

        Journal of Language and Literature  
Vol. 20 No. 2 – October 2020  ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 

355 

The Social Use of Batonu Personal Names 

Cecilia A. Ajiboye, Omobola A. Aladesanmi & Oluwatoyin M. O̩laiya  
cecylqueen2003@yahoo.com; bolaaladesanmi@gmail.com; toyinmolaiya@gmail.com 
Kwara State College of Education, Oro; Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti; Ekiti State University, 
Ado-Ekiti, NIGERIA. 

Abstract Article information 

Previous researchers on the use of Batonu personal names argue that there are 
different categories of Batonu names and using thirty (30) respondents, the 
researchers submit that the use of Muslim names has replaced the use of Batonu 
native names in all domains. However, the present study, using three hundred (300) 
respondents, visited the study area and identifies names that are used as personal 
names among the Batonu people. It also examines the social use of the names in 
formal and informal domains. The research adopted the theory of Domains  of 
language use by Ferguson (1966). Questionnaires and interviews were used to collect 
data on the various uses of personal names in intra and inter group interactions. 
There were three findings. Some showed names that were drawn from Islam and 
Christianity. Some names were also drawn from Batonu native names. Two domains 
of name usage have been identified. The informal domains consisted of 
home/community, peer-group and play ground. The formal ones comprised school, 
places of worship, certificates, wedding cards, almanacs and work places. It is evident 
that the Batonu native names are still frequently used with foreign or Christian and 
Muslim names in formal and in informal domains although with different degrees of 
use. This present study has shown that although a foreign culture may have an 
overwhelming influence over an indigenous culture, it does not mean that the 
indigenous culture will not thrive especially if the indigenous culture has traditional 
activities that can help sustain it. 

Keywords: Domains, Islam; Christianity; Culture; Names 

Received: 
3 July 2019 

Revised: 
14 August 2019 

Accepted: 
1 September 2019 

DOI : 10.24071/joll.v20i2.2853 
Available at  https://e-journal.usd.ac.id/index.php/JOLL/index 
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. 

Introduction 

The history of Batonu people of Baruten 
local communities is the history of semi-
autonomous kingdoms which originated from 
Borgu Empire (see Welmers, 1952; Sanusi, 
1983). The original Borgu Empire was made 
up of the present Borgu in Nigeria and the 
present Borgu in the Republic of Benin. 
Originally, Borgu was also an empire of three 

brothers namely Woru of Bussa (eldest), Sabi 
of Nikki in Benin Republic and Bio of Illo 
(youngest) in Kebbi State of Nigeria. The three 
were sons of Kisra who led them across the 
Sahara from Arabia through Chad to the 
present day Borgu (Stawart, 1985). It will be 
recalled that Borgu was divided amongst the 
three brothers. Woru was put in charge of the 
east and central, and he found Bussa as his 
capital. Sabi took charge of the southern and 

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Journal of Language and Literature 
ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online)                                                                 Cecilia A. Ajiboye, Omobola A. Aladesanmi & Oluwatoyin M. O̩laiya  
 

356 
 

western areas and made Illo as his own capital. 
As a result, Borgu-Nigeria became divided into 
three divisions namely north, central and 
south. The north includes Illo, Kaoje and 
Kwanji. The central area is placed under Bussa 
while the south includes the kingdoms of 
Kenu, Banara, Tabira, Ilesha-Baruba (in 
Ilorin), Okuta and Yashikira to mention but a 
few. Each of the above districts claimed 
hegemony over others. Kosubosu (an hamlet) 
is chosen as its headquarters. 
 

Geographically, the territory enclosed 
within 90 and 120 parallels of Latitude and 1st 
and 4th meridians of east Longitude 
comprising an area of about ten thousand (10, 
000) square miles, is the South-Western Borgu 
which is referred to as ‘Batonu’ land in this 
research. This land lies within high plains with 
few hills around (Sabi, 2017). The plains are 
broken by valleys while wet and dry seasons 
are distinct. During the dry seasons, most 
festivals and ceremonies are celebrated in 
Batonu land. Batonu land also marks the 
Western end of the Middle Belt region of 
Nigeria in Kwara State and it is bordered on 
the west by an international boundary of the 
Republic of Benin; on the east, it shares 
boundary with Kaima in Kaima local 
government area of Kwara State; on the 
northern axis, it shares boundary with Niger 
State while on the south it shares with Ò̩yó̩ 
State in Nigeria. In the Republic of Benin; 
Batonu is spoken in places like Parakou, Nikki, 
Kandi and Nantitingou. The major Batonu-
speaking areas in Nigeria include Kosubosu 
(its headquarters), Okuta, Ilesha-Baruba, 
Yashikira, Chikanda and Gwanara in Baruten 
local government of Kwara State. Some of her 
neighbouring languages in Nigeria include 
Bokobaru, Bisayan, Nupe and Yorùbá. 

