkait dengan ketimpangan dan kurangnya manajemen yang mumpuni menjadi poin kritik oleh banyak orang, baik dari kalangan publik maupun pejabat. kata kunci: dr. zulkieflimansyah, ntb, paradiplomasi, pariwisata halal, pendidikan, tuan guru bajang 64 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 from the traditional state-to-state relations with the first being the sister city agreement between bandung and braunschweig, germany, in 1960. under the principle of regional autonomy, indonesian central government guarantees the rights of local/provincial governments to arrange, manage, and oversee various aspects of domestic affairs without significant intervention from the central government with a general assumption that local governments “recognize” their area the most (rasyid, 2007). initially, paradiplomacy serves one of or all three primary purposes: purely commercial pur poses (open market and investment), m u l t i p u r p o s e ( e c o n o m i c , social, culture, technology, and education), and regional identity and political interests (expressing autonomous, specific, and different characters (mukti, 2015). based on these purposes, provinces across indonesia begin to view more possibilities for cooperation with regions and cities worldwide. one of them is west nusa tenggara or nusa tenggara barat (ntb). the focus of paradiplomacy of west nusa tenggara province profoundly depends on the two main factors: the maximum utilization of natural and social advantages of ntb (herbawati, 2018) and the influence of ruling governor at the time which the society continuously expects to be the “agents of change” (fitriani, 2016). the course of six years displays the rise of ntb as a new powerhouse of tourism as the government of ntb initiated the “halal tourism” project to boost ntb’s economy further. it is through the reforming of tourism aspects in ntb fitting to the concept of sharia law and other elements belonging to islamic faith (subarkah, 2018) under the leadership of tuan guru bajang as the governor of ntb. he popularizes the new ntb in the image of “muslim tourists-friendly tourism sites.” the government of ntb also continuously welcomes f o r e i g n g o v e r n m e n t s a n d companies to invest in various construction projects supporting ntb’s initial halal tourism project and other projects with excellent results. the local government of ntb receives awards worldwide for its achievements, the massive increase of domestic and foreign tourist visits per year. a slight difference happened in mid-2018 as the paradiplomacy focus of ntb adding education to be a new sector along with the change in the government: a new governor named dr. zulkieflimansyah elected. dhany putra pratama paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: 65 this paper investigates the factors driving both governors, tuan guru bajang and dr. zulkieflimansyah, to direct the trend of paradiplomacy as it is and the problems and critics each other face during the implementation. the underlying assumption the author adopts is that each governor belongs to different backgrounds and experiences, and each period presents its challenges, later with various criticism from the public over their rather unorthodox policies. this paper also attempts to take a neutral stance regarding the view of paradiplomacy trends between the governor and the people of ntb by comparing both governors’ paradiplomacy policies and how the public views them. literature review this paper is the first to study paradiplomacy practices in west nusa tenggara (nusa tenggara baratntb) province is an overstatement as studies on this topic in forms of journal articles and thesis from indonesian scholars and foreign researchers collaborating with indonesian ones. despite not directly mentioning “paradiplomacy” in the titles, terms “foreign investment,” “tourism,” and “sister cities/provinces” by the articles mentioned above and thesis already indicate that scholars have studied paradiplomacy practices in ntb. this article explores the problems the governor’s face that drives their paradiplomacy policy trends and the issues during the implementation, which becomes the novelty of this paper. paradiplomacy projects of west nusa tenggara government are to enhance regional economic conditions through building relations with foreign institutions and the government conduct so by reaching several provinces in foreign countries, such as zhejiang province of the people’s republic of china, and other countries. paradiplomacy practices are mainly in forms of sister cities of sister provinces and foreign investment agreements, as stated by sibawaihi (2016) and utami (2017). those options are the most applicable for the region and arguably the simplest despite the process not being as simple as it seems. the power of city and province branding should be into vital account as without proper objects to be promoted to the international community (subarkah, 2018), the attempt to attract collaborators and investors will be more difficult. 66 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 aside from the challenge to create the desired image through the branding, the existing social, cultural, political, and geographical conditions, west nusa tenggara province shall be for the success of every project initiated by the local government. the geographical situation of ntb province alone is already challenging, with the existence of two main islands (lombok and sumbawa) along with a wide variety of landscapes (laplaza, tanaya, & suwardji, 2017). three major ethnic groups are dominating the province (sasak, samawa, mbojo) inhabiting the islands complete with their traditions. the differences between one another can sometimes conflict due to different understanding on an issue and the tendency to promote ethnic superiority over provincial unity (zulkieflimansyah, 2019), something the government is continuously fighting against through time. further, laplaza, tanaya, and suwardji (2017) indicate the long-living, rigid, and top-centered development pattern of west nusa tenggara province frequently causes poor coordination and uncertainty. it becomes a bitter pill for the local government as, despite the leader promoting decentralization on some sectors from the central government, the lower-level officials have yet to adapt to the demand. research method this paper intends to describe paradiplomacy trends belonging to each governor, tuan guru bajang, and dr. zulkieflimansyah, and create a trend comparison on the trends along with the problems during implementations, doing this paper qualitative-descriptive research with inductive analysis. the data collecting methods of this paper utilized both primary and secondary sources as the information required in either official publications and autobiographies or the talks with government officials, which could only be through interviews to maintain eligibility. rational choice theory the definition of “rational” or “rationality” may vary between one scholar and another along with their disciplines and despite being initially a term commonly used in economic studies, “rational” or “rationality” finds its position in the studies of social and political science and policymaking process in various levels. warsito (2017) suggests that rational analysis is logical, valid, and efficient dhany putra pratama paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: 67 assessment tested empirically and, most importantly, based on fact; further explanation also recommends that rationality may differ in the condition of different contexts and situations. despite the difference of interpretations between scholars and disciplines, they find one common ground on one aspect: it is indeed the ideal nature of the human mind (tillyer, 2011) when concluding a decision based on intentional considerations. r at i on a l it y i n p o l it i c a l science is “rational choice theory,” which focuses on the condition of human minds “wanting more” out of something; this term is as the attempt to gain maximum benefits out of a decision without in-depth good-bad consideration. in considering an option based on rational choice theory, three aspects should be the consideration. they are completeness (all alternatives/ options listed based on priorities), transitivity (all options can be compared, such as a is better than b, while b is better than c. thus, a is better than c, and on), and independency from relevant alternatives (when option a is to be better than b, despite later emergence of option x, b will never be better than a) (warsito, 2017). warsito suggests that rational choice does not necessarily involve one person only (single charismatic individual) in the policymaking process or the decision-making process (dmp) with some occasions of rational decisions made by bureaucratic organizations along with a specific set of characteristics. in the case of the charismatic individual entity of dmp, the leader possesses certain “charisma” influencing his/her followers to voluntarily follow the lead of the leader and support any of his/her decisions. past examples indicate the existence of charismatic individuals often related closely to theological (religious) figures such as prophets, messengers, saints, priests. other religiously influencing characters may have closer ties with god and possess features normal humans are unable to maintain as god gave those features. further development indicates that charismatic leaders may also have links to genetic backgrounds, educations, social contributions, and more as what modern charismatic figures display when leading his/her people. weber, in warsito (2017), considers that becoming overestimated frequently, bureaucratic organizations are “the more efficient, systematic, and predictable” option available to a longer extent of time compared to 68 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 the single counterpart. it is often full of secrecy, personal and family-tied, and short-term execution. however, bureaucracy is not flawless; in fact, tocqueville in elster (1986) described these flaws as follows: inability to coordinate specific details of a plan, the lack of secrecy, and the lack of courage during execution in time of crisis. in answering the debate of individual and bureaucratic effectiveness in deciding a policy rationally, scholars suggest the combination of both entities in one system. the author considers a useful practice in many democratic countries by eliminating any “we often do this” or “it is often done this way” mentality. this strategy seeks further reach of available options in experiments to find suitable alternatives to policies for solving specific issues without creating broader issues or crippling each other’s credibility. in this situation, weber, in warsito (2017), mentions five importances of the rule of law specified. they are standard norms formed by agreement. the law is a consistent system consciously constituted from basically abstract rules, obedience to law obligated for all entities, decision making based on the rule of law, and obedience to the leader is virtually an impersonal order. bureaucracy is the definitive form of law domination. on many occasions, studies regarding rational choice theory in international relations discipline often carefully refer to how national-level entities (central governments) decide a foreign policy to be imposed towards other objects at the same level. in this article, the local government-level approach of rational choice theory by merrilee s. grindle (2009) is presumably the most suitable in answering the research question provided previously. the application of rational choice theory in local government-level stresses on the influence of decentralization of power by the central government for the local governments in affecting the entrepreneurship capabilities and capacities of local elected rulers (governors, regents) to manage and utilize available resources and range of connection in competing against other regions within the state and beyond. grindle in wibawa (1994) later continued with the explanation. the final decision from the decision-making process shall focus on five aspects. they are types of benefits, desired degree of change, the position of decision-makers, dhany putra pratama paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: 69 programs’ executors, and resulted in resources. as for final implementation, four aspects shall also become a consideration: power, interests, strategies of involved actors, and obedience and response capability. research findings each leader in all systems ideally believes that every decision he/she makes must serve the betterment of the public based on his/her vision, thus making the policy “different” to his/her predecessor. this situation regularly happens in the policymaking process of west nusa tenggara or ntb. it considers the rate of congeniality between each governor’s background, vision, and policy. it is safe to assume that the role of charismatic individual influence significantly in the policymaking process of ntb government, but the statement does not necessarily discard the part of the representative council (dewan perwakilan rakyat daerah/dprd) entirely in the process (mahdi, 2019). halal tourism as the foundation of tgb’s paradiplomacy between 2013 and 2018, a governor named muhammad zainul majdi ruled the province of west nusa tenggara. he was also the previous governor of ntb in the 2008-2013 period. muhammad zainul majdi, who is famously known as tuan guru bajang or often abbreviated as tgb, ruled ntb for ten years. he is also the grandson of nahdlatul wathan founder, muhammad zainudin abdulmajid. it is the most significant islamic movement in west nusa tenggara based in pancor, east lombok regency, and an alumnus of alazhar university in cairo, egypt. he becomes a significant influence on how tuan guru bajang formed his policies. he primarily mobilized the support of the people by utilizing the three fundamental identities of the people of ntb (indonesiaism or pancasila, ntb-ism, or the harmony of people of ntb despite the ethnic and religious diversity, and islam-ism or the belief in allah and muhammad. mentioning tgb’s success in improving west nusa tenggara’s economic problems, most of his achievements (tgb. id, n.d.) focused on the sector of halal tourism, infrastructure, and relations with the islamic world. furthermore, his vision for the 2013 governor election of ntb, religious and cultured, prosperous, and competitive ntb (maga, 2013), already annunciated the 70 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 influence of islamic value in his programs and created a distinction to prior governors’ plans and other governors in indonesia. neneng herbawati (2018) went as far as putting tgb’s development principle side-to-side with obamanomics by us president barrack obama, widjojonomics by prof. dr. widjojo nitisastro, habibienomics by prof. dr. bj. habibie, and other economic experts and leaders, by naming tgb’s principle “tgbnomics” in her autobiography book entitled tgbnomics: ikhtiar ntb untuk indonesia. through tgbnomics (herbawati, 2018), tuan guru bajang attempted to create a system of politics and economy in ntb friendly to lower-class community, investors, tourists, and supporting the national development program based on islamic values as well as nourishing the pride and confidence of ntb people from the negative image nanti tuhan bantu (roughly translated into may god helps) caused by prolonged high poverty rate. furthermore, the role of the indonesian government should be accounted for as the 10 bali baru (10 new bali) project by the central government transformed into an excellent opportunity for ntb’s policy options. in terms of paradiplomacy, the focus of tuan guru bajang administration in developing ntb’s economic condition through foreign relations is the promotion of halal tourism brand. halal tourism in the definition is an attempt to create a tourism system based on the islamic sharia law in which the food and drink consumption, accommodation, and other facilities are standardized based on the need of muslim tourists (hariani, 2016). still, it does not necessarily designate to muslim tourists only as non-muslim tourists are also guaranteed to enjoy the leisure provided by the halal tourism system. the positive impact of the development of halal tourism in ntb aside of the increasing number of tourist visits and the amount of national and international awards is the increase of working field in the tourism sector for the people of ntb and the nourishment of friendship between ntb with islamic countries across the world (busaini, 2017). attempting to unleash ntb from the “shadow” of bali as indonesia’s iconic tourist destination of indonesia, the halal tourism project instigated by tuan guru bajang served not merely as one of the policies promoted by his governance but also the flagship dhany putra pratama paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: 71 leading almost all his strategies by focusing regional development through infrastructures supporting halal tourism. further observation indicates the building of relations with local and foreign governments and institutions such as the australian government and the states included as “muslim-majority states” in assisting the realization of ntb’s goals through various training of foreign languages and tourism management, constructions projects, and fairs. the result is arguably fruitful as ntb received multiple awards from national and international communities successfully applying halal tourism to such extent that it becomes a continuous program for the following periods. dr. zul, education & investment, and paradiplomacy the rise of dr. zulkieflimansyah as the new governor of west nusa tenggara province since mid-2018 is a further step in the politics of west nusa tenggara. dr. zulkieflimansyah or famously known as dr. zul or bang zul becomes one of few sumbawanese (one of three majority ethnic groups in ntb aside from sasak and mbojo) becoming a governor after a few decades. another matter deserving attention is that how dr. zul, with his vice governor, sitti rohmi djalilah, the sister of tuan guru bajang, muster public support throughout the province by harnessing both educational background and public contribution before the election period. among the most perceivable feat by dr. zul reasonably boosting his reputation is by being the founder of universitas teknologi sumbawa (uts), one of the most recently established universities in sumbawa regency (universitas teknologi sumbawa, n.d.). dr. zul is an alumnus of the university of strathclyde in glasgow, united kingdom (uk) graduating from doctoral program of inte r n at i on a l mar ke t i ng and business of department of economics in 2001, along with several non-degree programs attained in various universities across australia, japan, the netherlands, uk, and the united states. he eventually delivers a significant influence on how issues of his administration’s policies: focusing on the regional economic development by enhancing the quality of human resources through education. the situation presumably goes as far as his entire plan generally guided by his experience as an indonesian student studying abroad and various reputations 72 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 as a lecturer and a member of the national representative council (dpr), and all of them achieved within a period less than fifteen years. dr. zul (2019) frequently admits that his policies receives an influence from his experience and his vice governor’s desire to build ntb on their vision, becoming the driving force of the formation of ntb gemilang five-year development plan which consists of six fundamental pillars (pemerintah provinsi nusa tenggara barat, 2019): ntb tangguh dan mantap (reinforcing disaster mitigation and development of infrastructure and regional connectivity), ntb bersih dan melayani (transformation for integrated, high-performance, corruption-collusion-nepotismfree, and dedicating bureaucracy), n t b s e h a t d a n c e r d a s (enhancement of quality of human resources as the foundation of regional competitiveness), ntb asri dan lestari (management of natural resources and environment), ntb sejahtera dan mandiri (poverty eradication, reduction of economic discrepancy, and inclusive economic development relying on agriculture, tourism, and industrialization), and ntb aman dan berkah (realization of religious and characterized civil society and law and justice enforcement). several findings suggest that dr. zulkieflimansyah has developed a set of a rather unorthodox form of paradiplomacy for fulfilling the goal of enhancing the quality of human resources through education. it is utilizing a local-established nongovernmental organization in providing support for the regime and its goals. such policy is visible through the establishment of a sister province plan between ntb and kujawsko-pomorskie voivodeship (province) in poland. appearing like other typical forms of interregional paradiplomacy, lembaga pengembangan pendidikan (lpp) ntb serves a supporting role by establishing relations with universities in kujawsko-pomorskie before the exploratory phase of the official sister province plan’s establishment started in october 2018 (imansyah, 2018). based on the letter of intent (loi) signed by the governors of both provinces in april 2019, both regions intend to cooperate in sectors such as economy, art and culture, science and education, tourism, and sports (aulia, 2019). r e g a rd i n g t h e re l at i o n between dr. zulkieflimansyah’s administration and lpp ntb, the information retrieved from dhany putra pratama paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: 73 the bureau of c o op eration administration of governor office of ntb and lpp ntb suggests that lpp ntb is established by dr. zulkieflimansyah himself outside the administrative system of the governor’s office (aulia, 2019). it serves as a means to accomplish one of the administration’s mission: the 1000 cendikia (r ahadi, 2019), a continuation of one of dr. zulkieflimansyah’s campaign promises to send 1000 ntb students to study abroad. a nongovernmental organization means that lpp ntb’s funding undoubtedly sources from funding outside the official budget (apbd). it relies on corporate social responsibility (csr) of companies operating in ntb, donors of the sympathizers, and scholarships from universities agreeing to cooperate in succeeding in the program (rahadi, 2019), particularly those outside indonesia. in many negotiations conducted between the governor’s office with regions outside indonesia, negotiators from lpp ntb are also present in the meeting along with dr. zulkieflimansyah himself, thus revealing the pivotal role of lpp ntb in the process. as per 2019, as this article was in the making, the awardees of the lpp ntb’s scholarship ranging around 250 with details provided below: no. type(s) of scholarship host countries program batch grade awardee study intake 1 category a (fully funded) poland batch 1 s2 20 october 2018 batch 2 s2 26 february 2019 batch 3 s2 26 october 2019 malaysia s2 141 september 2019 2 category b (partially funded) china s1 21 october 2019 s3 16 october 2019 table 1 awardee of beasiswa ntb year 2018-2019 (https://lppntb.com/) another purpose of the establishment of lpp ntb is to outmaneuver the “complicated” b u r e a u c r a c y r e q u i r e d f o r the establishment of formal p a r a d i p l o m a c y c o o p e r a t i o n 74 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 with regions (aulia, 2019). dr. zulkieflimansyah (2019) argued during an interview that educationbased cooperation through lpp ntb serves as a “stepping stone” for more structured and formal cooperation between the governor’s office of ntb and other regions potentially welcoming ntb as their partner. with twelve procedures, the governor’s office has to accomplish to establish formal cooperation based on regulation of foreign minister (permenlu) number 3 the year 2019 regarding the general guideline on foreign relations by local governments. the considerable amount of time expended on coordination with dprd, the ministry of internal affairs, and external affairs included in the twelve procedures respectively has driven dr. zulkieflimansyah for another alternative requiring less bureaucratic procedures and time to establish. tasking a nongovernmental organization, creates an early start for the governor’s office of ntb. such a form of cooperation received immediate approval from the central government (liputan6. com, 2018), particularly indonesia, for the central governments of both indonesia and poland attempt to fulfill their interests in ntb. as ntb’s local government attempts to benefit from the sending of students to poland, polish corporations invest in various sectors, including tourism and construction, by cooperating with national companies with one recent example being the construction of sambelia power plant (suara ntb, 2019). under president joko widodo’s administration, foreign investment has become a priority for the government to enhance national and regional economy and, with regional leaders authorized to de-bureaucratize investment-related regulations (badan koordinasi penanaman modal, n.d.). the governor’s office of ntb adapts with the system by promoting cooperation with governments and organizations on education with an opportunity for investment in return. discussion based on discoveries related to paradiplomac y practiced by tuan guru bajang and dr. zulkieflimansyah, several points are taken into account, particularly the reasoning behind the focused sectors of paradiplomacy in each period and how the public of ntb views the policies of each governor. in the case of paradiplomacy policies issued by the two governors of dhany putra pratama paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: 75 ntb between 2013 and 2018, both legislative and executive may have different reasonings on enlisting halal tourism in tgb’s era and education and investment in dr. zul’s era as an option for paradiplomacy aside with the afore-existing tourism and investment options. further investigation reveals that the factors why the two governors alongside the representative council decide to select the two options: external and internal. factors and rational considerations external factors of such paradiplomacy options mainly refer to situations occurring outside the national jurisdiction and border of ntb’s government and indonesian government entirely, thus leaving ntb’s government, particularly both governors, with the option to adapt to the situation. two of the most prominent and repeatedly discussed factors is the emergence of asean community as a new integration platform of southeast asian countries included in the association of southeast asian nations or asean consisting of economic, s o cio-cultural, and politics-security integration agreements signed by presidents and legal representatives of each member state. the integration plan for both governors and the local representative council (dprd) serves as both an opportunity and threat to ntb’s economy as the loosening of regulations on the flow of people, goods, services, and technology between member states. at the same time, it benefits ntb as the trade road becomes wider and more flexible, are also vulnerable to domination as the free market model of asean is a competition. those unable to compete will experience an unintended overflow of such goods, services, and more, thus leading both governors to be creative in handling such issues. the second issue is the fulfillment task of united nations’ sustainable development goals (sdgs), which indonesia signed in 2015 and, along with the other 189 un member states, plan to gratify in the year 2030. the sdgs’ fulfillment aims for global mutual prosperity consisting of 17 goals and 169 targets. the third factor emerges from the demands of cooperation initiated by foreign governments and other institutions, which undeniably intend to fulfill their own previously mentioned three goals (purely economic, multipurpose, and regional identity/political interests). in the practice of paradiplomacy agreements between ntb and foreign institutions (governments, 76 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 companies, and universities), the agreement regularly involves two paradiplomacy sectors or more with the expectation that when one side does not receive a direct benefit from one sector. the other included sectors may assist. for instance, the agreement between ntb and kujawsko-pomorskie, poland, involves the polish government’s and companies’ investment in special economic zone (kawasan ekonomi khusus or kek) mandalika, lombok in exchange of ntb students studying in toruń and other cities across the kujawsko-pomorskie. however, foreign direct investment (fdi) in indonesia is a national-level issue, and the sustainable energy facilities investment is a continuation of the indonesia-polish central government agreement. internally, the first factor to consider is the demand of people and the governors’ vision to moderate a “change” in the system, demanding it to improve on sectors previous governments missed continuously. in other words, while the governors insist on creating a distinct vision, missions, and policies to their predecessors, the people simultaneously request “better government” than before, based on the desired conditions backed by experiences. as tgb intended to build ntb through a religious-based tourism concept, dr. zulkieflimansyah intended to build ntb through developing human resources and economy through education (zulkieflimansyah, 2019) and investment. the second factor is the condition of ntb’s human development index (hdi) being “lower than the national average rate.” the latest calculation of hdi issued by badan pusat statistik (bps) indicated that the hdi of ntb experienced a gradual increase for eight years by starting at 61,16 in 2010 and ending at 67,30 in 2018. despite the increase, such numbers are still below the national means ranging from 66,53 per 2010 to 71,39 per 2018. the hdi growth per year for the province is also relatively inconsistent, with the lowest laying at 0,88 percent in 2014 and 0,95 percent in 2016. still, the numbers indicated signs of improvement with average growth being higher compared with the national mean every year with graphics designated below: dhany putra pratama paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: 77 lastly, the desire of each governor to “globalize” ntb in their plan is influencing the paradiplomacy trend. if tuan guru bajang “globalized” ntb through the introduction and massive promotion of the “halal tourism” brand to the global muslim community, dr. zul focuses on granting a chance for ntb students to promote their country and province through diaspora for the same purpose. furthermore, both governors fulfill the goal by increasing the reach of their policy and flexibility of the application. one example is the determination of dr. zul to exclude “obligatory dedication” to a governmental institution for the scholarship awardees and allow them to “seek their career” while building the graphic 1 hdi growth percentage of ntb province year 2011-2018 (badan pusat statistik provinsi nusa tenggara barat (2019)) graphic 2: hdi of ntb year 2010-2018 (badan pusat statistik provinsi nusa tenggara barat (2019)) 78 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 image of ntb in the international community. another example is the continuous deregulation of ntb’s bureaucratic and licensing system in tgb’s era, responding president’s joko widodo’s mandate to create an investor-friendly ecosystem, particularly in the newly established kek mandalika (herbawati, 2018). public opinion and critics a dubbed good and applicable policy is not completely perfect nor necessarily pleasing everyone within the society, either those belonging to the civilian or government officials. at some moments, critics are inevitable as a systemized policy is regardless prone to flaws at some points, particularly executions. the same rule frequently happens in the last two periods of government within the scope of west nusa tenggara province, where, despite various innovative policies issued with such deemed-perfect planning, they still display flaws, thus triggering critics from the society. r e s p o n d i n g t o tu a n guru bajang’s “halal tourism” paradiplomacy policy, the author admits that executing such a publicly unfamiliar policy, arguably the first in indonesia at the time, requires lots of courage and systematic planning thus enabling the policy to extract the desired output. however, the development of “halal tourism” in ntb almost entirely focuses on lombok island with considerably little-to-no attention to potentials sumbawa island might provide (psnews, 2016). for people residing in sumbawa, this condition frequently leads to the “jealous sentiment” of sumbawanese, which ironically has been a long-living sentiment even before the period tuan guru bajang became the governor of ntb firstly in 2008. the author realizes tgb’s plan to exploit the pulau 1000 masjid (1000 mosques island) identity of lombok island, indicating the majority of the lombok population being muslim (badan pusat statistik provinsi nusa tenggara barat, 2019) in building “halal tourism.” despite so, such a situation may lead to other sectors receiving less attention, and the sumbawanese are considerably anxious that such a condition possibly turns into a reality. another issue that often emerges and purposively aimed towards the “halal tourism” paradiplomacy is the fear that tgb systematically ignores the economic role of other religious groups residing in ntb, particularly lombok island as the center of “halal tourism” policy. maintaining harmonious relations dhany putra pratama paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: 79 between ethnoreligious groups and having balinese ethnic embracing hinduism as the second-largest community in ntb serve as both a unique trait a challenge to ntb regardless of the time and place. fortunately, research by setiawati (2019) indicated that the hindu community involved in the halal tourism project is generally pleased and positive with the economic prospects potentially emerging from halal tourism. however, lack of proper socialization and training to the society, particularly the workers at various tourism facilities (hotels, restaurants), and the tourist often led to misunderstandings, thus reducing the effectiveness of such a perfectly-planned policy. the next administration also appears to be struggling with the same issue (baihaqi, 2019) despite the routine visits and monitoring conducted by the governor. the desired executions are considerably patchy and hasty (talika news, 2019), thus triggering critics from the public and government officials. officials and political parties often become one of the first to respond and criticize the policies of the local government in ntb. for the chief of fraksi bintang perjuangankan nurani rakyat (fbpnr) for dprd ntb, l. budi suriyata (talika news, 2019), the policies of dr. zulkieflimansyah’s administration, including the education and investment-based paradiplomacy, are prone to mal-administration due to the hurried implementations but able to be tackled through proper planning and information system. another issue commonly discussed is the inequal treat the government laid on the revitalization of lombok island following the earthquake in mid-2018, stated by koalisi masyarakat sipil ntb and partai demokrasi indonesia – perjuangan (pdi-p) ntb (hidayat & zulfikar, 2019). for the public, the critics on dr. zulkieflimansyah’s policies, education, and investment-based paradiplomac y, in particular, mostly aim at how the lack of proper information and contact system of the governor’s office on the scholarship during first months of application. due to this issue, applicants often found themselves ignored by lpp ntb as the committee with uncertain requirements and the inability of the committee to respond immediately and later refrained their intentions to enlist (fahriza, 2018). for worse, the inability for proper information and communication system also causes suspicion among society. the 80 islamic world and politics vol. 4. no. 1 june 2020 awardees are “close” to the governor, causing what the author describes as “a waste of potential talent.” another issue is as stated by the secretary of education and cultural department of ntb (disdikbud ntb). sukran (2019), mentions the necessity of improvement of the capability of all students of ntb, especially those participating in lpp ntb’s scholarship, namely beasiswa ntb, to speak, write, and read in foreign languages (i.e., english, mandarin) to improve their study abroad. the author suggests that the improvement of the capability of students of ntb in communicating with foreign languages may also elevate ntb’s reputation towards the host countries. the last issue appearing during the implementation is the presence of unnecessary fear of the ntb society that is known to be religious, particularly the parents, that studying abroad may lead their children into ideologies contradicting religious teachings (fahriza, 2018). while appearing trivial, such issue shall be the attention for fear of communicating with the outside world will hinder the progress of the government and the society to improve. in tackling the issue, the task of the government mainly centers on educating the society that ideologies adopted in any states are not necessarily affecting the ideologies of the students, and character-building at home is the primary task of the parents to guide and strengthen their children’s principles. with such effort, the knowledge and experience retrieved by the students can open the minds of people fearing to face the outside world. conclusion ntb’s paradiplomacy trends for the last five years rely on the initiative of the governors as the leader of the movement and their capability to exploit available resources and connection to improve the regional competitiveness in the middle of competition between regions within the same state and outside. with various available options, the governors should experiment and expand the region’s capability in challenging the continuously changing and demanding global economy. frequently relying on regional identity, personal experience, and the current trend, the two governors ruling between 2013 and 2018 exactly committed so by introducing halal tourism paradiplomacy initiated by tuan guru bajang and education and investment-based paradiplomacy by dhany putra pratama paradiplomacy practice in indonesia: 81 dr. zulkieflimansyah. the reasonings may vary depending on the situation at the time, but the mutual line is drawable, thus dividing the influential factors into external and internal. externally, the influence of asean community, united nations’ sustainable development goals (sdgs), and the demands for cooperation expressed by foreign institutions, being governments, companies, and organizations, play significant roles in driving the trend of paradiplomacy in ntb these years. internally, an attempt to increase the province’s hdi, realization of creating a “different” policy from the predecessors, and “globalizing” ntb considerably play the role to a certain degree. however, such policies are not invulnerable to flaws, particularly in the implementation. for instance, tuan guru bajang’s halal tourism plan lacks full-scale socialization to the locals and tourists, thus frequently causing misinterpretation of the whole halal tourism idea. another issue is that while lombok island is prosperous for the halal tourism 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(d. p. pratama, interviewer) journal of islamic world and politics vol. 6, no. 2, december 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 representation of religious conflict in local media encep dulwahab department of communication studies, state islamic university of sunan gunung djati bandung, email: encep.dulwahab@uinsgd.ac.id darajat wibawa department of communication studies, state islamic university of sunan gunung djati bandung, email: darajatwibawa@uinsgd.ac.id enjang muhaemin department of communication studies, state islamic university of sunan gunung djati bandung, email: enjangmuhaemin@uinsgd.ac.id dyah rahmi astuti department of communication studies, state islamic university of sunan gunung djati bandung, email: dyah.rahmiastuti@uinsgd.ac.id abstract the media always try their best to represent reality for their audiences, with the hope of retaining readers and increasing company revenues. however, in depicting the reality of religious conflict, the media often contradicts the norms, ethics, and code of ethics of journalism itself. the purpose of this study was to determine the representation of religious conflict in local media, namely the ahmadiyah conflict in west java, which was published in the pikiran rakyat in news coverage from 2010 to 2011. this study used teun a. van dijk’s critical discourse analysis method. the results of the study show that pikiran rakyat represents the ahmadiyah conflict in various ways, including dividing the object of its reporting into two camps, strong and weak, by branding ahmadiyah as a deviant, banned, and disbanded organization. the strong side is an organization supported by the government, and the weak side is ahmadiyah, which does not receive 254 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 government protection and support. pikiran rakyat presents news sources in this religious conflict in an unfair and balanced manner, presenting more news sources from the majority than ahmadiyah as a minority. pikiran rakyat also represent ways of resolving the ahmadiyah conflict. keywords: representation, media, conflict, religion, abstrak media selalu berusaha sebaik mungkin untuk merepresentasikan realitas bagi khalayaknya, dengan harapan dapat mempertahankan pembaca dan meningkatkan pendapatan perusahaan. namun, dalam menggambarkan realitas konflik agama, media seringkali bertentangan dengan norma, etika, dan kode etik jurnalisme itu sendiri. tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui representasi konflik agama di media lokal yaitu konflik ahmadiyah di jawa barat yang dimuat di pikiran rakyat dalam liputan berita tahun 2010 hingga 2011. penelitian ini menggunakan metode analisis wacana kritis teun a. van dijk. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pikiran rakyat merepresentasikan konflik ahmadiyah dengan beragam, di antaranya membagi objek pemberitaannya menjadi dua kubu, kuat dan lemah, dengan mencap ahmadiyah sebagai organisasi sesat, terlarang, dan bubar. kubu yang kuat adalah organisasi yang di dukung pemerintah, dan kubu yang lemah adalah ahmadiyah yang tidak mendapatkan perlindungan dan dukungan pemerintah. pikiran rakyat menyajikan sumber berita dalam konflik agama ini secara tidak adil dan berimbang, menghadirkan lebih banyak sumber berita dari mayoritas dibandingkan ahmadiyah sebagai minoritas. pikiran rakyat juga dengan merepresentasikan cara-cara menyelesaikan konflik ahmadiyah. keywords: representasi, media, konflik, agama, introduction west java is a province with a large and heterogeneous population, which is identical to a province with sundanese people who are famous to be polite and friendly. however, compared to other provinces, some studies show that citizens in the province also have a high level of religious intolerance. the wahid foundation reported that throughout 2017, there were 28 encep dulwahab, darajat wibawa, enjang muhaemin, dyah rahmi astuti representation of religious conflict in local media 255 conflicts triggered by religious issues in west java (irfan, 2017). in the same year lbh also advocated for nine issues related to violations of the right to freedom of religion and belief in west java (erdianto, 2018). this trend continues to happen until now. recently, the ministry of religious affair reported that the level of religious harmony index in west java is only 68.5 percent and the level still below the average religious harmony index in other provinces which reach 73.83 percent (nasyit, 2021). this data was confirmed by the results of the indonesia political opinion (ipo) survey which shows that the level religious tolerance of the west java community is very low (rifat, 2022). according to halili hasan (in irawan, 2021), there are four factors that have influenced the low tolerance and high level of religious conflict in west java over the last 14 years. these factors include government regulations on religion, politicization of religion, the historical context of religious development, and conservative of understanding islam. in addition, some studies also show the importance roles of mass media in increasing or reducing religious tolerance. despite the emerging roles of social media in informing various religious issues mass media remains the main source of information about conflict for communities (venus, et. al., 2019). rahmawati and anwari (2013, p. 5) found that mass media in indonesia also play certain roles in covering religious conflicts. there are two main issues that attract the media attention when it comes to religious conflict related issues. first, the relation between the majority muslim community with christiants; second, the relation of the majority muslim with minority muslim who are believed to be deviated from the mainstream islamic teachings which include the ahmadiyah group, the syiah group, and the salamullah group (rahmawati and anwari, 2013, p. 5). in other countries, studies show that media are directly or indirectly involved in religious conflicts in constructive or destructive ways. media has the capacity to present conflict and also has the potential to spread the spirit of peace (marsden & savingny, 2009, p.115157; juditha, 2011; manan et.al., 2014, p.38). however, media also has a tendency to reduce tolerance while also significantly increasing intolerance (elisabeth & maccabe, 2010; keum et.al., 2005; nelson et.al., 1997). 