 
Furthermore, the Batonu land emerged as 

a result of the colonial occupation of the 
region, which led to its demarcation in 1899 
between the French and the British people as 
a result of the scramble for territories between 
the major European powers (Sabi, 2017). 
Before the demarcation, both Nigerian and 
Dahomean Borgu was a single political entity 
that cherished a common tradition and 
ancestry. After so many complex series of 
negotiations, there came the Anglo-French 
convention in 1898. In that convention, Borgu 

was divided between the British and the 
French people; Fredrick Lugard (on British 
side) and Decoeur (on the French side) 
secured a treaty on Nikki. Nikki and its 
provinces were given to the French while 
Okuta, Yashikira, Ilesha-Baruba and Gwanara 
districts were given to the British. The area 
enslaved by the British is referred to as the 
Nigeria Borgu which is made up of the present 
Baruten and Kaiama local government areas of 
Kwara State and Borgu and Agwara local 
government areas of Niger State. The French 
Borgu is the area enslaved by the French 
under the control of Dahomey which is now 
the Benin Republic. The people of Batonu land 
are a homogenous society which has linguistic 
variations and remain a single political and 
geographical entity. Three broad descriptive 
terms could be used to identify the groups of 
people who dwell or inhabit Batonu land. 
These include the Aborigines, the Wassangaris 
and the Commoners who are subdivided into 
Gando and Mareyo. 
 
  Still on the history of the Batonu people, 
the Batonu land is predominantly a wooden 
region and the major occupation is farming. 
The Batonu people inhabited the savannah 
zone and are blessed with natural resources. 
Rainfall is ample and crop farming is common. 
They also supplement farming with hunting. 
Markets of the people of Batonu include Okuta 
market, Gure market, Ilesha-Baruba cattle 
market (in Kwara State), Chikanda market, 
Shinawa market, among others. People come 
from different parts of the country to purchase 
yams, yam flour (known as ‘èlùbó̩’ in Yorùbá), 
cassava, maize, guinea corn and groundnuts 
which are the major agricultural products of 
the people of Batonu for commercial purposes. 
Up till now, animals like sheep, goats, cattles 
and poultry serve as foods and for income 
while horses are kept for transportation and 
military purposes. 
 

The Batonu people are also said to be good 
archers and good night-guards. Many of them 
have worked in neighbouring areas such as 
Yorùbá land. There is the belief that they have 
herbal prowess and this is the reason why it is 
claimed that one man alone can watch over a 
town or a village and be seen at various parts 
of such a town. But most of the Batonu natives 
who work as guards are said to have come 


                                                                       Journal of Language and Literature  
Vol. 20 No. 2 – October 2020                                                                                                                  ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 
 

357 
 

from Dahomean Borgu that is now in the 
Republic of Benin. These people are referred 
to as great warriors and herbal experts 
because they are said to have fought many 
wars with their neighbouring villages (Sabi, 
2017).  
 
  Culturally, festivals of Batonu people also 
interest people and the festivals make people 
from different parts of the world to visit the 
area. Such festivals include the ‘Gaani ’ festival, 
the yam festival, the marriage ceremony, the 
naming ceremony, Eid-el-Malud, Eid-el-Kabir 
and Eid-el-Fitri festivals. Of all the festivals 
mentioned above, the ‘Gaani ’ festival seems to 
have gained much attention because it 
reminds the people of their common ancestry. 
The festival is a state festival and it is a well 
known, age-long festival that has been 
associated with the people. The festival is used 
to appease the Batonu land. It is, therefore, 
very paramount to the people and it helps the 
Batonu people economically, politically and 
socially. The ‘Gaani ’ festival is loved by all. The 
festival is celebrated and held with pride by 
the Batonu people. It has survived western 
and colonial influences, because its 
observation in the past years and in recent 
times is alike except for few modifications. The 
Gaani  festival began as a means of celebrating 
the new yam before the advent of Islam. 
 

Linguistically, Batonu is a language of the 
Gur, a sub-group of the Niger-Congo family of 
the Niger-Kordofanian phylum which is 
spoken in Nigeria (see Sanusi 1983, 2001). It 
is the language of the people called ‘Batombu’ 
or ‘Batonu’ (a name given to the native 
speakers). Both the language and its speakers 
are popularly referred to by non-native 
speakers such as Yorùbá and Hausa as 
“Baruba” or “Bariba” or Burgawa”. Scholars 
like Welmers (1952) and Sanusi (1983) claim 
that they have voltaic and Sudanese roots and 
that their society is patrilineal. The Batonu 
language is spoken as a first language in two 
adjacent countries in West Africa: Nigeria and 
the Republic of Benin (Welmers, 1952, 1973; 
Sanusi, 1983; British Broadcasting 
Corporation, 1993). In all, native speakers of 
Batonu language are a little above 400,000 in 
both Nigeria and the Republic of Benin (Sabi, 
2017). While the Batonu population in Nigeria 
is said to be 60,000, that of the Republic of 

Benin is 342,000 (see Vanderaa, 1991; Sabi, 
2017). 
 