256 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 there are several existing studies about how media covering religious conflict and broader religious issues. study from suryana (2019) showed that there were media that support minorities, yet there were also media that act in the name of islam and then support the enforcement of islamic law. there were also media that tend to use bombastic and agitative language, especially toward minority groups (suryana, 2019). similarly, andarini (2014) argued that the media tend to create a negative image towards minority group such as ahmadiyah by using dramatic language. the treatment of minorities by the media is carried out not only in indonesia, but also in the western countries. for instance, study from ahmet & matthes (2016) found that media in the west often represent islam and muslims with a negative way such as by framing that islam is a religion full of violence. however, another study also showed that there were media in western countries such as in australia that try to cover religion in different ways by considering various aspects of australian society’s lives (weng & halafoff, 2020). even though there are some existing studies about the way in which media covering religious conflict, most of those existing studies focus on national media, covering inter-religious conflict, and using general qualitative approaches. there are limited studies about how local media is covering news about intra-religious conflict, especially about ahmadiyah by applying critical discourse analysis method. this study, therefore, focuses on how pikiran rakyat newspaper covers ahmadiyah conflict. the issue of the representation of the west java ahmadiyah conflict in pikiran rakyat is interesting to study. the reason for choosing pikiran rakyat as the research subject is because pikiran rakyat is the largest media in west java society (firman, 2019). pikiran rakyat is often said to be the newspaper of the sundanese. literature review there are several research results regarding the representation of conflict in the media. study from christiany juditha (2011) showed that the mass media has functional and dysfunctional roles. the functional role means that the media has a role in spreading the spirit of security, safety, and peace, which can reduce conflict. meanwhile, the dysfunctional means that the media can destroy the atmosphere, exacerbate problems, and ignite encep dulwahab, darajat wibawa, enjang muhaemin, dyah rahmi astuti representation of religious conflict in local media 257 emotions, causing conflict or prolonging conflict. dimitra l. milioni et al. (2015) in their study found that media coverage can have an impact on providing resolution to conflicts in society. meanwhile, the research results of richard c. reuben (2015) showed that conflict news has an impact on individual and public understanding of conflict. in their study about conflict news in nigeria, aliyu o. musa and neil ferguson’s (2013) found that media often use hostile and stereotyped terms in reporting on conflicts. not only that, the nigerian media also always spreads and teaches hate to its readers and always exacerbates religious conflicts. research on the media and religious conflict can also be seen in the research of aliyu odamah musa and muhammad jameel yusha’u (2013) which found that news made by cnn and al jazeera reporters about events in boko haram, are always inaccurate in reporting events. in presenting data, the news tends to be polarized. meanwhile, olayinka et al. (2015) focuses on government’s attitude towards the media in reporting on conflicts, the government should invite the media to resolve conflicts because the media can educate the public about how to resolve a conflict. looking at the results of the research, it is clear that the media is very interested in covering and reporting on conflicts, including religious conflicts. the conflict studied is inter-religious conflict, there is no internal religious conflict itself which is the object of this research, namely how the media presents conflict between ahmadiyah and religious organizations in west java. research method this study uses the theory of social positioning from harre and van langenhove. according to harre and van langenhove (1991), the media always represents its news object in two different positions. the media represents or carries out negative constructions regarding the object of the news, or conversely; the media represents positively towards certain individuals or communities in the object of the news (harre & van langenhove, 1991; 1999). therefore, to analyze the news, ibrahim (2020) suggests that researchers can look at quotes from sources as discourse actors. so the theory of social positioning says that the statements of sources in a news story can be 258 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 called a means of social positioning (ibrahim, 2020). this study uses the critical discourse analysis method of teun a. van dijk because it can elaborate deeper discourse elements for the text and dismantle the process of making texts (eriyanto, 2006, p. 221). then the news that was selected was the news in pikiran rakyat in 2010 and 2011, in which there were a total of 15 news stories about the ahmadiyah. in that year, conflicts occurred in various areas in west java with the highest frequency compared to the years before or after. this research data collection uses observation techniques, in which the researcher observes news texts about ahmadiyah news. the observed 15 news items were published from 2010 to 2011. the types of news that were observed were all straight news. the observed news are taken from different pages, on the front page as well as on pages 4 or 5. the researchers analyze how the discourse strategy is used to describe ahmadiyah. how is the textual strategy used to get rid of or marginalize the ahmadiyah group and its ideas? to obtain accuracy, the researcher uses linguistic characteristics in reporting on the ahmadiyah conflict (eriyanto, 2006, p. 135). researchers analyze ahmadiyah news texts by looking at several discourse structures as follow: (1). thematic, observing how journalists write their main ideas in ahmadiyah news; (2). schematic, observing how journalists make news flow from the first paragraph to the last paragraph of ahmadiyah news; (3). semantics, observing how journalists make the background of the ahmadiyah conflict; (4). syntax: observing how journalists compose words into sentences in ahmadiyah news; (5). stylistics, observing how journalists choose words in making news about the ahmadiyah conflict; (6). rhetorical, observing how journalists place emphasis on news of the ahmadiyah conflict (eriyanto, 2006, pp. 228–229). result and explanation heresy, forbidden, and disbandment according to a text analysis of 15 news stories about ahmadiyah, eight of the stories from pikiran rakyat portray ahmadiyah as a deviant religious organization that is forbidden and must be dissolved. it can be seen in the eight news stories, including: encep dulwahab, darajat wibawa, enjang muhaemin, dyah rahmi astuti representation of religious conflict in local media 259 number title 1. there are seven heretical sects in bekasi (october 13, 2011) 2. k a j a r i ku n i n g a n a s k s ahmadiyah manislor to lower jai attributes (april 5, 2011) 3. bogor mayor issues ahmadiyah ban decree (march 5, 2011) 4. regency government seals ahmadiyah mosque (july 26, 2011) 5. ppp requests ahmadiyah disbandment (july 5, 2011) 6. kuningan muslims urge president to immediately disband ahmadiyah (march 1, 2011) 7. bekasi city government issues ban on ahmadiyah (october 13, 2011) 8. kuningan muslim component asks ahmadiya h to b e disbanded (march 27, 2011) table 1. news of the pikiran rakyat stating that ahmadiyah is a deviant, prohibited organization and must be disbanded. the discourses developed by the editor of pikiran rakyat regarding representation of ahmadiyah can be seen in the languages used in the news, such as ahmadiyah is heretical, ahmadiyah is destroying the teachings of islam, ahmadiyah is a religious liar, ahmadiyah has tarnished islam, and ahmadiyah deserves to be dissolved. pikiran rakyat’s editor represents ahmadiyah in its news by labeling ahmadiyah using those negative words. in this way, the editor of pikiran rakyat give their own meaning about religious intolerance to the readers. as hall (1982) said, the media can make something meaningful, or the media can make meaning for an event, through an active process, starting from the process of sorting, presenting, compiling, and constructing a moment. pikiran rakyat, with all the facilities it has, present their meaning about various events including about ahmadiyah conflict to the reader. with events that have been interpreted by the editors, what the readers get is the interpreted version of reality made by journalists and the editors of pikiran rakyat. according to hall (1997), the process of representing an event or issue in media is carried out by giving a sign, name, or label into that event or issue. using hall’s framework (1997, p. 237), it can be understood that the differences in the designations made by the editors of pikiran rakyat against ahmadiyah and various other islamic organizations are the 260 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 result of reality construction through language use in the form of binary opposition. wood (1985) argued that in labeling, there are processes of control, regulation, and arrangement, most of which the makers themselves are not aware of. in this sense, the editors of the pikiran rakyat do not realize the detailed process and implication when they quote a news source’s statement, then the statement is packaged in such a way, then published it in the form of news, and then those terms are spread, which then become public consumption. labeling, or more precisely, tagging, involves power relations. therefore, marking or labeling makes it easier to address or assign people in certain situations (hobart, 2007, p. 131). in the case of editor of the pikiran rakyat, they mark or label ahmadiyah community as people who do not have power, so they are used as objects to receive the labeling. the labeling of ahmadiyah by the editor of pikiran rakyat is based on the social positioning theory, according to which pikiran rakyat has constructed or described the phenomenon of conflict between ahmadiyah and the religious community. in this case, the editor of pikiran rakyat described the ahmadiyah as a target group to be portrayed negatively in its news (harre & van langenhove, 1991, p. 1999). giving a name, or more specifically, a symbolic marking of the ahmadiyah community in the media, experiences intrinsic internalization in the reader (community), who is used to living with various new vocabularies from the media, new values introduced by the media, and various mass cultures that are so popular. dominant so that people no longer have the power to reject it, let alone try to test its truth. the vocabularies and values introduced by the media are considered something natural (naturalized) and present in the midst of society (bailey & harindranath, 2010, p. 276). media-reinforced labeling involves hegemony and rulers, so this labeling occurs as something natural (wood, 1985, p. 351; hobart, 2007, p. 131). the editor of pikiran rakyat spread various terms as labels for ahmadiyah, such as terms for blasphemy, deviant sects, and so on, the term became massive and familiar to the public. hence, the term quickly became ‘commonplace’, and people considered it a natural thing. using ludwig wittgenstein concept (1958, p. 26), the labeling carried out by the pikiran rakyat against ahmadiyah is the same as attaching a stamp to certain objects encep dulwahab, darajat wibawa, enjang muhaemin, dyah rahmi astuti representation of religious conflict in local media 261 or goods. the editor of pikiran rakyat has frammed ahmadiyah as an organization with a forbidden label, a blasphemer of religion, a deviant sect, and so on. the labeling carried out by the editor of pikiran rakyat can be interpreted as an effort by the editors of pikiran rakyat to fight against the representation of ahmadiyah, which has been going on for a long time. “representational strategies” and “linguistic terms” that challenge and undermine those familiar expressions are referred to as “counter-representations” by bayley and hariandranath (2010, p. 277).  strong faction versus weak faction the editor of pikiran rakyat also represents the ahmadiyah conflict with strong and weak polarizations. the percentage is 80% of the reporting portion of the strong side and 20% of the reporting portion of the weak side in reporting on religious conflicts in the pikiran rakyat in 2010 and 2011.   the stronghold that is quite significant in the coverage of the ahmadiyah in pikiran rakyat is seen in including government officials and the majority islamic organizations. the organizations have a lw ay s ha d d i f fe re nt perspective from ahmadiyah or even have been in conflicts with the ahmadiyah. the media give the organizations freedom to express their voices, desires, and complaints about ahmadiyah. meanwhile, the ahmadiyah were given a little space to defend themselves and clarify the accusations against them. in its reporting text, the ahmadiyah congregation is positioned as a weak stronghold. the editor of the pikiran rakyat did not hesitate to say that the strong majority demanded the local and central government officials disband the ahmadiyah. using the title that ahmadiyah is a deviant sect that deserves to be disbanded, such as in the news, “ppp asks for ahmadiyah to be disbanded,” “the muslim component of kuningan asks ahmadiyah to still be disbanded,” and “muslims in kuningan urge the president to immediately disband ahmadiyah.” among the news stories above, the contents are more likely to invite the majority to fill in the news, compared to those from the ahmadiyah, who are clearly a minority. the news also shows the hegemony of the majority over the minority. as in the news, “ppp asks for ahmadiyah to be disbanded.” from the title to the content of this 262 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 news, it really provokes the readers to carry out acts of violence against the ahmadiyah congregation as a weak stronghold. journalists, when making news, have constructed two camps between the majority and the minority. the editors also often agree on the ahmadiyah report, which positions two camps: the weak and minority ahmadiyah camps and the larger and stronger camp, namely the stronghold of islamic community organizations and the government. and in its reporting, the editor of the pikiran rakyat prioritizes what the government and islamic community organizations want over ahmadiyah. ibrahim (2020, p. 97) argues that the representation that journalists build as discourse actors when they construct the ahmadiyah is powerless when contrasted with the voices of dominant and powerful bureaucrats and islamic community organizations. journalists and the media have excluded ahmadiyah as the dominant and powerful group in reporting. unbalanced portion of speakers in representing the ahmadiyah conflict, the editor of the pikiran rakyat presents more sources from the ruling party and the majority than from the ahmadiyah. in represeting news on ahmadiyah, approximately 80% of news sources come from government elements and several mainstream islamic organizations. there are only 20% ahmadiyah representatives covered in the news.  the principle of objectivity in reporting is non-negotiable. hafez (2002), in his research, found that there is an agreement between the journalistic cultures of the middle east and europe, namely that standards of truth and objectivity must be the central values of journalism. this means that journalists everywhere, when making news, must be in accordance with the reality on the ground and may not support or side with one group. moreover, when covering conflict, journalists and media must do so in a more objective and balanced way (demarest et al., 2020). journalists, when making news, must thoroughly explain the event, not in pieces (atmakusumah & atmakusumah, 2009, p. 54) as the fragmented news can be misunderstood by the reader. the editorial side of pikiran rakyat’s representation of the ahmadiyah conflict is quite contrasting. this partisanship encep dulwahab, darajat wibawa, enjang muhaemin, dyah rahmi astuti representation of religious conflict in local media 263 certainly violates article 1 of the journalistic code of ethics regarding independence. pikiran rakyat has displayed non-independent works in ahmadiyah coverage and reporting. what pikiran rakyat does is particularly againts the principle of independence journalism as promoted by many experts suach as kovach and rosenstiel (2006, p. 122). yasraf amir piliang (2003) viewed that objectivity, justice, covering both sides, and factverification are indeed used by journalists and the media, but they are all used and intended for the authorities. although the authorities did not directly ask for the media’s alignment with them, non-technical factors directed them to do so; such as buying newspapers in large quantities, advertising diligently, giving bonuses to the editors, and so on, which makes the editors rethink if they want to fight them. the existence of a violation of the journalistic code of ethics by the editor of pikiran rakyat when carrying out their duties in reporting the ahmadiyah conflict was due to the strong economic interests of the media and political power. these two factors make it is not easy for the media to be neutral, independent, fair and objective. it is the economic interests of the media and the power of political power that will change the direction of media policy. editorial policy in particular cannot be stopped by its shifting orientation, starting from the information conveyed by the media containing the truth to false truth: conveying objective information becomes subjective; representing facts becomes twisting facts; describing reality becomes simulating reality (piliang, 2004, pp. 133–134). truth, objectivity, facts, and original reality are all hidden, then replaced with truth, objectivity, facts, and shadow reality. so, it is indeed difficult for journalists to uphold justice and be balanced in every news story. it may be as difficult as keeping the facts accurate (atmahkusumah & atmahkusumah, 2009, p. 53). according to roberto herrscher (2002, p. 277), it is necessary to have a clear division of this journalistic code of ethics, namely a journalistic code of ethics for media owners, a journalistic code of ethics for the public, and a journalistic code of ethics for professional journalists. roberto herrscher suugested that journalists should not violate the code of ethics. however, this advice will be difficult to put into practice because the news production 264 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 process will involve many people, so it requires a universal code of ethics that is not partial. journalists play the most imp or t ant and v isible role in repres enting ahmadiyah. me anw h i l e , j ou r n a l i s t s are influenced by various factors that weigh in on how strong they are, so they cannot fight back. journalists are shaped by their social environment, influenced by ideology and politics, and some are openly influenced by their religion, as stated by akbarzadeh and smith (2005, p. 36). these factors influence their mindset and drive them to work as journalists in the newsroom. as a result, muttaqin (2012) shows that the media tend to report on religion from the perspective of one religious school or sect. the media can sometimes enter and become a part of certain religious groups, or it can become opposed to certain religious groups and be outside of them.  hall (1982, p. 148) asserted that news is a product of human formation that has been trained and bound in a press institution—in the context of a certain space and time, in a certain society and culture, in a certain set of cultural values and political economy, making it difficult for journalists free from intervention and for journalists who are sterile or untouched by the social and cultural environment in which journalists work. therefore, it is not surprising that there is a bias in the representation of news about the ahmadiyah conflict in the pikiran rakyat. how to resolve the conflicts pikiran rakyat also represents ways to resolve the ahmadiyah conflict and efforts to reduce the ahmadiyah conflict in their reporting. as listed in table 2, there are more or less six news reports that explicitly and clearly explain how the editors of pikiran rakyat also participate in reducing conflicts and resolving disputes between ahmadiyah and islamic community organizations and government officials that are motivated by opposing religious sects or beliefs. number title 1. muhammadiyah and nu initiative to resolve ahmadiyah conflict (march 8, 2011) 2. fuhs conducts peaceful action (june 9, 2010) 3. nu elders throughout the cirebon region will respond to ahmadiyah (march 2, 2011) encep dulwahab, darajat wibawa, enjang muhaemin, dyah rahmi astuti representation of religious conflict in local media 265 4. a h m a d i y a h r e p e n t a n c e eliminates conflict (march 16, 2011) 5. kapolda asks all parties to retain (july 28, 2010) 6. violence is a crime (april 21, 2011) table 2. news of the pikiran rakyat that participate in reducing conflicts and resolving disputes between ahmadiyah and islamic community organizations and government officials. the ahmadiyah conflict as a reality that becomes news material in the pikiran rakyat is presented in several news stories that are different from other news stories. starting with news source statements and descriptions, although in this news, news sources are still dominated by people with influence or authority. however, the messages conveyed by news sources mostly make readers aware of the importance of maintaining ukhuwah islamiyah; readers are aware that even violence will not solve problems; and differences do not have to lead to divisions among fellow citizens. here, the editor of pikiran rakyat, as an influential and popular media in west java, can help the government in resolving the ahmadiyah conflict. in this sense, it is relevant to look at study from olayinka et al. (2015) which suggests that the parties’ state apparatus should be willing to accept the position and role of the media, starting with reporting and teaching the public about resolving conflicts. when the government is aware of this role, it can maximize the media to convey messages of peace. the editor of pikiran rakyat can be a medium to reduce the ahmadiyah conflict; on the other hand, it can also exacerbate the ahmadiyah conflict. it can be seen in the reports in other news texts that the editor of pikiran rakyat uses the term “disbandment,” which indirectly can trigger mass action to commit anarchy. however, as in the news of conflict resolution, the editor of pikiran rakyat can quell the emotions of the masses. according to the findings of a study conducted by christiany juditha (2011); elizabeth and mccabe (2010); keum, et al. (2005); nelson, et al. (1997); lee marsden and heather savingny (2009, pp. 158-157), manan, et al. (2014 p. 38); and dimitra l. milioni et al. (2015 p. 240), the media has the capital and role to promote peace and reduce conflict. on the other hand, it can play a dysfunctional 266 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 role, i.e., exacerbate problems and trigger emotions so that conflicts arise. richard c. reuben (2015, p. 80) states that reporting on conflict has an impact on the public’s understanding of conflict. if the media is wrong in presenting conflict to the public sphere, then the conflict can last forever. on the other hand, if the media can create awareness among the people in conflict, the conflict can be quickly resolved. howe ver, t he e ditor of pikiran rakyat and the conflict are inextricably linked. conflict issues are still a source of news that has high appeal. the ahmadiyah conflict in west java is no exception. however, no matter how strong the editors of pikiran rakyat’s interest in conflict is, it is best not to make it a source of news with news that destroys the harmony and peace of religious life. as dimitra l. milioni vaia doudaki et al. (2015) note, conflict in society comes in various forms, so this conflict is of great interest to the media. yet, do not let these conflicts be presented in the media in a confrontational way with a less interesting goal. it is better to present this conflict by taking into account the elements of its impact on the news. conclusion based on the discussion of this study, there are four important and interesting notes related to the representation of religious conflicts in pikiran rakyat. first, in representing the ahmadiyah conf lict, the pikiran r akyat indirectly states that ahmadiyah is a sect that is heretical, forbidden, and must be disbanded. the pikiran rakyat is doing so by quoting statements from sources and regulations from the government that clearly and unequivocally state that ahmadiyah is heretical and misleading, is prohibited from carrying out various activities, and must be disbanded. second, pikiran rakyat represents the ahmadiyah conflict by positioning two different camps. the strong faction consists of the majority, such as community organizations that receive support from the government; meanwhile, the weak faction consists of ahmadiyah community, which is weak and does not receive support from anywhere. third, pikiran rakyat represents sources in every report on the ahmadiyah conflict in an unequal manner. pikiran rakyat quoted many sources from elements of the government and society who were encep dulwahab, darajat wibawa, enjang muhaemin, dyah rahmi astuti representation of religious conflict in local media 267 anti-ahmadiyah. meanwhile, the representation of the ahmadiyah community itself is very small. fourth, pikiran rakyat also represents ways of resolving the ahmadiyah conflict in its news. although there is little news, pikiran rakyat provides a strategy that was successfully carried out by the ulemas in resolving the ahmadiyah conflict. in reporting the ahmadiyah conflict, pikiran rakyat should not use a normative approach in carrying out its duties but can use a solution journalism or peace journalism approach. therefore, it would be interesting for future studies to use a solution journalism approach so that the role of journalism gets stronger in resolving conflicts and maintaining peace. bibliography book akbarzadeh, s. & smith, b. 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(2011). dilematis media dalam pemberitaan konflik dan kekerasan. tesis. fisip. universitas indonesia. islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 issn: 2614-0535 komunitas digital aimi dan gerakan sosial berbasis facebook demeiati nur kusumaningrum universitas muhammadiyah malang demeiati.nk@umm.ac.id winda hardyanti universitas muhammadiyah malang winda86@gmail.com hafid adim pradana1 universitas muhammadiyah malang adimhafid@gmail.com abstract this study describes the association of breastfeeding mothers indonesia (aimi) as an ngo that has built social movements to support breast feeding and nursing mothers in indonesia. aimi as a socio-political actor shapes the perception and behaviour of society to ensure the maternity right that has been recognized by the world health organization (who). this research uses qualitative-descriptive method with inductive approach. the data obtained through the online media content analysis, interviews, and literature study. it concludes thatfacebook became instrument of internalization of ideas, the dissemination of ideas, and claims of truth for aimi where: 1) breast milk is the best food for infants, 2) nursing is a baby and mother’s rights that should be supported through government policy and infrastructure, and 3) breastfeeding barriers experienced by mothers can be overcome with well established methods and knowledge. aimi’s digital community was createdinteraction in the form of presents text and images that lead to perceptions and behaviour indirectly strengthen the enactment of government regulation no. 33 in 2012 and 2013 permenkes no. 15. the online publicationhas involved aimi 1 tim peneliti pusat kajian sosial dan politik (pksp), fakultas ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik, universitas muhammadiyah malang. email: demeiati.nk@umm.ac.id 72 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 campaigns, educational information, socialization, training and consulting through facebook or discussion service with lactation counselor. keywords:digital community, maternity, ngo, policy, social movement abstrak penelitian ini menggambarkan asosiasi ibu menyusui indonesia (aimi) sebagai lsm yang membangun gerakan sosial untuk mendukung pemberian asi dan hak ibu menyusui di indonesia.aimi sebagai aktor sosial-politik membentuk persepsi dan perilaku masyarakat untuk menjamin hak maternitas yang telah diakui oleh organisasi kesahatan dunia (who). penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif-deskriptif dengan pendekatan induktif. datadiperoleh melalui analisis konten media daring, wawancara, dan studi literatur.hasil penelitian menyimpulkan facebookmenjadiinstrumen internalisasi ide, penyebaran gagasan, dan klaim kebenaran aimidi mana: 1) asi merupakan makanan terbaik bagi bayi, 2) menyusui merupakan hak bayi dan ibu yang harus didukung melalui kebijakan dan infrastruktur, dan 3) kendala menyusui dapat diatasi dengan metode yang tepat dan pengetahuan yang mapan.komunitas digital aimi menghadirkan interaksi dalam bentuk teks dan gambar yang mengarah pada persepsi dan perilaku yang secara tidak langsung menguatkan pemberlakuan peraturan pemerintah no 33 tahun 2012 dan permenkes no 15 tahun 2013. aimi melakukan publikasi daring meliputi kampanye,informasi edukatif, sosialisasi pelatihan, dan konsultasi melalui diskusi facebook atau layanan konselor laktasi. kata kunci:gerakan sosial, kebijakan, komunitas digital, lsm, maternitas pendahuluan globalisasi mengubah cara berpikir dan perilaku masyarakat menjadi lebih “moderen” yang mana dalam kenyataannya masingmasing individu mulai merayakan kebebasan berekspresi dan ber interaksi dengan “ala” dirinya sendiri. urusan pribadi telah menjadi konsumsi publik, tak terkecuali ranah administratif sistem pemerintahan berpeluang menjadi perdebatan hangat melalui media massa serta media sosial. sungguh, demeiati nur kusumaningrum, winda hardyanti & hafid adim pradana komunitas digital aimi dan gerakan sosial berbasis facebook 73 indonesia pun menikmati arus informasi yang begitu cepat, deras, dan tidak terkendali tersebut. kemajuan teknologi dan komunikasi mendorong masyarakat mereformulasi kembali makna “pranata sosial” dan merekonstruksi arti “tradisi” yang salah satu kasus nya mengerucut pada adu argumentasi di tiap-tiap generasi. untuk itu, tulisan ini hadir sebagai dokumentasi dan pelecut ide-ide terkait gerakan sosial baru yang berbasis pada media sosial. tulisan ini menggambarkan peran asosiasi ibu menyusui indonesia (aimi)dalam mengubah persepsi dan perilaku masyarakat untuk mendukung angka keberhasilan menyusui di indonesia. aimi2 lahir sebagai lembaga swadaya masyarakat(lsm) yang mem per juangkan hak menyusui bagi ibu dan hak mendapatkan asi bagi bayi. aimi berpusat di jakarta 2 sekretariat aimi berkedudukan di dki jakarta. saat ini  aimi memiliki cabang di 15 provinsi  yakni sumatra utara, bangka belitung, sumatra barat, jambi, lampung, kepulauan riau, jawa barat, jawa tengah, yogyakarta, jawa timur, bali, kalimantan barat, kalimantan timur, kalimantan selatan, dan sulawesi selatan. serta ranting di 9 kotamadya/kabupaten di luar ibu kota provinsi yakni depok, cirebon, bekasi, bogor, solo, purwokerto, bantul, malang, dan sorowako. dan memiliki cabang di 15 provinsi di indonesia serta kegiatan di lebih dari 10 (sepuluh) kota besar di indonesia (aimi 2017). masalah “menyusui” menjadi bahasan maternitas yang bisa ditinjau dari sisi kesehatan, sosial, dan juga politik. menurut sudut pandang bidang kesehatan, setiap individu baik hewan dan manusia yang digolongkan sebagai “mamalia” akan melalui siklus hidup di mana “menyusui” menjadi awal dimulainya kehidupan. ikatan dokter indonesia (idai) meng akui bahwa asi merupakan makanan yang sempurna bagi bayi dan mendukung metabolisme tubuh agar dapat berjalan lancar dan tubuh berkembang dengan baik.kedekatan fisik dengan ibu selama menyusui memberikan efek kedekatan emosional yang membantu bayi membangun ketenangan batin dan rasa percaya diri (kusumaningrum, 2016).sehingga, periode laktasi penting bagi tumbuh kembang manusia baik secara fisik maupun psikologis yang ke depannya berpengaruh terhadap kualitas sumber daya manusia (sdm) sebagai aset pembangunan nasional. aktivitas “menyusui”yang berhubungan dengan peran sosial budaya seorang “ibu” dalam 74 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 mem b entu k generasip ener us, perlu dijamin secara hukum. mengingat, perempuan menjadi pihak yangrentan mengalami diskriminasi sosial dalam upaya memenuhi hak-haknya di ruang publik (ruslan 2010).peraturan pemerintah (pp) nomor 33 tahun 2012 mengenai pemberian asi eksk lusif mengamanatkan p elaksanaan inisiasi menyusu dini (imd) pasca-ibu melahirkan, pengaturan promosi susu formula dan penyediaan infrastruktur dan kebijakan yang memfasilitasi ibu menyusui di ruang publik. hal ini dikuatkan dengan peraturan menteri kesehatan ri nomor 15 tahun 2013 tentang tata cara penyediaan fasilitas khusus menyusui dan/ atau memerah air susu ibu (pipimm 2011; kemenkes ri 2013; kemenkes ri 2014; kusumaningrum 2016).sebagai konsekuensi, berbagai ruang publik seperti perkantoran, tempat rekreasi, dan pusat perbelanjaan diwajib kan menyediakan sarana yang mendukung ibu menyusui seperti ‘pojok laktasi’ atau ‘ruang ibu dan anak’. sehingga, sesuai dengan visi-misinya aimi menjadi aktor sosial-politik yang berperan dalam memperjuangkan keberhasilan ibu menyusui di indonesia salah satunya dengan memanfaatkan akun facebook (menkes ri 2013; kusumaningrum 2016). metode penelitian aimi jawa timur menjadi subjek penelitian yang merepresentasikan aimi indonesia.dengan nilai pdrb dalam peringkat3 (tiga) besar di indonesia, jawa timur merepresentasikan daerah industri dan pusat perdagangan yang diasumsikan menyerap banyak tenaga kerja termasuk perempuan. dengan demikian, jawa timur dianggap mewakili kondisi masyarakat modern di mana perempuan bekerja memiliki t a nt a n g a n t a nt a n g a n d a l a m memenuhi periode menyusui. topik ini dianalisis menggunakan metode kualitatif-deskriptif, di mana penelitian ini lebih mengutamakan makna dan proses (bogdan & biklen: 1982). peneliti ikut berpartisipasi di lapangan, mencatat secara hatihati apa yang terjadi, melakukan analisis reflektif terhadap berbagai dokumen yang ditemukan di lapangan, dan membuat laporan secara detil (susan stainback: 2003). data dianalisis secara induktif untuk menggambarkan realitas yang kompleks dan memperoleh pemahaman secara mendalam terhadap fenomena yang diteliti demeiati nur kusumaningrum, winda hardyanti & hafid adim pradana komunitas digital aimi dan gerakan sosial berbasis facebook 75 (moleong, 2007; harrison, 2007; sugiyono 2009; mulyadi 2011). peneliti mengambil data dan informasi yang dibutuhkan untuk memperkuat argumentasi dan hasil analisis yang mendukung topik kajian, membangun kesalinghubungan, dan menyusun kesimpulan berdasarkan temuan. data dan informasi berdasarkan analisis konten media online akan diuji keabsahannya dengan teknik observasi, studi literatur, dan wawancara. data primerdiperoleh melalui; (1) pengamatan sebagai anggota komunitas digital aimi jawa timur (participant observation) kurun waktu 2015-2017. penelitian ini melakukan pengamatan terhadap perilaku para ibu yang memiliki bayi (0-2 tahun), bagaimana sikap, dan cara pandangnya terhadap masalah menyusui.(2) wawancara mendalam dilakukan terhadap sesama anggota komunitas digital aimi jawa timur dan beberapa resp onden yang mengetahui permasalahan “ibu menyusui” di indonesia, konselor laktasi, tenaga medis (dokter anak dan bidan) dan lembaga pelayanan kesehatan, yang mengetahui tentang pp no.33 tahun 2012 (purposive sampling), dan (3) dokumentasi konten teks dan gambar melalui publikasi daring sebagai data sekunder. penelitian ini mengumpulkan ide-ide dan konten informasi yang bersumber dari publikasi tulisantulisan ilmiah tentang masalah ibu dan anak, sosialisasi permasalahan menyusui di indonesia, artikel kesehatan yang membahas mengenai kesehatan ibu dan anak, serta konten publikasi dari aimi indonesia, dan akun aimi jawa timur, baik dalam bentuk cetak maupun daring. penulis secara khusus menganalis isi dari penyebaran informasi dari akun facebookaimi jawa timur dan interaksi dengan komunitas aimi dalam forum-forum diskusi daring pada akun aimi jawa timur. lsm sebagai aktor sosial-politik rajendra singh (2010: 3743) dalam karya terjemahannya “gerakan sosial baru” mendefinisikan gerakan sosial melalui 4 (empat) karakter: 1) universalisme, 2) relativisme, 3) ide, dan 4) pem baharuan serta aktualisasi diri. universalisme dipahami sebagai manifestasi perjuangan yang menuntut perubahan terhadap kondisi konflik dalam masyarakat. persepsi konf lik dapat bersumber dari kepercayaan inter subjektif maupun kolektif. hal ini menjadi implikasi dari peran ideologi, kepemimpinan, strategi, komunikasi, mobilisasi, 76 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 dan lain-lain yang membentuk asp ek-asp ek kont ingen d ar i ge r a k an s o s i a l . s e m e nt ar a , karakterrelativismemerujuk pada sifat dasar, pola, arah, dan fokus gerakan sosial bervariasi sesuai dengan kultur, ruang, dan waktu. ide gerakan sosial pada umumnya memiliki aspirasi dan rancangan masa depan yang diinginkan. hal ini dilakukan dengan menginternalisasi normaatau nilai, mentransformasi pengetahuan atau pemahaman, atau bahkan menggabungkan cita-cita dan hasrat kolektif sebagai proyeksi masyarakat ideal. gerakan sosial melahirkan optimisme –utopia tentang dunia “yang lebih baik”. dengan demikian, gerakan sosial senantiasa membawa semangat pembaharuan dan aktualisasi diri. gerakan sosial mampu menggunakan dan mencerminkan metode-metode dan strategi-strategi masyarakat untuk memperbaharui diri dan meregenerasi diri melalui aksi kolektif. gerakan sosial berfungsi sebagai proses dan media produksi dan reproduksi masyarakat yang menandai berlangsungnya kemajuan sosial dan evolusi. hal ini dapat diamati melalui tatanan ide, sistem relasi, tujuan kolektif, struktur dan agen yang membentuk aksi tertentu (singh, 2010:37-43). sehingga, penelitian ini menyakini lahirnya gerakan sosial berbasis jejaring internet sebagai bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari modernitas masyarakat. peneliti memahami masyarakat s ebagai s ebuah lembagaatau organisasi, di mana gerakan sosial merupakan salah satu hasil dari interaksi individu-individu di dalamnya sehingga membentuk pola tertentu yang keduanya tidak dapat dianalisis secara terpisah merujuk pada pemikiran neil j. smelser (1962).smelser memublikasikan karyanya yang terkenal dengan “theory of collective behavior” (locher, 2002).tindakan sosial (collective behavior) menurut smelser dipengaruhi oleh 4 (empat) komponen aksi sosial (social action) yaitu nilai, norma, mobilisasi, dan fasilitas. perbedaan bentuk tindakan sosial sangat berkaitan dengan masing-masing empat komponen tersebut. pertama, nilai memberikan legitimasi umum untuk perilaku sosial.dalam setiap masyarakat, perilaku individu dinilai mewakili nilai-nilai sosial yang dianut masyarakat pada umumnya. jika perilaku individu berbenturan dengan nilainilai sosial yang secara umum diterima, maka ia akan dikucilkan. kedua, norma memberikan pedoman khusus tentang bagaimana demeiati nur kusumaningrum, winda hardyanti & hafid adim pradana komunitas digital aimi dan gerakan sosial berbasis facebook 77 nilai-nilai ini harus diaktualisasikan dalamtindakan. norma adalah aturan formal yang bersumber dari hukum atau informal yang kita diharapkan untuk diikuti oleh individu dalam masyarakat. ketiga, mobilisasi individu ditentukan oleh peran kolektif dan struktur sosial. smelser mengajak pembaca untuk memahami bahwa perilaku sosial terjadi dalam konteks struktur sosial. tentunya masyarakat menciptakan organisasi berbasis sosial tertentu untuk memenuhi peran-peran khusus. organisasi sosial dan pengaruh struktur sosial diyakinidapat memengaruhi perilaku individu. sehingga, tindakan seseorang dilatarbelakangi oleh peran tertentu yang diharapkan oleh struktur sosial masyarakat di mana ia berada. keempat, fasilitas situasional oleh smelser dipahami sebagai sarana dan kendala yang difasilitasi atau menghambat pencapaian tujuan. ini termasuk instrumen, keahlian, dan pengetahuan. a i m i m e re pre s e nt a s i k an gerakan sosial baru yang memaksimalkan pembangunan opini publik melalui media massa dan media sosial untuk mensosialisasikan pentingnya asi dan ibu menyusui sebagai bagian dari perwujudan hak maternitas yang diakui secara global oleh who. keberhasilan periode menyusui dianggap tidak hanya menjadi hak pribadi ibu dan keluarga (ranah privat) tetapi juga menyangkut keberhasilan pembangunan di bidang kesehatan dan kesejahteraan masyarakat. sehingga, perlindungan hukum pemerintah dan dukungan moral dari lingkungan masyarakat sangat dibutuhkan. melalui cara pandang tersebut, aimi berupaya menciptakan tatanan masyarakat yang lebih baik (atau dianggap ideal) yang mendukung pemenuhan hak maternitas bagi ibu dan bayi di indonesia.adapun nilai dan norma yang ditanamkan lsm ini adalah seorang ibu wajib menyusui anaknya dalam kondisi apapun, sehingga berbagai kendala sebetulnya mampu diatasi bersama-sama. mengingat secara institusional hak menyusui dan mendapatkan asi mempunyai payung hukum yang jelas. hak maternitas sebagai isu politik internasional masalah “ibu menyusui” tidak hanya berkembang sebagai kajian bidang kesehatan tetapi juga isu politik internasional. maternitas turut menjadi fokus kerjasama pembangunan internasional yang didukung oleh badan perserikatan 78 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 bangsa-bangsa (pbb). who mengkampanyekan dukungan terhadap menyusui melalui “world breastfeeding week (wbw)” pada setiap minggu pertama bulan agustus (kusumaningrum 2016). pemerintah indonesia mengakui hak ibu menyusui secara spesifik berkaitan dengan masalah keberhasilan pembangunan. angka kematian ibu (aki) menjadi salah satu indikator kesejahteraan masyarakat di sebuah negara. secara khusus, penurunan angka kematian ibu dan bayi menjadi target millenium development goals (mdgs) yang harus didukung oleh seluruh elemen masyarakat. berdasarkan penelitian medis, keberhasilan imd sangat membantu pemulihan ibu pasca-persalinan terutama pada risiko terjadinya pendarahan. sehingga, dapat kita pahami bahwa semakin tinggi tingkat keberhasilan menyusui bayi (imd), semakin rendah angka kematian ibu melahirkan di indonesia (sukarsih & susilowati 2013; pamuji & kartana 2015; kemenkes ri 2015). selain itu, maternitas menjadi isu politik yang berkaitan dengan standart internasional kesejahteraan pekerja –worker welfare. kebijakan tersebut mengatur tentang hak melahirkan, hak menyusui, cuti melahirkan, cuti haid, upaya advokasi dan penyediaan fasilitas yang mendukung terpenuhinya hak maternitas bagi perempuan. bahkan di beberapa negara maju, suami diizinkan cuti untuk membantu istri pasca-melahirkan dengan tetap menerima gaji sebagai bentuk apresiasi negara terhadap hak maternitasnya. masyarakat internasional sepakat bahwa perempuan memiliki keistimewaan secara fitrah sebagai penerus keturunan di mana dalam dunia kerja perlu mendapat perlakuan yang berbeda (donner 2007; o’neill & johns 2009; unicef 2012; who 2012; figo 2012; dahl 2013; menkes ri 2013; kemenkes ri 2014; kemenkes ri 2015). kita dapat melihat perempuan bekerja pada intitusi perbankan, pabrik, dan sektor jasa ritail di mall atau pusat perbelanjaan yang ratarata memberikan waktu istirahat makan dan shalat selama 1 jam. karyawan perempuan sesuai dengan kebijakan uu ketenagakerjaan, secara umum diberikan cuti menstruasi (haid) 2 (dua) hari dan cuti persalinan selama 3 (tiga) bulan (betts, 2014). pp no 33 tahun 2012 dan permenkes no 15 tahun 2013 menjadi harapan baru bagi optimalisasi pemberian asi bagi perempuan bekerja di indonesia. demeiati nur kusumaningrum, winda hardyanti & hafid adim pradana komunitas digital aimi dan gerakan sosial berbasis facebook 79 kebijakan asi eksklusif tersebut turut menguatkan perhatian instansi swasta. sebagai contoh salah satu perusahaan multinasional pt. betts indonesia-mojokerto, jawa timur yang telah menyediakan ruang laktasi dan memberikan larangan promosi susu formula pada 26 april tahun 20163. peraturan pemerintah no.33 tahun 2012 dan peraturan menteri kesehatan ri nomor 15 tahun 2013, memberi makna bahwa internalisasi nilai-nilai maternitas dikembagakan secara hukum untuk mengkonstruksi sistem masyarakat yang lebih berpihak kepada para ibu.tentunya, pemerintah berkepentingan menjamin kualitas kesehatan generasi penerus bangsa yang juga merupakan aset pemb angunan nasiona l. d engan demikian, tingkat kesehatan masyarakat berbanding lurus dengan usia harapan hidup populasi yang turut menjadi indikator keberhasilan pembangunan dan tata kelola pemerintahan yang baik (good governance performance). 3 hasil wawancara dengan bagian manajemen pt. betts indonesia. malang, 8 september 2016. peran strategisaimi jawa timur: sosialiasi, edukasi, dan media konsultasi berdasarkan hasil analisis kegiatan observasi, wawancara, dan purposive sampling, dapat disimpulkan beberapa latar belakang masalah: 1.) ibu memahami asi adalah makanan terbaik bagi bayi, namun susu formula tetap dikonsumsi oleh bayi ketika bekerja karena diasuh bersama dengan pihak keluarga dan asisten. produksi asi tidak mencukupi. 2.) ibu menyadari jumlah produksi asi kurang dan tidak memiliki waktu cukup untuk menyediakan asi. sehingga, susu formula menjadi solusi yang dianggap aman. 3.) ibu memiliki kemampuan untuk menyusui namun kurang percaya diri dengan berat badan anak yang dianggap tidak proporsional. sehingga, bayi disamping diberikan asi juga ditambah konsumsi susu formula supaya gemuk (kusumaningrum, 2016). berdasarkan analisis konten diskusi akun aimi jawa timur dari tahun 2016-2017, peneliti mendapatkan pemahaman tentang lemahnya dukungan dari lingkungan jika mengacu pada uraian kementerian kesehatan ri. hal ini dimaknai sebagai bagaimana keluarga, tempat bekerja, dan 80 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 masya rakat kurang mendapat edukasi serta berbedanya perspektif sosial-politik terkait pentingnya me ny usu i. s eh i ng g a , ke t i k a seorang ibu mengalami kendala teknis ketika hendak menyusui, lingkungan kurang mendukung dan fasilitas untuk menjamin aktivitas tersebut tidak tersedia.oleh sebab itu, aimi hadir sebagai agen pengetahuan dan fasilitator yang mendukung para ibu menyusui di indonesia. aimi membangun peran strategisnya untuk menciptakan rasa percaya diri bagi ibu menyusui dan menyebarluaskan pemahaman pentingnya dukungan semua pihak untuk kesuksesan ibu menyusui melalui beberapa hal berikut: 1. sosialisasi aimi membangun aksi kolektif yang menanamkan nilai-nilai sosial melalui teks dan gambar. adapun nilai dan norma yang ditanamkan adalah seorang ibu wajib menyusui anaknya dalam kondisi apapun, sehingga berbagai kendala sebetulnya mampu diatasi secara institusional (dilindungi) oleh hukum yaitu kebijakan pp no.33/2012 tentang pemberian asi eksklusif, dan secara teknis oleh pendampingan para konselor asi, institusi layanan kesehatan dan para anggotanya. demikian juga dengan dukungan komunitas aimi secara umum.dukungan aimi terhadap perempuan berkarir cukup besar. salah satunya ditunjukkan dengan kampanye-kampanye yang meminta seluruh pemangku kebijakan untuk pro terhadap ibu menyusui. memberikan tempat yang layak untuk menyusui atau memerah asi, memberikan kesempatan ibu untuk memberikan asi dan melindungi hak ibu menyusui untuk menuntaskan periode laktasi. aimi jawa timur mempunyai komu n it as d i g it a l s e ju m l a h kurang lebih 16.000 orang pada akun facebook. aimi jawa timur diresmikan pada tanggal 8 agustus 2010 dengan penyerahan sk dan penyematan pin oleh ketua umum aimi, mia sutanto, di cito hall, surabaya. peresmian ini juga diramaikan dengan acara menyusui serentak dan seminar asi oleh dr. rizal altway, spa. keanggotaan aimi secara online bersifat terbatas (closed) di mana pada setiap akun facebook aimi mempunyai “admin” yang berperan dalam merilis publikasi yang sifatnya informatif bagi komunitas. penyebaran ide dan nilai-nilai baik berupa teks atau gambar dapat bersifat propaganda, misalnya poster bertajuk “menyusui dan bekerja” yang dalam bahasa daerah (jawa timur) – “nyusoni karo nyambut gawe” (lihat gambar demeiati nur kusumaningrum, winda hardyanti & hafid adim pradana komunitas digital aimi dan gerakan sosial berbasis facebook 81 1.1.). konten kampanye melalui poster media online tersebut memberikan makna bahwa aimi jawa timur berpihak kepada perempuan berkarir atau bekerja di sektor mana pun yang mau berkomitmen untuk memberikan asi kepada buah hatinya. gambar 1.1.kampanye aimi jawa timur sumber: arsip peneliti dari akun resmi facebook aimi jawa timur aimi memperingati pekan asi se-dunia yang diselenggarakan pada 1-7 agustus setiap tahunnya (kusumaningrum 2016). peringatan hari penting tersebut pada umumnya dijadikan head banner pada akun facebook aimi. lebih jauh, kepengurusan aimi memiliki keseragaman kegiatan yang diselenggarakan di beberapa daerah yang merujuk pada misi “dukungan bagi ibu menyusui indonesia”.sebagai contoh, pada 24 april 2016 aimi merayakan ulang tahun ke -9 denganmenggelar aksi di depan monumen sura dan baya. melalui kegiatan ‘serentak me nyusui laktivis nasional – sembilan’ aimi di surabaya tersebut, komunitas aimi mengkampanyekan dukungan untuk ibu menyusui dengan serangkaian agenda lain seperti bazaar, yoga, dan konseling. para peserta kegiatan dikenai biaya sebesar rp 50.000,-. para ibu menyampaikan orasinya secara terbuka menggunakan kostum hitam putih. 2. edukasi aimi menanamkan persepsi tentangpentingnya menyusui dan asi sebagai makanan terbaik bagi bayi melalui serangkaian kegiatan ‘edukasi’ dan ‘mengasihi’. dalam hal ini, aimi menyebarluaskan pemahaman bahwa baik ibu yang 82 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 bekerja full time maupun tidak, memiliki kesempatan yang sama untuk memberikan asi eksklusif pada bayinya. tentunya, pasangan dan keluarga serta lingkungan terdekat harus mendukung dan memfasilitasi konsepsi tersebut. aimi bekerjasama dengan rs universitas airlangga dalam menyel enggarakan kelas edukasi pada minggu ke-empat setiap bulannya bertempat di poli obsgyn. materi disampaikan oleh ketua aimi dr. astri pramarini-ibclc tentang pengertian asi eksklusif, imd (inisiasi menyusu dini), manfaat asi, kandungan asi, cara menyusui yang benar, cara menyimpan asi perah, dll. (purnamasari 2015) peneliti mencatat beberapa kegiatan seminar dan pelatihan yang dipublikasikan melalui akun fb aimi jawa timur.sebagai contoh, ‘kelas edukasi mp-asi’ yang dilaksanakan pada 29 mei 2016 di klinik pratama nusa medika puri mojokerto. masing-masing peserta dikenakan biaya rp 80.000 dengan materi 1) pentingnya pemberian mp-asi, 2) pedoman umum gizi seimbang, 3) makanan batita, 4) tantangan dalam pemberian mp-asi, dan 5) menu dan resep. selain itu, terdapat pelatihan ‘kelas menyusui’ pada 28 & 29 mei 2016 di rs universitas airlangga surab aya. pes er t a p el at i han mendapatkan materi tentang 1) tata laksana imd, 2) manfaat asi, 3) resiko susu formula, 4) aturan perundang-undangan, dan 5) tips meningkatkan produksi asi. pada kegiatan ini, peserta dikenakan biaya rp 150.000,per orang. akun aimi menjadi sumber pengetahuan bagi komunitas digitalnya, di mana terdapat publikasi informasi yang mampu menjawab kendala dan permasalahan asi. pengurus/admin aimi jawa timur merilis artikel yang diberi judul “manajemen asi perah”dan dipublikasikan pada 28 januari 2013.selain itu, pengelola akun fb aimi jawa timur bernama lianita prawindarti mensosialisasikan beberapa materi, seperti “media pemberian asip selain dot dan tips menggunakannya” dan “asi lipase tinggi” pada 23 desember 2016. manfaat edukaasi aimi jawa timur telah dirasakan oleh salah satu anggota aimi jawa timur yang bernama dyah (30 tahun) responden penelitian ini, menuturkan kisahnya berjuang untuk menyusui di tengah-tengah lingkungan yang belum mendukung aktivitas asi.ia secara eksklusif membagikan pengalamannya melalui akun facebook pribadinya pada 20 agustus 2016. dyah medemeiati nur kusumaningrum, winda hardyanti & hafid adim pradana komunitas digital aimi dan gerakan sosial berbasis facebook 83 rupakan seorang ibu pekerja. dalam kasusnya, ia bercerita bahwa anaknya sempat menolak menyusu ibunya lantaran bingung puting. selama ditinggal kerja 3 hari, anak dyah terbiasa dengan dot. dyah lalu pergi menemui konselor laktasi di mojokerto dan belajar mem beri asip melalui media botol sendok.pada akhirnya anaknya kembali mau menyusu dengan asi eksklusif dan secara bertahap ia sukses memenuhi periode laktasi selama 2 tahun. dyah memberikan dukungan kepada teman-temannya sesama ibu bekerja dan para ibu berada di lingkungan yang belum memahami pentingnya asi untuk terus berjuang dan mengedukasi sesamanya. begitu juga responden kami yang bernama tia (32 tahun) merasa bangga menjadi ‘mama perah’– sebutan unik untuk seorang ibu pekerja yang masih berkomitmen memberikan asi-. ditengah kesibukannya bekerja di luar kota, ia bersemangat memberikan asi eksklusif untuk anak keduanya yang masih berusia di bawah 1 tahun. ia membagikan pengalamannya melalui akun instagram pada 21 februari 2016. tiabekerja di instansi pemerintahan di sidoarjo-jawa timur dengan waktu tempuh 3 jam pulang-pergi (pp) setiap harinya. ia telah menjadi anggota komunitas aimi lebih dari 5 tahun. sebagai ibu perah, ia mendukung pemberian asi eksklusif untuk anak lakilakinya. memerah asi diupayakan oleh tia selama perjalanan berangkat dan pulang kerja di dalam bis dan ketika waktu istirahat siang di musholla kantor. tia telah menjadi anggota komunitas digital aimi jawa timur sejak sebelum menikah, melalui rekomendasi oleh salah satu anggota komunitas yang kebetulan merupakan temannya. menurut tia, ia rajin memantau perkembangan diskusi pada akun aimi dan publikasi yang direkomendasikan oleh admin pada forum facebook. sebagai contoh, tia sangat berkomitmen terhadap asupan gizi dirinya sebagai ibu perah dan menyajikan mp-asi anaknya hasil buatan sendiri. menurut hasil wawancara, tia makan 5 kali sehari. ia mempunyai perlengkapan laktasi seperti breastpump, cooler bag, botol asi perah, dan berbagai alat penunjang lain yang telah disarankan dalam diskusi aimi jawa timur. informasi edukatif mengenai mp-asi pun ia dapatkan dari postingan di akun aimi, seperti pilihan menu dan takaran kalori bagi bayi. selain itu, tia rajin berkonsultasi kepada konselor laktasi di rs hermina tangkuban 84 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 perahu malang dan mengikuti perkembangan informasi terbaru melalui akun aimi jawa timur.4 3. forum konsultasi akun facebookaimi jawa timur menjadi forum konsultasi antara sesama komunitas aimi dan menjadi sebuah wadah bertemunya komunitas ibu menyusui dengan para konselor laktasi. dalam akun fb aimi sesama anggota bebas mengemukakan pendapat, keluh kesah, dan saling berbagi tips serta solusi untuk mengatasi kendalakendala menyusui tanpa menyebut merk produk tertentu dan dengan sengaja bermaksud melakukan promosi/ jual-beli. b erdasarkan dokumentasi per cakapan dalam forum aimi, beberapa pertanyaan yang sering dikonsultasikan antara lain: 1) sedikitnya produksi asi dan metode meningkatkan kuantitasnya, 2) keberadaan konselor laktasi di daerah masing-masing, 3) upaya me ya k in kan pi ha k kelu arga tentang komitmen asi eksklusif, 4) bentuk penampilan fisik dari asip yang berbeda-beda, dan 5) lokasi rumah sakit atau lembaga layanan persalinan yang pro asi/ imd.saran 4 wawancara pada anggota komunitas aimi di perumahan blimbing. jalan ikan paus, malang. 11 januari 2016 dari para admin, konselor atau komunitas aimi dapat mengarah pada solusi teknis. misalnya rekomendasi jenis ‘breastpump’, obat untuk melancarkan asi, dan tagging konselor laktasi yang dapat ditemui di lokasi terdekat. secara khusus peneliti mengamati bagaimana forum komunitas aimi menggambarkan percakapan yang akrab meskipun satu dan lain pihak mungkin belum pernah bertemu sebelumnya. bahkan beberapa interaksi per cakapan, satu dengan yang lain saling mendukung dan memotivasi berdasarkan dari pengalaman yang sama. interaksi komunitas digital aimi pada akun facebook mampu menjelaskan fenomena ‘global village’ di mana terjadi penyeragaman pengetahuan, sikap, dan perilaku yang diakibatkan oleh perantaraan teknologi komunikasi (nurudin, 2017:117).akun facebook merupakan instrumen yang efektif dalam membentuk pola pikir dan keyakinan anggota komunitas aimi, di mana semua mengetahui bahwafacebookmenjadi media sosial yang paling diminati di indonesia (nurudin, 2012: 179). penutup aimi hadir sebagai bentuk a ksi kolekt if d ar i p ers epsi demeiati nur kusumaningrum, winda hardyanti & hafid adim pradana komunitas digital aimi dan gerakan sosial berbasis facebook 85 konfik intersubjektif maupun pengaruh opini pubik dalam merespons kendala menyusui dan mengemukanya konsumsi susu formula di indonesia sebagai pilihan para ibu. dalam memahami menyusui sebagai isu sosial-politik, aimi merupakan agen/ aktor yang berupaya membentuk struktur ide dan menginternalisasi pemahaman bahwa asi merupakan makanan terbaik bagi bayi.aimi berjuang untuk membangun sistem masyarakat yang peduli terhadap hak ibu menyusui dan hak anak mendapatkan asi, baik berupa dukungan teknis melalui kegiatan komunitas, dan kampanye yang bertujuan mempengaruhi kebijakan sesuai dengan internasionalisasi wacara ham oleh pbb khususnya who.tulisan ini menggambarkan strategi aimi untuk mengubah persepsi dan perilaku para ibu dan semua pihak untuk mendukung kesuksesan periode laktasi di indonesia. peran strategis aimidicapai dengan memanfaatkan akun facebook sebagai instrumen pelembagaan ide-ide, norma, gagasan, dan perspektif yang pro terhadap pemberian asi dan menciptakan empati terhadap ibu menyusui. komunitas digital aimi jawa timur tidak hanya menghadirkan interaksi dalam bentuk teks dan gambar tetapi juga perubahan perilaku yang secara tidak langsung menggambarkan komitmen terhadap pemberlakuan pp no 33 tahun 2012 dan permenkes no 15 tahun 2013. aimi telah membangun langkahlang kah kongkrit melalui agenda: 1) transfer informasi, melalui diskusi, publikasi, komunikasi, dan testimoni pada akun fb; 2) internalisasi ide, melalui berbagai kegiatan seminar/ workshop, sosialisasi/ kampanye, penyuluhan, dan interaksi komunitas aimi, dan 3) konsultasi, diskusi tanya jawab pada akun fb aimi yang diasuh oleh para admin dan konselor laktasi. dari fenomena ini penulis meyakini, bahwa aimi jawa timur telah berhasil membangun kepercayaan diri anggota-anggota komunitas digitalnya dengan memberikan dampak positif di mana anggota yang mengalami kendala sebagai ibu menyusui mampu meng atasi masalahnya. persepsi asi sebagai makanan terbaik bayi turut disebarkan melalui akun pribadi anggota aimi yang diyakini mampu memberikan motivasi yang sama bagi para perempuan yang tengah menghadapi permasalahan periode laktasi. hal ini merupakan dampak dari edukasi aimi yang dibangun 86 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 melalui kinerja cabang-cabang kepengurusan berbagai daerah khususnya di jawa timur melalui serangkaian seminar, pelatihan dan diskusi interaktif berkaitan dengan metode menyusui yang benar, manfaat asi dan makanan pendamping asi yang diagendakan secara rutin. daftar pustaka buku betts indonesia. 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(2013). “pengaruh inisiasi menyusu dini pada kontraksi uterus ibu bersalin di bps kecamatan bluto”, jurnal wiraraja medika. vol 3 no 1 (2013). (http://ejournal. wiraraja.ac.id/index.php/fik/ article/view/41, diakses 7 juni 2017) dokumen resmi: donner, lissa. (2007). “maternity matters”. publikasi women and health care reform. kanada: canadian women’s health network.isbn 9780-9783104-1-7. (http://www. womenandhealthcarereform. ca/publications/maternity_ en.pdf, diakses 7 juni 2017) figo. (2012). “ethical issues in obstetrics and gynelogy”. publikasi oktober 2012. the figo committee for the study of ethical aspects of human reproduction and women’s health. london: figo house. ( http : / / w w w. f i go. org / s ite s / d e f a u l t / f i l e s / u p l o a d s / w g publications/ethics/english%20 ethical%20issues%20in%20 o b s t e t r i c s % 2 0 a n d % 2 0 gynecology.pdf, diakses 7 juni 2017) kemenkes ri. 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(http:// w w w.kesj aor.kem kes.go.id/ documents/01_permenkes%20 no. 1 5 % 2 0 t h n % 2 0 2 0 1 3 % 2 0 ttg%20fasilitas%20khusus%20 m e n y u s u i % 2 0 d a n % 2 0 memerah%20asi.pdf, diakses 7 juni 2017) o’neill, marjorie & robyn, johns (2009). “the history of welfare and paid maternity leave in australia”. julia connell, denise jepsen, robyn johns and keri spooner (eds.). theme: advancing the quality of hrm & hrd in the global economy.17th international e m p l o y m e n t r e l a t i o n s association (iera) conference. bangkok, july 9, 2009 – book of proceedings. pp.172-196. isbn 978-0-9750131-9-9. (https:// opus.lib.uts.edu.au/bitstream/1 0453/11435/1/2009001270ok. pdf, diakses 7 juni 2017) pipim (2011).“peraturan”. rilis pusat informasi produk industri dan makanan. copyright 2011. ( http : / / w w w. pipi m m . or. i d / admin/file/peraturan/pp%20 asi.pdf, diakses 26 februari 2017) unicef. (2012). “kesehatan ibu & anak”. publikasi ringkasan kajian unicef di indonesia pada oktober 2012. (https:// www.unicef.org/indonesia/id/ a5_-_b_ringkasan_kajian_ kesehatan_rev.pdf, diakses 7 juni 2017) w h o ( 2 0 1 2 ) . “ r e s p e c t f u l maternity care: the universal r i g ht s of c h i l d b e ar i n g women”. publikasi world health organization (who) united nations (un). (http:// w w w . w h o . i n t / w o m a n _ c h i l d _ a c c o u nt a b i l i t y / i e r g / reports/2012_01s_respectful_ m a t e r n i t y _ c a r e _ c h a r t e r _ t he _ un ive rs a l _ r i g ht s _ of _ demeiati nur kusumaningrum, winda hardyanti & hafid adim pradana komunitas digital aimi dan gerakan sosial berbasis facebook 89 c h i l d b e ar i ng _ wom e n . p d f , diakses 7 juni 2017) website resmi aimi (2017). “organisasi”. asosiasi ibu menyusui indonesia (aimi). (https://aimi-asi.org/organisasi, diakses 6 juni 2017) purnamasari, kartika dewi (2015). “kelas edukasi universitas airlangga b ersama aimi jatim (asosiasi ibu menyusui indonesia)”. rilis berita 2 agustus 2015 oleh rumah sakit universitas airlangga. 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sahide publisher prodi. magister ilmu hubungan internasional universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, collaborates with asosiasi ilmu hubungan internasional indonesia (aihii) frequency 2 issues per year citation analysis sinta | google scholar | garuda journal of islamic world and politics is a peer-reviewed, open access journal published by master of international relations, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, collaborates with asosiasi ilmu hubungan internasional indonesia (aihii). journal of islamic world and politics is accredited by ministry of research and technology / national agency for research and innovation (200/m/kpt/2020). this journal has been assigned with doi from crossref, science and technology index (sinta 3). journal of islamic world and politics aims to facilitate the deployment of ideas and research in the field of international relations and islamic world. the scope of jiwp consist of: international political economy; diplomacy and foreign policy; global governance; 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2021 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.16304 abstract view : 0 times isyfa zahrotul mufidah, haryo prasodjo, najamuddin khairur rijal, havidz ageng prakoso in press articles the comparison of the united states foreign policy against the islamic world under president barack obama and president donald trump administration 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.13060 abstract view : 10 times diana mutiara bahari, ahmad sahide in press the role of paradiplomacy and the potential proto-diplomacy in the unitary state 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.15677 abstract view : 0 times laode muhamad fathun in press islamophobia and misconception : a systematic literature review 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.16771 abstract view : 0 times cepi novia tristantri, m syaprin zahidi, salahudin salahudin in press journal jiwp indexed by:           office: journal of islamic world and politics, magister hubungan internasional universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, jl. brawijaya (lingkar selatan), tamantirto, kasihan, bantul, daerah istimewa yogyakarta. whatsapp: +62823-2679-6566 email: jiwp@umy.university this work is licensed under a creative commons attribution-sharealike 4.0 international (cc by-sa 4.0) license. saudi vision 2030 and the challenge of competitive identity transformation in saudi arabia leni winarni, universitas sebelas maret email: leniwinarni@staff.uns.ac.id aberrant pratama yoga nur permana universitas sebelas maret email: abecgaming@student.uns.ac.id abstract saudi arabia’s founders inherited a legacy of oil wealth and conservative islamic ideas in the islamic world. conversely, the crown prince seemed uninterested in preserving the heritage and attempted to change the tradition. mohammed bin salman, the crown prince of saudi arabia, wishes to transform the state’s conservative identity into a more moderate one. a main reason for the transformation is that saudi can compete with other countries globally in developing various sectors. the crown prince initiated saudi vision 2030, a policy to establish a competitive identity and transform saudi image globally, but that is not easy for saudi, which is the heartland of religious conservatism and is likely to resist adopting transformation. based on the statement above, this research explains how the crown prince tried to transform saudi arabia’s identity and build a different reputation through saudi vision 2030 became a contradiction in the saudi government and society. the transformation and reconstruction of nation branding through saudi vision that promotes openness probably could eliminate the image of saudi identity as a devout islamic conservative. at the same time, this effort is a way to survive as a global economic actor without depending on the non-renewable energy sector. finally, this paper found that norms, social and political culture, saudi arabia’s reputation, and salman’s image hinder the construction of that identity. keywords: national identity, mohammed bin salman, competitive identity, saudi vision 2030. abstrak pendiri arab saudi meninggalkan warisan kekayaan minyak dan ide-ide islam konservatif di dunia islam. sebaliknya, putra mahkota tampaknya tidak tertarik untuk melestarikan warisan itu dan telah mempertimbangkan untuk mengubahnya. mohammed bin salman, putra mahkota arab saudi, ingin mengubah identitas konservatif negara menjadi lebih moderat. sehingga, saudi dapat bersaing dengan negara lain secara global dan mengembangkan berbagai sektor sesuai dengan visi saudi 2030 yang dipopulerkan putra mahkota. visi saudi 2030 sangat penting dalam membangun identitas kompetitif, sementara saudi adalah tanah yang tidak dapat dipisahkan dari konservatisme dan perlawanan untuk mengadopsi transformasi. berdasarkan pernyataan di atas, penelitian ini mencoba menjelaskan bagaimana usaha putra mahkota untuk mengubah identitas arab saudi dan membangun 105 leni winarni, aberrant pratama yoga nur permana saudi vision 2030 and the... reputasi melalui saudi vision 2030 justru menjadi kontradiksi di pemerintahan dan masyarakat saudi. padahal. transformasi dan rekonstruksi nation branding melalui saudi vision yang mengedepankan keterbukaan mungkin bisa menghilangkan citra identitas saudi sebagai islam konservatif yang taat. pada saat yang sama, upaya ini merupakan cara untuk tetap bertahan sebagai aktor ekonomi global tanpa bergantung pada sektor energi tak terbarukan. akhirnya, tulisan ini menemukan bahwa norma, sosial dan budaya politik, reputasi arab saudi, dan citra salman itu sendiri yang menjadi penghambat konstruksi identitas tersebut. keywords: identitas nasional, mohammed bin salman, identitas kompetitif, visi saudi 2030 journal of islamic world and politics vol.6. no.1 june 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 introduction the islamic world has noted that saudi arabia has been a conservative country since the ibn saud established an expansionist political project by consolidating the arabian tribal community and through religious support from mohammed bin abdul wahab. thus, the progress of ideas and culture is undeveloped since the government acts decisively prohibits norms outside government regulations. regardless of this situation, an international competition among countries demands that saudi adapt and accept the dynamics of globalization, or they will be left behind. the condition that led saudi to have dynamic reformation in social, cultural, economic, and political (potter, 2017). however, amid saudi conservatism, a crown prince, mohammed bin salman henceforth, will be mentioned as mbs, offering another picture of the transformation of conservative identity. known as mbs, king salman’s son became a crown prince in june 2017 and sought the fortune to transform the saudi (mabon, 2018). in an interview with the guardian, mbs said, "the state of saudi arabia that adheres to this ultraconservative concept is not normal for the last 30 years.” indeed, this statement is against conservatism, culture, and traditions in saudi arabia. he also said, “i will return saudi arabia to moderate islam,” saudi arabia’s elite royal family spoke about a new idea that emerged in that country (chulov, 2017). mohammed bin salman repeated the idea of moderating saudi arabia to change the structure, including changing the country’s socio-cultural to reform saudi identity. the idea of change is summarized in saudi vision 2030, which affects various sectors in saudi. saudi vision is an ambitious master plan which includes three aspects: diversification of the oil-based economy to incorporate technology and tourism, making saudi arabia the heart of islam and arab culture, and becoming an economic and geographical center connecting the three continents. the roadmap initiated by mbs also purposed to reform saudi in many aspects, such as technology and the issues of social culture in saudi society. today, saudi people can go to the cinema; women can enter the 106 106 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june stadium to watch football, and they can drive a car without being accompanied by their guardians or relatives (trofimov, 2019). the phenomenon of social change had never happened before mbs became the crown prince. he said that entertainment and culture are essential to change the standard of living of a saudi citizen in a short period (al-dakhil, 2016). this statement is the foundation of his interest in changing the culture and traditions of saudi society. salman emphasizes that saudi people need to increase their standard of living and is no exception in entertainment and the development of technology and information. the news and statement are a series of changes made by mbs to launch saudi vision 2030. there are three visions in saudi vision 2030, i.e., 1) realizing saudi as the heart of the arab and islamic worlds; 2) making saudi the hub connecting three continents; 3) developing and the investment powerhouse. these visions also include the primary mission as a ‘pillar’ that focuses on development in saudi vision 2030, like a vibrant society, a thriving economy, and motivated nations. mohammed bin salman began his career with various reforms focused on economic, political, and social revolutions. at the same time, his vision will become a reference for the kingdom’s policy in the near future (cochran, 2018). however, the expectation that saudi vision 2030 will give many changes to saudi faces obstacles in its implementation. indeed, this transformation is new ideas that can massively change the previous identity and lead to an internal reaction in the saudi government and society. the authors assume that domestic, regional, and international issues can reduce its potential to establish a new identity in saudi. if saudi arabia continues oil and other non-renewable dependencies for the future, it will not last long because fossil resources will run out. in addition, currently developed countries, as destinations of their energy market, are beginning to seek more environmentally friendly energy alternatives, threatening future state revenues sustainability. however, fossil energy has made saudi arabia a wealthy country, providing them with a significant financial source. it has improved the standard of living of saudi people through various subsidy policies. in contrast, these subsidy policies will weigh on their economy if the saudi people want to continue enjoying the same standard of living even without supporting nonrenewable resources. in fact, saudi vision 2030 is the right step for the country’s future if it wants to maintain its status as a global economic player. they see the united arab emirates as the role model, which first built its image as a more open and seemed liberal among the gulf countries. the problem is that when saudi arabia opens a wide economic tap, it means that it has to modernize its conservative policies to moderate, which also means that it will reduce internal support for the saudi government and society. thus, saudi arabia must also make nation branding an effort to rebuild its image, which is already known as a country closed to external cultures, especially western, and symbolic as an icon of pure islamic teaching in the islamic world. in this paper, by using the constructivism approach, concept of competitive identity, and nation branding, the author will examine the obstacles of mbs in establishing a competitive identity. using the constructivism approach is significant in investigating the relationship between saudi 107 leni winarni, aberrant pratama yoga nur permana saudi vision 2030 and the... arabian interaction ideas, social agreements, and saudi international reputation. the identity construction locates saudis in a dilemmatic trap; if the program fails, it will trigger domestic chaos and instability that risk saudi’s reputation in the international community. however, if the program succeeds successfully, it will encourage mbs and saudi to rebrand saudi with a good image as moderate islamic states and rise as a global power both in the middle east and the world. literature review mohammed bin salman began to attract international attention when he became the crown prince of the kingdom of saudi arabia. the world sees that he would inherit both country’s black gold fortune and religious conservatism. however, he came up with various controversial ideas that shocked the international public by proposing saudi vision 2030. this issue is interesting since it promises multiple transformations and changes in saudi in multi sectors, economic, social, cultural, and religious. therefore the researchers were attracted to examine this phenomenon. some studies that focused on the saudi vision 2030 explain that this project was related to the oil price collapse in 2014 and triggered for saudi to reform its economic policy (cochran, 2018; grand & wolf, 2020; hikmah & abrar, 2019; kosarova, 2020). the results of the study concluded that creating the idea of saudi vision 2030 is an alternative for the country to maintain its status as a mid-tier superpower when fossil energy runs out. this policy was also triggered by fluctuating oil prices which led to economic instability in the country. therefore, the saudi vision aims to reduce the reliance on oil and look for other vital private sectors as solutions in the future (young, 2016). saudi arabia is looking for opportunities to develop renewable and sustainable energy (rnse) to replace oil, such as wind, solar, geothermal, hydro and biomass (amran et al., 2020). using rnse resources can reduce dependence on oil and natural gas while introducing rnse as a clean resource that can meet the national economy and energy needs. the policies coincide with the growing global awareness, especially in developed industrial countries, to replace fossil energy with more environmentally friendly fuels. if this materializes in the coming decades, it will undoubtedly threaten the saudi economy, which is heavily dependent on the mining sector. mohammed nurunnabi (2017), who investigates the transformation of an oilbased economy into a knowledge-based economy in saudi arabia, founds that to develop the national economy, saudi should develop —human capital, innovation, information, and communication technologies (ict), economy, education, and employment. he also founds that the policy has made positive progress and successes over the last few decades. however, he does not deny that some areas must to be addressed if saudi arabia attempts to develop economy-based knowledge (strożek, 2014 in nurunnabi, 2017). he further argues that the policies and judicious funds will contribute to faster socio-economic development in any country, including saudi. nurunnabi’s said that saudi arabia’s policy has gradually brought about faster change than the economy's reliance on oil. unfortunately, this discussion did not specifically address how the obstacles to this policy are on the social and political sides in saudi arabia. however, saudi vision 2030 is not only changing economic resources but also implying social changes. this change 108 108 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june challenged the social agreement in the kingdom for decades, as the saudis people had previously enjoyed material comforts in return for their loyalty to the regime (chara, 2018). indeed, this situation can potentially threaten the country. although the change through the saudi vision 2030 policy has occurred and will undoubtedly get a reaction from the saudi community, according to cochran (2018), it is inseparable from the support of the elite in the saudi kingdom. he said that mbs convinced the king and the elite that the saudis needed reform, and this support might never have occurred before, as it is signaling a new era in the country. another research focuses on gender issues since it relates to the effort of saudi arabia’s branding image. zeina tohme adaime’s writing, titled “gender gap impact on nation branding, image, and building: case study from the arab world." he raised the point that countries like saudi, which have a reputation for being extremely conservative, especially towards women, try to show more genuine and active participation in the international society (adaime, 2019). this action is linked to the saudi brand image comprehended as the new global hegemony. indeed, the west accused saudi of violating human and women's rights in numerous cases. therefore, they should revise a negative reputation. however, if we look more clearly at this issue, various cases are just a difference in values and standards between the arab world and the west. according to the saudi arabian government, these restrictions forms also protect their values and norms. while the other study investigates the gender transformation from a positive point of view, which means the government recognizes women’s contribution and roles to saudi’s development (hardiyanti & yuniati, 2021). at the same time is locating women in a strategic position in the saudi vision. in contrast, ikran eum argues that saudi does not mean developing women’s rights but more to overcome their contribution economically and reinforce mbs leadership (eum, 2019). saudi arabia brings a new image of women and displaces wahhabi rules towards a more moderate arab nationalist. like adaime, hala zayed alsaaidi (2020) also investigates the state’s image from different perspectives. he argued that saudi arabia was doing national branding to represent itself in the international community by following global trends through social media, such as twitter. he also found the use of twitter to be very effective in promoting social, political, economic, and other ideas about saudi to the outside world (alsaaidi, 2020). muhammad khan (2019) shows that for a long time, saudi has been trying to expand its influence regionally and globally through cultural diplomacies. saudi is active in many soft power activities, such as the involvement of higher education institutions, government agencies, and non-governmental organizations. (r alkatheeri & khan, 2019). thus, the ideas comprehended in the soft power act indirectly become a foundation for strengthening saudi vision 2030 as an implementation of a competitive identity. several studies above explain that before saudi arabia launched saudi vision 2030, the saudi government gradually tried to convince the public about internal change in saudi. these studies show that the saudi vision 2030 has impacted various sectors in saudi arabia. although the main objective is to be independent of fossil fuels, saudi arabia must also carry out some political transformations and influence the political sectors, society, and culture. meanwhile, 109 leni winarni, aberrant pratama yoga nur permana saudi vision 2030 and the... the research results by abdullah r. alkatheeri and muhammad khan (2019) show the opposite: the identity transformation process had happened long before mohammed bin salman popularized saudi vision 2030. adapting to global changes, saudi arabia attempts to survive in international politics by playing a more aggressive role and proving saudi arabia's efforts to have a more positive image. however, these studies have not explored the obstacles to implementing saudi vision 2030. following the academic gap, this paper attempts to complete the analysis. after all, when a country tries to establish specific policies, it will encounter obstacles, especially from conservative circles. saudi's implementation of islamic law reinforces this situation, and any controversial policy can be seen as a deviation from islamic teachings. however, saudi vision 2030 is not only concerned with the economic issue but how the conservatism culture can accept the idea. the problem is whether the change started by the saudi royal family per se will also lead to a rejection from the state itself. since it has pros and cons for the internal government and the society, saudi should rearrange the purpose of making a modern islamic state and consider the image gained from the transformation. considering these changes, saudi can situate its position as a non-secular country. alexander wendt proposed constructivism in a book titled “anarchy is what states make of it: socio-political construction of power.” wendt explains that the system contains agent-structure inter-subjectivity and that ideas are central to the continuity of the system. if the ideas in international relations change, so does the system. following wendt, the constructivists explain the formation of identity and the building of the national image. national identity is considered an enormously interesting and important issue to discuss in international relations. there are three main assumptions related to constructivism: 1) the actor as the primary unit of analysis; an actor who becomes the unit of analysis examines the ideas; 2) the main structures of the system are intersubjective that it could be described as how the interactions between the saudi structure and the actors who have ideas, that is mbs. the inter-subjective relationship then produces new constructions; 3) the identity and interests of the state are an essential part, and the social structure constructs that; in this context, the saudi structure is constructing its interest. alexander wendt opposes the assumptions of neorealism and neoliberalism that identities and interests are predetermined or absolute. in constructivism, identity is not something natural or given but something that is formed, developed, constructed, and changed through interaction (wendt, 1999). constructivism emphasizes the importance of the social dimension in international relations by referring to the factors of norms, values, rules, cultural identity, and linguistic symbols as determinants of character in international relations. christian reus-smit believes that agents (actors/characters) form each other in this context as their dimension. thus, the existence of norms, cultural values , and linguistic symbols can create identities, interests, and intentions. still, these structures will not be effective without the actors’ efforts (actors/characters) to achieve them (reus-smit, 2005). constructivism observes the construction of mbs as the saudi elite and towards an identity that could influence the structure of the state, which can have internal and external impacts on saudi arabia. 110 110 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june furthermore, this study also uses the concept of competitive identity. competitive identity investigates how a country forms a distinctive brand that becomes its image and identity. competitive identity is the term simon anholt (2007) used to describe the synthesis or fusion of brand management or, in this case, national brands with public diplomacy combined with other variables such as trade, investment, and tourism and export promotion. the competitive identity is a new model for increasing national competitiveness globally. it can explain the characteristics of a country that can compete in a globalized world in globalization based on six main aspects. figure 1. the hexagon of competitive identity source: simon anholt, brand new justice (oxford: butterworth heinemann, 2003) in simon anholt, competitive identity, the new brand management for nations, cities, and regions (new york: palgrave macmillan, 2007), page 26. anholt outlines six cores of competitive identities: tourism, culture, brands, people, politics, and investment. in these six aspects, a country can shape and establish its competitive identity through public diplomacy and national brand management. he said that competitive identity could have a positive impact on the country. in constructing a competitive identity, a country’s reputation is essential; the open relationship with other countries will also indirectly create their reputation (anholt, 2007). for example, tourists indirectly promote the countries they visit others with free promotions tourism. if they share with the public their satisfaction while they are tourists, this will create a strong nation branding. the state’s construction of competitive identity also applies to the brand aspect. the branded products can act as ambassadors of a strong image of a country. while through cultural exchange and cultural activities, including sports teams, famous artwork, work of poets, writers, and filmmakers build the reputation of a nation, both positive and negative. then, in the political aspect, for example, the famous leaders must keep their behave. anholt also said that an international reputation is essential in building a competitive identity. many countries are competing to create a good environment, which aims to get a positive response from the international community. on the other hand, a bad reputation makes it difficult to convince the other party. therefore, the 111 leni winarni, aberrant pratama yoga nur permana saudi vision 2030 and the... government must build a good reputation because the state’s image, institutions, companies, and the community depend significantly on the created image. these activities advance the economy, politics, and society, reflecting all parties’ spirit, and will. therefore, mbs’s efforts to build an international reputation and create innovations are integral to saudi vision 2030. he also revealed that when talking about competitive identity, it cannot be separated from what is built into the structure of society, “the people themselves are a brand that reflects the genuine of the community (anholt, 2007). while these six aspects are also a way to create nation branding and convince the international society (anholt, 2013), the identity builds the education, abilities, and aspirations of the society itself. identity ultimately makes the state what it is imagined. it can create tourism, business, cultural exchange, and social and political potential. without the role of society, the natures and unique abilities are just an empty scene. in addition, this paper also uses the idea of nation branding. according to joseph nye, nation branding is considered closer to the meaning of soft power. the concept of soft power is the ‘power of attraction’ to create work that the people of other countries attract to the works. hence, nation branding can be another option in building a country’s positive image in some instances. coltman also stated that nation branding could be done with several approaches. the state began to regulate the brand, which was initially a commercial activity, and then made an effort to build, change, or protect its international reputation. nation branding is a form of an effort by a country to develop its national image. within the framework of theory and practice, nation branding aims to measure, build and manage the country's reputation. nation branding is based on the observation that a country’s brand image is as important as the success of the country’s products and services sold in the global market (lee, 2011). nation branding is becoming essential for every country in an era of globalization full of competition in attracting investment, tourists, and foreign aid. the concept of nation branding emphasizes that each country has different characteristics from other countries. both the construction of the nation branding and the competitive identity of saudi vision 2030 cannot be separated from the dilemma of maintaining its identity as the world's middle superpower; on the one hand, this is related to the national security of saudi arabia. this construction is connected to the three major elements of the saudi vision: a diversified oil-based economy that incorporates technology and tourism, islamic culture and arab culture, and an economic and geographical center connecting the three continents. according to suryohadiprojo (1997), national security consists of two approaches: safety and well-being. the wellness approach to achieving national resilience comes from the nation’s ability to foster, manage and develop national potential and strength in community, country, and state prosperity. fairly and proportionately (agus, 2015). while at the same time, the government reassures that all policies related to saudi vision 2030 will be carried out by adhering to islamic principles, arab values, and saudi national traditions” (maddy-weitzman & brandon, 2017). research method this research uses a qualitative method and descriptive analysis. it examines and describes how a new identity is constructed 112 112 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june in saudi arabia and its obstacles. in addition, this research is a descriptive analysis and explains the ideas of mbs as a significant factor influencing saudi arabia’s policy. analyzing data and linking it to theories and concepts to obtain clear and understandable depiction results. the data collected in this study used library studies from the online media content, documents, interview documents, and histories of saudi transformational activities by mbs, such as the web saudi vision 2030, the saudi government web, and others. this paper also uses qualitative data, a process of research and understanding based on social phenomena and problems faced by humans. therefore, the analytical technique used in this paper to describe the author's theme is thematic analysis, which is a systematic approach involving themes or patterns contained in qualitative data (creswelll, 2009) to answer the existing problem formulation using relevant theories. saudi arabia’s identity transformation saudi vision 2030, conceptualized by mbs, is a long-term policy to establish and develop multi sectors in saudi. the policy was to diversify the economic sector, which was still rallying on the oil sector. saudi arabia has been reliant on the oil sector as a source of state revenue in supporting state prosperity. indeed, the oil sector is an asset directly managed by the state without any foreign intervention. it is also a profitable sector to conserve political status and maintain the status quo. indeed, the oil sector has much to do with saudi culture's legitimized ideas of islamic conservatism. however, mbs is optimistic that saudi arabia can withdraw its dependence on the oil sector by trying to invest in more sustainable resources. indeed, historically saudi arabia has also existed without the oil sector for centuries. he conveyed the ideas in an interview with al-arabiya, “if we go back to history, oil is undoubtedly beneficial for saudi arabia, but we know that saudi arabia was a country that was founded before oil, and there is a wrong perception that saudi arabia wants to throw away oil. it was not” (al-dakhil, 2016). he emphasized that this policy does not mean saudi will ultimately leave the oil sector for its profit is beneficial to finance the development and realize saudi vision 2030. furthermore, mbs also stated, “we want to increase the benefits of oil for industry and others, and also generate other opportunities from the oil sector to diversify our economy.” therefore, according to mbs, saudi arabia should seek new and renewable sources of income other than oil by creating a private sector and cutting bureaucracy. indeed, to realize the idea, mbs promised to limit wahhabi’s power and implement social changes such as opening cinemas across saudi, allowing music concerts, letting women drive, and issuing tourist visas. he also promised to create a moderate saudi arabia more moderate (rick, 2017). indeed, these discourses will not be influential if saudi arabia maintains a conservative system and culture related to wahhabi ideology. this discourse shows that mbs intends to transform its identity to survive amid globalization and become part of the international community. 