Studies that have been conducted in the 
areas of naming and names are common in 
books and journal articles. Some of such 
researchers whose findings are in books 
include Searle (1958), Strawson (1959), 
Sowande and Ajanaku (1969), Adeoye (1972), 
Babalola and Alaba (2003) and Ogunwale 
(2003). Some others whose works have 
appeared in journals are Evans-Pritchard 
(1948), Geertz (1973), Goodenough (1965), 
Ekundayo (1977), Akinnaso (1980), Oyetade 
(1995) and Ikotun (2010, 2013, 2014). One 
deduction from the previous studies shows 
that while Evans-Pritchard (1948) and Geertz 
(1973) claim that names do not have semantic 
contents and that they are mere labels, other 
researchers argue that names have socio-
cultural information because they are 
reflections of events, values and beliefs. 

 
    Furthermore, according to the previous 
researchers, names that are reflections of 
events, values and beliefs include names that 
are brought from heaven, names that show 
people’s belief in deities, chieftaincy names, 
war names, nicknames, names that are given to 
those that die and are perceived to have been 
born again, names that exhibit family 
professions and the ones that show people’s 
belief in reincarnation. Ikotun and Aladesanmi 
(2012) and Ikotun (2013) have also shown 
that the introduction and acceptance of 
Christianity in some areas of Nigeria have 
made some Nigerians to re-work their names. 
For example, while Ikotun (2013) argues that 
some names that are products of acculturation 
are being adopted by some Yorùbá people 
instead of the tradition-based Yorùbá personal 
names Ikotun and Aladesanmi (2012) report 
that some Yorùbá Christians have either 
deleted the noun phrases (NPs) of their 
surnames because the NPs show reference to 
some Yorùbá deities or replaced their 
surnames with biblical or Christian names. 
Another research endeavour that has to do 
with the focus of this present research is 
Fakuade et al (2018). Fakuade et al (2018) 
identify the different Batonu names and 
submit that the use of Muslim names has 
replaced the Batonu names in both formal and 
informal domains. In this paper, we are 


Journal of Language and Literature 
ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online)                                                                 Cecilia A. Ajiboye, Omobola A. Aladesanmi & Oluwatoyin M. O̩laiya  
 

358 
 

interested in the use of Batonu personal names 
and three questions that have not been 
addressed by any of the previous researchers 
are (1) Have the Batonu native names been 
completely replaced by Muslim names? (2) Are 
there no occasions where Batonu native names 
are used? (3) Does it mean that Christian 
names are not used among the Batonu people? 
These questions will be addressed in this 
research work. 
 
 One area of previous research works that 
is of interest to our present study of Batonu 
personal names is culture. Culture is defined 
by Taylor (1892, p.1) as:  
 

that complex whole which includes 
knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, customs 
and all other capabilities and habits 
acquired by man as a member of society. 

 
According to Andarh (1982, p.5) also,  
 

Culture embraces all the material and 
nonmaterial expression of a people as well 
as the process with which the expressions 
are communicated. It has to do with all the 
social, ethical, intellectual,  
scientific, artistic and technological 
expressions and processes of a people 
usually ethnically and or nationally or 
supranationally related  and usually living 
in a geographically contiguous area; what 
they pass on to their successors and how 
these are passed on. 

 
However, the interaction between naming and 
culture shows that previous researches on 
naming practices or personal names are in two 
categories. For example, Evans-Pritchard 
(1948) and Geertz (1973), who belong to the 
first group or category, claim that in some 
cultures, names are mere labels that do not 
have linguistic structure and semantic 
contents. The second category which 
comprises Searle (1958), Martins (1959), 
Strawson (1959) Goodenough (1965), 
Ekundayo̩ (1977), Akinnaso (1980), Adeniyi 
(2004) and Ikotun (2010, 2013, 2014) submits 
that names reflect events, values and beliefs 
which have psychological and socio-cultural 
information.  
 

 Furthermore, according to Akinnaso 
(1980), all human beings or group use 
personal names as a system of individual 
identification and that the linguistic and 
cultural implications vary from one culture to 
another and that the Yorùbá naming system is 
based on home contexts such as beliefs, 
lineage, individual social values and 
expectations. For example, Yorùbá names that 
are reflections of beliefs, lineage, individual 
social values and expectations have been 
divided into different categories and some 
examples are presented below (see also 
S̩ówándé and A� jànàkú 1969; Adéoyè, 1972; 
Babalo̩lá and A� làbá 2003; I�kò̩tún, 2013; 
O� gúnwálé, 2016). The first category claims 
that there are some names that are called 
'àmútòrunwá' (names that are brought from 
heaven) and some examples are: Ìgè (a child 
who presents the leg first rather than the head 
at birth) and O�̩ ké̩ (a child born with an 
unbroken membrane). The second category is 
concerned with the names of Yorùbá deities or 
gods and they include: Ògún (The god of iron), 
Ès̩ù (The law enforcer) and Ifá (The god of 
wisdom) to mention but a few. The third 
category comprises names that are called 
'ı̀nagije' (nicknames). 
 