113 leni winarni, aberrant pratama yoga nur permana saudi vision 2030 and the... figure 2. the grand theme of saudi vision 2030 source: saudi vision 2030 document (https://vision2030.gov.sa/download/file/fid/417) the image above is taken from the official saudi government, which shows three pillars, namely 'the heart of arab and islamic worlds, the investment powerhouse, and the hub connecting three continents as the big theme of saudi vision 2030 (arabia, 2020). through these three pillars, mbs attempts to construct a new identity of saudi as a modern, advanced, open country. mohammed bin salman has gradually transformed saudis into a cultural transformation, from rigid and conservative islam to open and moderate islam. he realized that saudi arabia needed the nation branding of moderate islamic identity to gain credibility from the international community. through this program, mbs has formed a competitive identity in saudi arabia and a series of national planning, policy-making, and development programs. the construction country's image is an internal affair, and the government should be responsible for the program. therefore, the competitive identity should not be influenced by the outsider. the crown prince then quickly formed a team consisting of ministers and expert staff to be responsible for realizing the visual realization programs (vrps) program. these eleven programs include public fund investment, housing, doyof al rahman (hajj and umrah service management), community capacity development, quality of life, national transformation, privatization, health transformation, financial sector development, and national industrial logistics and development (nidpl). by analyzing the 11 aspects of the vrps, it follows the concept of forming a competitive identity suggested by anholt, for it has accomplished the criteria of 6 driving aspects as main pillars, namely tourism, brands, policy, investment, culture, and people. practically, mohammad bin salman has been able to integrate six pillars of competitive identity through saudi vision 2030. further, some mbs activities reflect the six aspects of the competitive identity. in the tourism sector, vprs from the national transformation program is in control of developing tourism in saudi arabia. this significant role is supported by funds from mbs in amounts up to $810 billion (al amir, 2020). surely, mbs hopes that foreign tourists visiting saudi arabia will inform the international world that saudi arabia does not have scary and strict regulations. mohammed bin salman is also motivated to increase investment in tourism by building various attractive facilities to attract foreign 114 114 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june tourists. the red sea project is a vivid picture of the prince's desire. this tourist destination offers luxury resorts and freedom for foreign tourists without worrying about strict islamic prohibitions, such as a ban on wearing bikinis (hodgetts, 2017). in addition, mbs also develops sustainable tourism and forms a coalition with the united nations climate change conference (cop26), which consists of the countries creating an emission-free tourism sector with the ultimate goal of achieving zero or no carbon emissions (agency, 2021). another act of establishing a competitive identity is mbs's attempt to buy an english football club, newcastle united, for £300 million for an 80 percent stake (diario as, 2021). although the brand originated from the west, newcastle united is more famous and well-known than aramco, a football group known by only specific communities. this consideration is might because aramco provides benefits for the world's oil consumers only. however, it gives no significant benefit, for it is unknown widely. the acquisition provides value to saudi because it made newcastle's financial support depend on the country. in addition, it signals that saudi is open to other cultures, even western. meanwhile, in terms of policy, saudi arabia has benefited from international attention to controversial policies in giving women a bit of freedom. a policy which considered culturally taboo was enforced against conservatism. in his interview with the economist (the economist, 2016), mbs stated that after decades of investment in women's education has not yet increased their participation in development. in the end, saudi women think that the education they pursue is only for social status, not for productive work. therefore, through a new policy, mbs initiated an era of openness and equality for women. saudi arabia began to provide opportunities for women to have a career and develop themselves with their male counterparts. indeed, the success of saudi vision 2030 requires experts of both men and women as a step to work equally and advance saudi arabia. the policy of empowering women politically and economically has benefited in reducing the drastic gap between men and women and also detaching patriarchal culture, which tends to discriminate against women’s rights. the problem is whether the role of women in saudi is to accomplish the requirements of saudi vision 2030, in which their participation is peripheral or, conversely, substantive, women's participation is still debatable. another significant step in describing the process of identity transformation is mbs’s determination to build a landmark as a symbol of that transformation. in 2018, he implemented the giga project, which requires huge funds. there are four main projects in the giga project, namely: 1) neom project, which is a future city project; 2) red sea project, is a luxury tourism development that offers an exclusive experience for the global community; 3) qiddiya project, is a project that has a socio-economic objective and to promote economic diversification and open new professional paths while enriching the living standards of saudi youth; 4) roshn project, a project specializing in real estate and community development, which aims to increase the homeownership rate among saudis by up to 70% (public investment fund, 2022). 115 leni winarni, aberrant pratama yoga nur permana saudi vision 2030 and the... figure 3. giga project source: project investment fund, the government of saudi arabia (https://www.pif.gov.sa/en/pages/ourinvestments-gigaprojects.aspx) the project promises potential investments proposed to fund multi changes in saudi arabia. each of the four giga projects has a role in introducing a new identity and will physically symbolize the new saudi identity shortly. however, to succeed in the idea, mbs must guarantee that all development plans have no severe obstacles. in addition, mbs has to accomplish his responsibility as the initiator of identity transformation to maintain a positive saudi identity and reputation. through saudi saudi new branding can compete internationally. indeed, that is still impossible and outlandish in terms of succeeding the ideas in the near future, for saudi has many barriers to going beyond the ideas. the global changes require saudi arabia to perform transformations, which will impact its identity. however, the saudi public can't express it openly regarding political issues; it may put them in danger since the government imposes conservative islamic rules. however, a different view occurred when mbs, the crown prince, proclaimed the identity transformation through saudi vision 2030. this situation may suggest a double standard within the saudi government, but logically and concerning the country's future existence, saudi vision 2030 is slowly being accepted, especially with the support of the saudi royal power. saudi barriers in saudi vision 2030 although mbs directly initiated and introduced saudi vision 2030, it does not mean that the program will be accepted entirely by the saudi society and the islamic world; it has multiple internal and external barriers. while, the internal barrier comes from the internal aspects of the saudi kingdom. when the idea is succeeded and realized according to the target, it will threaten the existing norms and culture. in addition, it will build new norms and culture within the saudi government structure, including changes in its society. the main obstacles came from the religious scholars who joined the assaud dynasty and founded the saudi kingdom from the beginning. from a historical point of view, as-saud dynasty and muhammad bin abdul wahhab have successfully united saudi arabia and proposed conservative islamic teachings as the state's political ideology. to this day, 116 116 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june wahabism has a powerful influence on the power structure and saudi society. indeed, islamic teachings with the ideas of conservatism continue to grow within the kingdom, together with the scholars. thus, when mbs declared saudi vision 2030, he received opposition from those who accused him of breaking the tradition. he was also accused of changing conservative ideas and transforming them into modern ones (farouk & brown, 2021). the clerics of religious scholars and fuqaha have traditionally supported the power of political institutions in saudi arabia. the practice of mutual relationship is based on the history of thought by the two founding figures, namely as-saud as the ruler and wahhab as the religious supporter who confirmed the power through religious legitimacy. until now, such a combination has made a scholar considered an educated person with highly respected knowledge and has a significant position within the community. therefore, the policy and substantial change through the saudi vision 2030 got pros and cons from the ulama because many projects are considered to violate islamic teachings. this refusal became an obstacle to the realization of saudi vision 2030 and was one of the reasons for mbs's massive arrest of the clerics who opposed his open policies. even in 2021, the government arrested numerous clerics in saudi, such as sheikh abdullah basar, sheikh saud al funaisan, saleh al tabib, sulaiman dweesh, and sheikh salman al-awdaa. those arrested are popular clerics with hundreds to millions of followers across the country and are highly respected by saudi society. these religious figures were arrested because of their voices criticizing the government in the public sphere, in science councils, and on social media. (cnn indonesia, 2021). despite multiple religious issues, saudi oil wealth can be a trap for the country's future. economic dependence on the vast oil sector has made the country well-prosperous since the discovery of its abundant oil field resources in 1973. the prosperity made the royal members enjoy a luxurious life without hard work. nevertheless, the kingdom members also obtain various benefits; the saudi government also provides subsidies for the needs of the saudi people. the subsidy made the people rely on compensation and the government for a living. unintentionally, it impacts low productivity levels and slowly becomes a lifestyle for most saudi people (alseghayer, 2013). if this dependence continues, it will significantly impact the sustainability of saudi development. indeed, saudi vision 2030 needs a workforce relying on human resource development. to achieve the ambition, mbs must find a way to change the saudi people’s perspective and embed a work ethic for independent life. saudi vision 2030 requires citizens with critical thinking, mobility, and work skills. mohammad bin salman stated this on the saudi vision 2030 website, "together, we will continue building a better country, fulfilling our dream of prosperity and unlocking the talent, potential, and dedication of our young men and women" (arabia, n.d.). the accomplishment of saudi vision will provide a different scheme for receiving aid and subsidies for the society, mainly due to the privatization of several sectors and the overhaul of the oil sector. with economic diversification, the oil sector will stop providing free assistance, so people who depend on government subsidies will get impacted and try to find other alternatives to achieve their needs. therefore, there is no better solution than increasing 117 leni winarni, aberrant pratama yoga nur permana saudi vision 2030 and the... community skills and developing human resources to support saudi vision 2030. in doing so, the worst condition will come if saudi arabian people still expect subsidies from the government without increasing productivity. the condition will seriously impact the future of saudi arabia. the growing population and the low quality of human resources will become a problem and a severe burden to the government. indirectly, the condition will significantly impact the formation and development of saudi competitive identity. therefore, community development and human skills must be prepared, and mbs’s planning must be socialized and campaigned. through this condition, the community can accept the transformation to participate in a significant role and contribute to the transformation process when it is started. however, the external obstacles as a problem in realizing saudi vision 2030 are mbs's image and saudi's reputation in the international world. indeed, a state's reputation is changeable, sometimes, it is positive, but it can be harmful simultaneously. in addition, mbs's reputation as a potential saudi leader was still questioned; this is the due publication of the central intelligence agency (cia) which said that mbs was involved in the murder case of jamal khashoggi at the saudi istanbul council in october 2018 (harris et al., 2018). jamal khashoggi is a saudi journalist for the washington post who frequently criticizes mbs’s leadership and the current state of saudi arabia. jamal khashoggi’s critical content in the media allegedly became the trigger for mbs to take drastic decisions, and he was eliminated from the journalist. news of the assassination of khashoggi was condemned as a violation of human rights, and it directly impacted the reputation of mbs and the saudis. massive coverage of the western media about the khashoggi incident is undoubtedly a concern for saudis because it can affect the identity transformation process and become a consideration for investor countries to invest in developing programs in saudi vision 2030, such as vrps and the giga project. conclusion the modern saudi kingdom combines islamic conservatism continued in the arabian peninsula and the vast wealth of black gold, making the country a symbol of an exclusive and prosperous monarchy. conversely, saudi bears multiple issues of democracy, human rights violations, gender equality, et cetera. probably, for the reason of prosperity, the country and its people enjoy many subsidies from abundant oil resources. on one side, the regime uses religious doctrine as a robust political control. therefore, the socio-political situation in saudi could be relatively stable compared to the rest of the arabian peninsula, which was surprised by the arab spring in 2010. however, the crown prince, mbs, recognized that saudi arabia could not always depend on oil. as oil was no longer the central pillar of the economy, the country should seek alternative sources for its sustainability. in doing so, the country’s development concerns state income and foreign investment. it means saudi arabia must begin to open multiple issues with the international community. accepted or denied, saudi must be part of the global community which means saudi arabia must commit to supporting democracy, upholding human rights, and women’s education. the problem is how to succeed in the idea if the country’s political culture of conservatism remains strong. the conservatism that devalues women's rights 118 118 journal of islamic world and politics vol 6, no 1 (2022): june in education and public space will still be an international concern. from a wahhabi point of view, various restrictions on women are a kind of protection for their position. however, the international norm, which incidentally upholds western values, assumes that various restrictions are a form of violation of women’s rights. therefore, it is appropriate for mbs to include such issues in the main agenda of saudi vision 2030. the saudi vision 2030 policy that calls for openness and equality is not an easy task to succeed, not only because it has much to do with the transformation of saudi conservative identity but also with the rooted culture of saudi arabia. the explanation mainly comes from religious leaders who think openness will lead saudi arabia away from islamic values. indeed, the strict culture will not change the image of saudi’s identity. conversely, in the future, when oil is no longer the primary economic sector, the saudis may lose their leading livelihood sector if they lose the momentum to seek a sustainable source. therefore, according to mbs, one solution to maintaining prosperity in saudi is through saudi vision 2030. fundamentally, saudi vision 2030 is directed at transforming the internal identity of the country but also rebranding its image of saudi in the international world. this condition is due to the negative reputation of saudi arabia, which is often associated with human rights violations. the efforts made by mbs in increasing tourism, brand, policy, investment, culture, and society to realize saudi vision 2030 are accessible for building a competitive saudi identity. likewise, flourishing a new civilization in the country will always be pros and cons and resistance to the movement. indeed, some people are skeptical that saudi vision 2030 is just an outlandish target. conversely, young saudis hope they will not return to the pre-oil era, and the saudi vision will continue beyond 2030 (thompson, 2021). therefore, on the one hand, the saudi vision 2030 policy has received a positive response, especially from the western countries, due to the accepted western norm and values in the heart of the arabian peninsula. practically, any ideas that change the old policy will certainly trigger pros and cons. although saudi vision 2030 has been progressively realized through several policies, the world’s perspective on saudi arabia's identity is still the same. today, saudi arabia is still perceived as a country with conservative values and culture due to several 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(2016). can the saudi economy be reformed? current history, 115(785), 355–359. https://www.jstor.org/stable/48614210 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 issn: 2614-0535 rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah pada arab spring suriah tahun 2011-2016 mustahyun konsentrasi kajian timur tengah program studi interdiciplinary islamic studies pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta email: mustahyuntaggala@gmail.com abstract conflicts have never been far from middle east. arab saudi and iran actively involve in the conflict in order to maintain their hegemony and national interest such as in syria. for instance, in the arab spring both countries involved in the proxy war. saudi supports the opposition movement asking for revolution and resignation of basar regime while iran totally supports the bashar al-assad. the involvement of both countries in syria’s conflict shows the strategic position of syria in order to keep saudi’s and iran’s interest and their political power at middle east. this study aims to explore rivalry of saudi and iran at syria especially in the arab spring from 2011 to 2016. there are two main issues to discuss in this study namely how saudi and iran participate in the conflict and what is the national interest of both countries encouraging them to participate in the conflict. keywords: arab spring, syria, iran, saudi, political interest abstrak timur tengah tidak pernah lepas dari konflik. arab saudi dan iran seringkali menjadi aktor yang terlibat konflik. keterlibatan mereka karena kepentingan national, seperti yang terjadi di suriah. konflik suriah berawal dari gejolak arab spring dan menjadi arena proxy war antara kubu arab saudi dan kubu iran. arab saudi mendukung perlawanan oposisi terhadap rezim, sedangkan iran totalitas mendukung presiden bashar al-assad. dukungan arab saudi dan iran dalam bentuk finansial dan militer. kehadiran arab mustahyun rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah 91 pendahuluan gejolak arab spring yang melanda negara-negara arab menambah catatan sejarah pertistiwa konflik yang melanda timur tengah. istilah arab spring (alrabii’ al-arabiy) dan atau revolusi arab (al-thauraat al-arabiyyah) adalah dua frase yang mengandung makna berbeda. arab spring merupakan suatu proses inte lektual atas dorongan yang dibangun dari kesadaran, ide, gagasan dan keinginan rakyat atas pen tingya demokratisasi yang tidak terbendung diawali dari media sosial. sedangkan revolusi arab adalah adanya keinginan perubahan dari rakyat bersifat fundamental yang mencakup berbagai bidang dan bersifat kompleks, karena bukan hanya kebebasan berpendapat namun semua aspek kehidupan cukup vital. seperti tuntutan aktivis mesir yaitu kesetaraan politik (demokrasi), kesejahteraan, dan membangun martabat (ibnu burdah, 2014 : 25). revolusi arab juga menjadi peristiwa politik yang dialami oleh rakyat arab yang berkeinginan merubah tatanan masyarakat yang ideal sebagai bangsa yang mengalami tekanan dari pemimpinpemimpin otoriter, kekuasaan yang tidak terbatas masanya, sehingga terjadi ketimpangan ekonomi dan kesenjangan antara kaum elite dan rakyat miskin. arab spring menjalar ke berbagai negara di timurtengah. dimulai dari tunisia me numbangkan rezim zein alabidin ben ali, mesir tergulingnya husni mubarak, libya menurukan penguasa diktator moammar khadafi, selanjutnya yaman, bahrain dan yang masih berjalan suriah (sahide, 2015 : 118-119). arab spring suriah menjadi pintu masuk konflik yang ber kepanjangan antara oposisi yang ingin menjatuhkan rezim dan pro-rezim yang tetap ingin memepertahankan presiden bashar al-assad. konflik suriah semakin membesar karena banyak tentara yang mengalami saudi dan iran, menegaskan bahwa suriah sebagai wilayah yang sangat strategis dalam mencapai pengaruh politik di timur tengah. tulisan ini bertujuan melihat rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di suriah pada peristiwa gejolak arab spring tahun 2011-2016. rivalitas kedua negara tersebut dalam rangka mencapai kepentingan nasional. kata kunci : arab spring suriah, iran, arab saudi, kepentingan nasional. 92 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 diserse. para tentara yang membelok itu meyakini akan jatuhkan bashar dari tahtanya. mereka berkaca pada peristiwa arab spring di tunisia, libya, dan mesir yang berhasil menjatuhkan penguasa. atas keyakinan kuat itulah, mendorong para tentara diserse membentuk pasukan free syrian army/fsa (tentara pembebasan suriah). ini menjadi awal gerakan perlawanan dalam bentuk organisasi militer (kuncahyono, 2012 : 17). selain fsa, ada juga organisasi syrian national council snc (dewan nasional suriah) yang didukung oleh pihak barat. snc berjuang atas demokratisasi dan kemanusiaan. upaya negosiasi yang dilakukan snc tidak berhasil dalam menjatuhkan bashar. negosiasi selalu berujung kebuntuan, akibatnya perang antara oposisi dan rezim menelan korban jiwa dari rakyat sipil maupun aparat kemanan pemerintah (sahide, 2015 : 124) sejak tahun 2012, bashar alassad diprediksi akan jatuh dalam waktu dekat. dari sisi politik maupun lapangan kemampuan bashar untuk bertahan sudah semakin melemah. tekanan politik dari berbagai negara-negara di liga arab termasuk arab saudi dan qatar sebagai motor penggerak, berupaya mencari dukungan secara internasional untuk menyingkirkan bashar al-assad (burdah, 2014 : 33). namun kenyataannya tidak demikian, sampai sekarang bashar al-assad masih kokoh di kursi kekuasaannya. posisi bashar al-assad sebagai penguasa memang kuat. dari segi politik, ekonomi, dan keamanan dikuasai dari keluarga dekat dan orang-orang alawit. bashar menutup pergerakan politik dari berbagai faksi, yang berkuasa hanya partai bath. proyek pembangunan infrastruktur suriah yang diperoleh secara korup dipegang oleh zou alhima sepupu bashar. keamanan di bawah kendali maher al-assad, adik bashar. ia bertanggung jawab untuk melindungi rezim, menebar kematian, dan kehancuran seperti di deraa, rastam, homs, jis alshughour, magya al-naaman dan tel al-kalakh (kuncahyono, 2004 : 33). klan assad menjadi penguat di seputaran pemerintahan. terlihat dari posisi strategis baik dalam partai baath, pemerintahan, militer dan proyek pemerintah dipegang oleh keluarga sendiri. keluarga berasal dari kalangan alawit, mereka memanfaatkan kedekatan di lingkaran elite demi kepentingan pribadi. sehingga korupsi dan nepotisme menjangkit mustahyun rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah 93 pemerintahan. kondisi ini mengakibatkan presepsi negatif kepada bashar al-assad karena berasal dari kalangan minoritas alawit berafiliasi syiah. isu mazhab pun menjadi sangat efektif untuk menyerang rezim klan assad (sulaeman, 2013 : 21) negara yang paling berambisi menjatuhkan bashar al-assad adalah arab saudi. melalui menteri luar negeri arab saudi, adel aljubeiri mengatakan; ada dua cara mengakhiri konflik suriah, yaitu iran menarik pasukan, berhenti mamasok senjata ke milisi syiah dan bashar al-assad harus mundur dari kursi presiden. pada prinsipnya, bahsar al-assad tidak memiliki masa depan di tangannya. tuduhan arab saudi bahwa iran terlibat aktif membantu bashar, mempersenjatai pemerintah suriah dan mengirim bantuan dari pasukan hizbullahlebanon. saudi bersikeras melawan langkah iran dengan memak simalkan segala potensi yang dimiliki d e ng an p e rl aw anan p ol it i k , ekonomi, dan militer (republika. co.id, 20/10/2015). menteri luar negeri iran, ali akbar shalehi menuduh bahwa orang-orang asing berusaha menciptakan demonstrasi di suriah. presiden bashar al-assad dalam pidatonya pada tanggal 30 marert 2011, mengungkapkan hal yang sama, terjadinya gerakan perlawanan disebabkan konspirasi besar. alasan itu juga diperkuat oleh presiden iran ahmadinejad pada 10 mei 2011, pemerintah suriah sudah pada tahap kematangan dalam menyelesaikan masalah mereka sendiri tanpa membutuhkan intervensi asing. narasi anti-barat yang didengungkan suriah dan iran memberikan penjelasan tentang posisi mereka dalam menyikapi revolusi suriah (trias kuncahyono, 2012 : 193). keterlibatan dua kubu saudi dan iran pada konflik suriah yang berkepanjangan mengindikasikan adanya proxy war di timur tengah. keinginan arab saudi dan iran untuk memberi pengaruh besar, keamanan wilayahnya serta mendapat keuntungan di timur tengah khususnya di suriah. kedua kubu harus mengorbankan finansial, pengaruh politik, dan militer. ini menegaskan bahwa suriah adalah wilayah yang cukup strategis. adapun pertanyaan dari penelitian ini, apa yang melatarbelakangi terjadinya rivalitas saudi dan iran di suriah? apa kepentingan arab saudi dan iran di suriah? metode penelitian tulisan ini berfokus pada kajian 94 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 kepustakaan. dalam kajian ini penulis membaca serta menautkan literatur yang berhubungan dengan tema yang penulis angkat. fokus kajian terhadap rivalitas arab saudi dan iran dengan objek kajian dikhususkan di suriah tahun 2011-2016. peristiwa arab spring menjadi pintu masuk konflik berkepanjangan, pertarungan kedua negara tersebut memperparah keadaan suriah yang memperkuat kubu oposisi yang didukung oleh saudi dan rezim bashar al-assad yang dipertahankan oleh iran. adapun sumber lain yaitu berupa buku, artikel, berita, dan media online lainnya yang menjadi pendukung data penelitian untuk memahami lebih jauh kepentingan arab saudi dan iran di suriah. bentuk dukungan arab saudi dan iran pada konflik suriah memaksimalkan kemampuan bantuan, berupa kucuran dana, bantuan militer dan dukungan politik. untuk mengurai alasan rivalitas kedua kubu atas kepentingannya diperlukan teori kepentingan nasional. penulis meng gunakan teori kepentingan nasional (national interest) dalam menganalisis alasan iran mendominasi suriah tahun 2011-2016. donald e. nuchterlin mengatakan d a l am p ersp ekt if hubungan internasional, tindakan suatu negara terhadap negara lain tentunya dipengaruhi oleh banyak faktor yang bermuara pada kepentingan nasionalnya masing-masing. kepentingan nasional menurut donald e. nuechterlein adalah kondisi di mana kebutuhan dan keinginan yang dirasakan dari satu negara berdaulat dalam kaitannya dengan negara berdaulat lainnya yang terdiri dari lingkungan eksternal. nuechterlein membagi kepentingan nasional menjadi 4, yaitu; pertama; defence interests/ kepentingan per tahanan, yakni perlindungan negara dan warganya ancaman keke rasan fisik yang diarahkan dari negara lain dan atau ancaman ter inspirasi dari luar terhadap sistem pemerintahannya. kedua; economic interests/kepentingan ekonomi, yaitu peningkatan kesejahteraan atau ekonomi negara melalui hubungan dengan negara lain. ketiga; world order interests/kepentingan tata internasional yaitu kepentingan untuk maintenance atau memper tahankan sistem politik dan ekonomi internasional yang menguntungkan bagi negara dan warga negara dalam bertransaksi pihak atau negara lain. keempat; ideological interests/ kepentingan ideologi, mempertahan atau melindungi/proteksi ideologi negara dari ancaman ideologi mustahyun rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah 95 negara lain (nuechterlein, 1976 : 247). s ejarah sing kat dan faktor penyebab arab spring suriah pemicu arab spring suriah tidak terlepas dari gerakan rakyat yang menginginkan perubahan secara mendasar seperti sistem yang lebih demokratis, menuntut hak asasi manusia, keadilan, pendistribusian ekonomi secara merata. rakyat melaku kan demons trasi didasari keyakinan bersama tanpa digerakkan oleh ideologi tertentu, tanpa pemimpin dan tanpa organisasi. gerakan ini murni dipengaruhi oleh kekuatan media sosial yang tidak terorgansir dan tanpa senjata. ketimpangan ekonomi antara penduduk kota dan desa seperti dirasakan di kota damaskus atau aleppo. akibat pe nerapan sistem ekonomi di bawah kronisme neo-liberal yang di kembangkan rezim bashar al-assad. perekonomian rente yang dikontrol oleh orang-orang yang memiliki hubungan dekat dengan penguasa. pertumbuhan penduduk yang tinggi dan ketidaktersediaan lapangan pekerjaan salah satu penyebab api revolusi. usia anak muda yang tergolong usia produktif jumlahnya mencapai seperempat penduduk suriah, yakni 22 juta jiwa. pengangguran lulusan perguruan tinggi mencapai 81%. pada tahun 1996 pendapatan negara pada sektor minyak mecapai 583.000 barrel perhari, sedangkan tahun 2010 hanya mencapai 385.000 barrel perhari. kondisi ini membuat perkonomian suriah di ambang keruntuhan (kuncahyono, 2004 ; 86). pada tahun 2005-2010 kondisi suriah cukup memprihatinkan, akibat kurang lebih empat tahun mengalami musim kering, curah hujan menurun, semakin langkahya cadangan air. sekitar 162 desa di suriah pada tahun 2007-2008 ditinggalkan penduduknya. di bagian timur suriah sekitar 85% binatang ternak mati antara periode tahun 2005-2010 akibat musim kering. kondisi ini mengakibatkan petani tidak bisa menjalankan aktivitasnya, akibatnya para petani meninggalkan daerahnya dan bermigrasi ke kota-kota. di kota mereka membangun gubuk-gubuk. mereka kesulitan men dapatkan pasokan air, listrik, kesehatan. ditambah lagi anak-anaknya tidak mengenyam pendidikan. penumpukan penduduk terjadi di deraa dan kota-kota di wilayah hawran, kurang lebih 1,4 juta jiwa. eksodus ini menjadi salah satu alasan mengapa pusat-pusat 96 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 perlawanan rezim berada di daerah tersbut (kuncahyono, 2004 ; 92). arab spring suriah berawal dari kota kecil deraa. sepenggal kalimat graffiti yang tertulis didinding “al-shaab yureed isqat al-nizam” (rakyat ingin menumbangkan rezim), pelakunya adalah 15 anakanak sekolah yang masih berumur 15 tahun. akibatnya anak sekolah tersebut ditangkap oleh aparat keamanan yang dipimpin atef najib, sepupu presiden bashar alassad. anak-anak itu dihukum dengan mencabut kuku jemarinya. ketika orang tuanya melakukan protes, atef najib mengatakan “forget your children. go sleep with your wives and make new ones, or send them to me and i’ll do it”. penyiksaan terhadap anak-anak itu sontak mengundang demonstran melakukan protes perlawanan di mesjid omari kurang lebih seribu orang (robin and leila, 2016 : 38). bentuk vandalisme di dinding sekolah itu tidak muncul begitu saja, tapi anak-anak terpengaruh oleh apa yang mereka lihat di televisi. slogan itu diteriakkan saat berkobar revolusi mesir dan tunisia. kemarahan rakyat suriah atas perlakuan aparat keamanan menjadi konflik berdarah. konflik yang berjalan lebih dari setahun arab spring menelan korban 25.000 orang dan ribuan orang mengungsi. perlawanan rakyat suriah terus bergerak dari kota-kota pinggiran hingga menjalar ke kota besar, damaskus dan aleppo. bentuk perlawanan kepada rezim semakin terorganisir setelah dibentuk kelompok free syirian army/fsa pada tahun 2012 yang didukung oleh tentara pembelot termasuk seorang jendral, mohammad sillu (kuncahyono, 2012 : 16) selain kelompok oposisi fsa, ada juga syrian national council/ snc, anggotanya sebagian besar dari ikhwanul muslimin, tokoh kurdistan dan tokoh sekuler lainnya. snc beraliansi dengan fsa, tugas snc mencari finansial dan bantuan senjata dari pihak internasional, diantaranya arab saudi, qatar, turki, prancis, inggris dan amerika (dina y. sulaeman, 2013: 109). peran snc semakin diakui oleh liga arab, yang dimotori arab saudi. mouaz al-khatib adalah menjadi peserta resmi dari suriah pada konfrensi tingkat tinggi liga arab di dohaqatar tahun 2013. dari keterangan al-khatib menginginkan bantuan untuk melawan kekejaman rezim bashar al-assad. al-khatib juga meminta langsung kepada amerika untuk melakukan serangan dan rudal kepada penguasa suriah (kompas.com, 27/03/2013). mustahyun rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah 97 konflik suriah semakin krusial setelah muncul kelompok jihadis yang juga menginginkan bashar al-assad mundur. kelompok jabhat al-nusrah (afiliasi alqaedah) dideklarasikan tahun 2012. al-nusrah melakukan penge boman di damaskus bulan juli 2012. kelompok pemberontak bashar al-assad ini berkarakter moderat dengan komunitas lokal se hingga bisa diterima di kalangan masyarakat baik muslim maupun non-islam. al-nusrah tidak menyerang kelompok minoritas bahkan mereka melindungi gereja, mereka menunjukkan bahwa al-nusrah kelompok sosial-religius, bukan kelompok takfiri. pemimpinya adalah al-jawlani (weiss, hassan, 2015 : 169). berbeda dengan isis, kelompok jihadis ini sangat ekstrem dan radikal. mereka menyerang gereja. diklaim sebagai pasukan terkuat ke tiga dalam konflik suriah, melakukan pemboman sekolah, rumah sakit dan pasar di raqqa. mereka juga melakukan transaksi jual beli minyak dengan jihadis lain. pemimpinnya adalah abu bakar albaghdadi (robin and leila, 2016 : 132). akibat akasi yang dilakukan isis dan jabhah al-nusrah di suriah, mereka di cap sebagai teroris. namun mouaz al-khatib pemimpin syrian national council/ snc meminta kepada amerika dan australia mencabut tuduhan kepada jabhah al-nusrah (ali, 2014 : 334). pada tanggal 19 mei 2011, presiden amerika serikat barrack obama memberi tawaran yang sangat agresif kepada pemerintah suriah. bashar al-assad harus memi li h t ransisi damai ke demokrasi atau memilih mundur dari kekuasaan. dewan keamanan pbb mengusulkan resolusi untuk mengecam akibat pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang dilakukan secara sistemik dan berat. namun usulan itu ditolak oleh anggota dk pbb yang memiliki hak veto yaitu rusia dan china. sedangkan yang mendukung adalah amerika serikat, prancis dan jerman. pada 5 februari 2012, presiden barack obama mendesak bashar al-assad untuk segera mundur. adapun yang ikut mendukung resolusi pbb yaitu negara-negara barat dan liga arab yang mengecam tindakan bashar, sebab dinilai kejam terhadap demonstran. (kuncahyono, 2012 : 175). rusia semakin kokoh berpihak kepada suriah. dukungan yang diberikan rusia terhadap suriah berupa bantuan militer, senjata perang dan mengirim pesawat te mpu r. rus i a d an su r i a h 98 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 bekerjasama di berbagai bidang, termasuk kesepakatan bahwa rusia akan membangun infrastruktur gas dan minyak serta mengembangkan pusat energi nuklir. rusia juga memiliki pangkalan militer di tartus. satu satunya pangkalan angkatan laut yang sudah digunakan sejak perang dingin yang diikat perjanjian pada tahun 1971. rusia menjadikan suriah sebagai klien dalam hal transaksi jual beli senjata yang mencapai 1,5 miliar dollar as. prinsip utama rusia adalah menentang setiap usaha dari luar untuk mengintervensi kedaulatan suriah (kuncahyono, 2012 : 186). perebutan kekuasaan di suriah semakin memperparah konflik antara oposisi dan rezim bashar. ini akibat pertarungan secara global antara amerika-rusia dan pertarungan kekuasaan serta reputasi antara arab saudi-iran di kawasan regional. perbedaan sikap kedua kubu membuat suriah semakin rumit, arab saudi ber pendapat bahwa yang harus diproritaskan di suriah adalah transisi pemerintahan. s e dangkan iran berpendapat bahwa masalah terorisme harus dibahas terlebih dahulu sebelum membahas pemerintahan transisi. silang pendapat ini terjadi ketika perundingan damai di genewa awal februari 2014 (ali, 2014 : 328-335). rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di suriah 1.1. kepentingan ekonomi-politik kebijakan politik luar negeri iran untuk mendukung bashar al-assad merupakan balasan atas bantuan suriah kepada iran sejak meletusnya perang irak-iran tahun 1980-1988. sikap politik mendiang ayah bashar al-assad, hafes alassad menjadi pertimbangan kuat iran tidak bisa lepas dari suriah. pada perang iran-irak, suriah bersama libya dan yaman selatan menjadi satu kubu, sedangkan di kubu irak terdapat mesir, yordania, yaman utara, gcc, as/barat, maroko, plo dan uni soviet (noor, 2014 ; 387). suriah adalah negara yang paling pertama menyatakan dukungan kepada iran sejak jatuhnya rezim shah pahlevi 1979. hafes al-assad mengirim surat telegram kepada khomeini, dalam pesannya hafes memuji kemenangan rakyat iran. hafes mengirim rif ’at sebagai komandan pertahanan suriah untuk membahas kerjasama. teheran membalas kunjungannya dengan membicarakan strategi mendukung oposisi irak yang mayoritas kaum syiah irak selatan. kemudian menyusul pernyataan dukungan mustahyun rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah 99 untuk pemimpin baru teheran, dari libya, aljazair, yaman selatan dan plo. sedangkan negara tetangga seperti irak, arab saudi, yordania dan mesir merasa khawatir atas kemenangan khomeini. sikap khomeini terhadap negara-negara arab cukup keras, termasuk kepada mesir yang melakukan perjanjian kerjasama dengan israel dan hubungan dekat antara mesiramerika. khomeini memutuskan hubungan diplomatik dengan mesir. kebijakan yang dilakukan khoemini ini mendapat simpatik dari hafes alassad, suriah menemukan sekutu untuk melawan israel (goodarzi, 2006 ; 18). pascarevolusi iran 1979, hubungan iran dan barat mulai retak. munculnya imam khomeini sebagai tokoh revolusioner mengubah wajah iran secara total dari awalnya mendukung amerika hingga berbalik membenci, ketidaksukaan itu ditunjukkan dengan mengambil alih sejumlah kedutaan besar. termasuk keduataan israel direbut dan diserahkan kepada palestina. semua aset negara yaitu perusahaan minyak yang dikusai amerika dinasionalisasikan oleh penguasa baru iran. di awal revolusi, iran sulit menjalin hubungan dengan negara-negara lain. slogan yang dikumandangkan imam khomeini tidak barat dan tidak timur, artinya tidak amerika dan tidak uni soviet. iran mengalami perbuhan setelah masa presiden hashemi rafsanjani (987-1997) karena sikapnya mulai melunak dan mendorong rekonsiliasi. hubungan negara lain semakin membaik pada saat presiden khatami, ia melakukan kunjungan ke italia dan prancis pada maret 1999, ini sebagai kunjungan bersejarah sejak menjadi negara republik islam iran (sahide, 2013 ; 100). pada masa kepemimpinan ahmadinejad sebagai presiden iran tahun 2005 semakin merenggang. iran mengembangkan program nukilirnya yang dianggap oleh amerika sebagai ancaman kestabilan sistem serta kepentingan amerika sebagai negara paling berpengaruh di timur tengah. ketidak sukaan amerika kepada iran juga diikuti oleh negara-negara sekutunya termasuk saudi, mesir. hingga pada tahun 2007, iran mendapat sanksi terkait nuklirnya dari dewan keamanan pbb dengan resolusi 1747. ini akibat besarnya pengaruh amerika dalam mengatur keluarnya resolusi tersebut (sahide, 2013 ; 101). sanksi ekonomi dan embargo perdagangan yang terus dialami iran oleh amerika dan sekutu100 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 sekutunya tidak menghalangi iran memperbaiki sektor ekonomi dan infrasturkurnya. iran berhasil memacu pertumbuhan dan perkembangan ekonomi hingga ke 17 dunia pada tahun 2011 sebagaimana dilaporkan statistik imf. iran berhasil mengimpor bahan pangan dan bahkan sejak 2011 iran mengekspor gandumnya ke berbagai negara. pendapatan negara tidak hanya dari sektor migas namun sektor non migas terus meningkat tajam menjadi usd 105 miliar pada tahun 2012 (heriyanto, 2013 ; 26). kebijakan pemerintah iran membantu presiden bashar dalam mempertahankan posisinya sebagai penguasa suriah mer upakan langkah tepat, sebagai salah satu jalan mem perkuat sekutu di kawasan timur tengah. iran me lihat arab saudi terus membangun koalisi negara-negara teluk dalam rangka melemahkan iran dari berbagai sektor. ajakan saudi terhadap anggota gcc yaitu qatar, kwait, bahrain, oman dan uni emirat arab (uea) untuk menghentikan hubungan dengan iran. nilai perdagangan iran dengan gcc mencapai 22 miliar dollar as (kompas, 09/01/2016). untuk tetap menstabilkan perekonomian, iran terus berusaha menjalin kerjasama negara lain, pilihanya adalah suriah. mengingat kondisi geografis suriah merupakan negara terdekat dan wilayahnya sangat strategis yaitu menembus transaksi perdagangan dengan negara-negara eropa dan afrika. maka pada tahun 2011 iran dan suriah menandatangi kesepakatan gas alam senilai 10 miliar dollar as. termasuk melibatkan irak dalam kesepakatan ini. pembangunan pipa gas alam dari iran melewati irak hingga suriah sampai ke mediterania serta lebanon. keuntungan yang didapat akan dibagi sebagaimana irak mendapat 20 juta meter kubik gas alam perhari, suriah 20-25 juta meter kubik perhari. sebenarnya proyek besar iran sudah berjalan sejak tahun 2008 dengan nilai proyek sebesar 1,3 miliar dollar as (kuncahyono, 2012 ; 192). arab saudi gagal menjinakkan suriah sebagai mitra ekonomi meskipun suriah tergabung dalam liga arab. harapan terbesar saudi menjadikan suriah sebagai akses utama perdagangan minyak melalui pipanisasi menjadi terhalangi akibat kokohnya bashar al-assad di suriah. tujuan arab saudi menjatuhkan bashar sejalan dengan tuntutan pihak oposisi. kepentingan utama saudi yang didukung oleh amerika acces to oil. amerika berusaha mustahyun rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah 101 keras mendapat pasokan minyak yang lebih banyak dikarenakan kebutuhan domestik sekitar 19,150 juta barrel perhari. salah satu pemasok terbesarnya adalah arab saudi (ismes.net, 02/02/2017). stabilitas ekonomi saudi tergantung dari sektor minyak. kondisi ekonomi saudi terganggu pasca-anjloknya harga minyak dunia. pada tahun 2014 us$ 100 per barel menjadi sekitar us$ 50 per barel. akibatnya pendapatan saudi menurun hingga 70%. saudi mengatur strategi yaitu menjual sebagian saham sekitar 5% saudi aramco, badan usaha milik negara dengan taksiran harga us$ 2,5 triliun atau sekitar 32.500 triliun. ketidakstabilan ekonomi saudi mengharuskan melakukan pe mutusan hubungan kerja/phk sekitar 50.000 pegawai, salah satunya perusahaan konstruksi, saudi binladin group (finance. detik.com, 27/02/2017). arab saudi juga mengeluarkan banyak anggaran negara untuk kepentingan perang di yaman dan suriah. di yaman pemerintah saudi berjuang melawan pemberontak houthi yang mengancam keamanan wilayah saudi bagian selatan. sedangkan di suriah ikut serta mem bantu serangan udara melawan isis. dana moneter international (imf) memperkirakan saudi akan mengalami defisit hingga tahun 2 0 2 0 ( e kon om i. komp a s . c om , 08/08/2015). 