 In addition, names that belong to the 
fourth category include 'orúko̩ àbı́kú' (names 
that are given to those that die and are 
perceived to have been born again or have 
staged a comeback). An example of such 
names is Kúkò̩yí (Death rejected this one). 
Names that show individual social values and 
expectations like O̩dúno̩lá (Festival of 
happiness) belong to the fifth category. The 
sixth category contains names that deal with 
'is̩é̩ ı̀dı́lé' (family professions) such as O̩dé̩wálé 
(A hunter came home). The seventh category 
consists of names that show the Yorùbá 
people's belief in 'asè̩yı̀nwáyé' (reincarnation) 
like Ìyábò̩ (The mother came back) while 
names such as Àbíké̩ (Praise name) and Àkànjí 
(Praise name) that are drawn from 'orı́kı̀' 
(eulogy) belong to the eighth category. We 
agree with the previous researchers that claim 
that there is an interwoven relationship 
between naming and culture. We also want to 
submit that it is not only African names that 
are reflections of events, values and beliefs, 
names of people from several other ethnic 
groups of the world especially the Jews and the 


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Vol. 20 No. 2 – October 2020                                                                                                                  ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 
 

359 
 

Arabs also reflect values and beliefs. Some 
examples of such names among the Jews are as 
follows (see Insight on the Scriptures, 1988): 
 

Ezra    (Help) 
Joshua/Jehoshua (Jehovah is 

Salvation) 
Nehemiah   (Jehovah comforts) 
Peleg    (Division) 
 

Similarly, some examples below are also 
presented among the Arabs (see The Holy 
Quran): 
 

Abdul Raheem (The servant of God 
that is merciful)  

Tahmeed    (Thanking God) 
Miftau     (Key) 
Hajara     (Stone)  
Abdul Hakeem    (The servant of God 

that has wisdom).  
 
In this study of Batonu personal names also we 
will determine the Batonu personal names 
that reflect events, values and beliefs. 
 Another area of interest to our present 
study of Batonu personal names is 

acculturation. Turnbull (2010) defines 
acculturation as "the adoption of the 
behaviour patterns of the surrounding 
culture". The surrounding culture, in this case 
especially in Nigeria, may mean Christian 
culture, Islamic culture and any other Nigerian 
culture like the case of Yorùbá culture in Ebira 
land. Research studies that show some African 
names as products of acculturation include 
I�kò̩tún and Aládésanmı́ (2012), I�kòtún (2013) 
and Fakuade et al. (2018). Names that are 
products of acculturation which Africans now 
adopt either as first names or surnames can be 
classified into four categories. For example, 
I�kò̩tún and Aládésanmı́ (2012) report that 
while some Noun Phrases (NPs henceforth) of 
some Yorùbá personal names which show the 
names of some Yorùbá gods such as Ifá, O� gún, 
O̩ya and S̩àngó have been replaced with the 
Bible 'Olúwa' (Lord), some of such NPs have 
been deleted completely. Examples of such 
names are in categories A and B below. 
 
 
Category A 

 O� gúnye̩mı́       Olúwáye̩mı́ 

 (The god of iron fits me)  (The Lord fits me) 

 O� gúnbùnmi              Olúwábùnmi 

 (The god of iron has given me)  (The Lord has given me) 

 S̩àngób�� ı́yı̀ı́            Oluwabı́yı̀ı́ 

 (The god of thunder has given birth to this)  (The Lord has given birth to this) 

 
Category B 

Fájé̩milóhùn   Jé̩milóhùn 

(The god of wisdom made me to have a voice)  (Let me have a voice) 

Fágbénró    Gbénró 

(The god of wisdom upheld me) (Uphold me)   

O� gúnbı́yı̀ı́    Bı́yı̀ı́   

(The god of iron has given birth to this)  (Gave birth to this) 

 
Journal of Language and Literature 
ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online)                                                                 Cecilia A. Ajiboye, Omobola A. Aladesanmi & Oluwatoyin M. O̩laiya  
 

360 
 

I�kò̩tún (2013) and Fakuade et al. (2018) 
have also discussed the adoption and use of 
foreign names by Africans. While I�kò̩tún (2013 
discusses the adoption and use of Biblical and 
European names by some Yorùbá Christians, 
Fakuade et al. (2018) discuss the adoption and 
use of Islamic/Muslim names by the Batonu 
people. We want to add also that, at present, 
using personal names as  a system of individual 
identification especially with reference to 
ethnicity, it is difficult to identify some Yorùbá 
Christians as Yorùbá and some Yorùbá 
Muslims also as Yorùbá. This is because while 
some Yorùbá Christians adopt Biblical or 
European names as first names and surnames, 
some Yorùbá Muslims adopt Islamic or Muslim 
names as first names and surnames. So, there 
are instances where some Yorùbá Christians 
are now addressed as "Daniel Enoch", "John 
David", "Johnson Macaulay" and "Benson Gold" 
while some Yorùbá Muslims are addressed as 
"Abdulganiyu Quadri", "Jimoh Usman", and 
"Abdulrazak Allison" to mention a few. 
However, one question that will be addressed 
in this present research is: Are there some 
Batonu personal names that have been 
modified or reworked or rejected? 
 