1.2. kepentingan sekte/ideologi sunni-syiah arab saudi dan iran merupakan dua negara dengan kekuatan politik yang berpengaruh di timur tengah, karena perbedaan sekte antara sunni-syiah. ketidakharmonisan kedua negara semakin parah ketika iran berhasil mensukseskan agenda revolusi islam iran pada tahun 1979. di sisi lain, iran merupakan negara dengan penduduk mayoritas syiah (89%) sedangkan arab saudi mayoritas penduduknya sunni (95%). perbedaan aliran keagamaan dalam islam tersebut yang menjadi salah satu pemicu lahirnya “perang dingin” (sahide, 2017 : 162). meskipun bersumber dari islam, namun ketegangan di timur tengah adalah realitas sektarian, bukan keagamaan. dimensi ekonomi dan politik sektarianisme lebih kentara dibanding dimensi spiritualitasnya. (barakat, 2012 : 169). gerakan revolusi islam iran tahun 1978-1979 yang diinisiasi kaum syiah, memberi pengaruh besar terhadap perkembangan politik dunia islam, terutama di kawasan timur tengah. negaranegara di timur tengah meng102 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 alami keguncangan akibat munculnya gerakan-gerakan islam fundamentalis, radikal, militan dan ekstrem. gerakan-gerakan semacam itu yang di beberapa negara cenderung anti-kemapanan, dan biasanya disbut sebagai kelompok-kelompok iran (sihbudi, 1991 : 191). pemimpin revolusi imam khomeini sangat kental dengan kesyi’ah-annya sehingga menimbulkan rasa takut bagi negara-negara timur tengah. rovolusi islam iran menjadi sumber inspirasi dan motivasi bagi negara-negara yang memiliki populasi penduduk minoritas kaum syi’ah dan mayoritas sunni, seperti arab saudi. ada keinginan kuat dari kaum mulla menjadikan iran sebagai simbol perlawanan islam dan iran memiliki khazanah budayanya sendiri sebagai islamsyiah (sahide, 2013 : 92). kebangkitan syiah di negaranegara arab dengan istilah alsahwah al-islamiyyah sebagaimana yang digencarkan iran dan hizbullah. kesan dari istilah ini mengacu pada makna umum yaitu kebangkitan atau kesadaran islam. namun maksud yang sesungguhnya adalah kebangkitan pengaruh revolusi islam iran di negara-negara arab. iran berusaha menebar pengaruh revolusi iran 1979 di kawasan timur-tengah. iran menyuarakan kebangkitan kesadaran islami yang menuntut keadilan global dan penegasan paksa politik perlawanan terhadap barat dan israel (burdah, 2014 : 25). usaha iran memberi pengaruh di timur tengah juga ditunjukkan di suriah. bantuan militan syiah sangat membantu bashar al-assad dilapangan untuk menekan lawanlawan yang akan menjatuhkan tahtanya. sejak revolusi khomeini di iran, aliansi suriah-iran di bawah kepemimpinan hafes alassad hanya fokus pada persamaan dalam hal keyakinan dan politik, serta menghilangkan segala bentukbentuk perbedaan. meskipun keduanya berbeda mazhab syiah, bagi iran itsna asyari dan suriah mazhab alawith nashiri. hal ini juga diperkuat oleh pemimpin syiah lebanon, musa shadr. ia menyatakan bahwa mazhab alawit adalah mazhab syiah. pada masa presiden hafes, ia sering memintanya untuk mendakwakan mazhab itsna asyari di kalangan alawiyyin. ini salah satu cara kedua negara menjadi aliansi solid di kawasan timur tengah. di bawah payung ke-syiah-an, mereka menyingkirkan perbedaan. hingga arab spring tiba mereka mampu bersatu dalam pasukan-pasukan mustahyun rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah 103 militan bersama hizbullah, laskar yaumul mau’ud, dan rabithatul haq, mereka berjuang bersama m e mp e r t a h an k an ke ku a s a an bashar al-assad (liputanislam.com 23/04/2014). iranian revolutionary guard adalah salah satu tim dari iran yang membantu melatih tentara rezim dengan sebutan national defense force. milisi ini beranggotakan 70.000 orang dari kalangan warga alawi-syiah suriah. juli 2013 suriah mendapat sokongan dana sebesar $3,6 miliar dari iran. dalam analisis scott lucas, iran merupakan bagian terpenting dalam menopang rezim bashar yang tidak mampu memenuhi keinginan serta kebutuhan dasar rakyatnya. iran memiliki kedekatan secara sekte bagi bashar yang berasal dari golongan alawi yang berafiliasi syiah meskipun diklaim penyimpangan di dalamnya, karena bagi kaum sunni, alawit itu sesat. sejak tahun 1980 iran menjadikan suriah sebagai jalur bantuan terhadap pasukan hizbullah di lebanon. posisi suriah secara geografis adalah jalur utama iran untuk menguatkan pasukan hizbullah sebagai garda terdepan dalam menolak pendudukan israel (robin, leila, 2016; 198). salah satu isu yang mengindikasi kan hubungan erat antara iran-suriah adalah menginisiasi kerjasama dalam bentuk diplomasi budaya, wisata religi, promosi bahasa, lembaga resmi. sejak tahun 1980 an keduanya resmi melakukan kesepakatan pertukaran budaya, hubungan mereka dinaungi oleh keduataan besar masing-masing negara. seperti kegiatan keduataan iran mempromosikan budaya dan bahasa persia, hingga menjadi bahan pelajaran di universitas damaskus dan aleppo. bagi iran hal menarik di suriah adalah wisata religi atau ziarah kubur ke makam sayyida zaynab dan sayyida rugayya (ahlul bait). wisatawan iran peminatnya sangat tinggi sejak 1950-an. kaum syiah iran selain irak menjadi pilihan destinasi wisata, suriah juga menjadi populer. sebaliknya kaum syiah suriah juga sering mengunjungi pusat kebudayaan di iran (maltzahn, 2013 ; 3). konflik suriah menjadikan teheran untuk pertama kalinya menunjukkan kekuasaan di kawasan timur tengah, membentang dari irak dan suriah hingga lebanon. dominasi iran ini melahirkan istilah bulan sabit syiah. konsep sabit syiah adalah penyebaran pengaruh regional membentang seperti membentuk sabit, mulai dari perbatasan afganistan sampai ke laut mediterrania. selama bertahun104 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 tahun istilah ini begitu diwantiwanti dan menjadi kekhawatiran oleh sejumlah negara-negara timur tengah yang penduduknya mayoritas muslim sunni, khususnya arab saudi (cnnindonesia.com, 15/12/2016). astrid b. boening menjelaskan populasi masyarakat suriah secara sekte : “the interwoven complexity of regional ideology on war and peace in the mena is exemplified in syria’s sectarian pluralism, with 75% sunni muslmi (including sufis), approximately 10% shia muslim, mostly of the alawith sect, 10% christians, 3% druz, some jews, plus some minor islamic sect (lesch 2013, p. 83). the al-assad regimes have successfully played the minority card, warning the threat of majority rule and the price of instability which the minorities must bear” (lesh 2013) (boening, 2013 : 49). a ng g ap an s au d i b a hw a rezim bashar menindas rakyat suriah mengundang simpatik dari pengusaha yang dimotori perusa haan national fundraising campaign for syirian dan donatur lainnya seperti putra mahkota sa lman, d eput i per t a hanan saudi sebesar 10 juta sr, al-rajhi bank sebesar 5 juta sr, mobily perusahaan operator seluler saudi sebesar 3,4 juta sr. tujuan bantuan dana tersebut untuk membantu oposisi suriah (www.tribunnews. com/internasional, 07/26//2012). saudi beralasan bahwa masyarakat suriah mayoritas sunni yang butuh keselamatan dari pemban taian pemerintah bashar. isu sekte yang dibangun oleh saudi cukup berhasil memberi pengaruh terhadap masyakarat oposisi suriah, untuk mem bangkitkan semangat per lawanannya terhadap rezim bashar. sedangkan kaum minoritas dari alawith ber afiliasi syiah sukses membangun konsolidasi dalam memepertahankan bashar. bashar membangun kekuatan militer dengan mendudukkan pejabatpejabat militernya dari sekte yang sama, terlebih lagi dari keluar dekat penguasa (burdah, 2014 : 39). aliansi politik untuk mengukur kedekatan hubungan antar satu negara dengan negara yang lain dapat dilihat dari aliansi politiknya. maka penulis juga mencoba membahas hubungan arab saudi dan iran dengan barat melihat konteks konflik suriah. 1. aliansi suriah-iran-rusia rusia, china dan iran berada mustahyun rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah 105 dalam satu gerbong mendukung pemerintahan bashar al-assad. rusia memiliki kep entingan mengamankan pangkalan angkatan laut. satu-satunya pangkalan angkatan laut rusia di laut tengah hanya ada di suriah yaitu pelabuhan tartus. sejak berdiri uni soviet 1970-an suriah selalu mendapatkan bantuan perlengkapan militer pada masa pemerintahan hafes al-assad. berlanjut masa bashar al-assad, persahabatan rusia-suriah semakin erat, dalam pertemuan vladmir putin dan bashar al-assad sepakat bekerjasama di bidang minyak dan gas. keduanya bersepakat dan menandatangani kontrak untuk pembangunan kompleks petrokimia. (kuncahyono, 2012 : 180). s ejak p eristiwa re volusi rakyat suriah 2012, rusia tidak ingin bashar turun dari tahtanya, seperti pemimpin di tunisia, mesir dan libya. maka pada 17 agustus 2011, rusia mengirim senjata ke suriah meskipun mendapat protes keras dari pihak internasional. sejak tahun 2000-2010 nilai penjualan senjata rusia ke suriah mencapai 1,5 miliar dollar as. semua resolusi dan sanksi yang dijatuhkan pbb semua dibalas dengan veto. prinsip utama rusia yaitu menentang setiap usaha dari luar untuk mengintervensi ke daulatan suriah. kekhawatiran terbesar rusia jika bashar al-assad turun tahta, maka dipastikan pengganti nya akan meninjau ulang kesepa katan yang telah berjalan (kuncahyono, 2012 : 185). rusia dan iran mempunyai kepentingan yang sama di suriah. rusia tidak mendapatkan kendala bekerjasama dengan iran dalam aliansi mempertahankan bashar al-assad. hubungan rusia-iran dalam berbagai bidang telah berjalan lama. pada tahun 1995 rusia memberi bantuan sebesar 800 milyar dollar untuk mengembangkan reaktor nuklir iran. rusia juga membantu 2000 metric ton natural uranium. selama proses pengerjaan pengembangan nuklir iran mendapat tekanan dari pihak barat tertama amerika. atas desakan dari pihak luar, iran dalam pembagunan nuklir mengalami banyak proyek yang tertunda. rusia juga memerlukan pasokan minyak dari negara-negara timur tengah. bagi rusia, memilih iran sebagai mitra adalah hal yang paling tepat, alasan letak geografis sebagai tetangga, iran merupakan pintu masuk di timur-tengah. target rusia 25 juta ton pertahun, namun yang berjalan masih skala kecil 2,53 juta ton pertahun (akbar, 2015 : 5-7). 106 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 agar kuota terpenuhi minyak terpenuhi iran mendapat peluang di suriah sebagai mitra yang menguntungkan. pada 25 juli 2011, ir an su r i a h me nand at ang an i kesepakatan membangun gas alam dari iran ke suriah. pada 19 agustus 2008, menteri indusrtri dan pertambangan iran, ali akbar mehrabin menyatakan bahwa iran memiliki ragam proyek senilai 1,3 miliar dollar as di suriah. (kuncahyono, 2012 : 192). iransuriah dalam pengembangan kerjasama di berbagai bidang terus berkembang, termasuk perdagangan minyak peluangnya sangat terbuka. dalam kasus konflik suriah, teheran berpendapat bahwa pergolakan di suriah dilakukan oleh amerika, israel dan sekutusekutunya untuk melemahkan iran dan sekutunya di timur-tengah. teheran sepakat apa yang dikatakan damaskus bahwa persoalan konflik yang semakin membesar disebabkan kekuatan eksternal dan konspirasi internasional. menlu iran, ali akbar salehi tegas menyatakan bahwa orang-orang asing berusaha menciptakan demonstran di suriah (kuncahyono, 2012 : 193) 2. aliansi arab saudi-liga arabamerika sejak 22 april 2011, amerika, dalam hal ini adalah presiden b ar rack o b ama mendorong bashar al-assad untuk melakukan perubahan ke arah yang lebih baik dan obama berharap bashar meng hor mat i ha k-ha k as asi manusia rakyat suriah. obama semakin agresif menekan bashar alassad, ia mengatakan bashar harus memilih atau memfasiltiasi transisi damai ke demokrasi atau memilih mundur dari jabatan. tekanan yang dilakukan amerika di ikuti uni eropa, dipimpin inggris, jerman, swedia, dan belanda, menjatuhkan embargo senjata serta sanksi dan larangan perjalanan seluruh anggota rezim bashar al-assad (kuncahyono, 2012: 175). sekutu amerika di timur tengah yaitu arab saudi mengambil sikap tegas dengan mengecap bashar al-assad untuk mundur. melalui menteri luar negeri arab saudi, adel al-jubeiri mengatakan; ada dua cara mengakhiri konflik suriah yaitu iran menarik pasukan, berhenti mamasok senjata ke milisi syiah dan bashar al-assad harus mundur dari kursi presiden. pada prinsipnya, bahsar al-assad tidak memiliki masa depan ditangannya (republika.co.id, 20/10/2015). sejak 2011, arab saudi dalam hal ini, raja abdullah secara terbuka mengecam pemerintah suriah, ber kitan dengan perlakuan mustahyun rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah 107 damaskus terhadap demonstran. raja abdullah mengatakan, apa yang terjadi di suriah tidak dapat diterima oleh arab saudi dan semakin terjerumus dalam pergolakan. arab saudi menarik duta besarnya dari suriah, dan menyeru agar pemerintah suriah menghentikan mesin pembunuhnya (kuncahyono, 2012 : 210). dalam kasus suriah, arab saudi bekerjasama dengan amerika dengan memperalat liga arab untuk mengisolasi bashar al-assad dari kancah politik dunia arab. sebagai bukti dalam konferensi tingkat tinggi (ktt) pada tahun 2013, liga arab menerima delegasi resmi dari suriah dari kelompok oposisi yaitu muoz al-khatib (sahide, 2017 : 164). muoz al-khatib juga meminta kepada amerika dan australia untuk mem pertimbangkan kembali keputusannya terhadap jabhah alnusrah sebagai kelompok teroris di suriah (ali, 2014 : 334). kesimpulan gejolak arab spring yang berawal dari kota kecil deraa mampu menjalar ke kota-kota besar dan meluas ke segala penjuru suriah. api revolusi berawal dari sekelompok anak-anak sekolah dengan coretan di dinding bermaksud untuk mengganti rezim yang berkuasa. respons aparat keamanan bashar al-assad melampaui batas kemanusiaan sehingga menyulut p ergerakan mass a demonstran menuntut keadilan. ketidakseimbangan peralawanan antara masyarakat sipil dan aparat mengakibatkan korban banyak berjatuhan. bashar al-assad menuduh pihak asing yang menunggangi lahirnya arab spring, kemudian lahir kelompok anti-bashar yaitu oposisi. oposisi dari berbagai kalangan, dari kelompok yang diakui secara internasional maupun kelompok jihadis yang kesemuanya ingin menumbangkan rezim. fsa (free syrian army) adalah organisasi yang terbentuk dari tentara yang pernah bekerja di pemerintahan dan kini membelok melawan bashar al-assad. snc (syrian national council) yang anggotanya sebagian besar aktivis ikhwanul muslimin. snc mendapat bantuan dari amerika, inggris, prancis, turki, qatar dan arab saudi. namun amerika menilai snc tidak efektif dalam melakukan perubahan di suriah. kemudian berubah menjadi sncorf (syrian national coalition for opposition and revolutionary forces) yang di pimpin oleh moaz alkhatib. sebagai bentuk pengakuan kepada moaz al-khatib, ia menjadi 108 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 delegasi dalam konfrensi tingkat tinggi liga arab tahun 2013 di doha. pada keputusan organisasi liga arab, yang paling berpengaruh adalah arab saudi. kesempatan mendukung op osisi s ebagai langkah tepat untuk menurukan bashar al-assad dari posisinya sebagai presiden. suriah merupakan salah satu anggota liga arab, namun kedekatan dengan iran membuat suriah sulit dikendalikan. arab saudi tidak mendapatkan posisi kerjasama dengan suriah, yang mana wilayah suriah sangat strategis dalam perdaganan minyak. jalur pipa minyak dan gas daerah suriah sampai mediterania dan menembus pasar eropa mampu menambah penghasilan negara. iran memiliki kedekatan dengan bashar al-assad, secara sekte ke-syi’ah-an. iran mayoritas syi’ah-itsna asyariah dan bashar syi’ah-alawith. meskpun berbeda namun keduanya hanya melihat persamaan. perjanjian kerjasama diberbagai bidang tercapai terutama bidang ekonomi, seperti kerjasama pembuatan pipa minyak dan gas. masing-masing mendapat keuntungan, dan dipastikan iran mendapat tambahan finansial. suriah merupakan negara arab yang masih bertahan dan paling terdepan menentang israel. bagi suriah, tidak ada kata damai untuk israel. sejalan dengan iran yang sangat menentang israel. dukungan iran terhadap hizbullah di lebanon merupakan bentuk perlawanan iran. dukungan finansial dan peralatan militer akan mudah karena suriah menjadi akses utama. iran semakin menancapkan kekuatan nya ke jantung timur tengah. kekhawatiran itu yang dialami arab saudi. iran dengan jaringan sekte syi’ah mampu memberi pengaruh terhadap kondisi keamanan arab saudi. gerakan politik kelompok syi’ah di saudi dengan menutut hak politik di wilayah kekuasaan kerajaan. arab saudi lalu merespons secara keras dengan menghukum mati ulama syiah syekh nim’r al-nimr karena dianggap memprovokator massa. warga iran lantas merespons dengan merusak kedutaan arab saudi di teheran. hubungan diplomasi arab saudi dan iran menjadi retak. dampaknya lebih besar karena pada musim haji tahun 2016 masyarakat muslim iran tidak dapat menunaikan ibadah haji. rivalitas terus berlanjut demi mencapai kepentingan, pengaruh dan reputasi di timur tengah. iran memaksimalkan bantuan finansial, militer, lobi politik dan mustahyun rivalitas arab saudi dan iran di timur tengah 109 kedekatan sekterianisme. kemenangan bashar al-assad adalah kemenangan iran, sedangkan kekalahan oposisi adalah kekalahan arab saudi. kebijakan pemerintah iran untuk mengambil tindakan dalam membantu bashar alassad mempunyai tujuan untuk kepentingan nasional. tindakan suatu negara terhadap negara lain tentunya dipengaruhi oleh banyak faktor yang pada ujungnya adalah kepentingan nasional. daftar pustaka buku dan jurnal barakat, halim, “dunia arab, masyarakat, budaya, dan negara”. bandung: nusa media, 2012 burdah, ibnu, “islam kontemporer, revolusi dan demokrasi”. malang: intrans publishing, 2014 boening, astrid b., “the arab spring. new york”. springer, 2014 goodarzi, jubin m., “syria and iran, diplomatic alliance and power politic in the middle east”. london: tauris academic studies, 2006. jackson, robert dan robert georg, “pengantar studi hubungan internasional”. yog yakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2009 nadia von maltzahn, “the syriairan axis cultural diplomacy and international relations in the middle east”. new york: i.b tauris, 2013 nuechterlein, donald e., “national interests and foreign policy: a conceptual framework for analysis and decision-making”. (brtish journal of intenational studies ; cambridge university press, vol. 2, no. 3 (oct.,1976)) keynoush, banasheh, “saudi arabia and iran, friends or foes?”. new york: plagrave, 2016 kuncahyono, trias, “musim semi di suriah”. jakarta: buku kompas, 2013 kuncahyono, trias, “dari damaskus ke baghdad”. jakarta: buku kompas, 2004 sahide, ahmad, “ketegangan politik syi’ah sunni di timur tengah”. yogyakarta: the phinisi press, 2013 sahide, ahmad, “gejolak politik timur tengah”. yogyakarta: the phinisi press, 2017 sahide, ahmad, “the arab spring: membaca kronologi dan faktor penyebabnya”. (journal umy, vol. 4, no. 2, 118-129, mei 2015) 110 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 said ali, as’ad, al-qaeda, “tinjauan sosial-politik, ideologi, dan sepak terjangnya”. jakarta: lp3es, 2014 sulaeman, dina, prahara suriah, “membongkar pesekongkolan multinasional”. jakarta: pustaka iiman, 2013 setiawati, siti mutiah, “aliansi militer islam”. yogyakarta, opini kompas, sabtu 09 januari 2016 sihbudi, m.riza, “bara timur tengah”. bandung: mizan, 1991 sihbudi, m.riza, “menyandera timur tengah”. bandung: mizan, 2007 heriyanto, husain, “revolusi saintifik iran”. jakarta: uipress, 2013 yassin kassab, robbin, and alshami, laila, “burning country, syrian in revolution and war”. london: pluto press, 2016 weiss, michael and hassan hassan, “isis the inside story. jakarta: pernadamedia, 2015 worren, torstein schiotz, fear and resistance, the construction of alawi identity in syria”. oslo : university oslo, 2007 koran online http://ismes.net http://liputanislam.com http://www.cnnindonesia.com http://internasional.kompas.com h t t p : / / w w w. t r i b u n n e w s . c o m / internasional https://international.sindonews. com http://www.republika.co.id journal of islamic world and politics vol. 6, no. 2, december 2022 issn: 2614-0535, e-issn: 2655-1330 propaganda and political memes on social media in the 2019 indonesian presidential election akhirul aminulloh university tribhuwana tunggadewi email: akhirul.aminulloh@unitri.ac.id fathul qorib university tribhuwana tunggadewi email: fathul.indonesia@gmail.com latif fianto university tribhuwana tunggadewi email: latiffianto7@gmail.com emei dwinanarhati setiamandani university tribhuwana tunggadewi email: emei.dwinanarhati@gmail.com abstract political memes colored the 2019 indonesian presidential election campaign on social media. political memes have become one of the propaganda strategies to influence public opinion to gain political support from the public before the presidential election. this study aims to analyze and understand political memes as a medium of political propaganda in the 2019 indonesian presidential election. this study uses critical discourse analysis to uncover the meaning behind the text. the data collection technique uses documentation in the form of political memes of the two presidential candidates, both in images and political symbols scattered on social media in the january – march 2019 period. furthermore, the data will be analyzed using fairclough's critical discourse analysis model to find out the meaning of the text. this study indicates that social media plays an essential role in political communication in the 2019 presidential election campaign. social media is a cheap and fast means of spreading political memes that reach potential voters widely and massively. through political memes, joko akhirul aminulloh, fathul qorib, latif fianto, emei dwinanarhati setiamandani propaganda and political memes on social media ... 343 widodo often talks about having links with the indonesian communist party. meanwhile, prabowo subianto is often spoken of by his political opponents as a supporter of the caliphate in indonesia. these political memes are used as political propaganda to construct or deconstruct political presidential candidates' discourse and build or damage the reputation of presidential candidates to influence public opinion. keywords: political meme, political communication, propaganda, indonesian presidential election abstrak meme politik mewarnai kampanye pilpres 2019 di media sosial. meme politik menjadi salah satu strategi propaganda untuk mempengaruhi opini publik untuk mendapatkan dukungan politik dari publik menjelang pemilihan presiden. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan memahami meme politik sebagai media propaganda politik dalam pemilihan presiden indonesia 2019. penelitian ini menggunakan analisis wacana kritis untuk mengungkap makna di balik teks tersebut. teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan dokumentasi berupa meme politik kedua capres, baik berupa gambar maupun simbol politik yang bertebaran di media sosial periode januari – maret 2019. selanjutnya, data tersebut akan dianalisis menggunakan model analisis wacana kritis fairclough untuk mengetahui makna dari teks tersebut. studi ini menunjukkan bahwa media sosial memainkan peran penting dalam komunikasi politik dalam kampanye pemilihan presiden 2019. media sosial merupakan sarana murah dan cepat untuk menyebarkan meme politik yang menjangkau calon pemilih secara luas dan masif. melalui meme-meme politik, joko widodo kerap berbicara tentang keterkaitannya dengan partai komunis indonesia. sementara itu, prabowo subianto kerap disebut-sebut oleh lawan politiknya sebagai pendukung khilafah di indonesia. meme politik ini digunakan sebagai propaganda politik untuk mengkonstruksi atau mendekonstruksi wacana politik calon presiden dan membangun atau merusak reputasi calon presiden untuk mempengaruhi opini publik. keywords: meme politik, komunikasi politik, propaganda, pemilihan presiden indonesia 344 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 introduction the speed in both distributing and consuming information is fully supported by internet technology and social media, which facilitates closeness and connectedness between humans and builds unlimited connectivity across space and time (a. l. williams & merten, 2011). even in disseminating political information and state power, social media can shift the existence of mainstream mass media (susanto, 2017). this power has led social media to become an effective campaign tool in the united states (anshari, 2013). in indonesia itself, in the 2009 presidential election, the campaign was still centered on conventional mass media and shifted to social media, especially the new facebook in the 20142019 presidential election (handini et al., 2019). the effective use of social media in the presidential election is due to the power of social media can accommodate people to form permanent communities and networks so that interactive communication through text, audio, and video is easier to do (hrdinová et al., 2010). however, what is more substantive than that, social media has the power to influence people's cognition, affection, and opinion (watie, 2016) social media is a collection of internet-based applications that build on the ideology and technology of web 2.0 and enable the creation and exchange of user-generated content to form online social networks (kaplan & haenlein, 2010; obar & wildman, 2015). this convenience helps to construct patterns of behavior in public media so that social media, as stated by astuti & zulfebriges, is no longer seen as an alternative media to fill empty time but has become the center point and axis of life (widyaningtyas et al., 2017). of the 175.4 million internet users in indonesia, 160 million were active social media users as of january 2020, increasing by 12 million between april 2019 and january 2020 (datareportal, 2020). in 2017 the indonesian internet providers association found that 87.13% of internet users frequently access social media such as facebook, instagram, youtube, google plus, twitter, and linked in (apjii, 2017). social media has become an essential tool in the latest century in building social networks, conveying various forms of ideas and aspirations, from social to political aspects (sohail & chebib, 2011; vromen et al., 2015; hameleers & schmuck, 2017). the above akhirul aminulloh, fathul qorib, latif fianto, emei dwinanarhati setiamandani propaganda and political memes on social media ... 345 conditions also occurred during the momentum of the 2019 indonesian presidential election. political ideas and campaigns, especially regarding the two pairs of candidates, joko widodo-ma'ruf amin and prabowo subianto-sandiaga uno, were scattered on various social media platforms (enli & skogerbø, 2013; nulty et al., 2016; stier et al., 2018). most phenomenal and full of humor, these ideas are conveyed in memes, intended to communicate politics humorous and satirical (kulkarni, 2017; bebić & volarevic, 2018). phenomenal memes are not new, but how memes become fighting ideas in world politics tends to be unique (fatanti & prabawangi, 2021). his spreading of memes is, of course, due to the large number of people who are media literate, especially on the internet and social media, so this battle of ideas is inevitable. this condition is a momentum that so far has yet to occur in the jungle of indonesian social media. many previous studies have revealed that political memes are used to ridicule and handle the policies of political leaders, such as domestic and foreign politics, as well as domestic and foreign social issues (bebić & volarevic, 2018). besides happening in other countries, using this meme is also one of the crucial things in political competition in indonesia. political memes have become a propaganda tool during the 2019 indonesian presidential election campaign process. these memes are used not only as parodies but also to contain political messages and enhance or damage the reputation of politicians or presidential candidates. indeed, that is the purpose of propaganda (lukianova et al., 2019; allifiansyah, 2017). on the one hand, these images become entertainment because the sentences and illustrations are both funny and satirical. but on the other hand, the messages contained in it have a clear political goal: to shape or destroy the political image of jokowi and prabowo subianto, or in general, the two pairs of candidates who are competing in the 2019 presidential election. first, internet memes serve as a distinctive form of humor, and second, as an instrument for voicing public opinion through user comments on pressing politics and social issues (kalkina, 2020). it can be said; that memes have become a tool for spreading propaganda and are a small part of the ideology and political culture that is easily digested and spread by netizens (decook, 2018) thus, memes 346 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 are part of communication and political culture. all previous studies have shown a common thread in using changed memes. memes initially turned a political joke into something serious; propaganda to gain votes during elections. this research is essential when looking at the massive use of social media in the 2019 general election, which can predict that the 2024 presidential election will use the same media. if this political battle is not based on a rational campaign team, then political chaos will happen because each person will spread hatred through social media. memes should use for criticism, as one of the purposes of caricatures is misused for political purposes (laurent et al., 2021). this research will reveal how the use of memes during the 2019 presidential election is a fundamental basis for understanding and analyzing the use of memes in the 2024 presidential election. meme: development and strength a meme is a concept for imitation, imitation, or replicating an object (soebakir et al., 2020). this concept was first introduced by richard dawkins, who talked about the role of genes in biological e volution called replicators. however, dawkins chose another term in cultural evolution: memes, dissemination, and cultural imitation (roosinda & alfraita, 2020). in the view of brodie (2014), memes are the main component of information in the mind whose existence impacts various extraordinary events so that more copies of the meme are created in the minds of others. the most critical elements in memes are humor and satire, which at the beginning of their appearance, were used to comment on and criticize oppression (kulkarni, 2017; dynel, 2016; yoon, 2016). in its development, memes have become an integral part of digital culture, and their spread is everywhere and very easy to identify (shifman., 2013). people can easily convey their ideas through memes, including their criticism of political issues (mina, 2014). memes that are spread through the internet network (internet memes) are cultural information passed on from person to person but gradually develop into an extraordinary internet phenomenon and a shared social phenomenon (shifman, 2013; nugraha et al., 2015). therefore, memes have become a crucial temporary component of the media and represent a relatively new form of participatory culture that akhirul aminulloh, fathul qorib, latif fianto, emei dwinanarhati setiamandani propaganda and political memes on social media ... 347 offers opportunities for channeling political expression, engagement, and participation that might otherwise be inaccessible (kulkarni, 2017; shifman, 2013; ross & rivers, 2017). people are easier to enter and involve themselves in previously unreachable conversations. the existence of memes that bridge the authentic creations of internet users has led to an explosion of grassroots participation, enabling individuals to express their opinions more openly and freely (gil de zúñiga et al., 2012)scholars tested how digital media use for informational purposes similarly contributes to foster democratic processes and the creation of social capital. nevertheless, in the context of today's socially-networked-society and the rise of social media applications (i.e., facebook. this idea was first expressed by jenkins (2009) with the term participatory culture, namely a culture with relatively low barriers to artistic expression and civic engagement and a strong drive for the production and dissemination of one's creations. internet memes are the creation of internet users, a form of their creation that is spread through various forms of social media. as shifman (2014) explained, even though they are micro-spread, these memes impact people at the macro level because they can shape their mindset, behavior, and actions (dewi et al., 2017; puteri & mahadian, 2019). this condition happens because memes have strengths related to intertextuality, namely the ability to creatively adapt cultural texts and their emotions (wutz, 2018; kristeva, 1980). another strength lies in visuality (makhortykh & gonzález aguilar, 2020). this power contributes significantly to the affective appeal of memes by enhancing the so-called interpolative function, in which the memes 'call' viewers to identify with them, either by agreeing with the political sentiments expressed in them or by finding them funny— or not (dean, 2019 althusser, 2014). with this visuality, memes strengthen their use to communicate emotionally charged messages in a polyvocal way, thus causing memes to attract the public's attention at large (milner, 2013). memes are used to convey information and form opinions that are suitable for serving as a propaganda tool and political communication (bauckhage, 2011). even though it is extraordinary, williams (2016) mentions that memes have stolen attention in the context of world politics, which 348 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 indicates that the media of political communication is not static. a meme is an evolutionary form of political communication media, which has taken a dominant place over the last decade (theisen et al., 2020). people use memes that are spread through online public spaces to involve even more people in a debate about political issues. those who actively use social media are involved in commenting and sharing it with other audiences. in the end, memes continue to be produced and disseminated so that more and more people are pushed into getting involved with political events (brunello, 2012). political propaganda in the contemporary world, propaganda is one of the various met ho ds of communic at ion (nurudin, 2008). because of a method, propaganda is nothing more than a technique used to convey information. propaganda as a method of communication developed widely since world war i, whose use was not only to convey information but also to win the war. in its development, political actors consider the propaganda method as an effective communication technique to gain votes and use technological proxies in the form of proprietary algorithms and semiautomatic social actors—political bots—as a subtle effort to manipulate public opinion (zakiyuddin, 2018; woolley, samuel c., howard, 2016). as a communication technique, propaganda is often associated with trying to manipulate public opinion. propaganda is the management of attitudes—the tendency to act according to a definite pattern of judgments—collectively by manipulating important symbols (lasswell, 1927). propaganda is an attempt to spread social and political values to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and change behavior as desired (jowett & o’donnell, 2006; kenez, 1985). according to huang (2015), this is the general premise on which almost any theory of political propaganda (lippmann, 1922; lasswell, 1927). the main goal of this technique is to win the obedience of the masses and mobilize them to act or not act on the wishes of the propagandist (soules, 2015). as a technique, propaganda is often associated with something negative rather than something positive. propaganda developed after world war ii, where the names of adolph hitler and josef goebbels were associated with akhirul aminulloh, fathul qorib, latif fianto, emei dwinanarhati setiamandani propaganda and political memes on social media ... 349 propaganda, which was then juxtaposed with words such as 'lies,' 'deception,' 'manipulation,' 'mind control,' and 'indoctrination' (jowett & o’donnell, 2006). goebbels himself used propaganda as a tool of political agitation (lasswell, 1930). according to koppang (2009), propaganda is organized mass communication originating from a hidden agenda on a mission to adjust beliefs and actions by manipulating mechanisms to avoid individual reasoning and rational choice. from all existing definitions, propaganda is identical to a negative image. on this, however, bernays (bernays, 1928) argues that propaganda becomes vile and reprehensible only when its writers deliberately spread lies or when they spread them intending to destroy the common good. propaganda carried out through memes is troubling if the propaganda means to spread hate and negative issues. therefore, this research is vital in the context of the development of political theory, especially in the field of propaganda. moreover, the future of politics in indonesia is determined by how the propaganda is carried out, by what method (memes), and by what medium (social media) (shang et al., 2021). research method this study uses a qualitative approach. this qualitative approach gives different meanings with various methods that include interpretive and naturalistic approaches to the subject of study (denzin & lincoln, 2000). the method in this study uses critical discourse analysis (cda) or critical discourse analysis from norman fairclough. critical discourse analysis focuses on discussing discourses related to power, ideology, and the social context in which the discourse exists (fitrianita et al., 2018). according to roosinda and alfraita (2020), qualitative media content analysis is often used as an instrument or tool to analyze and examine various forms of documents, ranging from written texts, newspaper articles, images, videos, and all symbols that think about systems and meaning networks. in this case, all forms of documents are texts that can be analyzed in the presence of qualitative methods. the data collected in this study are political memes related to the presidential candidates joko widodo and prabowo subianto on social media twitter from january to march 2019. the data collected was analyzed using critical discourse analysis. fairclough's critical 350 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 discourse analysis emphasizes the joint integration of linguistics, social and political thought, which is integrated into social change (eriyanto, 2008). these memes were analyzed not only to identify them as propaganda tools but also to uncover the meaning and ideology behind the text of the memes. the hidden but touching ideologies contained in it are propagated to garner sympathy and support from the public or prospective voters in the presidential election. result and explanation joko widodo's pro-communist discourse political propaganda discourse in the political memes of the two pairs of candidates for the 2019 presidential election can be seen from the discourse in political memes that are built to reject the stereotypes or stigma attached to candidate figures and identity reinforcement on the one hand and the other. in several memes circulating on social media, there are attempts to talk about jokowi's relationship with the forbidden party bearing the hammer and sickle symbol, namely the indonesian communist party, as shown in figure 1. figure 1. jokowi's meme associated with aidit figure 1 contains pictures of people suspected of being pki members. within the circle of red lines is a specially marked male figure, which is also the image's focal point. next to the man is a picture of the hammer, sickle, and pki inscription. this image is in black and white, except for the red line that circles the man. the meme in picture 1 is entirely black and white, indicating that this photo was taken many years ago. in this meme, there is an image of the hammer and sickle symbol and pki writing on it. this meme wants to show not only the writings and symbols of the pki but also a man standing sideways. this man, at first glance, resembles the 2019 presidential candidate, joko widodo, who is being promoted as a pki cadre. according to the information circulating, the use of a red line circling the man's face wants akhirul aminulloh, fathul qorib, latif fianto, emei dwinanarhati setiamandani propaganda and political memes on social media ... 351 to show that joko widodo is indeed a member of the pki. figure 2. jokowi and pki memes in the image above, the broad background of the image is red. there is a photo of joko widodo wearing formal clothes (white clothes, a tie, and a suit), standing in a respectful position, or placing his hand on his forehead. this image also contains a yellow sickle and hammer symbol with "jokowi & pki?" in the middle. above the image of the symbol containing the inscription, as if pasted on it, is the inscription "hoax" in a rectangular line that is entirely white. as the discourse spread that joko widodo was part of the pki, through this image, the meme maker propagated that the news that joko widodo was part of the pki or had a special relationship with the banned party was false news. the image in which joko widodo seems respectful to the pki, which indicates that joko widodo is the pki, is unfounded or fabricated information to cover the truth. figure 3. jokowi's meme and the hammer and sickle symbol figure 3 contains a peach color background image with joko widodo's cartoon face as the primary focus. besides that, there is also an image of a hammer and sickle with a red background that contrasts significantly with the primary background color of the image. with the striking color red, a palm says "stop" and a box that says "hoax." under the hammer and sickle symbol, outside the red box, there is the inscription "jokowi ïpki" in red. this meme uses symbols and colors identical to the indonesian communist party (pki), a banned party since the new order era. in the political campaigns of presidential candidate number 01, joko widodo, he is often associated with the pki. in this meme, the creator wants to show that joko widodo is not part of or has no relationship with the communists and considers that 352 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 the information circulating about joko widodo being the pki is false information and has no basis. so far, the pki has become a sexy issue and discourse every time it approaches the moment of the general election, both regional elections, and presidential elections. figure 4. people's memes move with jokowi the following meme image shows an interesting picture. this picture is filled with joko widodo's face, which looks like a group of people standing behind joko widodo as a leader with "people move with jokowi." at the bottom of this picture is the words "people's leaders without the burden of the past, and not the burden of the future." in this picture, there is also a pro jokowi (projo) volunteer logo in the top right corner. there are two concepts in this meme. first is the concept where the people move with jokowi. second, the concept seems like trying to insinuate other parties or political competitors who seem to have the burden of the past. the presence of writings that jokowi is the leader of the people without the burden of the past and not the burden of the future, it means that other parties are trying to become leaders but have or are considered to have burdens from the past and are also a burden for the future. this concept statement will not be issued if there are no other symptoms or discourses that develop about parties who have had burdens in the past and are trying to keep advancing in the 2019 presidential election. figure 5. meme jokowi without the burden of the past the meme in picture 5 is a continuation or has a concept almost the same as the previous meme concept. both contain "jokowi who does not have the burden of the past so that jokowi is more comfortable working" in the future. this picture shows jokowi drinking (maybe coffee or something else) with the main gray background with ir. h. joko widodo as president and presidential candidate serial akhirul aminulloh, fathul qorib, latif fianto, emei dwinanarhati setiamandani propaganda and political memes on social media ... 