The research work that has been carried 
out on the use of surnames among the Yorùbá 
sub-ethnic groups is also of interest to our 
present study. A surname is a name that is 
common to a family and is often used with the 
English titles such as Mr, Ms, Mrs or Miss (see 
also Turnbull, 2010: 1503). I�kòtún (2014) 
argues that surnames form one of the 
parameters that can be used to distinguish the 
Yorùbá sub-ethnic group members from one 
another and such surnames which indicate 
Yorùbá sub-ethnic group affinities are 
tradition-based personal names which depict 
traditional religions or deities that were 
peculiar to each Yorùbá sub-ethnic group 
before the advent of Christianity. According to 
him, the tradition - based surnames now serve 
as reminders of the religious activities of the 
Yorùbá people before the advent of 
Christianity.  

 
 Similarly, three other inferences can be 
drawn from the use of tradition-based 
surnames. First, the use of tradition-based 
surnames can also help to distinguish a 
member of one ethnic group from another. For 

example, tradition-based surnames such as 
Dúrójayé (Stay to enjoy life), Ògúnye̩mí (The 
god of Iron fits me) and Fás̩èyí (The god of 
wisdom made this) will indicate the users of 
the surnames as Yorùbá while users of 
surnames like Uzor (A road for success), Orji 
(Nothing will happen to me because I am a god 
of myself) and Mbadiwe (The villagers are 
angry) are from the Igbo ethnic group. Second, 
there are some names whether tradition-
based or not which can help to distinguish 
members of a family from another members of 
another family in a community. Such names 
may include ‘Fájémisin’ (Ifá has allowed me to 
worship), ‘Odewale’ (The hunter has come 
home) and ‘Ayodele’ (Joy has reached home) to 
mention a few. Third, the linguistic and 
cultural information contained or present in 
tradition-based names show how the users of 
such names see and interpret the world 
around them. Again, in this work, we will find 
out if the Batonu personal names still include 
tradition-based names. 
 
 The study of domains with reference to 
language use and language maintenance is also 
relevant to our present study of Batonu 
personal name usage. Studies that have been 
conducted with reference to domains include 
Ferguson (1966), Kaye (1972), Gambhir 
(1983), I�kò̩tún and Soyoyè (2002). According 
to Ferguson (1966), there are three dialects of 
the Arabic language and that while one of the 
dialects is the standard variety that is used in 
inter-group interactions, the other two which 
are Christian and Muslim dialects are the low 
varieties and are used in intra-group 
interactions. He also argues that the varieties, 
that are functionally kept apart, are genetically 
related and they have mutual intelligibility. 
However, reactions from Kaye (1972), 
Gambhir (1983), I�kò̩tún and Soyoyè (2002) 
show that Ferguson's (1966) distinction 
between the High and Low varieties is 
debatable. They argue that while some elite 
may use the High variety in both intra and 
inter-group interactions, those who are not 
well read and who are likely to be in the 
majority will certainly use the Low varieties in 
formal and informal domains or intra and 
inter-group interactions.  
 
 We agree with Kaye (1972), Gambhir 
(1983), I�kò̩tún and Soyoyè (2002) because the 


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Vol. 20 No. 2 – October 2020                                                                                                                  ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 
 

361 
 

highly educated ones may decide to use the 
High variety in both formal and informal 
domains while the illiterates will use the Low 
varieties in both formal and informal domains 
as well. We are also of the opinion that, 
considering the socio-linguistic studies carried 
out by Gòkè-Parı́o̩lá (1983), E̩kúndayò̩ (1977), 
Oyetade (1990) and Iko̩tun (2006) on code-
mixing and linguistic borrowing, it is not 
unlikely that speakers of the High and Low 
varieties will code-mix words from the 
varieties that are available in their linguistic 
repertoire both in inter and intra-group 
interactions. In other words, we insist that the 
educated and the uneducated will use both the 
tradition-based and foreign names that are 
known to them as forms of address in inter and 
intra-group interactions. However, in our 
present study of Batonu personal names, we 
will consider the concept of language use by 
Ferguson (1966). This will help us to 
determine the domains of personal name 
usage among the Batonu people of Nigeria. 
 
 Language shift or name shift is also of 
interest to our present study of Batonu 
personal names. According to Fishman (1991), 
language shift is a "process whereby 
intergenerational continuity of the heritage 
languages is proceeding negatively with fewer 
speakers, readers, writers and even 
understanders." Evidence from existing 
studies on personal names shows that 
Fishman's (1991) definition of l anguage shift 
can also include name shift. For example, a 
research carried out by Fakuade et al. (2018) 
on Batonu personal names shows that there is 
a shift in Batonu naming practices. They argue 
that the shift is caused by the introduction and 
acceptance of the Islamic religion in the 
Batonu land. We agree with Fakuade et al. 
(2018) that the phenomenon of foreign 
cultural systems namely Islam and Christianity  
has strongly affected the use of tradition-based 
names especially as first names among several 
ethnic groups of the world particularly where 
Islam and Christianity are dominant.  
 
 As far as first names are also concerned, 
we can say that, using Fishman's (1991) 
definition, name shift is not only a process 
where intergenerational continuity of the 
tradition- based names is proceeding 
negatively with fewer users but also with high 

detestation by several people. But, there is a 
difference between Christian and Muslim 
influence  on naming practices  among some 
ethnic groups in Nigeria. Among the Yorùbá 
Christians, first names are in two categories. 
The first category comprises names that are 
drawn from the Bible and they include John, 
Paul, Luke, Abraham, Mary, Dorcas and Joseph 
to mention a few. The second category consists 
of names or derivations that are sentences 
which may have the Biblical Olúwa (Lord) as 
their NPs or may appear as verbal phrases 
(VPs) and the names will reflect the parental 
beliefs, aspirations and desires. Examples of 
new derivations which some Yorùbá parents 
now adopt as names for their children are: 
Tijésùnimí or Tijésù or Nimí (I am for Jesus) and 
Tolúwani or Tolú (He/She is for the Lord). The 
case with the Muslims is different because 
Arabic names are still preferred and are 
commonly used. For example, only names like 
Ibrahim, Hajarat, Sekinat, Bashir and 
Mohammed to mention a few are still adopted 
by the Muslims.  
 

However, in view of our knowledge of 
Yorùbá and Igbo cultural systems of inter-
generational continuity of O̩ló̩jó̩ festival at Ilé-
Ifè̩ or Ò̩s̩un Òs̩ogbo festival in O� s̩ogbo or New 
Yam festival in Igbo land and the naming 
practices, it is not unlikely that there are some 
Batonu people who, though their parents are 
Muslims and they were given Muslim names at 
birth, decide to endorse the Batonu cultural 
norms and the naming practices now that they 
are of age. We are of this opinion because there 
are instances where some Yorùbá people 
whose ages are below forty years and who are 
addressed Ifás̩èyí (The god of wisdom made 
this one), Ifáye̩mí (The god of wisdom fits me) 
and Ifásanmí (The god of wisdom is beneficial 
to me) even when their parents answer either 
Christian or Muslim names. In our present 
study of the Batonu naming practices, we want 
to expand the  scope of the existing studies and 
find out if Christianity also has a negative effect 
on the Batonu naming practices. In our opinion 
too, we are not convinced that thirty (30) 
respondents are sufficiently representative of 
the sixty thousand (60,000) Batonu speakers. 
Therefore, we will use three hundred (300) 
respondents so as to confirm whether there is 
a shift from the use of Batonu names to the use 


Journal of Language and Literature 
ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online)                                                                 Cecilia A. Ajiboye, Omobola A. Aladesanmi & Oluwatoyin M. O̩laiya  
 

362 
 

of only Muslim names as revealed by Fakuade, 
et al. (2018).  

 
Methodology 
 
 This study is descriptive and it adopted 
the theory of domains of language use by 
Ferguson (1966). The data for the research 
were collected from three sources: attendance 
registers in primary and secondary schools 
where bio-data of students were clearly 
shown. This was to ascertain personal names 
that were used in schools. Questionnaires 
were used to collect data on the various 
personal names in the home and intra-peer 
group interactions. Data from this source 
helped to ensure natural language use with 
reference to personal names that were used in 
intra-group interactions. Similarly, data from 
the school domain as well as data from home 
and intra-peer group interactions helped us to 
confirm if there were differences between 
personal names that were used in formal and 

in informal domains. Interviews were also 
conducted among some elderly Batonu people 
in Kwara State to determine the cultural 
factors that influence the use of personal 
names that were given to children when they 
were born. Three hundred people were 
randomly selected for the interview. 
 
Results and Discussion 
 

This section contains the presentation of 
findings and the analysis. The findings show 
the use of Batonu personal names which 
comprise Batonu native and Christian/Muslim 
names in both formal and in informal domains. 
The findings and the analysis are divided into 
two sub-sections.  The information in Tables 1, 
2, 3 and 4 below shows the different categories 
of names that are adopted as personal names 
among the Batonu people. 

 
Table 1.  Religious names 
 

Islamic Names Christian Names 

S/N Male Female Male Female 
1. Zakari Fatimoh Joshua Dorcas 

2 Mohammed Rukayat Daniel Janet 

3 Yahaya Halimat Isaac Hannah 

4 Yusfu Jelilat Emmanuel Ruth 

5 Jimoh Hawawu John Elizabeth 

6 Abdullahi Nafisat David Mary 

7 Abdukabir Sekinat Gideon Martha 

8 Abdulkareem Ayishatu Ezekiel Comfort 

9 Ibrahim  Fausat Peter Deborah 

10 Bashiru Jemilat Paul Esther 

 
In Table 1 above, there are two categories 

of names. The first category consists of Islamic 
names while the second category comprises 
Christian names.  