353 number 01. in the lower-left corner, the inscription #jokowilagi with the 'ndut logo in the lower right corner. it is widely known that jokowi is often associated with the pki, and the words "i do not have the burden of the past, so i am more comfortable at work" refers to competitors who are rumored to have a past burden, namely committing violations of human rights in indonesia past. this statement was made to reassure the people that jokowi has no responsibility for the past, the offenses which made him morally handicapped so that it would not interfere with his work in later days, especially when he became president for a second term. prabowo subianto's pro-caliphate discourse in recent years, especially before the 2019 presidential election, there have been many issues or discourses from some people who want to replace the democratic government system with a caliphate. the writing in this picture is an issue or discourse attached to the pair prabowo subianto and sandiaga uno during the 2019 presidential election. as is known, the issue of the caliphate was once boiling in indonesia, and at the same time, there were also many issues about religious radicalism. the discourse on religious radicalism reached its peak in the last ten years in 2016 when the masses gathered in jakarta to take action against charges related to the alleged blasphemy case. moreover, the discourse of religion and nationalism is often used as a propaganda tool for winning in every pilkada and presidential election. figure 6. the prabowo-sandi meme with the caliphate the meme in picture 6 shows the background of people holding up black signs or boards with the words "we need khilafah not democracy" in white. below the board is a picture of prabowo subianto and sandiaga uno, the presidential and vicepresidential candidates from serial number 02, wearing white shirts and black skullcaps. figure 7. prabowo's meme insults the poor 354 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 in the seventh meme, the picture shows prabowo subianto standing behind the podium while raising his right hand. prabowo subianto wore a short-sleeved shirt and a skullcap. the second photo shows prabowo subianto pointing forward with his left hand and without a skullcap, as seen in the first picture or other photos. in addition to the two photos combined in one frame, there is also a caption or writing, "often insulting the poor." this picture shows a prabowo subianto who likes or often insults the poor with very light body or hand gestures to point at or be directed at people with economic conditions at the lower level. in other words, prabowo subianto does not empathize and does not accommodate the interests of the poor who have become part of the public interest. figure 8. meme prabowo as naruto the meme in picture 8 uses a light black background with a fascinating illustration, namely prabowo subianto in the style of a japanese cartoon star, uzumaki naruto, in the naruto anime series. in addition to the illustration that uses the characteristics and characters of uzumaki naruto, there is also the inscription "i will not give up on being president because that is my ninja way" with uzumaki prabowo's name written below it. as is known, uzumaki naruto is a passionate ninja who desires to become a hokage, the leader or village head of konohagakure. in 2009 this anime series became a favorite television cartoon for indonesian children and teenagers, and in 2019 it entered the top three of the ten best anime summarized by the digital news portal detik.com (devi, 2019). like uzumaki naruto, who wanted to become hokage and was achieved, prabowo subianto also ran for president for the second time. just like uzumaki naruto, who uses the ninja way to achieve his desires, in the meme in picture 8, it is illustrated that prabowo subianto also uses the same path. figure 9. meme prabowo speech akhirul aminulloh, fathul qorib, latif fianto, emei dwinanarhati setiamandani propaganda and political memes on social media ... 355 the meme in picture 9 shows a brown background with an illustration of prabowo speaking using a loudspeaker on a podium. in this picture, prabowo subianto asserts something with his index f i nge r. c ompl e m e nt i ng t h e illustration is the inscription or text "'if we lose indonesia will be extinct.'" in detail, in writing, the word "indonesia" is colored in red while the other words are in black. every color has its meaning. black means sorrow, emptiness, and mystery. meanwhile, red means courage, adrenaline, passion, and strength. nevertheless, on the other hand, it also means passion and lust. this meme shows that if prabowo subianto loses, then indonesia will face the threat of extinction. figure 10. prabowo's meme talking about unicorns the meme in picture 10 illustrated when prabowo subianto participated in the debate process for presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the 2019 presidential election. at that time, jokowi had the opportunity to ask prabowo subianto questions about strategies to improve strategies for increasing unicorns. however, prabowo did not seem to understand the question's meaning and answered, "the online one?". even though prabowo later said that his party would reduce regulations and restrictions because startups were experiencing rapid development (widyastuti, 2019), prabowo's first answer was still the subject of public jokes, especially among netizens. they grouped made a meme of prabowo's answer, as shown in figure 10. this meme can be interpreted as an expression of satire on candidate number 02, especially prabowo subianto, who does not understand what jokowi's question means and also does not understand the unicorn itself, which refers to startups or startup companies that have a valuation value of more than the us $ 1 billion to the us $ 10 billion (camelia, 2019), which in recent years has experienced very rapid development. memes as political propaganda political memes are propaganda material used by political candidates and their supporters to change public discourse and perceptions (elmore & coleman, 2019). memes are not something new in the digital world and even more so in 356 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 the various momentums of political events. from regional elections to presidential elections, memes are used for political propaganda, either to create and strengthen the identity of a figure or to exacerbate and undermine the identity of a competitor's stronghold. during the process of holding the 2019 presidential election, the two pairs of presidential and vicepresidential candidates fought in the conventional-mainstream debates and campaigns and through the propaganda of political memes, which were massively distributed on various digital channels. in this case, there are two intentional prototypes: first, memes as political artifacts; second, memes as funny artifacts (soh, 2020). however, this funny political artifact contains a satirical meaning that gives two possibilities, strengthens and brings down. at first glance, these memes contain illustrations and humorous words, but they deliver a very satirical and striking message. in the context of political memes during the 2019 presidential election, the propaganda of political memes attacked the two pairs of candidates. this political condition can divide into two discussions. first, memes specifically intended to attack and undermine the credibility of candidate number 01, especially joko widodo, by being propagated as pki. the discourse of regional heads and presidents being linked as pki has been going on for a long time and is significantly often propagated before the presidential election until the regional general election. the issue that jokowi is the pki emerged and began to spread two months before the 2019 presidential election took place, namely when the obor rakyat tabloid published news regarding jokowi's history as a presidential candidate. since then, political issues and propaganda that jokowi is the pki have spread widely and massively that, also happened ahead of the 2019 presidential election. discourse and propaganda that jokowi is the pki resurfaced, and more massively through memes spread on the internet and various social media platforms. through these memes, jokowi is described as pki. not only as a former member of a banned party but also as a person who will threaten the establishment of a democratic state. this kind of propaganda is intended to change public opinion about the figure attached to jokowi, who is described as a populist leader and is waiting for his breakthrough to solve various problems of the nation. from another perspective, akhirul aminulloh, fathul qorib, latif fianto, emei dwinanarhati setiamandani propaganda and political memes on social media ... 357 this propaganda aims to win the empathy and voice of the people who form the beginning have not chosen one of the pairs of candidates so that with this propaganda, the group will be closer to the candidate pair number two and give their votes to the candidate pair. the pki and its attributes, the hammer, and sickle, are compassionate matters. the pki discourse is not something to be afraid of for people who are educated and have an open mind. however, for ordinary people and conservatives, this issue is susceptible, especially for those massively influenced by posttruth propaganda. like an educated society, jokowi's pki propaganda will not be digested raw but must still be verified and believed to be accurate based on valid facts. however, this propaganda is very profitable for ordinary people and especially people who believe in the truth of certain information without having to re-examine the basis for its truth. the public will be consumed by this propaganda and change the direction of their vote on candidate number 02.  however, this propaganda attack was met with a countermeme, which illustrates where jokowi is not the pki, that the information is just a  hoax  spread by people who want the jokowi as a figure to decline. in this context, the discourse contestation is jokowi pki vs. jokowi, not pki or jokowi pki is false information  (hoax). however, although there are counter-discourses, the discourse that jokowi's pki is a propaganda message is never finished spreading. this kind of propaganda will continue to be rolled out before the general election momentum from the regional to the main level. the counter-discourse issued to break the propaganda launched by competitors is not only that but also propaganda in which jokowi is described as a leading figure who does not have the burden of the past, which is indirectly directed at candidate number 02, especially prabowo subianto. who was hit by the issue of having violated human rights (ham) in the new order? second, memes are directed at candidate number 02 by being propagated as a candidate who carries the caliphate political system. the figure of prabowo subianto is described as a person who is close to people who want to replace the pancasila state basis and replace the democratic government system with a caliphate. in indonesia, the khilafah is a system of government promoted by conservative muslims. 358 journal of islamic world and politics vol. 5, no. 2, december 2021 it tends to be orthodox so that indonesia becomes an islamic state as a consensus of the fact that the majority of the population embraces islam. at this point, there is an attempt to clash between the nationalism of jokowi's camp and the religion attached to prabowo subianto's ranks. the issue of the struggle between nationalism and religion has always been a hot topic in indonesia since the cultural tragedy in 1965-1966. it is reasonable if there are parties who try to confront religious propaganda with nationalism propaganda. at this point, there are two possibilities. first, the propaganda t hat pr ab owo subi anto or presidential and vice-presidential candidate number 02 carries the khilafah, attempting to destroy prabowo subianto's figure. as is known, indonesia is a country with a democratic system of government. for a long time, the majority of the people have rejected the aspirations of a group of people trying to make the caliphate the basis of the state or system of government. in this aspect, such propaganda has degraded the credibility of the presidential and vice-presidential candidate pair number 02. second, there is a possibility that conservative plus orthodox muslim groups want the caliphate to become the basis of the indonesian state truly, and that can only be realized if they are behind prabowo subianto and win the political contestation. however, this blatant effort is difficult to win the empathy and voice of the people if they look at the reality where the pro-khilafah group is on the minority line. therefore, the goal desired is that this propaganda is carried out to undermine prabowo subianto's credibility. the purpose of propaganda is to complete when prabowo subianto is propagated as a leader who does not take sides and protects the poor, who uses the ninja way— ways synonymous with blood and violence in another meme— to achieve his desire to become president. prabowo is even described as a person who threatens that if his party loses in the 2019 presidential election, indonesia will be extinct on the second occasion that he has entered as a presidential candidate after doing so in 2014. although there are no signs of indonesia going extinct, the words included in the meme are sufficient to describe the propaganda that describes prabowo subianto's leadership figure. as if that were not enough, prabowo subianto was also promoted as a figure who did not understand enough about akhirul aminulloh, fathul qorib, latif fianto, emei dwinanarhati setiamandani propaganda and political memes on social media ... 359 global business competition, which led to  start-ups  and other digital businesses. conclusion political memes are part of political communication and culture. memes are used as a propaganda tool to raise and strengthen the figure of one party as well as attack and bring down the figure of another party. in the 2019 indonesian presidential election, many political memes emerged to uplift and or damage the image of the two presidential candidates, joko widodo and prabowo subiyanto. joko widodo is described as part of the pki. this accusation has become public consumption since the 2014 presidential election, which aims to change people's views about the populist figure of joko widodo growing in society. apart from that, this propaganda was also intended to gain the empathy and voice of the people who had decided from the start not to vote for the two pairs of candidates and for them to give their votes to the presidential candidate number two. meanwhile, on the other hand, prabowo subianto is described as a leader who 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(2018). teknik teknik propaganda politik jalaludin rakhmat (studi kasus pada kampanye pemilu 2014 di kabupaten bandung dan kabupaten bandung barat). jurnal academia praja, 1(1), 39–58. islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 issn: 2614-0535 rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis kaum wahabi indonesia terhadap kesepakatan nuklir iran-as al chaidar universitas malikussaleh, aceh alchaidar@gmail.com herdi sahrasad universitas paramadina, jakarta sahrasad@yahoo.com abstract the iran-us agreement on nuclear power has made watershed in iran-west relations, in which all of nuclear weapons of iran should be disconnected and frozen so that only the israelis held a nuclear power in the middle east.teheran always says its nuclear activities are for peaceful purposes. nowadays the international sanctions on iranian lifted, and iran is more powerfull to enhance its posture in international arena. this agreement has caused ideological anxiety among the wahabis with implications that the wahabis are not happy and they do not like with the strengthening of iran politically and culturally in globalized world. the wahabis’ ideological interests will be erodedto a certain degree with the agreement which would seriously divide the islamic world by by sunni-shia rivalry. however, the rise of turkey which competed with iran and saudi in the political arena of middle east, would open the wahabis eyes in indonesia that maybe turkey is the hope of the future. keywords: iran, saudi, sunni, syiah, turki, islam, nuklir, as pendahuluan kesepakatan nuklir iran telah dicapai di wina, austria, pada juli 2015. pertemuan tersebut merupakan hasil panjang diplomasi yang akhirnya dimenangkan oleh 2 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 iran setelah banyak ilmuwan nuklir nya terbunuh. kesepakatan ituakan mengubah komposisi geopolitik dunia. kekuatan dunia telah mencapai kesepakatan dengan iran dalam mengurangi kegiatan nuklir negara itu dengan imbalan pencabutan sanksi atau embargo ekonomi internasional yang telah berlangsung tiga dekade.presiden amerika serikat barack obama mengatakan dengan kesepakatan tersebut, semua senjata nuklir iran telah diputus bagi iran sehingga kekuatan nuklir timur tengah tetap dipegang secara militer oleh israel. bagi presiden iran, hassan rouhani, hal ini membuka "bab baru" hubungan iran dengan dunia, sebuah peluang yang telah lama ditunggu-tunggu wangsa persia ini. perundingan antara iran dan enam kekuatan dunia (amerika serikat, inggris, prancis, cina, rusia ditambah jerman) dimulai pada tahun 2006. negara-negara p5+1 menginginkan iran mengurangi kegiatan nuklir yang merupakan isu krusial untuk memastikan negara tersebut tidak bisa membuat senjata nuklir. kekhawatiran ideologis (ideological anxiety, restlessness and worry) kaum wahabi —yang akhir-akhirnya ini menguat setelah mun culnya al qaeda dan isis sebagai wakil dari kedigdayaan wahabi— adalah kekhawatiran kultural yang serius akan dunia islam yang terpecah. garber (1997) membuktikan bahwa kepentingan personal yang sangat ideologis pun akan menghasilkan kecemasan kultural yang akut. pastilah kepentingan komunal wahabi di indonesia sangat besar atas menguatnya iran secara politik dan kultural (garber, 1977). lihatlah situasi dimana kekuatan iran yang dibenci oleh kaum wahabi di indonesia selalu mengundang kecemasan kultural yang menyesakkan dada para pencari surga ini.iran, yang menginginkan sanksi internasionalnya dicabut, selalu mengatakan kegiatan nuklirnya untuk tujuan damai.kondisi ini tidak lantas membuat kaum agamawan suni bersimpati dengan iran yang nota-bene adalah negara pengusung ideologi syiah.pun, terdapat penolakan keras dari kelompok konservatif baik di iran maupun amerika serikat. kongres as memiliki waktu selama 60 hari untuk memertimbangkan kesepakatan itu, meskipun obama mengatakan akan menveto usaha untuk menggagalkan. kaum wahabi di indonesia mengalami kegamangan dalam melihat perkembangan diplomasi iran di dunia dan juga di indonesia. al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 3 pada tataran dunia, perundingan nuklir iran dengan kelompok p5+1, yaitu lima negara anggota tetap dewan keamanan (dk) pbb (amerika serikat, inggris, perancis, rusia, dan cina) ditambah jerman serta komisaris tinggi kebijakan luar negeri uni eropa akhirnya menemukan titik final setelah 22 bulan berjalan. pada tataran nasional, kalangan sunni pada umumnya terhenyak dengan kemajuan pembukaan isolasi barat terhadap iran. kesepakatan mengenai program nuklir iran dicapai di wina, austria, (14/7/2015) untuk mengatasi kecurigaan barat terhadap program yang dinyatakan iran bertujuan damai tersebut, dan dengan demikian sanksi terhadap iran dicabut, tetapi memertahankan embargo senjata dan larangan teknologi rudal balistik. kecurigaan barat dan kecurigaan sunni selama ini menemukan titik temu yang kuat, namun setelah kesepakatan ini, jalan cerita akan sedikit berbelok. ideologi syiah semakin merajalela, segera setelah organisasi islam terbesar indonesia, nahdlatul ulama juga dipegang kembali oleh tokoh-tokoh yang disinyalir mendukung poros iran dan menolak dominasi poros arab saudi yang berpenduduk penganut sunni. kesepakatan ini ditetapkan dengan komitmen yang mengindahkan "garis merah" yang telah ditentukan iran.mengenai poin-poin yang menguntungkan iran dalam kesepakatan itu, sebagai sebuah perkembangan yang mengkhawatirkan, secara geopolitik dan ideologis. implikasi yang sangat mencemas kan kaum wahabi adalah terpilihnya haedar nashir dalam muktamar muhammadiyah 2015 lalu yang dipandang tak menaruh rasa kasihan dan pembelaan pada ekstrimisme. ekstrimisme yang selama tiga dekade lalu disematkan kepada iran yang distigmatisasi sebagai musuh barat, akan mengubah peta ideologi tidak hanya di timur tengah. negara-negara besar mengakui program nuklir tujuan damai iran serta menghargai hak nuklir bangsa iran dalam kerangka undang-undang dan konvensi internasional. iran telah mengalami ketidak adilan yang diberlakukan barat selama ini, laiknya sebuah tekanan yang kemudian mengubah perilaku dan orientasi ideologisnya. penelitian echebarria echabe & fernández guede (2006) menunjuk kan pengaruh terorisme pada perilaku dan orientasi ideologis sese orang atau kelompok organisasi secara signifikan (echabe dan guede, 2006). 4 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 kebijakan politik internasional iran mungkin akan berubah dengan kesepakatan nuklir ini. program nuklir iran yang semula dianggap sebagai ancaman bagi perdamaian dan keamanan dunia diluruskan menjadi obyek kerjasama iran dengan komunitas internasional sesuai standar global. dewan keamanan perserikatan bang-bangsa (dk-pbb) mengakui iran sebagai negara berkekuatan nuklir tujuan damai, termasuk di bidang daur ulang bahan bakar nuklir dan pengayaan uranium. telah terjadi perubahan fundamental dalam pola interaksi dk pbb dengan iran setelah keluarnya resolusi dk pbb di bawah pasal 25 piagam pbb, sembari mengingat pasal 41 dan terutama lagi pasal-pasal berkenaan dengan pencabutan sanksi sebelumnya terhadap iran. semua fasilitas nuklir iran tetap beroperasi, dan tak ada satupun yang dihentikan ataupun dibekukan sebagaimana yang diinginkan sebelumnya oleh pihak lawan runding iran. pengayaan uranium iran tetap dilanjutkan, dan demikian keinginan untuk menghentikan pengayaan uranium tidak terpenuhi. dunia keilmuan dan penelitian teknologi akan menjadikan iran sebagai daya tarik baru bagi kalangan muslim, selain eksotisme feminisnya. fasilitas infrastruktur nuklir iran tetap dipertahankan, dan tidak ada satupun sentrifugal yang disingkirkan. aktivitas penelitian dan pengembangan semua sentrifugal utama dan mutakhir tetap dilanjutkan. ins talasi nuklir untuk produksi air berat tetap dipertahankan dan terus dikembangkan serta ditambah dengan perlengkapan, teknologi, ujicoba dan instalasi terkini melalui kerjasama dengan pihak-pihak lain yang memiliki teknologi mutakhir di bidang ini. iran sebagai salah satu produsen bahan bakar nuklir, terutama uranium yang diperkaya dan air berat, akan mengakses pasar internasional. dengan demikian maka sanksi dan pembatasan terhadap ekspor dan impor bahan bakar nuklir yang sebagian di antaranya sudah berjalan selama 35 tahun menjadi tidak berpengaruh. iran dan semua perangkat ideo logisnya akan mengalami libe ra lisasi. semua embargo ekonomi, finansial, perbankan, migas, petrokimia, perdagangan, suplai dan transportasi yang diterapkan oleh uni eropa dan amerika serikat sebagai sanksi atas program nuklir iran akhirnya dicabut sekaligus.tuntutan penghentian program rudal iran, khususnya balistik, dikendur kan menjadi al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 5 pembatasan terhadap kebijakan iran berkenaan dengan rudal-rudal yang dapat membawa hulu ledak nuklir. embargo senjata terhadap iran dicabut dan diganti dengan beberapa ketentuan pem batasan. iran diperkenankan meng impor ataupun mengekspor sebagian produk persenjataan. sanksi berkenaan dengan bahan berfungsi ganda dicabut, dan dengan demikian kebutuh an iran di bidang ini akan dipenuhi melalui komisi bersama iran dan p5+1. mahasiswa iran tidak lagi dikenai sanksi akademik di bidang-bidang sains yang berhubungan dengan energi nuklir. liberalisasi teknikal juga sama masifnya dengan liberalisasi ekonomi dan militer yang diberikan barat. iran bisa mengganti ideologi senjata dengan pembukaan isolasi. embargo pesawat sipil yang sudah berjalan tiga dekade dicabut, dan dengan demikian iran juga dapat mengakses suku cadang untuk upgrade hingga memenuhi standar keamanan. pencairan aset keuangan iran di luar negeri sebesar milyar dolar amerika serikat yang telah dibekukan dan diblokir selama beberapa tahun terakhir akibat sanksi. bank central iran, perusahaan pelayaran, perusahaan minyak nasional, perusahaan transportasi minyak dan perusah a an p e r u s a h a an l ai n y ang bernaung di bawahnya, maskapai penerbangan iran, dan banyak lembaga dan instansi perbankan (sekitar 800 orang dan perusahaan) dinyatakan keluar dari daftar sanksi. banyak kalangan wahabi di indonesia tak paham dengan semua 'berkah' yang didapatkan iran dan semakin sulit untuk mengandalkan teori konspirasi sebagai penjelasan tunggal atas kemajuan diplomasi nuklir ini. apa yang telah diberikan barat kepada iran adalah suatu yang di luar perkiraan negara-negara arab di timur tengah. iran mendapat peluang lebih besar untuk berkontribusi di pasar dan sektorsektor perdagangan, teknologi, keuangan dan energi.pembatasan kerjasama ekonomi iran di semua bidang, termasuk investasi di sektor industri migas dan petromikia, dicabut.indonesia lantas semringah dengan hasil kepakatan nuklir iran di wina ini. peluang terbukanya kerjasama luas semua pihak dengan iran di level internasional di sektor energi nuklir tujuan damai serta pembangunan pembangkit listrik, reaktor untuk riset dan penyediaan teknologi nuklir terkini. implikasi politik dari perjanjian itu mencakup aturan mengenai 6 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 pengawasan lokasi fasilitas nuklir di iran sehingga pengawas pbb dapat meninjau lokasi militer, namun iran bisa saja menentang pemberian akses. sebagai gantinya, pbb mengatakan embargo senjata dan sanksi rudal hanya akan berlaku dalam lima sampai delapan tahun lagi. namun, apabila iran melanggar perjanjian, penjatuhan sanksi akan diberlakukan dalam 65 hari. resolusi pbb ini akan mendukung kesepakatan yang secara otomatis akan memutuskan satu mekanisme agar seluruh sanksi dewan keamanan bisa secara otomatis berlaku kembali jika iran melanggar kesepakatan itu. kesepakatan wina ini mengatur bahwa enam negara adidaya, iran dan uni eropa akan membentuk satu komisi bersama untuk menangani pengaduan jika ada pelanggaran. jika negara yang mengadu itu tidak puas dengan keputusan komisi, negara tersebut bisa membawa keluhannya ke dewan keamanan pbb.dewan keamanan pbb kemudian harus mengambil suara untuk resolusi untuk tetap memb erlakukan embargo dan sanksi terhadap iran. ketegangan politik saudi dan iran rivalitas sunni dan syiah di timur tengah bisa dibaca dari kuatnya persaingan iran dan arab saudi dalam mengembangkan mazhab masing-masing. saudi berusaha membangun jaringan sunni di negara-negara timur tengah dengan sekte wahabisme. sementara iran menggalang dan mengembangkan jaringan syiah di timur tengah dengan menanamkan semangat revolusi islam iran. kompetisi ideologis ini menjurus ke arah benturan perang fisik dan psikis yang cukup menelan korban jiwa. para ahli timur tengah sering menyebut rivalitas agama dan politik iran-saudi itu sebagai perang dingin baru di timur tengah (grumet, 2015).para pengikut syiah yang tinggal di arab saudi, seperti nimr al nimr, mencoba meng guncang dominasi wahabi saudi dari dalam. tidak heran jika pemerintah kerajaan arab saudi menjatuhkan hukuman mati dan mengeksekusi pengikut syiah itu akhir desember 2015 (https://www. merdeka.com). tahun 2015, usai mengeksekusi mati 47 narapidana termasuk ulama terkenal syiah, syekh nimr baqir al-nimr, arab saudi terus menuai protes dan kecaman. republik islam iran jadi salah satu negara paling keras mengecam saudi, sebab mayoritas warganya adalah al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 7 penganut sekte syiah (https://news. idntimes.com). s ebagai dampak masalah eksekusi ini, warga iran kemudian menggelar protes massal, yang berujung pada pembakaran kedutaan saudi di ibu kota teheran. hal ini kemudian memicu putusnya hubungan diplo matik kedua negara. penganut syiah yang bergolak tak cuma iran, namun juga warga syiah di bahrain, yaman, dan irak juga berdemo mengecam saudi yang menganut mazhab sunni. arab saudi memutus hubungan dengan iran di tengah pertikaian hukuman mati terhadap ulama syiah terkemuka arab saudi, sheikh nimr al-nimr. kedua kekuatan berada pada posisi yang berseberangan dalam sejumlah konflik kawasan. iran memperingatkan arab saudi akan menghadapi " pembalasan ilahi" terkait eksekusi, dan kedutaan besar saudi di teheran diserang pengunjuk rasa yang marah. sejak revolusi islam iran pimpinan ayatollah khomeini tahun 1979, arab saudi dan iran menjalin hubungan diplomatik yang rumit, dilandasi saling curiga, persaingan, serta permusuhan. pemicunya tak sekadar perbedaan mazhab islam. secara geopolitik, iran dan saudi juga bersaing untuk me mengaruhi negara-negara tetangganya dan juga terdapat kecurigaan tentang pengaruh iran terhadap kelompok minoritas syiah di arab saudi, di samping masyarakat syiah di bahrain, irak, suriah dan lebanon. program nuklir iran dan kemungkinan bahwa negara itu pada suatu hari akan memiliki senjata nuklir, juga membuat khawatir arab saudi. bermula dari 1979, saat itu penguasa arab saudi terperanjat menyaksikan raja shah mohammed reza pahlevi digulingkan ulama syiah pimpinan ayatolah khomeini. karena 'kecewa dan khawatir serta ngambek' dengan republik islam iran, saudi kemudian mendukung irak dalam perang iran-irak pada 1980-1988. warga iran protes, sebab saudi membolehkan irak menggunakan senjata kimia. hubungan diplomatik kedua negara ini terus memburuk dan hampir mencapai puncaknya pada 1987. kala itu, 275 orang iran tewas dalam bentrokan di tanah suci, mekah dari total korban 402 jamaah. rivalitas politik iran dan saudi ini bertahan lama karena masingmasing memiliki kekuatan sepadan, berlarut-larut dan terkunci ke dalam konflik yang bakal berlangsung hingga masa depan (goertz dan diehl, 1993). tegangan islam politik antara 8 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 saudi dan iran umumnya dilihat masyarakat dunia sebagai ketegangan kaum muslim sunni dan syiah. ada yang berpendapat bahwa seandainya nabi muhammad sebelum wafat tahun 632 menentukan penggantinya, mungkin semua ketegangan politik itu tidak terjadi. tetapi karena penerus rasullulah saw tidak ada, kelompok islam yang masih muda itu terpecah-belah sekitar 30 tahun setelah muhammad saw wafat. sebagian besar menggabungkan diri dalam kelompok yang disebut sunni. kelompok kedua terdiri dari pen dukung ali bin abi talib, saudara sepupu dan menantu mohammad. kelompok itu disebut "shi'at ali", atau pengikut ali, yang berkembang menjadi islam syiah. tahun 632 di negara madinah yang jadi masalah terutama soal politik perorangan. sengketa ber pangkal pada pertanyaan, bagaimana cara tepat menentukan pengganti muhammad. pakar islam lutz berger dari universitas kiel, jerman menambahkan, "awalnya adalah konflik politik mengenai p e ng g ant i d an ke p e nt i ng an kelompok. konflik politik itu kemudian dijadikan masalah agama"(http://www.dw.com). mengenai pertikaian akan penerus muhammad yang sah, awalnya di setujui melalui suara mayoritas adanya empat khalifah. tahun 660, dinasti umayah mengambil alih kekuasaan. dalam pemilihan khalifah, bagi mayoritas pemeluk agama islam yang penting adalah, mereka berasal dari suku quraish, seperti halnya muhammad. sedangkan pendukung ali berpendapat, pengganti harus ber asal dari keluarga muhammad. itu dilandasi argumentasi, tuhanlah yang menentukan ali sebagai pengganti, dan muhammad telah menetapkannya secara tertulis sebelum meninggal. menurut keya kinan syiah, kelompok sunni kemudian menghapus aturan tersebut dari al-quran. dengan demikian, timbul tuduhan pemalsuan al-quran oleh kelompok sunni. menurut dr. lutz berger, ali tidak bersedia menerima, jika dirinya tidak menjadi penerus muhammad. akhirnya tahun 656 ia dipilih menjadi khalifah keempat dan terakhir. kekuasaannya hanya berlangsung lima tahun. ali kemudian jadi korban pembunuhan. di daerah pusat kekuasaan islam yang baru terbentuk, yaitu damaskus, dinasti umayah kemudian berkuasa. sedangkan pendukung ali menguasai provinsiprovinsi di sekitarnya, yang sekarang al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 9 menjadi wilayah irak. tahun 680 putra termuda ali, hussein dipilih menjadi khalifah untuk menandingi khalifah-khalifah lainnya. tapi di tahun yang sama ia dibunuh atas perintah keluarga umayah, kemudian dimakamkan di karbala, yang sekarang termasuk irak. pembunuhan itu menjadi tonggak perpecahan antara sunni dan syiah. peristiwa itu juga menjadi landasan tradisi martir yang menjadi ciri khas syiah. dalam kaitan ini, sejarah meng i sah kan bahwa dalam perang shiffi, antara kelompok ali bin abi thalib dengan kelompok mu’awiyah bin abi sufyan sebagai hasil dari pertikaian politik pasca kematian khalifah usman bin affan. sebagaimana di dalam sejarah, ketika ali terpilih men jadi khalifah, ia mendapatkan tantangan dari beberapa pemuka sahabat yang ingin menjadi khalifah, di antaranya ialah mu’awiyah bin abi sufyan, gubernur damaskus waktu itu. mu’awiyah tidak mengakui ali sebagai khalifah, sebagaimana juga talhah dan zubair.mereka menuntut kepada ali, agar menghukum pembunuh khalifah usman bin affan, bahkan mereka menuduh ali bin abi thalib turut terlibat dalam pembunuhan itu. salah seorang pemuka pemberontak dari mesir yang datang ke madinah, dan kemudian membunuh usman bin affan, adalah muhammad ibn abi bakr, anak angkat dari ali bin abi thalib. selain itu, ali tidak mengambil tindakan keras terhadap pemberontak, bahkan muhammad ibn abi bakr ditunjuk dan diangkat menjadi gubernur mesir. pertikaian politik tersebut mencapai puncaknya dalam perang besar antara pasukan ali bin abi thalib dengan pasukan mu’awiyah bin abi sufyan di shiffi (hitti, 1974: 181-183, dan rijal, 2010: 7). pasukan ali dapat mendesak dan memukul mundur tentara mu’awiyah, sehingga pasukan mu’awiyah, amir ibn al-ash yang terkenal sebagai orang yang licik, meminta berdamai dengan mengangkat al-qur’an ke atas. seorang sahabat dari kelompok ali yang bernama qurra’ mendesak ali supaya menerima tawaran itu. dengan permintaan itu, dicarilah kerangka perdamaian dengan meng ada kan arbitrase (tahkim) di antara kedua belah pihak. sebagai perantara, diangkat dua orang: amir bin al-ash dari pihak mu’awiyah dan abu musa al-asy’ari dari pihak ali. sejarah mencatat, bahwa dalam perjanjian damai itu, kedua belah pihak menanda tangani kesepakatan untuk tidak menjatuhkan kedua 10 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 pemuka sahabat yang bertentangan itu. tetapi, karena kelicikan amir bin al-ash, arbitrase tersebut meng untungkan pihak mu’awiyah, karena ia mengumumkan hanya menye tujui pemakzulan ali bin abi thalib yang diumumkan lebih dulu oleh abu musa alasy’ari, dan menolak menjatuhkan mu’awiyah. akibatnya, kedudukan mu’awiyah naik menjadi khalifah yang tidak resmi alias tidak sah. dalam perkembangan kemudian, dengan tipu muslihat dan kelicikan oleh para musuh khalifah ali, akhirnya, sebagaimana terbukti dalam sejarah, khalifah ali bin abi thalib berhasil dibunuh. ali bin abi thalib dibunuh ketika sedang shalat subuh di masjid. dua sampai tiga hari sang khalifah ini masih bisa bertahan hidup sebelum akhirnya wafat (hitti, 1974: 181183, dan rijal, 2010: 7). gugur dan syahidnya khalifah ali telah menjadi memori sosial-keagamaan yang membangkitkan spiritualitas kaum syiah untuk melawan apa yang mereka persepsikan sebagai kezaliman dan kebatilan. berdasarkan data terbaru, ada sekitar 1,6 milyar persebaran penduduk muslim di berbagai belahan dunia, ada sekitar 8590% di antaranya menganut islam sunni. jumlah penganut syiah tidak diketahui dengan pasti, karena di banyak negara tidak ada sensus yang mencatat agama warganya. selain itu, kaum syiah yang tinggal di wilayah-wilayah yang mayoritas penduduknya non syiah, tidak selalu mengungkapkan keyakinan mereka. hingga sekarang, kaum syiah adalah kelompok minoritas, yang anggotanya diperkirakan sekitar 10-15% dari total 1,6 milyar warga muslim di dunia. ilustrasi di atas sekadar menun juk kan betapa sensitif dan rentannya konflik sunni-syiah jika tidak dikelola dan diselesaikan dengan cara-cara etis, damai dan beradab. dalam kenyata annya, konflik sunni-syiah memang tidak lepas dari dimensi agama, ideologi dan ekonomi-politik.sejak tahun 2005, arab saudi telah berhasil mengirim bantuan us$ 30 juta ke lebanon, irak dan bahrain, dalam upaya membuat jaringan sunni yang luas dibawah kontrol dan komando organisasi intelijen arab saudi (http://www.kompasiana. com). pada 2011, dengan terjadinya gejolak di pemerintahan syria, arab saudi secara diam-diam lebih deras men dukung oposisi syria dalam meme rangi pemerintahan syiah— bashar al-assad, tapi hingga tahun 2014 tampaknya perkembangan al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 11 situasinya makin lama makin tidak mem bawa keuntungan bagi arab saudi (us news and world report, 2015). demikian juga di libanon, gerakan politik di bawah pimpinan sunni tidak mampu menekan kekuatan milisi syiah – hizbullah. dengan keputusan as (amerika serikat) keluar dari timteng dan gelagat membaiknya hubungannya dengan iran telah memaksa arab saudi naik ketengah gelanggan panggung dari pada berada dibelakang layar. malah saudi berniat membuat “perubahan besar” dalam hubungan dengan amerika sebagai bentuk protes atas sikap as atas suriah dan mendekatnya as ke iran(http://www.dw.com). meskipun presiden amerika serikat barack obama berikrar melindungi sekutu-sekutunya di teluk arab dengan kekuatan militer jika diperlukan di tengah ketegangan dengan iran, saudi masih khawatir bahwa as tidak total membela riyadh menghadapi teheran. hubungan as dan sekutu-sekutunya di teluk arab sudah menegang setelah obama menyepakati perundingan nuklir dengan iran (http://www.bbc.com). sejauh ini, di era kepemimpinan nya obama telah berusaha untuk menempatkan tanggung jawab keamanan timteng pada para pemimpin di kawasan itu, terutama untuk sekutunya seperti arab saudi yang telah digelontorkan dana miliaran dollar mesin militer oleh amerika. namun pada saat yang sama pemerintahan obama juga menarik pasukan as dari hot spot timteng yang berbahaya itu. akibatnya, negara-negara arab di teluk kurang percaya terhadap kebijakan as di timteng. para analis mempertanyakan: jika di timteng antara syiah dan sunni, antara orang arab dan orang persia tidak bersatu, sedang syiah dan persia memiliki senjata nuklir, mana mungkin orang-orang arab bisa menerima hal itu?