 
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363 
 

Table 2. The use of Batonu personal names in Formal Domains 

 
DOMAINS RESPONDENTS BATONU NAMES 

MUSLIM/ 
CHRISTIAN 

NAMES 

TOTAL IN 
FIGURES 

PERCENTAGE 
(%) 

School: 
Primary 
Secondary 
Tertiary 

 
40 
35 
25 

 
24(60%) 

20(57.14%) 
15(60%) 

 
16(40%) 
15(42.85) 
10(40%) 

 
40 
35 
25 

 
100% 

99.99% 
100% 

Church: 100 73 (73%) 27 (23%) 100 100% 

Mosque 100 68 (68%) 32 (32%) 100 100% 

Certificates:  
Birth/Death 
registration:  
Marriage. 

 
100 

 
100 

 
62 (62%) 

 
59 (59%) 

 
38 (38%) 

 
41 (41%) 

 
100 

 
100 

 
100% 

 
100% 

Wedding cards 100 57 (57%) 43 (43%) 100 100% 

Almanacs of 
Batonu Couples. 100 60 (60%) 40 (40%) 100 100% 

Workplace 100 66 (66%) 34 (34%) 100 100% 
 
 
From Table 2 above, it can be observed 
that about 24 of the respondents, representing 
60% of the population used Batonu native 
names in primary schools while in secondary 
schools, 20 respondents, representing 57.14% 
used Batonu native names. In the tertiary 
institutions, 15 of the respondents, 
representing 60% used Batonu native names. 
In the religious circle (church/mosque), the 
result showed that 73% (73) of the 
respondents who are Christians and 68% (68) 
of the respondents who are Muslims used 
foreign names (Christian/Muslim names), 
while 27% (27) and 32% (32) of the 
respondents used Batonu native names.  

 
 At work place, 66% (66) of the 
respondents used Batonu native names while 
34% (34) used foreign names. On certificates 
of birth and death, the result revealed that 
68% (68) of the respondents used Batonu 
native names as against 32% (32) who used 
religious/foreign names. 59% (59) of the 
respondents used Batonu native names under 

marriage registration while 41 % (41) used 
religious/foreign names. 60% (60) of the 
respondents used Batonu native names on 
Almanacs while 40% (40) used foreign names. 
Here, Batonu native names and foreign names 
were used but there is a more preponderance 
in the use of Batonu native  names over 
Christian/Muslim names. 
 
 
Journal of Language and Literature 
ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online)                                                                 Cecilia A. Ajiboye, Omobola A. Aladesanmi & Oluwatoyin M. O̩laiya  
 

364 
 

Table 3: The use of Batonu personal names in Informal Domains. 
 

DOMAINS RESPONDENTS BATONU NAMES 

MUSLIM/ 
CHRISTIAN 

NAMES 
TOTAL  PERCENTAGE (%) 

Home/Community 100 
88 

(88%) 
22 

(22%) 
100 100% 

Naming 100 
72 

(72%) 
28 

(28%) 
100 100% 

Peer-groups 100 
74 

(74%) 
26 

(26%) 
100 100% 

Playground 100 
75 

(75%) 
25 

(25%) 
100 100% 

 
Table 3 shows the use of Batonu native 
names in informal domains. Such domains 
include homes / communities, peer group/ 
playground.  The Table shows that 88% (88) of 
the respondents used Batonu native names at 
homes/ communities as against 22% (22) of 
the respondents that used Christian/Muslim 
names. 74% (74) of the respondents used 
Batonu native names among peers in their 
various groups while 26% (26) used religious 
names. On playground, 75% (75) of the 
respondents used Batonu native names while 
25% (25) of the respondents that comprised 
Muslims and Christians used non-Batonu 
native names. Here, the use of Batonu native 
names is predominant over religious names in 
informal domains because Batonu native 
names are culture-based. 

 
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365 
 

Table 4. Use of Batonu and Muslim/Christian Names 
 

Journal of Language and Literature 
ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online)                                                                 Cecilia A. Ajiboye, Omobola A. Aladesanmi & Oluwatoyin M. O̩laiya  
 

366 
 

Legend: 
N = Number of respondents  
B = Batonu name 
M = Muslim name 
C= Christian name 
M/C=Muslim/Christian name 

 
Table 4 distinguishes the use of Batonu 
native names from the religious names in 
various domains. The domains include 
home/community, school, workplace, names 
on certificates, on wedding cards and on 
almanacs. It is evident from the findings that 
88% (88) of the respondents made use of 
Batonu native names at home as against 22% 
(22) who used religious names. This is an 
indication that Batonu native names are more 
preferred and used at home/community than 
religious names. 72% (72) of the respondents 
claimed that Batonu native names are used 
during naming while 28% (28) used foreign 
names. Among the peer-groups, 74% (74) 
made use of Batonu native names as against 
26% (26) who used Muslim/Christian names. 
On the play ground, 75% (75) of the 
respondents adopted Batonu native names as 
against 25% (25) that used foreign names. 
 

There are several conclusions that can be 
drawn from the information in Tables 1, 2, 3 
and 4. For example, in Table 1 above, there are 
two categories of names. The first category 
consists of Islamic names while the second 
category comprises Christian names. This 
means that, it is not only Muslim names that 
are used in Batonu, Christian names are also 
used. This finding is contrary to Fakuade et al 
(2018) who only recognize the use of Muslim 
names alone. Based on this finding, it can be 
argued that this present study has provided 
additional information to the previous work. 
Similarly, from Table 2 above, it is clearly 
shown that the use of Batonu native names 
gained dominance over foreign names 
(Muslim/Christian) at different levels of 
education. The reason for this is not far-
fetched. Batonu people believe so much in 
their culture and they hold naming in high 
esteem. This is why they cling to their native 
names. 
 

In the religious circle (church / mosque), 
it is evident that most of the adherents of these 

foreign religions prefer to be called by the 
names associated with their faith, particularly 
when they are within their religious circles. 
Those foreign religions discriminate against 
names in Batonu. Hence, this result is in line 
with Fakuade et.al (2018) where they revealed 
the dominance of only Muslim names over the 
Batonu native names. However, it is not only 
Muslim names that are used; Christian names 
are also used as shown in Table 1. The 
dominance of Batonu native names over all 
other names at workplace shows that the place 
of work consists of so many tribes and many 
people want to be identified with their places 
of origin. On the issuance of certificates of birth 
and death, it was observed that Batonu native 
names were more frequently used than foreign 
names. This again indicates that the Batonu 
people have implicit belief in their culture. In 
informal domains as shown in Table 3, the use 
of Batonu names is more frequent. This means 
that the Batonu native names are culture-
based. 
  

Another conclusion that can be drawn 
from the data presented above is that Batonu 
people are more favourably disposed to the 
use of their native names than 
Christian/Muslim names which they 
considered as names that were not indigenous 
to them. The reason for their positive 
disposition or loyalty to the use of indigenous 
names is not farfetched. First, the Batonu 
community is largely or predominantly an 
agrarian society with over 90% of the 
inhabitants being illiterate. As a result of their 
occupation and their rustic lifestyle, their 
loyalty to their native names is never in doubt. 
Second, Batonu is a minority language group, 
therefore, users of the native names may 
continue to see the need for the use of the 
native names in order to preserve their 
identity as well as preserve their culture from 
going into extinction. Third, it is to be noted 
that the information in Tables 2 and 3 is in 
agreement with the information in Table 4. 
This implies that the culture of the Batonu 
people inexorably impinges on their socio-
cultural lives as it is reflected in their 
preference for native names as against foreign 
names. 
  Similarly, since hegemony of Christianity 
and Islam in the Batonu community does not 
seem to have impacted positively on their 


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367 
 

lives, it may be said that the Batonu people 
display a high level of patronage to their native 
names. The present research work has shown 
that although a foreign culture may appear to 
have an overwhelming influence over an 
indigenous culture, it does not mean that the 
indigenous culture will not thrive especially if 
the indigenous culture has traditional 
activities that can help to sustain it. However, 
are there differences between the Batonu 
native names in Nigeria and that of the 
Republic of Benin? The answer to this question 
can be the focus of another paper. 
 
Conclusion 
 
 We have identified different Batonu native 
names as well as Christian and Muslim names 
that are used among the Batonu people. The 
Batonu native names include: pre-ordained 
names, circumstantial/event names, 
lower/upper class names, chieftaincy/title 
names, occupational/professional names, 
reincarnated/ancestral names and 
derogatory/nicknames. We have argued that 
the Batonu people and some African ethnic 
groups share the same world-view with 
reference to naming in some cases. We have 
also examined the use of Batonu personal 
names and have shown how Batonu personal 
names are used in formal and informal 
domains. The research revealed that the use of 
Batonu native names is more predominant 
than the use of Christian/Muslim names in 
almost all domains except in the religious 
domain where most of the religious faithful 
show their adherence to Islam or Christianity. 
Our position is that the use of Batonu native 
names is more dominant than the use of 
Christian/Muslim names. This is in agreement 
with the number of respondents that claimed 
more frequent use of Batonu native names 
than the Christian/Muslim names. For 
example, while the use of Muslim and Christian 
names constituted about 26.72 percent of all 
the names in Batonu, the use of native names 
represented 73.28 percent. Therefore, this 
present finding is at variance with Fakuade et 
al. (2018) who claimed that the Batonu people 
favoured the use of Muslim names in both 
formal and informal domains. 
 
 
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ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online)                                                                 Cecilia A. Ajiboye, Omobola A. Aladesanmi & Oluwatoyin M. O̩laiya  
 

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	Studies that have been conducted in the areas of naming and names are common in books and journal articles. Some of such researchers whose findings are in books include Searle (1958), Strawson (1959), Sowande and Ajanaku (1969), Adeoye (1972), Babalol...