(http://www. albayyinat.net/jwb5ta, dan http:// www.dw.com). konflik saudi dan iran itu telah membuat barat menggeneralisir bahwa konflik sunni-syiah di timur tengah akan terus bergejolak. tapi benarkah sumbernya soal sunnisyiah, bukan konflik sumber daya, geopolitik dan perebutan pasar senjata? kompleksitas masalah itu rupanya saling berhimpitan dalam kasus pertikaian di timur tengah. arab bukanlah sekutu abadi as dan iran bukanlah musuh abadi amerika. realitanya adalah persaingan kepentingan abadi antara as, saudi dan iran untuk bergerak 12 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 m e n g a m a n k a n k e p e n t i n g a n masing-masing. pada kenyataannya, sebenar nya arab saudi telah marah kepada as untuk waktu yang lama. apalagi pada 2011, as secara aktif mendorong gelombang gerakan revolusi “arab spring” ke arab saudi. meskipun mantan raja abdullah dari arab saudi dengan cepat dapat menstabilkan keadaan. tapi arab saudi masih ingat bahwa as berada di balik gerakan tersebut. pada tahun yang sama, arab saudi mengirim pasukan untuk menekan perlawanan anti-pemerintahan bahrain, dan saat itu as mengkritik arab saudi atas tindakan tersebut, juga tidak mendukung negara tersebut. demikian juga pada tahun 2011, saat terjadi krisis syria, dan angkatan bersenjata arab dan opisisi syria berusaha menggulingkan pemerintahan bashar al-assad, tetapi pada akhirnya obama justru ber kompromi dalam masalah senjata kimia syria, sehingga membuat arab saudi tertekan dan marah. namun arab saudi tak bisa berbuat banyak kepada amerika, payung militernya di timur tengah. dewasa ini, as secara aktif mem pro mo sikan normalisasi hubungan nya dengan iran dan itu men dorong teheran lebih leluasa dalam melak sanakan kebijakan timur tengahnya. arab saudi berpopulasi sekitar 24 juta, 85% faksi sunni, dan 15% syiah. iran berpolulasi 85 juta dan 91% adalah berfaksi syiah dan 7,8% sunni. di luar saudi dan iran ada turki yang berkepentingan memainkan peran di timur tengah.tapi apa yang menjadi dasar dari konflik di timteng? memang banyak konflik yang mendasarinya, tapi para analis barat umumnya menjustifikasi bahwa yang paling utama dan yang sangat memiliki koneksitas serta yang paling berakar, adalah konflik antara syiah dan sunni. justifikasi itu diperkuat dengan peran iran dalam pertikaian internal di irak pasca saddam hussein, menguatnya hizbullah di lebanon dan hamas di palestina karena dukungan teheran. justifikasi itu juga merujuk pada pernyataanmantan presiden mesir hosni mubarak yangmenyampaikan di acara tv pada tahun 2006, bahwa: “banyak pengikut syiah mesir yang lebih setia kepada iran daripada pada negara mereka (mesir)” (http://www.albayyinat.net/jwb5ta, dan http://www.dw.com). harus diakui, konflik antara arab saudi dan iran bukan hanya kontestasi antar faksi agama, tapi juga kontestasi kekuasaan. kedua negara ini coba menggunakan al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 13 negara-negara yang relatif lemah di wilayah ini untuk mempeluas pengaruh mereka. tapi dengan tim bulnya kekacauan dalam pemerintahan yaman dan muncul nya milisi houthi, arab saudi berada di pihak yang dirugikan di medan kunci ini. di syria, lebanon dan irak, pengaruh iran terus berkembang, bahkan membuat arab saudi menjadi lebih buruk. pertanyaanya: lalu, dari siapa arab saudi akan mendapatkan dukungan yang lebih kuat lagi? arab saudi adalah negara terbesar dan terkaya di jazirah arab.tapi teknologi dan industrinya tidak pesat layaknya mesir. militernya memiliki peralatan yang terbaik, tapi sejauh ini strategi perangnya belum teruji. militer arab saudi belum pernah mengalami tes dalam skala besar (http://www. kompasiana.com/). tapi arab saudi ragu bahwa dirinya memiliki kemampuan untuk mengendalikan situasi di timteng. mesir, misalnya, memiliki kekuatan politik yang kuat dan relatif stabil, meskipun bukan negara kaya. dalam konteks ini arab saudi bisa membantu kairo sebagai sekutunya di timur tengah. namun kairo saat ini bukanlah kekuatan militer yang memadai untuk menghadapi aksi iran di kawasan timur tengah. dalam hal ini, saudi mampu memberi mesir lebih dari us$ 10 milyar, sedang negara lain hanya memberi ratusan juta dollar atau mungkin hanya satu atau dua milyar dollar saja dan itu juga disesuaikan dengan kondisi yang ada. lain lagi dengan arab saudi ketika memberikan mesir us$ 10 milyar tanpa syarat. meski sudah merosot ekonominya, arab saudi merupakan kekuatan ekonomi teratas di timteng. namun sebagai kekuatan politik dan sosial, mesir masih nomor satu jika diban dingkan dengan arab saudi. selama gelombang revolusi arab spring, iran berusaha memengaruhi kaum syiah untuk bersikap mendukung perubahan rezim-rezim di timur tengah. di mesir, negara yang berpengaruh di kawasan arab itu, pemilu yang demokratis dimenangkan kelompok ikhwanul muslimin dan mohammad morsi terpilih jadi presiden. kekuasaan morsi mengkhawatirkan saudi dan as/barat. lalu, diam-diam arab saudi membantu penggulingan morsi yang sunni di mesir. sebenarnya, sebelum jenderal al-sisi menjadi presiden mesir, mantan raja abdullah dari arab saudi sudah menyatakan dukungan kuat untuknya. pada 2013, setelah menjadi menhan mesir, al-sisi 14 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 yang memimpin militer, kemudian bergerak menggulingkan presiden mohamed morsi, pada tahun 2013 itu, ketika al-sisi memimpin militer dalam kudeta menggulingkan pemerintahan morsi, arab saudi di belakang layar memberi dukungan besar kepadanya (http://www. kompasiana.com). para akademisi dan analis memandang al-sisi mampu mem per tahankan kepemimpinan nya dan mesir akan tetap stabil, sebagian besar berkat peran utama yang dimainkan arab saudi di belakang layar. raja arab saudi menjadi kepala negara asing pertama yang mengucapkan selamat kepada alsisi dan militer mesir. arab saudi menggalang negara-negara teluk uae dan kuwait untuk memberi mesir bantuan ekonomi melebihi us$ 12 milyar untuk mele wati krisis ekonomi pada saat itu. sebagaimana diketahui, pada saat itu ekonomi mesir dalam kesulitan dan negara itu semestinya sudah dalam keadaan bangkrut. cadangan nasional mesir telah menurun menjadi kurang dari us$ 15 milyar ketika sisi menjabat. jika dipikir kembali penduduk mesir 90 juta dengan cadangan kurang dari us$ 15 milyar dapat dibayangkan seperti apa kondisi mesir saat itu. jelas mesir sudah dalam kondisi bangkrut. setelah mesir berada dalam orbit politik saudi, pemerintah riyadh melakukan intervensi militer ke yaman dimana kaum syiah berhasil merebut kekuasaan dari tangan sunni. masyarakat arab saudi tidak hanya mendukung perang baru arab saudi di yaman, tetapi juga peran barunya di timteng sebagai “polisi”, untuk mengisi kekosongan yang disebabkan ditinggalkan oleh keengganan amerika serikat untuk campur tangan dalam wilayah ini lagi. yaman menjadi batu ujian arab saudi untuk menguji kepemimpinan dan kemampuan militernya di timur tengah. saudi berharap mesir, yordania dan negara teluk lainnya membantu memperkuat saudi sebagai polisi di timur tengah. mesir diminta saudi bergabung tanpa pamrih, tetapi arab saudi sangat kecewa dengan mesir atas seluruh operasi militernya. sebab mesir hanya mengirim beberapa kapal patroli bab-el-mandeb sebagai simbolis, dan arab saudi percaya tindakan mesir tidak untuk menyerang yaman untuk membantu arab saudi, sebab itu hanya lebih merupakan tindakan untuk melindungi terusan suez yang menguntungkan mesir. arab saudi sangat kecewa terhadap al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 15 sikap mesir tersebut(http://www. albayyinat.net/jwb5ta, dan html http://www.dw.com). selain itu, arab saudi dalam tingkat tertentu juga kecewa terhadap pakistan, karena arab saudi terutama minta mereka memobilisasi pasukan.namun pakistan merasa hal tersebut bukan krisis besar dalam negeri arab saudi sendiri, melainkan di negara lain, sehingga pakistan dengan sopan menolak. sikap yang sama juga ditunjukkan negara-negara lain seperti yordan dan mitra lain di teluk, yang dikatakan memobilisasi militer nyatanya hanya untuk “pertunjukan” saja. walhasil, aliansi arab saudi ini jika diukur kapasitas tempurnya sebenarnya masih sangat terbatas (time, 2015). sementara iran (dan turki) jauh lebih digdaya dalam bidang kemiliteran dan intelektualisme. iran dan turki memerangi isis yang beraliran wahabi, dan saudi khawatir bila isis tersudut, pengaruh syiah di irak makin kuat, sementara turki juga berusaha memperluas pengaruhnya di timur tengah, seraya mengurangi peran saudi dan persia sekaligus. segitiga ketegangan s au d i ir an tu rk i s eb e nar ny a merupakan konsekuensi logis dari rivalitas ketiga kekuasan regional itu. dengan konflik suriah, libya dan yaman, situasi dunia arab semakin hari cenderung semakin tak menentu. yaman, irak, syria dan libya situasinya memburuk, sementara isis masih merajalela dan mampu membangun jaringan di as dan eropa serta asia, meski posisinya di irak dan suriah kian tersudut.. menghadapi berbagai tantangan ini, arab saudi terlihat seperti putus asa dengan melihat as dan iran membuka dialog dan mencapai kesepakatan awal kerangka kerjasama. arab saudi pernah menggunakan minyak sebagai alat untuk menghukum iran, namun hal ini juga menimbulkan kerusakan dan kerugian besar bagi arab saudi sendiri. arab saudi harus membayar harga yang makin lama makin mahal dan berat menghadapi iran yang kini sudah bebas dari sanksi ekonomi pbb. jika arab saudi dan iran bisa lebih dekat satu sama lain, kemungkin besar sangat bermanfaat bagi stabilitas timteng. para analis timteng melihat konflik dan persaingan ini disebabkan melemahnya negara-negara besar di timteng. bukan dikarenakan vakum kekuatan as/barat setelah presiden barack obama menarik kekuatan militer dari irak dan afghanistan, tapi lebih disebabkan 16 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 oleh munculnya faktor yang tak terkendali yang disebabkan melemahnya kemampuan negaranegara arab itu untuk menghadapi tantangan di kawasan. selain itu, dengan adanya konfrontasi geostrategis antara arab saudi dan iran, konflik agama dan ideologis cenderung meruncing. kaum sunni di negara-negara seperti syria dan irak memerlukan pasukan militer untuk melindungi kepentingan sekte mereka sendiri. sedangkan kelompok syiah pun demikian. tarik-menarik kepentingan dan persaingan dalam rangka menancapkan kuku kekuasaan antara kaum sunni dan syiah kian merumitkan masalah di timur tengah. para analis melihat, munculnya pemerintahan yang kuat di negaranegara seperti irak, syria, yaman dan mesir, memungkinkan konflik agama diperlemah, dipangkas dan bisa membawa situasi di timteng ke arah stabilitas. dalam kaitan ini, arab saudi sebagai “pemimpin” dewan kerja sama teluk (gcc) di satu sisi harus bertanggung jawab atas keamanan dan kepentingan negara-negara teluk. dan di sisi lain sebagai kekuatan ekonomi terkuat di timteng dan sebagai kekuatan utama yang paling berpengaruh di wilayah tersebut. arab saudi harusbersikap tegas untuk bisa me mengaruhi arah masa depan timteng ke arah stabilitas dan perdamaian. b a g a i m a n apu n k a c au ny a wilayah timur tengah, situasi tersebut hanya dapat dikendalikan dan diredam kalau arab saudi dan iran bisa men capai kesepakatan dengan jalur diplomasi, bukan perang. dalam hal ini, indonesia sebagai negara muslim terbesar dalam organisasi konferensi islam (oki) bisa berkontribusi dengan cara menjembatani komunikasi kedua negara tersebut agar stabilitas dan kedamaian regional dapat terwujud. jika saja persia dan arab para pemimpinnya mampu berdialog dengan baik niscaya kata damai dapat disepakati. konflik sunni-syiah sendiri bukanlah konflik yang diletupkan oleh saudi dan iran, melainkan oleh pihak ketiga yang tidak menghendaki stabilitas dan perdamaian terwujud di timur tengah. saudi dan iran tentunya sadar dan paham bahwa selama era perang dingin, timur tengah menjadi ajang bisnis senjata, pertarungan geopolitik dan perebutan sumberdaya minyak dan gas yang tiada tara. sehingga sekiranya saudi dan iran tidak mencapai kesepakatan damai, hampir pasti instabilitas dan konflik di timur tengah terus membara, al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 17 dan persoalan lain seperti krisis kemanusiaan di palestina, fenomena isis, dan pergolakan di lybia, yaman dan suriah belum jelas akhirnya. berangkat dari paparan di atas, bisa dimengerti bahwa implikasi politik dari persaingan sengit iran dan saudi di timur tengah adalah ketegangan dan pembelahan yang makin tajam antara kaum sunni dan syiah di dunia islam. pertarungan politik berhimpitan dengan isu agama, dan geostrategis, yang menyeret timur tengah masuk ke dalam konflik berlarut antara saudi dan iran entah sampai kapan. implikasi ideologis kesepakatan program nuklir yang disetujui oleh iran dan enam negara adidaya ini membuat arab saudi khawatir pengaruh iran akan semakin menguat di kawasan timur tengah. bagi arab, kesepakatan ini akan mengubah orientasi ideologis mereka dan juga sikap politik serta sikap kultural mereka terhadap barat dan china. implikasi ideologis akan tetap terasa, tanpa disadari. tidak ada satu pun organisasi atau masyarakat atau bahkan bangsa yang terbebas atau netral secara ideologis. ideologi menggerakkan vibrasinya pada berbagai situasi, mulai dari revolusi amerika (baylin, 1992), ke organisasi yang non-ideologis sekalipun (czarniawska-joerges, 1988), dari diagnosa medis (gartner, harmatz, hohmann, larson, & gartner, 1990), atau ketika kita mengonsumsi suatu produk (treise, weigold, conna, & garrison, 1994), hingga ke soal-soal anggaran (wilensky, 1974). hampir s emu a keg i at an manusia memiliki aspek ideologis, baik itu berbentuk motif maupun kecemasan dan ketakutan. dalam aspek mitologi misalnya, ketakutan masyarakat nusantara terhadap hantu kuntilanak atau sundelbolong juga bisa dilihat dari aspek orientasi ideologi, pun demikian halnya dengan hantu-hantu vampir atau zombie di masyarakat barat. bagi masyarakat nusantara vampir bukanlah sosok yang menyeramkan, terutama vampir perempuan. zombie terlihat lucu karena relatif lamban. mungkin dalam pandangan masyarakat barat kuntilanak tak ubahnya makhluk eksotis dan menggemaskan. kecemasan atas kesepakatan nuklir iran mungkin terasa di beberapa negara jazirah arab. namun dalam persepsi ideologis umat islam sunni di indonesia, kesepakatan nuklir iran ini dilihat secara berbeda.apa yang dipersepsikan sebagai hantu yang menakutkan 18 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 di arab mungkin berbeda dengan hantu eksotis di indonesia. kesepakatan iran secara ideologis diprediksi akan menjadikan timur tengah menjadi "kawasan yang lebih berbahaya" jika kesepakatan tersebut terlalu menguntungkan bagi iran. saudi dan negaranegara sekutunya di kawasan teluk khawatir bahwa kesepakatan yang akan berujung pencabutan sanksi ekonomi iran akan berakibat pada meningkatnya dukungan iran terhadap negara-negara rival saudi di timur tengah. analisis tambahan menunjukkan bahwa jalur ideologis yang menghubungkan kecemasan, persepsi berbahaya di dunia memiliki dampak kuat pada keseluruhan diri penempatan kiri-kanan dari jalur yang menghubungkan tindakan menghindari, dan munculnya persepsi kompetitif di tengah belantara ketidakpastian. kalangan sunni dan kalangan wahabi, pada khususnya, merasakan hantu iran yang menggemaskan bisa mengarah ke tindakan serious offence. kesepakatan nuklir iran ini menimbulkan kecemasan tersendiri bagi wahabi yang semakin hari kecenderungan ditekan oleh pihak barat dan oleh kalangan muslim tradisional semakin menguat. narasi yang acap kali dibangun, wahabi sebagai kaum ekstrimis dan pelaku tindakan yang berlebihlebihan. teori greenberg, solomon, & pyszczynski (1997) menganggap otoritarianisme dan konservatisme sebagai sumber ideologi bagi munculnya motif kolektif (untuk merobek pandangan pengaturan sosial sebagai stabil, adil dan dapat diprediksi) dan motif pribadi (untuk mengatasi kecemasan eksistensial). otoritarianisme dan konservatisme wahabi akan semakin dipermalukan dengan kesepakatan nuklir iran di wina ini. saudi, yang mayoritas penduduk nya merupakan muslim sunni, dan iran yang mayoritas syiah telah lama menjadi rival di kawasan timur tengah. konflik di yaman, menjadi ajang pertempuran antara saudi yang mendukung presiden yaman dan pemberontak syiah houthi yang didukung oleh iran. pengaruh ideologis dari kesepakatan nuklir ini selanjutnya akan menyumbang bagi membesarnya konflik. motivasi bagi munculnya ideological rigidity dan konflik sosial bahkan bisa muncul dalam dunia manajemen yang sempit (peterson & flanders, 2002), apatah lagi dalam dunia politik dan keagamaan (jost, napier, thorisdottir, gosling, palfai, & ostafin, 2007). konflik syiah houthi di yaman al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 19 akan semakin melebar dan membesar dan semakin membuat saudi terjepit. sebagai tetangga iran dalam empat dekade terakhir, kaum wahabi di arab belajar bahwa kebaikan (terhadap iran) hanya akan membuat mereka menanggung konsekuensinya. politik tanpa belas kasihan akan terjadi terhadap kaum syiah dimana pun sebagai akibat dari konstelasi politik yang tidak sepadan yang diberikan oleh barat melalui kesepakatan nuklir bagi iran di wina ini. situasi menyesakkan ini tentu akan mengakibatkan kaum wahabi pun tidak tinggal diam dan akan bereaksi secara ekstrim dengan memainkan kekerasan keagamaan di indonesia. ancaman dan ketersudutan akan mengakibatkan bangkitnya motivasi reaktif yang berlebihan (nash, mcgregor, & prentice, 2011). para pejabat dan masyarakat iran mengaku mendukung kesepakatan ini, meski menyatakan bahwa iran tidak dapat dipercaya untuk menepati kesepakatan tersebut. selain konflik di yaman, riyadh juga menganggap iran mendukung presiden suriah, bashar al-assad dan hizbullah di libanon.saudi menilai, hal ini merupakan bukti bahwa iran ingin memperlebar kekuasannya ke negara sekutu syiah di timur tengah. di indonesia, ketersudutan ini memang belum terasa sekarang, namun beberapa tahun kedepan akan ada reaksi ekst r im ap abi l a p emer int a h menjalin hubungan politik dan dagang yang semakin mesra dengan iran. selama ini kaum wahabi sangat asertif dalam menolak ideologi syiah di berbagai kawasan, termasuk di indonesia. abu jibriel (2015), misalnya, sangat aktif menyerang syiah dengan mengklaim bahwa mereka bukan islam dan menyebarkan politik eksklusi yang serius terhadap syiah, yang tak pernah ditunjukkan sebelumnya oleh kaum sunni manapun di nusantara. kesepakatan nuklir telah menuai kritikan dari wartawan, ulama dan pakar di saudi, utamanya karena sekutu utama riyadh, washington kini berbagi dukungan dengan rival mereka di tehran. iran membuat kekacauan di dunia arab dan hal ini akan terus terjadi setelah kesepakatan nuklir. negara sunni di kawasan teluk mungkin akan mengurangi kepercayaan mereka terhadap amerika dan mengubah fokus mereka ke rusia yang kelihatannya mulai memberikan tempat bagi tumbuhnya politik islam di bagian timur eropa. namun tidak demikian halnya di indonesia. mereka bisa saja membenci syiah, 20 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 namun suka dengan sisi feminim iran yang sangat eksotik. kalangan wahabi indonesia pun saat ini sedang menghadapi perpecahan internal yang tak ter perikan dengan munculnya fenomena isis (islamic state of iraq and syria) yang telah menguras darah dan keringat serta finasial mereka dalam menghadapi perang sesama wahabi yang melelahkan ini. komitmen ideologi memang senantiasa dipertaruhkan di antara risiko dan faktor yang melindungi suatu kaum (laor, wolmer, alon, siev, samuel, & toren, 2006), maka ada kemungkinan reaksi ekstrim akan terjadi terhadap kalangan syiah di beberapa kawasan yang konfliktual dan bermusuhan, hostile, khususnya di indonesia. negeri ini memiliki reputasi buruk dalam hal perlindungan terhadap kaum syiah dengan munculnya berbagai kasus intoleransi dan bentrokan berdarah yang menyedihkan dimana banyak anak-anak dan orang tak berdaya terlempar ke tempat-tempat penampungan transito yang tak manusiawi dan tak bisa pulang ke rumahnya selama bertahun-tahun. kesepakatan nuklir iran ini akan muncul dalam bentuk-bentuk kultural yang dominan selain kontestasi ideologis di indonesia. jika kemenangan ideologis iran terjadi di indonesia, maka kalangan sunni yang mayoritas akan mempersepsikan hal ini sebagai imperialisme kultural. imperialisme kultural dan kecemasan masyarakat akan mengakibatkan munculnya perubahan hukum dan ideologi (ideological realignment) secara signifikan (peller, 1997). penulis memprediksikan bahwa kemungkinan adanya reformasi ideology di tubuh kaum wahabi di indonesia dalam menyesuaikan dirinya dengan modernitas. ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi akan tersembur dari iran secara masif dengan terbukanya isolasi iran ini. kaum wahabi yang saat ini mengalami kekalahan yang akut dan tak pernah menang dalam setiap upaya perebutan kekuasaan akan berpikir ulang dan menyesuaikan gairah kekuasaannya dengan perhitungan ideologis dalam manajemen pergerakan mereka. ideological realignment ini akan menun tut kaum wahabi untuk menurun kan tensi ekstrimismenya atau akan terancam hilangnya pen dukung tradisionalnya dari kalangan sunni di nusantara yang beragam dan kosmopolit ini. iran dan turki kesepakatan nuklir iran ini dipandang oleh kaum wahabi al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 21 merupa kan cara amerika dan barat untuk menghapus citra positif turki yang diyakini akan membangkitkan the glory of the past khilafah. bagi kaum wahabi di indonesia, citra arab saudi bersifat kurang baik dibanding turki, meski mereka membela saudi dalam hal pemberontakan syiah hauthi di yaman. sebagaimana terlihat melalui media arrahmah.com yang mengutip artikel penulis yordan, ihsan al faqih, 26 desember lalu pada media achahed. produk domestik nasional turki di tahun 2013 mencapai 100m dolar amerika, menyamai pendapatan gabungan 3 negara dengan ekonomi terkuat di timur tengah; arab saudi, uni emirat arab, iran, dan ditambah dengan yordan, suriah dan lebanon.posisi turki dengan ketokohan recep tayyip erdogan telah berhasil membawa negerinya melakukan lompatan ekonomi yang besar, dari rangking 111 dunia ke peringkat 16, dengan rata-rata peningkatan 10 % pertahun, yang berarti masuknya turki kedalam 20 negara besar terkuat (g-20) di dunia. tahun 2023 merupakan tahun pembangunan negara turki modern yang sudah dicanangkan oleh erdogan, yang ditargetkan adalah turki menjadi kekuatan politik dan ekonomi nomer 1 di dunia! airport internasional istanbul adalah bandara terbesar di eropa yang menampung 1260 pesawat setiap harinya, ditambah bandara shabiha yang menampung 630 pesawat setiap hari. turkish airline, yang sering ditumpangi oleh para mujahidin ketika akan ke afghanistan atau ke suriah, meraih peringkat maskapai penerbangan terbaik di dunia dalam 3 tahun berturut-turut. kegagalan kudeta militer di turki pada pertengahan juli 2016 lalu membuktikan kuatnya kepercayaan rakyat kepada erdogan serta kuatnya kewibawaan, dan pengaruh erdogan pada masyarakat turki yang sudah memilih jalan demokrasi. dalam kurun 10 tahun, turki telah menanam 770 juta pohon harjia dan berbuah.untuk pertama kali turki di masa modern ini memproduksi sendiri tank baja, pesawat terbang dan pesawat tempur tanpa awak, serta satelit militer modern pertama yang multi fungsi. pada aspek saintis, erdogan dalam 10 tahun pemerintahannya telah mendirikan 125 universitas baru, 189 sekolah baru, 510 rumah sakit baru dan 169.000 kelas baru yang modern, sehingga rasio siswa perkelas tidak lebih dari 21 orang. ketika krisis ekonomi menimpa eropa dan amerika, universitas22 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 universitas eropa dan amerika menaikkan uang kuliah.sedangkan erdogan membebaskan seluruh biaya kuliah dan sekolah bagi rakyatnya dan menjadi tanggungan negara. dalam 10 tahun terakhir, pendapatan perkapita penduduk turki yang dahulunya hanya 3500 dolar pertahun, meningkat pada tahun 2013 menjadi 11.000 dollar pertahun, lebih tinggi dari perkapita penduduk prancis. erdogan juga menaikkan nilai tukar mata uang turki 30 kali lipat. hal ini tidak seberapa jika dibandingkan dengan iran. di turki, negara sedang mengupayakan dengan sungguh-sungguh membiayai 300.000 ilmuwan melakukan penelitian ilmiah untuk menuju tahun 2023. posisi turki secara geopolitik juga menjadi harapan besar bagi kaum wahabi di indonesia. di antara keberhasilan politik terbesar turki adalah keberhasilan erdogan mendamaikan dua bagian cyprus yang bertikai. ia juga melakukan pem bahasan damai dengan partai buruh kurdistan untuk menghentikan per tumpahan darah, dan meminta maaf kepada armenia, sehingga menye le saikan permasalahan yang sudah meng gantung sejak 6 dasawarsa. di negara turki, gaji dan upah mening kat mencapai 300%. dan gaji pegawai baru meningkat, dari 340 lira turki menjadi 957 lira. selain itu, jumlah pencari kerja menurun dari 38% menjadi 2%. di turki, anggaran pendidikan dan kesehatan, mengungguli anggaran pertahanan, dan gaji guru sebesar gaji dokter. hal inilah yang membuat kunjungan presiden turki, erdogan, disambut histeris oleh kalangan wahabi di indonesia dan mereka mencemooh jokowi yang tidak bersedia menerimanya untuk shalat jumat bersama di masjid istiqlal jakarta awal agustus 2015. jika dibandingkan dengan iran yang memiliki banyak ilmuwan nuklir, maka di turki telah dibangun 35 ribu laboratorium it dan database modern yang melatih pemuda militan turki. erdogan menutupi defisit anggaran yang mencapai 47 milyar dolar.sebelumnya cicilan terakhir hutang turkike imf adalah 300 juta dolar pada juli lalu. bahkan turki meminjami imf yang jelek namanya itu sebesar 5 milyar dolar.disamping itu erdogan juga menambah cadangan devisa negara sebesar 100 milyar dolar. jika sepuluh tahun lalu, ekspor turki hanya 23 milyar dolar.sekarang meningkat menjadi 153 milyar dolar, mencapai 190 negara. yang paling banyak adalah mobil,yang kedua peralatan elektronik. setiap al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 23 3 perangkat elektronik di eropa, satunya adalah produk turki. dalam hal lingkungan hidup yang sustainable, pemerintah erdogan mengawali pengolahan sampah menjadi pembangkit tenaga listrik, yang digunakan oleh sepertiga penduduk turki. dan energi listrik sudah dinikmati 98% penduduk turki. erdogan pernah duduk berhadapan dengan seorang anak perempuan yang usianya masih 12 tahun, tampil dalam siaran langsung televisi, berdebat dan berdiskusi tentang pembangunan turki masa depan. beliau hormati kecerdasan dan semangat anak tersebut. sekaligus beliau didik anak-anak turki keteladanandalam berdebat dan berdiskusi serta membaca masa depan. erdogan adalah teman israel, begitu menurut kaum sekuler arab. erdogan memberikan tamparan keras kepada israel, dan dia memaksa israel meminta maaf karena kasus kapal marmara yang ditembak israel, 2010 silam. turki juga berikan syarat pencabutan embargo gaza untuk menerima permintaan maaf tersebut. erdogan berikan kritikan tajam terhadap orang-orang yang bertepuk tangan terhadap pidato simon perez dalam pertemuan ekonomi dunia, dan beliau berkata sebelum keluar ruangan dan pulang ke turki: "memalukan kalian bertepuk tangan terhadap pidato ini, padahal israel telah membantai ribuan anak dan wanita di gaza…" pada era dunia yang semakin demokratis, kaum wahabi melihat erdogan dengan penuh harapan. e rd o g an m e nye mprot p ar a demonstran penentangnya dengan air. tidak menembak mereka dengan pesawat tempur, atau rudal atau bom-bom molotov. erdogan menolak anak gadisnya membuka hijab saat sekolah. maka beliau kirim anaknya sekolah di eropa agar tetap berhijab, sebelum hijab dibolehkan di kampus-kampus turki. kebangkitan turki yang demikian dahsyat ini membuat harapan akan bangkitnya khilafah menjadi sesuatu yang niscaya bagi kaum wahabi jihadi di indonesia. wahabi jihadi adalah kaum yang berbeda dengan wahabi shururi atau wahabi takfiri. bagi kaum wahabi jihadi, khilafah abubakar ibrahim al-b ag hdadi (isis) bukanlah khilafah yang sebenarnya. itu adalah khilafah palsu, dan turki akan bangkit (kembali) menjadi khilafah yang sebenarnya. d a lam diplomasi dunia, erdogan satu-satunya kepala negara bersama istrinya mengunjungi burma dan bertemu dengan kaum muslimin di sana dari ka24 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 wasan myanmar yang dapat bencana. keberanian turki ini telah memuaskan rasa terzhalimi yang dialami muslim rohingya. erdogan menghidupkan kembali pengajaran al quran dan hadits d i s e k o l a h s e k o l a h n e g e r i , setelah hilang selama hampir 90 tahun, dihilangkan pemerintah sekuler. erdogan menetapkan kebebasan berhijab di kampuskampus turki dan di parlemen. erdoganlah pemimpin muslim yang membuat lampu di jembatan gantung terbesar di dunia di pantai laut hitam dengan penerangan yang sangat besar bertuliskan " b i s m i l l a h i r r a h m a n i r r a h i m . . " padahal, salah satu negara arab membuat pohon natal terbesar di dunia dengan menelan dana mencapai 40 juta dolar. rasa respek kaum wahabi jihadi di indonesia terhadap arab musnah sudah. bagi kaum wahabi jihadi di indonesia, turki adalah harapan baru di ufuk kebangkitan modern islam. erdogan mengembalikan pembelajaran bahasa ustmaniyah yang berhuruf arab di sekolahsekolah negeri. erdogan melepas pawai 10 ribu anak-anak muslim yang berumur 7 tahun di jalan-jalan istambul, dengan penuh bangga anak-anak tersebut akan memulai kewajiban shalat berjamaah dan menghafal al-quran. barangkali keadaan seperti inilah yang dirindukan oleh wahabi jihadi di indonesia. referensi buku bailyn, b. (1992). the ideological or igins of the amer ican revolution.harvard university press. czarniawska-joerges, b. (1988). ideological control in nonideolo g ical org ani z ation s . praeger publishers. e ch e b ar r i a e ch ab e, a . , & fernández guede, e. (2006). effects of terrorism on attitudes and ideological orientation. european journal of social psychology, 36(2). garber, m. b. (1997).vested interests: cross-dressing and cultural anxiety. psychology press. gartner, j., harmatz, m., hohmann, a., larson, d., & gartner, a. f. (1990). the effect of patient and clinician ideology on clinical judgment: a study of ideological c o u n t e r t r a n s f e r e n c e . ps y c h o t h e r a p y : t h e o r y, research, practice, training, 27(1), 98. al chaidar & herdi sahrasad rivalitas iran-saudi-turki dan kekhawatiran ideologis 25 jibriel ar, abu muhammad.(2015). fakta syiah bukan islam. jakarta: arrahmah publishing. jost, j. t., napier, j. l., thorisdottir, h., gosling, s. d., palfai, t. p., & ostafin, b. (2007). are needs to manage uncertainty and threat associated with political conservatism or ideological extremity?. personality and social psychology bulletin, 33(7), 989-1007. laor, n., wolmer, l., alon, m., siev, j., samuel, e., & toren, p. (2006).risk and protective factors mediating psychological symptoms and ideological commitment of adolescents facing continuous terrorism. the journal of nervous and mental disease, 194(4), 279286. nash, k., mcgregor, i., & prentice, m. (2011). thre at and defense as goal regulation: from implicit goal conflict to anxious uncertainty, reactive approach motivation, and ideological extremism. journal of personality and social psychology, 101(6), 1291. par r y‐gi les, tre vor. (1994). "ideological anxiety and the censored text: real lives— at the edge of the union 1." critical studies in media communication 11.1 (1994): 54-72. pel ler, g. (1997). cu ltura l imperialism, white anxiety, and the ideological realignment of brown. race, law, and culture: reflections on brown vs. board of education, 190-220. peterson, j. b., & flanders, j. l. (2002). c ompl e x it y m an a ge m e nt t h e or y : mo t i v at i on f or ideological rigidity and social conflict. cortex, 38(3), 429-458. punamäki, raija leena. "can ideological commitment protect children's psychosocial well being in situations of political violence?." child development 67.1 (1996): 55-69. treise, d., weigold, m. f., conna, j., & garrison, h. (1994). ethics in advertising: ideological c or re l at e s of c on s u m e r p e rc e pt i ons . jou r n a l of advertising, 23(3), 59-69. weber, c., & federico, c. m. (2007). interpersonal attachment and patterns of ideological belief. political psychology, 28(4), 389-416. wilensky, h. l. (1974). the welfare state and equality: structural and ideological roots of public expenditures (vol. 140). univ of california press. 26 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 internet https://www.merdeka.com/dunia/ begini-kronologi-alasan-iranarab-saudi-selalu-tidak-akur. html https://news.idntimes.com/world/ rizal/15-rentetan-pertikaianantara-arab-saudi-dan-iransepanjang-sejarah-1 ht t p : / / w w w. d w. c o m / i d / s u n n i d a n s y i a h b e r s a i n g s e j a k dulu/a-16189563. h t t p : / / w w w. k o m p a s i a n a . c o m / makenyok/apa-latar-belakangk o n f l i k i s l a m s u n n i v s s y i a h d i t i m u r t e n g a h 2_559c693d169373ae05ef062a pada 2 april 2015, website “us news and world repor t” me mpubl i k as i k an s ebu a h artikel berjudul “the obama doctrine/” : “biarlah timteng berperang untuk perangnya sendiri” (let the middle east fight its own wars). h t t p : / / w w w. d w. c o m / i d / a r a b s a u d i a n c a m j a u h i amerika/a-17178087 http://www.bbc.com/indonesia/ dunia/2015/05/150515_dunia_ saudi_as http://www.albayyinat.net/jwb5ta. html h t t p : / / w w w. d w. c o m / i d / s y i a h sunni-kebencian-mengakard i ar ab s au d i / a 1 8 4 9 2 3 1 6 . h t t p : / / w w w. k o m p a s i a n a . c o m / m a k e ny o k / a p a l a t a rbelakang-konflik-islam-sunniv s s y i a h d i t i mu rt e n g a h 2_559c693d169373ae05ef062a http://www.albayyinat.net/jwb5ta. html http://www.dw.com/id/syiah-sunnikebencian-mengakar-di-arabsaudi/a-18492316. h t t p : / / w w w. k o m p a s i a n a . c o m / makenyok/apa-latar-belakangk o n f l i k i s l a m s u n n i v s s y i a h d i t i m u r t e n g a h 4_559c693d169373ae05ef062a islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 issn: 2614-0535 kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina dalam memberantas abu sayyaf group di filipina selatan aulia assakir universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta asokfree@live.com abstrak penelitian ini fokus pada pembahasan serangan teroris terhadap amerika serikat pada gedung world trade center (wtc) di new york dan gedung pentagon di washington pada 11 september 2001 (9/11). dimana pelaku tragedi 9/11 adalah jaringan terorisme al-qaeda yang pernah dipimpin oleh osama bin laden. serangan tersebut jugapunya afiliasi dengan kelompok abu sayyaf group. abu sayyaf group merupakan sebuah kelompok militan yang beroperasi di filipina selatan dan mempromosikan pendirian sebagai suatu negara islam yang merdeka di mindanao dan kepulauan sulu, filipina selatan. abu sayyaf group terlibat dalam berbagai tindak kekerasan, seperti pemboman, pembunuhan, penculikan dan penyanderaan maupun pemerasan. dalam perkembangannya, abu sayyaf group berpotensi mengancam keamanan nasional amerika serikat dan filipina serta membutuhkan penanganan dengan respons yang sama, yakni militer dalam menghadapinya. dalam membendung ancaman abu sayyaf group, kedua negara ini sepakat untuk menjalin kerjasama. maka, amerika serikat dan filipina melaksanakan kerjasama di bidang militer melalui pelaksanaan latihan militer gabungan antara kedua pasukan yang dilaksanakan pada tahun 2002 tempatnya di kepulauan basilan, filipina selatan. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menunjukkan keberhasilan maupun kegagalam dalam penerapan kerjasama antara amerika serikat dan filipina. hal ini yang akhirnya mendapat dukungan publik dan politik domestik pada kerjasama amerika serikat dan filipina yang dilengkapi dengan program pemerintahan filipina dalam reformasi sosial dan peningkatan ekonomi di pulau basilan tempat aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 41 wilayah abu sayyaf group beroperasi. kata kunci: tragedi 9/11, berantas, ancaman, keamanan, kerjasama, militer, abu sayyaf group. abstract this study focuseson the discussionterrorist attacks against the united states at the world trade center building in new york and the pentagon building in washington on september 11, 2001 (9/11). where the tragedy of 9/11 is al-qaeda terrorist network that once led by osama bin laden. and has links with the abu sayyaf group. the abu sayyaf group is a militant group operating in the southern philippines and promotes the establishment as an independent islamic state in mindanao and the sulu islands of the southern philippines. the abu sayyaf group is involved in various acts of violence, such as bombings, killings, kidnappings and hostage-taking as well as extortion. in its development, the abu sayyaf group may threaten the national security of the united states and the philippines that are military or armed threats and require a military response in the face of it. to face the threat of abu sayyaf group, the two countries agreed to establish cooperation. in an attempt to confront military threats or other armed threats coming from the abu sayyaf group. thus, the united states and the philippines undertook military cooperation through joint military exercises between the two forces held in 2002 in the basilan islands of the southern philippines. this study aims to show the success and kegagalam in the application of cooperation between the united states and the philippines. this ultimately gained public and domestic political support for us and philippine cooperation complemented by the philippine government's program of social reform and economic improvement on basilan island where the abu sayyaf group operates. keywords: tragedy 9/11, eradicate, threats, security, cooperation, military, abu sayyaf group. latar belakang masalah penelitian ini fokus pada pembahasan serangan teroris terhadap amerika serikat dalam tragedi 11 42 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 september tahun 2001 (9/11), yang telah menghancurkan gedung world trade center di new york dan gedung pentagon di washington. kedua gedung tersebut merupakan sebagai simbol kekuatan militer amerika serikat,1 amerika serikat dalam konteks ini merupakan korban terorisme internasional. tragedi 9/11, telah menimbulkan trauma psikologis bagi warga negara amerika serikat danmenjadi pembahasan intens yang pada akhirnya menimbulkan pertanyaan mendasar, bagaimana tragedi itu dapat terjadi di negaranya? oleh karena itu peristiwa ini menuntut kebijakan pemerintah untuk lebih aktif dan harus ada garansi bahwa peristiwa ini tidak akan terulang kembali lagi. dimana pelaku peristiwa tersebut adalah jaringan terorisme al-qaeda yang pernah dipimpinan oleh osama bin laden.2 1 adirini pujayanti, "kebijakan luar negeri pemerintahan bush terhadap terorisme internasionala". dalam poltak pargi nainggilan, terorisme, human security, keamanan internasional dan tata dunia pasca perang dingin, terorisme dan tata dunia baru, jakarta: pusat pengkajian dan pelayanan infomasi sekretariat jenderal dewan perwakilan rakyat republik indonesia, hal.161, 2002 2 briscoe, c.h. "balikatan exercise spearheaded arsof operations i n t h e p h i l i p p i n e s . " s p e c i a l warfare,sept.2004,elibraryusa.state. dan memiliki keterkaitan dengan kelompok abu sayyaf group di filipina selatan yang berlokasi di kepulauan sulu dan mindanao. tragedi 9/11 mer upakan acaman bagi keamanan amerika serikat, karena adanya ancaman bagi keamanan negaranya, presiden george walker bush (bush) mengeluarkan national security strategy (nss) tahun 2002,3 atau “war on terrorisme”, dimana amerika serikat mengajak sejumlah negara-negara di dunia untuk memerangi terorisme demi kepen tingan keamanan global bersama. salah satu negara yang diajak untuk melakukan kerjasama dalam memerangi terorisme adalah filipina. filipina merupakan salah satu negara kawasan asia tenggara yang dijadikan oleh amerika serikat dalam memerangi terorisme, karena di negara filipina terdapat sejumlah kelompok terror yang salah satunya adalah abu sayyaf group. abu sayyaf group kerap terlibat dalam berbagai aksi terror, gov/primo?url=http://go.galegroup. com/ps/i.do?p=aone&sw=w&u=wa sh89460&v=2.1&id=gale%7ca126 198613&it=r&asid=6ecf2befea6b84c0 3d00fbac70d19642, internet (diakses tanggal 13 september 2016) 3 the national security strateg y usa:http://www.state.gov/documents/ organization/63562.pdf, hal.1, 2002, internet (diakses tanggal 13 september 2016) aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 43 seperti pemboman, pembunuhan, penculikan maupun penyanderaan dan pemerasan.4 hal itu tentu sangat meresahkan bagi masyarakat dan pemerintah filipina yang tidak jarang juga menimbulkan banyak korban. seperti kasus penyanderaan terhadap warga negara amerika serikat, jeffrey schilling yang diculik abu sayyaf group pada 28 agustus 2000 di filipina.5 dan penculikan dilakukan lagi pada bulan mei 2001, terhadap 20 orang, dan telah membunuh satu dari 3 sandera asal amerika serikat dengan cara memenggal kepalanya.6 pada akhir tahun 2001, abu sayyaf group masih membawa 2 sandera warga negara amerika serikat yaitu pasangan martin dan gracia 4 abu sayyaf group “philippines, islamist separatists”:http://www.cfr. org / ph i l ippi ne s / abu s ay y af g roup philippines-islamistseparatists/p9235 internet (diakses tanggal 27 agustus 2016) 5 inilah 15 bukti kekejaman kelompok abu sayyaf “tidak segan penggal kepala sandera”, didapat dari: http:// kaltim.tribunnews.com/2016/04/08/ inilah-bukti-sadisme-kelompok-abusayyaf-tidak-segan-penggal-kepalasandera?page=4, internet (diakses tanggal 28 agustus 2016) 6 jejak berdarah penyanderaan kelompok abu sayyaf, didapat dari:http:// n e w s . d e t i k . c o m / b e r i t a / 3 1 7 6 5 6 0 / j e j a k b e r d a r a h p e n y a n d e r a a n kelompok-abu-sayyaf,internet (diakses tanggal28agustus 2016) burnham serta seorang perawat warga negara filipina bernama ediborah yap.7 setelah tragedi 9/11, abu sayyaf group dianggap sebagai organisasi teroris oleh amerika serikat karena berbagai aksi-aksi tindakan terror dan diduga berafiliasi dengan jaringan teroris al-qaeda yang menjadi pelaku utama tragedi 9/11. dimana ada dugaan bahwa kemungkinan dari kedua kelompok ini menjalin hubungan untuk melakukan aksi kejahatan transnasional serta kaitan kelompok-kelompok teroris me lain untuk bertemu dalam mencapai kepentingan dan tujuan mereka. melihat adanya indikasi keterkaitan dari kelompok-kelompok terorganisir tersebut, menjadikan tragedi ini tidak hanya sebatas berkaitan dengan isu ketertiban, namun juga perlu penerapan keamanan.8 7 g ar n ij anto b amb ang wa hju d i, “kerjasama regional asean menghadapi isu terorisme internasional”, penaganan aksi teroisme internasional di filipina bagian selatan oleh asean, hal. 84 tahun 2000 dan 2001 8 ve r m o nt e , p h i l l i p s , r e g i o n a l networking and coordination againts international terrorism: an indonesia perspective. the 13th meeting of cscap working group meeting on transnational crime, manila 27-28 juni2003. 44 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 isu terorisme, umumnya tidak hanya sebatas muncul dari wilayah regional tertentu saja seperti di timur tengah, namun telah menyebar ke wilayah-wilayah regional lainnya yang memiliki potensi konflik dan instabilitas. filipina juga merupakan negara yang bisa saja memancing jaringan kelompok terorisme internasional lain untuk berafiliasi dengan ke lompok di negaranya dan melaku kan aksi-aksi terror yang lebih meluas, seperti aksi yang diterapkan oleh abu sayyaf group dengan menculik dan meminta tebusan dengan maksud dan tujuan yang jelas di filipina selatan. pada perkembangannya abu sayyaf group ini dapat dinilai membahayakan keselamatan bagi warga dan ke pentingan pihak lain. dengan adanya kepentingan amerika serikat dalam melawan terorisme dan juga adanya kelompok terror di filipina membuat kedua negara ini sepakat untuk menjalin hubungan kerjasama dalam melawan aksi terror, dimana kerjasama ini tidak lagi hanya berfokus pada kerjasama yang berkaitan dengan ekonomi namun juga harus didukung oleh kerjasama lainnya di bidang keamanan dan sosial budaya. dari pemaparan diatas, penulis berupaya untuk menjelaskan proses dipilomasi antara amerika serikat dan filipina dalam memberantas abu sayyaf group di filipina. rumusanmasalah bagaimana inisiatif diplomasi amerika serikat dalam mem­ beran tas abu sayyaf group di filipina selatan? temuan dan argumen permasalahan mengenai kebijakan luar negeri amerika serikat sejak tragedi 9/11 telah memberikan dampak perubahan yang amat signifikan terhadap penetapan hukum di dunia, dimana serangan terror tertentu telah berhasil membawa persepsi bahwa ancaman dapat terjadi kapan saja dan dapat memicu suasana kerusuhan serta sulit untuk di prediksi dengan tepat. adapun dari aktivitas terorisme internasional menyebar ke berbagai kawasan dunia yang telah banyak diteliti. khususnya, yang berkaitan dengan jaringan teroris di filipina menyangkut perkembangan dan keamanan (security). corak dominan yang penulis temukan dalam tulisan-tulisan tersebut ber pen dapat bahwa, tragedi 11 september tahun 2001 telah mem berikan dampak perubahan ter hadap kebijakan luar negeri amerika serikat dari a kt i v it a s a kt i v it a s t e ror i s m e sebelumnya, dan yang lebih aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 45 berkelanjutan lagi akan dija barkan dalam tulisan-tulisan dibawah ini, dan dinilai sebagai continuity, atau kelangsungan dalam penelitian. setelah beberapa saat serangan terhadap tragedi 9/11, pemerintah amerika serikat langsung mengeluar kan laporan rutin dari departemen pertahanan amerika serikat, yaitu: “quadrennial defense review report (qdr)” pada tanggal 30 september 2001.9 dan setelah setahun kemudian disusul dengan dikeluar kannya “the national security strategy (nss 2002)”10 merupa kan kebijakan dari strategi presiden george walker bush dalam meng hadapi perubahan ancaman keamanan amerika sserikat pada 9/11. transformasi cara pandang terhadap konsep strategi keamanan maupun pertahanan nampak terlihat jelas pada laporan qdr 2001 maupun di dalam nss 2002. bila dibandingkan sebelum masa presiden bush menjabat sebagai pemimpin, yaitu pada masa 9 quadrennial defense report usa 2001,didapatdari:www.gao.gov/new. items/d0313.pdf, internet (diakses tanggal 17 september 2016) 10 the national security strategy usa 2 0 0 2 , d i d ap at d a r i : w w w. s t at e . g o v / documents/organization/63562.pdf, internet (diakses tanggal13 september 2016) presiden bill clinton kebijakan luar negeri amerika serikat selalu memperhatikan isu-isu berkaitan dengan ekonomi, penegakan hak asasi manusia (ham), serta nilainilai demokrasi. hal ini terlihat dalam laporan “national security strategy (1999)”.11 dapat dikatakan bahwa isuisu keamanan presiden bush lebih cenderung pada pendekatan meng guna kan hard power dalam strateginya, maka perkembangan baru dalam strategi keamanan dan pertahan nasional amerika serikat akan diikuti juga dengan transformasi di bidang militer, serta perubahan dalam strategi kebijakan luar negerinya. dalam buku dr. abuza berjudul “the return of the abu sayyaf” yang membahas keterkaitan hubungan abu sayyaf group dan al-qaeda, dimana dalam bukunya tersebut dijelaskan bahwa jamal khalifa, saudara ipar osama bin laden, siap dikirim ke filipina pada tahun 1991 dan mendirikan jaringan badan amal islam.12 khalifa 11 a n at i o n a l s e c u r it y s t rat e g y 1999,didapatdari:https://clinton4.nara. gov/media/pdf/nssr-1299.pdf, internet (diakses tanggal18september 2016) 12 khalifa’s financial network, see zachary abuza, funding terrorism in southeast asia: the financial network of al qaeda and jemaah islamiyah, nbr analysis, 46 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 secara resmi menjadi direktur regional untuk amal yang berbasis di saudi, islamic international relief organization (iiro), dan bertanggung jawab tidak sebatas proyek di filipina tapi juga di indonesia, thailand, dan taiwan.13 vol. 14, no. 5, seattle: the national bureau of asian research, december 2003, pp. 26-28. 13 the iiro actually was established in 1978, but co-opted in 1979 by saudi arabian intelligence in order to serve as a financial conduit for saudi, u.s., and gulf-state funding to the mujiheddin in afghanistan. through the 1980s, the iiro legitimized itself and grew. it now has more than 30 offices, and its activities cover more than 75 countries. in the early 1990s, the iiro decided to have separate directors for each of the countries, and khalifa became the iiro director for the philippines. the iiro claims to have begun charitable work in the philippines in 1988, but according to documents registered at the philippine securities exchange commission (psec), the iiro was legally incorporated in the philippines on september 20, 1991, with offices in makati and in several cities in mindanao, including cotabato and zamboanga.khalifa was listed as the iiro’s president and chairman of the board of trustees. based on iiro documents at the psec, khalifa was one of five incorporators who signed the documents of registration; another was khalifa’swife, alice “jameelah” yabo. dr. adnan khalil basha, “largest islamic relief organization maligned,” letter to the editor, philippine daily inquirer, august 2000, p.18; christine herrera, “gemma linked to bin laden group keterkaiatan ini mengharuskan amerika serikat untuk bertindak menanggulangi abu sayyaf group dalam perkembangan dengan jaringan transnasionalnya. adapun jurnal transnasional “isu terorisme dan beban ancaman keamanan kawasan asia tenggara pasca-r untuhnya w t cas ” tjarsono idjang, menjelaskan counter terrorism merupakan kese pakatan bersama dan upaya kerja sama yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah untuk melawan taktik, yang tidak begitu lama, tetapi memiliki penentuan jangka panjang dalam memerangi terror yang ditujukan kepada segala bentuk terror internasional yang telah menjadi perhatian seluruh dunia.14 dalam hal ini, amerika serikat nampak menunjukan komitmennya tidak hanya sebatas berusaha untuk menangkap pemimpin al-qaeda maupun terhadap kelomp ok militannya yang dinyatakan oleh amerika serikat sebagai kelompok pelaku serangan pada 9/11, namun lebih menglobal amerika serikat mempelopori agar masyarakat funding sayyaf, milf,” philippine daily inquirer, august 10, 2000. 14 idjang tjarsono, “isu terorisme dan beban ancaman keamanan kawasan asia tenggara pasca runtuhnya wtcas”. dalam jurnal transnasional, pekanbaru vol. 04 no.01, juli 2012 aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 47 internasional berpartisipasi dalam perang melawan terorisme termaksud abu sayyaf group di filipina yang memiliki keterkaitan erat dengan jaringan al-qaeda. abu sayyaf group merupakan sebuah kelompok militan yang ber operasi di filipina dan mempromosikan pendirian sebagai suatu negara islam di filipina selatan yang berlokasi di kepulauan sulu dan mindanao. abu sayyaf group berdiri pada awal tahun 1990an oleh abdurajak janjalani atau yang biasa disebut dengan abu sayyaf.15abu sayyaf group terlibat dalam berbagai tindak kekerasan, seperti pemboman, pembunuhan, penculikan, penyan dera an maupun pemerasan.16 seperti kasus penyanderaan terhadap warga negara amerika serikat, jeffrey schilling yang diculik abu sayyaf group pada 28 agustus 2000 di filipina.17 15 sholahuddin,“nii sampai ji, salafy jihadisme di indonesia”.komunitas bambu, hal. 25, jakarta 2011 16 abu sayyaf group “philippines, islamist separatists”,didapatdari:http://www. cfr.org/philippines/abu-sayyafgroupphilippines-islamist-separatists/p9235 internet (diakses tanggal27agustus 2016) 17 inilah 15 bukti kekejaman kelompok abu sayyaf“tidak segan penggal kepala sandera”, didapat dari: http:// kaltim.tribunnews.com/2016/04/08/ inilah-bukti-sadisme-kelompok-abuselain pembahasan diatas, ada kemiripan dari pengamatan sebelumnya seperti dalam buku dr. abuza. ia menyampaikan bahwa ada keterkaitan antara abu sayyaf group dan jaringan al-qaeda. ada dua hal yang memeperlihatkan indikasi tersebut. hal pertama adalah permintaan osama bin laden yang mengutus seorang wakil nya untuk merekrut pejuangpejuang muslim dari filipina untuk dilatih dan berperang di afganistan. hal kedua adalah kedatangan mohammad jamal khalifa yang merupakan wakil dari osama bin laden ke filipina untuk misi dalam mendirikan basis iiro di filipina.18. hal ini yang menunjukan adanya dukungan osama bin laden kepada abu sayyaf group dan mempererat ikatan antara abu sayyaf group dengan al-qaeda. sayyaf-tidak-segan-penggal-kepalasandera?page=4, internet (diakses tanggal 28 agustus 2016) 18 iiro merupakan sebuah lembaga filantropis yang bergerak di bidang kemanusiaan yang dimiliki oleh osama bin laden. didirikan di filipina oleh tangan kanan yang juga merupakan saudara ipar laden, mohammad jamal khalifa. lembaga ini diindikasi sebagai lembaga pendanaan yang mendanai operasi terorisme oleh abu sayyaf group yang dikamuflasekan sebagai lembaga pengumpul dana bantuan untu k memb angun masyara kat muslim). 48 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 sedangkan menurut simon reeve yang merupakan penulis dari “the new jackals: ramzi yousef, osama bin laden and the future of terrorism” menyatakan, bahwa pada musim panas di tahun 1991 terjadi pertemuan antara khalifa, abu sayyaf yang merupakan pendiri dari abu sayyaf group dan ramzi ahmed yousef yang tidak lain adalah pelaku peledakan bomworld trade center 1993 di peshawar, pakistan. (berry, curtis, hudson, & kollars, 2002, hal. 10). pertemuan ini disinyalir sebagai forum diskusi di antara ketiga tokoh tersebut untuk membicarakan rencana khalifa dalam mendelegasikan yousef ke filipina dan memberikan pelatihan militer serta perakitan alat peledak yang berdaya ledak tinggi kepada pejuang abu sayyaf group. sedangkan dalam pembahasan buku moeflich hasbullah, “asia tenggara konsentrasi baru kebangkitan islam”, hal. 242”. menjelaskan bahwa al-qaeda tidak sebatas hanya membantu dengan dukungan berupa finansial saja, namun juga telah memberikan berbagai pelatihan kemampuan militernya terhadap anggota-anggota abu sayyaf group. hal ini diperjelas oleh pernyataan dari pejabat militer filipina, mengatakan bahwa abu sayyaf menerima bantuan materil dan finansial dan juga latihan militer dari jaringan al-qaeda pimpinan osama bin laden sampai tahun 1995, dua kelompok tersebut terus menjalin hubungan kerjasama dalam menjalankan aksi-aksi kejahatan transnasional mereka.19 berdasarkan dari peristiwa ter sebut hipotesa mengenai kebijakan amerika serikat dalam memberantas abu sayyaf group di filipina dapat terbentuk. hal ini didasari atas opini bahwa aksi-aksi yang terorganisir dan pelatihan yang diberikan oleh yousef kepada anggota abu sayyaf group dan ikut sertanya abu sayyaf di dalam perang afganistan, menerapkan nilai-nilai radikal dan fatwa mengenai diperbolehkan menculik bahkan membunuh untuk dijadikan sumber dana anggaran pada aksi mereka. metodepenelitian penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif atau studi kepustakaan (library research). pengumpulan data lebihdifokuskan pada informasi-informasi atau kajian yang diperoleh dari buku, surat kabar elektronik, dan publikasi dari instansi-instansi terkait 19 moeflich hasbullah, “asia tenggara konsentrasi baru kebangkitan islam”, fokusmedia, hal. 242, bandung 2003 aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 49 yang relevan dengan penelitian ini. selain itu, data-data yang diperoleh berasal dari media internet sebagai penunjang informasi untuk keperluan analisis. adapun kerangka pemikiran yang digunakan untuk menganalisa permasalahan dalam penelitian kerjasama antara pemerintah amerika serikat dan pemerintah filipina menerapkan diplomasi yang lebih ditekankan secara bilateral dimana diplomasi tersebut dilakukan dalam kerangka soft power dan economic power. economic power merupakan adanya hubungan diplomasi yang dilakukan antarnegara dengan meng guna kan bantuan ekonomi baik berupa sumbangan dana, sogokan atau suap yang diberikan sebagai bagian dari bujukan dan paksaan untuk mematuhi atau melaksanakan ketetapan maupun strategi yang akan dipatuhi dan dilakukan secara bersama. dalam hal ini amerika serikat turut memberikan dukungan dana finansial kepada pemerintah filipina yang digunakan bersamasama dalam memerangi terorisme.20 selain dalam bentuk economic power, diplomasi yang dilakukan 20 economic diplomacy and economic security,didapatdari: https://papers. ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_ id=1436584, internet (diakses tanggal 20 september 2016) antara filipina dengan amerika serikat menggunakan soft power yang dimana berbeda dengan yang dilakukan terhadap irak dan juga afganistan yang menggunakan pendekatan hard power. seperti dengan economic power, soft power digunakan dalam berdiplomasi sebagai suatu bujukan dan desakan yang dilakukan secara halus melalui penerapan dan pertukaran nilai-nilai dan budaya bersama yang dituangkan ke dalam suatu kerangka kerjasama tanpa melibatkan serangan militer. hal ini juga berlaku dan sama dengan diplomasi oleh indonesia, amerika serikat, filipina dalam memerangi terorisme dimana dalam melakukan diplomasi, amerika serikat mem berikan dukungan penuh untuk menemu kan ide bersama, melakukan kerjasama dalam melawan terorisme yang merupakan ancaman bagi keamanan global. kerangkateori terkait dengan mas a l a h terorisme, memang hingga pada akhir ini tidak ada informasi mengenai definisi yang disepakati secara kolektif untuk pengunaan terorisme. namun dari berbagai kalangan pakar sosial dan politik barat memiliki kesepakatan dalam mendefinisi atau menjelaskan 50 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 arti terorisme. terror atau terorisme tidak selalu identik dengan kekerasan. arti terror atau dalam bahasa perancis, terreur merupakan arti yang biasa di guna kan para pejuang revolusi perancis terhadap tindakan pem bunuhan, kebuasan maupun anarkis, yang dilakukan tanpa me lakukan proses peradilan pada saat revolusi perancis berlangsung antara tahun 1793 hingga 1794.21 selain itu, terorisme didefinisikan sebagai usaha-usaha atau aktivitas untuk menciptakan rasa takut yang mendalam melalui upaya-upaya pembunuhan, pemboman, perusakan, peng hacuran secara tiba-tiba, penculikan atau p enyan deraan dan t inda kan kekerasan yang lainnya, yang biasanya menimbulkan korban terhadap masyarakat sipil yang tidak bersalah. persoalan pendefinisian term terorisme merupakan hal yang rumit, karena ia identik dengan masalah moral, serta cara penilaianpun tidak tunggal. definisi tentang terorisme juga telah di upayakan oleh berbagai ka langan, terutama pihak amerika serikat yang sangat 21 sejarah revolusi perancis, didapat dari: http://www.zonasiswa.com/2015/07/ re volu s i p e r anc i s l at arb el a k ang proses.html internet (diakses tanggal 13 oktober 2016). berkeinginan atau kepentingan terhadap war on terrorism.22 berdasarkan literatur ilmu politik, politik teror memiliki empat komponen yaitu: pertama, kekerasan adalah merupakan bagian yang dibutuhkan dalam membuat aksi politik. apalagi kekerasan yang berbentuk secara dramatis, menjadi strategi yang dianggap paling efektif untuk merebut perhatian dunia. semakin dunia memberi perhatian, semakin sukses aksi politik terror. pesan politik yang ingin ditunjukan mereka dapat disampaikan spektrumnya meluas dan sukses ketika perhatian publik dapat diraih. kedua, menggunakan tujuan dengan menghalalkan segala cara. seringkali dibalik terror berbagai aksi ada tujuan mulia. tujuan itu digunakan dapat berupa misi ideologis, bahkan keagamaan. kemungkinan juga tujuannnya adalah bagian dari kepentingan politik suatu kelompok yang tertindas untuk meraih hak dasar mereka. namun politik terror menghalalkan segala cara sejauh itu dapat efektif untuk mencapai 22 drs. sudarto, manajemen krisis dalam menanggulangi terorisme,didapat d a r i : h t t p s : / / w w w . k e m h a n . go.id/2012/05/23/manajemen-krisisdalam-penanggulangan-terorisme. html, internet (diakses tanggal 21 september 2016) aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 51 tujuan mereka. bahkan jika untuk mencapai tujuan itu, tak bisa dimungkiri menjadikan manusia sebagai tumbal, termasuk korban dari rakyat tidak berdosa, itupun dapat ditempuh. komponen yang ketiga adalah gerakan terselubung. aksi terror dilakukan dalam sebuah kelompok jaringan kerja yang secara sengaja disembunyikan di bawah permukaan. mereka tidak mempercayai bahwa mekanisme politik konvensional dapat memenuhi tercapainya aspirasi politik yang mereka perjuangkan. politik non konvensional dipilih karena dianggap satu-satunya mekanisme yang tersedia untuk turut bicara dan didengar. keempat, militansi dan fanatisme dari dalam diri pelaku. berbeda dengan politik konvensional, politik terror didukung personel yang loyal dan militan. apalagi jika misi utama dari kelompok itu bernuansa ke agamaan atau kemerdekaan sebuah bangsa. aksi nekat yang berakhir dengan kematian dari pelaku seperti bunuh diri adalah hal yang biasa.23. 23 meriam budiardjo, “teror dalam tatanan struktur politik” pt. gramedia, hal 52, jakarta 2001 asia tenggara merupakan sebuah kawasan yang difokuskan oleh amerika serikat untuk menerapkan kampanye maupun strategi dalam perang menghadapi ancaman terorisme. alasan mengapa asia tenggara dijadikan “second front” oleh amerika serikat dikarenakan ditemukannya sejumlah dokumen terkait akan adanya penye rangan beroperasi yang akan dilakukan oleh kelompok terorisme mengenai fasilitas baik dalam fasilitas militer maupun diplomatik dan kepentingan lainnya milik amerika serikat di beberapa negara asia tenggara seperti di filipina. selain adanya dokumendokumen yang ditemukan tersebut, kawasan asia tenggara dijadikan “second front” oleh amerika serikat dan juga sekutu-sekutunya dalam memerangi bahaya terorisme dikarenakan adanya beberapa alasan, yang dimana beberapa alasan tersebut adalah:24 pada umumnya, negara-negara asia tenggara merupakan negara yang berkembang, yang dimana kemiskinan masih menyelimuti negara-negara tersebut sehingga 24 tan, andrew, “southeast asia as the second front” in the war against terrorism: evaluating the threat and responses”dalam terrorism and political violance, vol.15 no.2, frank cass hlm.112, london 2003. 52 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 rawan terjadinya konflik yang dikuti dengan lemahnya hukum institusi membuat kawasan ini dianggap sebagai potensi dan juga tempat titik temu dari para kelompok teroris untuk tumbuh dan berkembang dalam memperoleh anggota-anggota mereka dan juga menyusun strategi yang digunakan untuk meneror dan juga negara asia tenggara dengan kondosisi topologinya yang berpulau-pulau menyebab kan keadaan wilayahnya memiliki banyak hutan yang dimana hutan tersebut dimanfaatkan oleh para kelompok teroris untuk membentuk kamp pelatihan, berkumpul dengan anggota lainnya dan digunakan untuk bersembunyi. kelompok-kelompok terror yang sudah ada sebelum tragedi 9/11 seperti abu sayyaf group di filipina selatan, jammah islamiyah di indonesia dan malaysia yang dimana kelompok tersebut me rupakan kelompok islamis yang bersifat radikalis, separatis, dan ekstremis, yang setelah kejadian tragedi 9/11 dikategorikan sebagai daftar dari jaringan teroris yang berbahaya oleh amerika serikat yang dimana dua kelompok tersebut dikaitkan sebagai kelompok perpanjangan tangan yang berada di asia tenggara dengan organisasi jaringan teorirs internasional yaitu al-qaeda. selain itu adanya sejumlah peristiwa-peristiwa terror setelah kejadian tragedi 9/11 yang di wilayah asia tenggara yang dimana peristiwa tersebut menjadi sorotan dimata dunia internasional yang selain merupakan tindakan kekerasan hal itu juga menimbulkan jatuhnya banyak korban baik korban didalam negerinya sendiri maupun korban wisatawan asing, di indonesia adanya kejadian bom bali i, bom bali ii, bom jw marriot, di filipina selatan adanya pengeboman pada kapal ferry di teluk filipina dan juga adanya pengeboman pada bandara davao serta penculikan maupun penyanderaan yang berulang kali dari aksi kelompok terror. kebijakan kontraterorisme amerika serikat menyimpulkan dari setiap aksi tindakan teroris maupun kriminal tidak dapat diberi toleransi dan mengecam tindakan-tindakan tersebut tanpa membedakan apapun motivasi dan tujuan mereka serta tidak akan membuat perjanjian ataupun kesepakatan terhadap jaringan teroris sebab, hal itu hanya akan memancing lebih banyak tindakantindakan yang dilakukan kelompok terror.25 25 ibid., aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 53 hubungan abu sayyaf group dengan kelompok-kelompok terorisme pada september tahun 2001, militer filipina mengkonfirmasi secara spekulatif bahwa al-qaeda telah menunjukkan dukungannya dengan memberi bantuan, baik material, kepemimpinan, dan pelatihan. sebagai sebuah organisasi teroris transnasional, al-qaeda telah berkembang melalui daerahdaerah timur tengah, eropa barat, amerika utara, dan asia selatan. hingga kawasan asia tenggara sebagai basis kunci dan daerah persiapan. pada awalnya, abu sayyaf didanai melalui jaringan finansial yang didirikan oleh muhammad jamal khalifa, saudara osama bin laden, yang telah diutus ke filipina pada 1991, dan mendirikan sebuah jaringan amal islam. khalifa adalah anggota resmi yang langsung bersentuhan ke daerah untuk basis amal saudi, the islamic international relief organization (iiro), dukungan ini tidak hanya untuk filipina tetapi juga kelompok radikal di indonesia, thailand dan taiwan.26 selain hubungan dengan al-qaeda yang telah memberi dukungan secara finansial dari gerakan ini, abu sayyaf juga menjalin hubungan 26 ibid., hal 5 dengan ji (jamaah-islamiyyah) di malaysia. al-qaeda tidak sebatas mendukung secara finansial saja, namun juga telah memberikan berbagai pelatihan kemampuan militernya terhadap anggota-anggota abu sayyaf group. hal ini diperjelas oleh pernyataan dari pejabat militer filipina, mengatakan bahwa abu sayyaf menerima bantuan materil dan finansial dan juga latihan militer dari jaringan al-qaeda pimpinan osama bin laden sampai tahun 1995, dan dua kelompok tersebut terus men jalin hubungan kerjasama dalam menjalankan aksiaksi kejahatan transnasional.27 perbedaan abu sayyaf group dengan kelompok-kelompok separatis di filipina akar permasalahan ini bisa dilacak dari terbentuknya moro national liberation front (mnlf), mnlf adalah salah satu organisasi pertama dari golongan separatis moro selama sekitar dua dekade dari 1970-an.28 kelompok tersebut berjuang demi kebebasan muslim 27 moeflich hasbullah, “asia tenggara konsentrasi baru kebangkitan islam,”ed, op. cit., hal. 242 28 front pembebasan nasional moro, https:// id.wikipedia.org/wiki/front_pembebasan_ nasional_moro, internet (diakses tanggal 29 januari 2017) 54 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 moro yang meliputi wilayah mindanao, palawan dan sulu. empat kelompok lainnya adalah seperti moro islamic liberation front moro (milf), milf muncul sebagai hasil dari kesepakatan damai antara mnlf dan pemerintah pusat filipina.29 ketika itu penduduk boleh menyatakan pilihannya untuk bergabung dalam wilayah otonomi muslim dan hasilnya empat wilayah meliputi tausug, maranao, maguindanao, dan banguingui memilih untuk bergabung. meskipun begitu kesepakatan itu tidak cukup memuaskan sebagian pejuang muslim sehingga milf membentuk 29 suku moro, https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/ suku_moro, (diakses tanggal 29januari 2017) kelompok sendiri. dan yang ketiga adalah abu sayyaf group yang terbentuk pada tahun 1990-an.30 walaupun ada yang belakangan adalah bangsamoro islamic freedom fighter (biff) yang dipimpin abu misri dan red gun soldier (rgs) yang hanya sebatas kelompok petani bersenjata biasa. dari lima kelompok ters ebut, empat diant aranya mnlf, milf, abu sayyaf group dan biff memiliki tujuan yang sama yakni ingin mendirikan sebuah negara islam di mindanao filipina selatan dan pembangunan ekonomi di wilayah mereka.31 30 garnijanto bambang wahjudi, “kerjasama regional asean menghadapi isu terorisme internasional (penaganan aksi teroisme internasional di filipinai bagian selatan oleh asean tahun 2000 dan 2001)”,tesis: fakultas ilmu sosila dan politik program pasca sarjanauniversitas indonesia, hal 64, 2003 31 ibid., 1 29 suku moro, https://id.wikipedia.org/ wiki/suku_moro, (diakses tanggal 29januari 2017) gambar 1: area terror abu sayyaf group sumber: www.dw.com/image/19178900_303.png gambar: internet (diakses tanggal 14 februari 2017) aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 55 hal yang membedakan abu sayyaf group dengan kelompok separatis lain di filipina adalah aksi-aksinya seperti peledakan di bandara davao, pengeboman kapal feri di teluk filipina, selain aksi-aksi tersebut juga kerap menculik warga asing seperti warga negara amerika serikat menimpa jeffrey schilling yang diculik abu sayyaf group pada 28 agustus 2000, dan penculikan dilakukan lagi pada bulan mei 2001, terhadap 20 orang, dan telah membunuh satu dari 3 sandera asal amerika serikat dengan cara memenggal kepalanya.32 pada akhir tahun 2001, abu sayyaf group masih membawa 2 sandera warga negara amerika serikat yaitu pasangan martin dan gracia burnham serta seorang perawat warga negara filipina bernama ediborah yap.33 dengan adanya tindakantindakan maupun aksi yang dilaku kan oleh abu sayyaf group tersebut pemerintah filipina dan 32 jejak berdarah penyanderaan kelompok abu sayyaf, didapat dari: http://news. d e t i k . c o m / b e r i t a / 3 1 7 6 5 6 0 / j e j a k berdarah-penyanderaan-kelompokabu-sayyaf, internet (diakses tanggal 28 agustus 2016) 33 g ar n ij anto b amb ang wa hju d i, “ ke r j a s a m a r e g i o n a l as e a n menghadapi isu terorisme internasional (penaganan aksi teroisme internasional di filipinai bagian selatan oleh asean tahun 2000 dan 2001)”, hal. 84 juga pemerintah amerika serikat mengecam bahwa hal tersebut merupakan tindakan terorisme yang harus dilawan dan diperangi. abu sayyaf group didefinisikan sebagai daftar jaringan kelompok terorisme selain aksi-aksinya, dan diduga memiliki keterkaitan dengan kelompok jaringan al-qaeda yang dituduh oleh amerika serikat sebagai pelaku utama peristiwa 9/11 yang dipimpin oleh osama bin laden.34 sehingga dalam hal ini, amerika serikat mendesak dan menawarkan bantuan kerjasama yang dilakukan dengan berdiplomasi terhadap filipina dan juga negara asia tenggara lainnya untuk melawan tindakantindakan terror yang dilakukan oleh kelompok tersebutdan juga dapat mengancam keamanan global. inisiatif diplomasi amerika serikat dan filipina dalam mengatasi isu terorisme sebelum tragedi 9/11, hubungan antara amerika serikat dan filipina terjalin sudah berlangsung sejak lama, dimulai pada saat kolonialisasi amerika serikat terhadap filipina 34 filipina tangkap pentolan kelompok abu sayyaf, https://m.tempo.co/read/ news/2012/07/30/118420166/filipinat ang k ap p e ntol an kel omp ok abu sayyaf, internet (diakses tanggal 08 februari 2017) 56 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 tahun 1905.35 selepas filipina merdeka hubungan tersebut masih berjalan dengan baik dimana pasukan militer amerika serikat kerap menempatkan basis pelatihan militernya di wilayah filipina.36 setelah tragedi 9/11, pemerintah amerika serikat menerapkan inisiatifnya untuk menghadapi ancaman terorisme. inisiatif tersebut langsung mendapat persejutuan dan dukungan sangat baik oleh pemerintahan filipina. kerja sama di bidang militer tersebut masih berlangsung hingga sekarang dan membuat hubungan kedua negara semakin erat, khususnya dalam bidang pertahanan dan keamanan negara. dukungan dan simpatisan yang diperlihatkan oleh pemerintah filipina yang pada saat itu dipimpin oleh presiden gloria macapagal arroyo paska kejadian 9/11, yang menghancurkan gedung world trade center di new york dan pentagon adalah dengan melakukan panggilan telepon terhadap presiden george walker bush sebagai 35 sejarah filipina, didapat dari: https:// i d . w i k i p e d i a . o r g / w i k i / s e j a r a h _ filipina, internet (diakses tanggal 26 januari2017) 36 mahajan, melawan negara teroris: dominasi amerika serikat terhadap irak & kedaulatan dunia, mizanpustaka, hal.45, jakarta2005 presiden amerika serikat yang pada saat itu juga turut menyatakan simpati terhadap tragedi tersebut dan juga mendukung ide dari strategi presiden george walker bush dalam perang melawan terorisme. tindakan yang dilaku kan oleh presiden gloria macapagal arroyo tersebut adalah sebagai perwakilan pertama dari pemerintah kawasan asia tenggara mengenai dukungannya terhadap pemerintah amerika serikat dalam perang melawan terorisme. hubungan bilateral kedua n e g ar a d i l anjut k an d e ng an menghasilkan suatu kesepakatan kerjasama mengenai masalah terorisme, dengan adanya perjalanan presiden gloria macapagal ke amerika serikat yang dilakukan pada bulan november 2001 dalam rangka merayakan hubungan p er janjian ker jas ama ant ara amerika serikat dan filipina dalam bidang pertahanan yang sudah berlangsung selama 50 tahun yaitu mutual defense treaty (mdt).37 selain melakukan perayaan itu, kedua pemimpin tersebut sepakat mengeluarkan sebuah kesepakatan perjanjian bersama yang diyakini b ergabung dalam ker jas ama militer, dimana kerjasama militer t e r s e but d i l a ku k an s e b a g ai 37 ibid., aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 57 sebuah tindakan bantuan oleh amerika serikat terhadap filipina dengan memperkuat pasukan militer keamanan filipina dalam memerangi terorisme dan juga dilakukannya untuk menghentikan sejumlah aksi terror yang dilakukan oleh abu sayyaf grouplantaran meresahkan pemerintah dan mengusik keamanan masyarakat filipina. sebelumnya, pertemuan kedua pemerintah tersebut telah menghasil kan suatu kerangka legal kerjasama untuk menghadirkan para personil militer amerika serikat ke wilayah filipina dimana program tersebut dinama kan dengan persetujuan ber sama yaitu visiting forces agreement (vfa). sebelumnya jugapernah dibentuk program kerja sama oleh kedua negara, namun berhenti pada tahun 1991. tapi tak lama setelahnya lanjutkan kedua negara membentuk kerjasama baru dalam vfa sebagai bagian dari program amerika serikat dan filipina yang biasa disebut dengan “joint exercise” untuk menghadirkan pasukan militer amerika serikat di wilayah filipina.38 program baliktan tersebut merupakan bagian vfa dimana 38 ibid., program tersebut dilakukan untuk melatih pasukan tentara filipina dan juga membantu perlengkapan serta persenjataan terhadap militer filipina untuk melakukan operasi dalam menghadapi abu sayyaf group di wilayah filipinan selatan seperti di wilayah basilan, sulu, dll yang dianggap sebagai wilayah operasional abu sayyaf group. penempatan pasukan militer amerika serikat ke wilayah filipina selatan merupakan bentuk hubungan aliansi antara kedua negara dengan mengerahkan pasukan bersenjata filipina yang diberi keterampilan dan nasihat dalam sebuah operasi melawan kelompok terror.39 kedatangan pasukan amerika serikat tersebut adalah selain memberikan latihan militer mereka juga memberikan berbagai bantuan mengenai taktik, psikologi, intelegensi yang merupakan bagian dari strategi baru dalam meng hadapi sebuah peperangan dan juga untuk meng gempur abu sayyaf group dalam melakukan perlawanan tersebut dilakukan secara sembunyi-sembunyi. selain dalam program militer, bantuan kerjasaman yang dihasilkan di dalam kunjungan bilateral itu merupa kan bagian dalam pem39 ibid., 58 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 bahasan strategi economic power yaitu dengan dengan mengeluarkan program dana bantuan amerika serikat yang digunakan untuk memberikan pendidikan latihan militer dalam menghadapi kelompok terror.40 sumbangan dana tersebut juga dilakukan untuk mendukung dan melengkapi keperluan logistik seperti persenjataan, fasilitas transportasi untuk angakat darat, laut, udara, dll. selain itu bantuan ekonomi tersebut digunakan untuk meng atasi kekacauan di dalam negeri yang membuat perkenomian filipina mengalami kemerosotan akibat pebuatan kelompok terror dan kerusakan sejumlah tempat seperti bandara davao yang dilakukan oleh abu sayyaf group. adanya bantuan dana, pelatihan militer dan bantuan-bantuan lain yang diberikan amerika serikat terhadap filipina dalam program perang melawan terorisme merupakan bantuan terbanyak jika dibandingkan dengan bantuanbantuan yang diberikan amerika serikat pada negara-negara lainnya yang ada di kawasan asia tenggara dan merupakan kedua di dunia. 40 economic diplomacy and economic security,https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/ p ap e rs . c f m ? ab st r a c t _ i d = 1 4 3 6 5 8 4 , internet (diakses tanggal 26 januari 2017) selain itu pemerintah filipina juga memberikan fasilitas di lapangan udara maupun di pelabuhan yang digunakan oleh amerika serikat untuk melakukan transit dan juga digunakan sebagai pengawasan berjaga-jaga dalam menjaga keamanan wilayah filipina maupun negara-negara tetangga dari serangan ancaman terror. dalam penegasan ini, pemerintah filipina menunjukan kedekatan hubungan diplomatiknya terhadap pemerintah amerika serikat, yang menunjukan konsolidasi, kohesivitas dan efektivitas kerjasama maupun eksistensinya sebagai pemimpin pertama dari asia tenggara yang mengunjungi gedung putih di washington sejak pergantian presiden amerika serikat yaitu barrack obama. dalam pertemuan diplomatik antara presiden arroyo dengan barrack obama dimana kedua pemimpin negara tersebut mengeluarkan sebuah pernyataan bersama untuk meningkatkan dan memperkuat hubungan kerjasama dalam bidang anti terorisme, dengan bergantinya presiden amerika serikat yaitu barrack obama, bukan berati program melawan teroris terlepas b egitu saja, dengan adanya pertemuan antara kedua presiden tersebut yang dimana pertemuan aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 59 diplomatik dilakukan pada bulan agustus tahun 2009, dimana dari kedua negara tersebut saling berkomitmen untuk bersamasama menjaga keamanan regional bersama. dalam pertemuan ini juga presiden barrack obama berharap kepada pemerintah filipina untuk b er tindak s ebagai p erantara membangun hubungan kerjasama regional bersama dengan anggota asean lainnya, karena bagi kedua pemerintah tersebut pentingnya untuk menjaga kestabilan dan keamanan regional asia tenggara khususnya dari ancaman terorisme. dalam pertemuan yang berlangsung tidak lama ini juga membahas kesepakatan kerjasama dalam bidang lainnya seperti ekonomi, lingkungan, namun yang paling difokuskan adalah mengenai bidang keamanan dan juga masalah terorisme. memberi bantuan pasukan terhadap pemerintah filipina permasalahannya sebagaimana kita ketahui bersama bahwa amerika serikat adalah negara super power yang memiliki kemampuan mumpuni diberbagai bidang. bila ditelusuri dari segi kapabilitas power yang dimiliki filipina di bidang ekonomi, militer, dan politik. tentu amat tidak sebanding dimiliki oleh amerika serikat bila mengingat usia pendirian negaranya, bahkan lemah di tingkat internasional. filipina merupakan sekutu utama amerika serikat di kawasan asia tenggara sekaligus mitra politik, ekonomi maupun militer untuk perang melawan terorisme. dari kolaborasi yang didukung secara khusus oleh amerika serkat dalam bidang ekonomi dan militer, menunjukan bahwa kerjasama kontraterorisme antara amerika serikat dan filipina menempuh upaya-upaya baru dalam langkah menjaga keamanan maupun stabilitas melalui peningkatan militer. dengan adanya kepentingan bersama ini, amerika serikat dan filipina yang fokus terhadap permasalahan khususnya security dan menempatkan permasalahan terorisme sebagai sebuah permasalahan bersama yang harus segera diatasi.41 menurut william d. coplin, kebijakan luar negeri setiap negara adalah sebuah refleksi aspirasi negara yang bersangkutan dalam ber hadapan dengan negara lain di seluruh dunia. politik luar negeri tersebut paling tidak dipengaruhi oleh tiga faktor: kondisi politik dalam negeri (domestic politics), kemampuan ekonomi dan militer, 41 asvi warman adam, dkk, konflik teritorial di negara-negara asean, jakarta: ppw-lipi, 1992 60 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 serta lingkungan internasional.42 ketiga faktor ini juga yang ikut mempengaruhi politik luar negeri amerika serikat dalam memerangi masalah terorisme. filipina menerima bantuan pelatihan dan mobilitas peralatan militer dari amerika serikat. setelah presiden bush berjanji untuk menyediakan juta dolar untuk bantuan militer yang termasuk pesawat angkut c-130 dan 30,000 senapan m16 yang di rekondisikan sekitar us$4,6 miliar dukungan dana ekonomi di tahun 2001, dan us$15 miliar yang akan di gunakan sebagai anggaran dibutuhkan untuk tahun 2002, anggara ini ter golong besar dan terbanyak jika di banding bantuan di negara-negara kawasan asia dan merupakan kedua di dunia. pembiayaan untuk belajan pe ningkatan perangkat militer seperti belanja senjata meningkat dari us$1,4 juta, kemudian us$2 juta, dan us$19 juta dalam periode yang sama.43 42 lihat william d. coplin, pengantar politik internasional (terj), bandung, sinar baru, 199 43 andrew feickert, for more on u.s. military operations in the philippines, “u.s. military operations in the global war on terrorism: afghanistan, africa, the philippines, and colombia”, hal. 9-12, crs report for congress, 2005 sebelumnya, dalam menanggulangi kelompok terror, angkatan bersenjata filipina atau armed forces of the philippines (afp) telah melakukan penyeranganpenyerangan seperti abu sayyaf group. namun abu sayyaf group dapat dikatakan sangat sulit di berantas, salah satunya karena abu sayyaf group berlokasi di pedalaman kepulauan basilan. hal ini juga yang menjadikan dasar bagi pemerintah filipina meminta dukungan kepada pemerintah amerika serikat untuk membantu menanggulangi kelompok terror. amerika serikat mendukung kebijakan pemerintah filipina untuk menanggulangi abu sayyaf group di filipina selatan.44 coplin juga menyebutkan, bahwa setidaknya ada tiga aspek kekuatan dan kelemahan militer di dunia dewasa ini (1) kapasitas relatif negara-negara untuk menggunakan kekuatan militer pada tiga tingkat yang berbeda; nuklir, konvensional dan subversif (2) tingkat kebergantungan negaranegara pada sumber-sumber luar negeri untuk perlengkapan militer (3) ketidakstabilan dalam negeri 44 the national security strategy usa, hal. 5, 2002:www.state.gov/documents/ organization/63562.p df, internet (diakses tanggal 13 september 2016) aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 61 mempengaruhi kemampuan militer. selain itu, ada 3 kriteria terpenting dalam kekuatan militer (1) jumlah pasukan (2) tingkat pelatihan (3) sifat perlengkapan militer.45 amerika memberikan bantuan pasukan militer ke filipina untuk melatih afp guna menghadapi kelompok terror termaksud abu ayyaf group.46 amerika serikat mulai mengerahkan pasukannya ke filipina dengan jumlah kurang lebih 660 personil yang terdiri atas 160 pasukan khusus, ditambah dengan 500 personil untuk pendukung.47 hal tersebut untuk menindaklanjuti kesepakatan pemerintah amerika serikat dan pemerintah filipina untuk mengadakan training exercise atau latihan militer gabungan pada 45 dahlan nasution, politik internasional konsep dan teori, hal 26, erlangga jakarta 1989. 46 steven mufson, “u.s. to aid philippines’ terrorism war”, washington post, 21 november 2001. dikutip http:// w w w.elib.unikom.ac.id/download. p h p ? i d = 1 4 3 1 3 8 . p d f , ( d i a k s e s tanggal03september 2016) 47 shedon w. simon, “southeast asia and the war on terrorism”, dalam managing security challenges in southeast asia, nbr analysis: vol.13, 4 july 2002 (the national bureau of asian research: washington d.c., 2002), hal. 32 tahun 2002 selama kurang lebih 6 (enam) bulan di pulau basilan, tempat dimana abu sayyaf group beroperasi.48 gambar 2: pesawat kargo c-130 as sumber: www.gettyimages.com/ license/693255 gambar: internet (diakses tanggal 15 februari 2017) sebuah truk dan trailer diturunkan dari sebuah pesawat kargo c-130 amerika serikat pada 20 januari 2002 di pangkalan angkatan udara andrews di zamboanga city di filipina selatan. pesawat kargo c-130 mengirimkan lebih banyak peralatan ke pangkalan udara untuk keperluan lebih dari 600 tentara amerika serikat yang akan membantu melatih afp dalam kontraterorisme. 48 john roberts, “us training exercise in the philippines sets stage for broader military operations”, 15 maret2002. 62 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 menerapkan pendekatan sosial dan budaya dalam penangan terorisme politik luar negeri atau kebijakan luar negeri amerika serikat memutuskan untuk melakukan kerja sama dengan pemerintah filipina, titik temu darikepentingan bersama antara kedua negara dalam memberantas kelompokterro. fokus utama adalah permasalahan security dan menempatkan permasalahan terorisme ini sebagai sebuah permasalahan bersama yang harus segera diatasi.49 dalam penegasan ini, bahwa pemerintah amerika serikat dan pemerintah filipina tidak hanya berfokus pada kerjasama yang berkaitan dengan ekonomi namun juga didukung oleh kerjasama lainnya yaitu di bidang keamanan dan sosial budaya. sebelum terjadinya tragedi 11 septembertahun 2001, sebenarnya amerika serikat telah mengarahkan peningkatkan kekuatan militernya di filipina pada bulan september 2000, pada saat itu laksamana c. blair dennis, komando operasi khusus pasifik (socpac), menuju ke manila untuk memberikan bantuan kepada pemimpin afp dalam konsep yang bergerak pada pelatihan tim (mtt) yang di49 asviwarman adam, dkk, op.cit. rancang untuk melatih dan mempersenjatai afp.50 amerika serikat dan filipina pertama kali mengadakan latihan gabungan militer pada maret tahun 2001 dengan pasukan light reaction company (lrc) yang dibentuk oleh amerika serikat, khusus untuk menghadapi terorisme di filipina.51 hal tersebut terkait dengan kasus penyanderaan terhadap warga negara amerika serikat, jeffrey schilling yang diculik oleh abu sayyaf group pada 28 agustus 2000.52 serta penculikan pada bulan mei 2001, terhadap 20 orang, dan telah membunuh satu dari 3 sandera asal amerika serikat dengan cara memenggal kepalanya di filipina 50 briscoe, c.h. "balikatan exercise spearheaded arsof operations in the philippines." special warfare, s ept. 2004,elibrar yus a.st ate.gov/ primo?url=http://go.galegroup.com/ ps/i.do?p=aone&sw=w&u=wash894 60&v=2.1&id=gale%7ca126198613 &it=r&asid=6ecf2befea6b84c03d00fba c70d19642, internet (diakses tanggal 13 september 2016) 51 ibid., 52 inilah 15 bukti kekejaman kelompok abu sayyaf, “tidak segan penggal kepala sandera”,didapat dari: http:// kaltim.tribunnews.com/2016/04/08/ inilah-bukti-sadisme-kelompok-abusayyaf-tidak-segan-penggal-kepalasandera?page=4, internet (diakses tanggal 05 maret 2017) aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 63 selatan.53 oleh karena warga negara nya yang masih di sandera abu sayyaf group, maka dilanjut kan dengan program balikatan exercise 2002-1 (program balikatan 02-1).54 program tersebut di khususkan untuk memberantas abu sayyaf group sebagai inisiatif peningkatan kerjasama militer pemerintah amerika serikat dan pemerintah filipina, yaitu: 1. program balikatan exercise 2002-1 has i l p e r te mu an ant ar a presiden gloria macapagal arroyo yang bertemu langsung dengan presiden george walker bush pada tanggal 20 november 2001. presiden gloria macapagal arroyo meng ucapkan simpatinya terkait tragedi 9/11 dan menindaklanjuti dukungan dengan pembahasan t e n t a n g k o n s e p t u a l i s a s i k a n balikatan exercise 2002-01 atau program balikatan 02-1. dalam pertemuan itu, amerika serikat menawarkan bantuan militer secara langsung kepada pemerintah filipina untuk menekan abu sayyaf 53 jejak berdarah penyanderaan kelompok abu sayyaf, didapat dari:http://news. d e t i k . c o m / b e r i t a / 3 1 7 6 5 6 0 / j e j a k berdarah-penyanderaankelompokabu-sayyaf, internet (diakses tanggal 28 agustus 2016) 54 ibid., group.55 presiden gloria macapagal arroyo menolak tawaran tersebut dan sebagai gantinya meminta peralatan militer baru dan pelatihan terhadap afp untuk meningkatkan kemampuan dalam memberantas bu sayyaf group.56 kedua presiden tersebut menyetujui rencana terpadu untuk menyediakan paket pelatihan yang kuat bagi afp, pengiriman peralatan yang dibutuhkan untuk meningkatkan mobilitas bagi militer filipina, dan penciptaan konsultasi bilateral mengenai mekanisme pertahanan baru. dibandingkan dengan pelak sana an program balikatan sebelum nya, program balikatan 02-1 dianggap lebih khusus dalam hal tujuan, sasaran dan kegiatan. tujuan, sasaran dan kegiatan program balikatan sebelumnya yang terfokus pada latihan interoperabilitas dalam menghadapi ancaman dari luar, sedangkan pada program balikatan 02-1, di samping latihan interoperabilitas, amerika serikat juga terlibat peran sebagai penasehat bagi filipina dalam memerangi abu sayyaf group di filipina selatan. 55 eric c. ramos, hal. 51 56 ibid., 64 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 gambar 3: operation balikatan 02-1, 2002 in zamboanga,philippines sumber: www.gettyimages.com/license/109133383 gambar: internet (diakses tanggal 10 februari 2017) 57program balikatan 02-1 dilaksanakan di mindanao, tepatnya di pulau basilan, tempat dimana abu sayyaf group beroperasi di filipina selatan. 2. pelaksanaan balikatan exer­ cise 2002­1 dalam memulai pelaksanaan, pasukan amerika serikat yang ditempatkan di mindanao ditetapkan sebagai joint task force 510 (jtf 510), dipimpin oleh jenderal donald wurster dari united states air force (usaf), komandan dari special operations command pacific (socpac). jtf 510 menggunakan model counter-insurgency (coin) yang dirancang untuk memutuskan 57 ibid., dukungan masyarakat terhadap abu sayyaf group, memperkuat respon pemerintah dan militer untuk mengatasi terorisme, serta meningkat kan kepatuhan masyarakat terhadap legitimasi pemerintaha filipina.58 jtf 510 melaksanakan 3 (tiga) lines of operation (loo), yaitu mem bangun kemampuan afp, fokus dalam civil military operation (cmo), dan operasi informasi (information operations) diantaranya:59 a). membangun kemampuan afp penugasan jtf 510 dalam mem bangun kemampuan dan 58 ibid., 59 ibid., aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 65 c). operasi informasi jtf 510 melakukan operasi in formasi dengan pemerintah filipina dan kedubes amerika serikat di filipina untuk menekan keberhasilan dalam operasional dan membangun dukungan bagi pemerintah filipina. operasi ini kemungkinan adalah bagian yang paling sulit dari pelaksanaan program balikitan 02-1. masyarakat dan media di filipina sangat curiga terhadap setiap operasi militer asing di negara mereka. meskipun terdapat halangan dari masyarakat dan media filipina, jtf-510 mampu mencapai beberapa keuntungan yang nyata. jtf 510 berhasil menggunakan media cetak, lisan dan pesan teks yang berkontribusi pada operasi taktis dan membangun legitimasi program balikitan 02-1. dari ketiga lines of operation ini telah membentuk persepsi yang baik maupun positif terhadap afp dan pasukan amerika sserikat, sementara dukungan terhadap abu sayyaf group menurun pada masyarakat.60 60 major daniel d. mitchell and major michael d. nelson, accomplishing american strategic goals in the middle east through persistent special operations, naval postgraduate school, hal. 39, 2011 legitimasi afp untuk menciptakan lingkungan yang aman dan stabil serta melindungi masyarakat dengan cara menanggulangi abu sayyaf group di pulau basilan. jtf-510 menetap kan prioritas utamanya adalah meningkat kan kepatuhan masyarakat terhadap legitimasi pemerintah filipina melalui penggunaan model coin, dan untuk keberhasilan tujuan ini, jtf-510 menempatkan afp untuk mengaman kan masyarakat dari ancaman abu sayyaf group. b). civil militar y operation (cmo) pada awal pelaksanaan program balikatan 02-1, banyak masyarakat di pulau basilan yang merasa tidak puas dan sebagian besar dari mereka merasa diabaikan oleh pemerintah filipina. abu sayyaf group juga kerap menggunakan taktik intimidasi untuk mempengaruhi masyarakat agar tidak mempercayai afp. dalam rangka untuk memulihkan kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap afp dan pemerintah filipina, selain itu, jtf 510 juga mengembangkan program civil military operation (cmo) yang bertujuan untuk memutuskan dukungan masyarakat kepada abu sayyaf group melalui p enyediakan p elayanan bagi masyarakat. 66 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 kesimpulan latihan gabungan militer pertama pada program balikatan exercise 2001 antara amerika serikat dan filipina pada maret tahun 2001 dengan pasukan light reaction company (lrc), memang tidak memberi efek terhadap abu sayyaf group sebelum tragedi 9/11. namun pasca-tragedi 9/11, amerika serikat serius menjalin kerjasama dengan filipina dalam program balikatan exercise 20021 untuk memberantas abu sayyaf group. hasilnya cukup di luar dugaan. pertama, kegagalan dalam upaya penyelamatan terhadap sandera yang mengakibatkan tewas nya dua sandera dan melukai sandera lainnya. sandera martin burnham dan seorang perawat warga negara filipina bernama ediborah yap tewas sedangkan istri martin burnham, gracia burnham, selamat dan dilarikan ke rumah sakit setelah upaya penyelamatan oleh angkatan bersenjata filipina (afp). kedua, program ini juga gagal untuk menghilangkan abu sayyaf group secara keseluruhan. adapun keberhasilan dari program ini yaitu menangkap dan membunuh salah satu pimpinan militer abu sayyaf group faksi basilan yaitu abu sabaya pada bulan juni 2002 di pantai sibuco, kota z amboanga del norte. program balikatan exercise 20021 dilaporkan secara signifikan mengurangi kekuatan abu sayyaf group di pulau basilan. pada tahun 2000, abu sayyaf group memiliki kekuatan dengan jumlah anggota yang aktif mencapai 1270 orang, dan pasca program balikatan exercise 2002-1 berakhir pada bulan juli tahun 2002, kekuatan abu sayyaf group berkurang menjadi 460 anggota yang masih aktif di pulau basilan. meskipun gagal untuk menghilangkan ancaman abu sayyaf group, setidak nya latihan militer gabungan mengalami kesuksesan besar dalam meningkatkan kemampuan tempur dan taktik manuver afp, serta meningkatkan sistem pertahanan teritorial terpadu atau integrated territorial defense system pada afp. ini terbukti ketika afp berhasil menetralisir abu sayyaf group dan meminimalkan kemampuan kelompok tersebut untuk melakukan kegiatan teroris di pulau basilan. namun, abu sayyaf group masih bisa memindahkan pusat operasinya ke pulau jolo. operasi afp mengalami peningkatan sebagai hasil dari bantuan pelatihan amerika serikat dalam penyediaan peralatan modern, dan bantuan dalam perencanaan operasi. aulia assakir kerjasama antara pemerintahan amerika serikat dan filipina 67 keuntungan terbesar dari pelak sanaan program balikatan exercise 2002-1 dapat dilihat lebih sebagai keuntungan di bidang politik daripadamiliter. program balikatan exercise 2002-1 memperkuat dukungan publik dan politik domestik pada kerjasama amerika serikat dan filipina yang dilengkapi program pemerintah filipina dalam reformasi sosial dan pengentasan kemiskinan di pulau basilan. masyarakat pulau basilan sangat menghargai bantuan ekonomi dan kemanusiaan yang disertai latihan militer gabungan. program tersebut mendorong ekonomi di pulau basilan melalui pekerjaan dari perusahaan lokal milik warga negara amerika serikat untuk jasa seperti laundry (binatu) dan katering makanan. dari sisi filipina, bantuan militer dari amerika serikat memberikan manfaat bagi filipina terhadap peningkatan kemampuan afp dalam menangani pemberontakan abu sayyaf group. kegiatan-kegiatan yang dilaksanakan dalam program balikatan exercise 2002-1 efektif dalam mengatasi ancaman abu sayyaf group di pulau basilan yang merupakan pusat operasi abu sayyaf group. sebaliknya, dari perspektif amerika serikat, perang melawan terorisme di filipina selatan bisa dilaksanakan tanpa me libatkan pasukannya dalam per tempuran langsung partisipasi amerika serikat yang terbatas pada misi penasehat afp maupun melaksanakan aksi kemanusiaan dan program kemasyarakatan di pulau basilan. program balikatan exercise 2002-1 dapat disebut sebagai contoh pelatihan penanggulangan teroris dan misi bantuan dalam skala kecil yang sukses dengan mengkombinasikan berbagai instrumen politik, informasi, urusan sipil, ekonomi, kesehatan, dan sebagainya. dengan instrumen militer untuk melaksanakan kampanye dalam melawan teroris. daftar pustaka buku: abuza zachary, “balik terorism: the retrun of abu sayyaf ”, carlisle: strategic studies institute, hal 2, 2005. hasbullah moeflich, “asia tenggara konsentrasi baru kebangkitan islam”, fokusmedia, hal. 242, bandung 2003. major daniel d. mitchell and major michael d. nelson, ac c o mp l i s hi n g am e r i c an strategic goals in the middle east through persistent special operations, naval postgraduate school, hal. 39, 2011. 68 islamic world and politics vol.1. no.1 juli-desember 2017 pujayanti adirini, “kebijakan luar negeri pemerintahan bush terhadap terorisme internasionala”. dalam poltak pargi nainggilan, terorisme, human security, keamanan internasional dan tata dunia pasca perang dingin, terorisme dan tata dunia baru, jakarta: pusat pengkajian dan pelayanan infomasi sekretariat jenderal dewan per wakilan rakyat republik indonesia, hal.161 2002. pur wadarminta w.j.s., kamus umum bahasa indonesia, balai pustaka, hal. 492, jakarta 1985. sholahuddin, “nii sampai ji, salafy jihadisme di indonesia”, komunitas bambu, hal. 25, jakarta 2011. vermonte, phillips, regional networking and coordination againts international terrorism: an indonesia per spective. the 13th meeting of cscap working group meeting on transnational crime, manila 27-28 juni 2003. jurnal: briscoe, c.h. 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