340 Vol. 21 No. 2, October 2021, pp. 340-348 DOI: 10.24071/joll.v21i2.3163 Available at https://e-journal.usd.ac.id/index.php/JOLL/index This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Folk Onomastics Study of Anthroponymy Found in Babad Banjoemas Wirjaatmadjan Chusni Hadiati chusni.hadiati@unsoed.ac.id Jenderal Soedirman University, INDONESIA Abstract Article information Folk onomastics is a sub-category of socio-onomastics which deals with people’s beliefs and perceptions of names and name use. Interestingly, pragmatics also plays important role in the study of onomastics as names cannot be split up from the context where they are used. The phenomenon of anthroponymy that gradually advances relates to the development of human civilization. Personal name is very pivotal in human life due to the role of name bearers’ in history. Name is not only a name for it carries something along with it throughout the time particularly those who have power and position in history. Babad Banjoemas Wirjaatmadjan (BBW) was a chronicle of Banyumas regency from 1582 until 1932 which was written by Raden Wirjaatmadjan and continued by Raden Poerwasoepradja. As a chronicle of Banyumas regency, BBW displays historical names and aliases related to the cultural context of Banyumas. This article tries to dig out the phenomenon of anthroponymy of Banyumas’ regency leaders (bupati) in BBW as the names indicate the historical background of the bearers. Thus, the research spotlights the cultural values carried by alias or pseudonym of Banyumas leaders. Utilizing descriptive qualitative and library research, I found out that bupati’s names and aliases in BBW were classified based on five conditions: place of death, place of retirement, place of banishment, medal of appreciation, and lifelong action. The result highlights the traditional proverb that good men must die but death cannot kill their names. Keywords: name; alias; culture; history; chronicle; Banyumas Received: 3 March 2021 Revised: 27 April 2021 Accepted: 28 May 2021 Introduction Anthroponymy is broadly defined as the importance of individual name in society which is tightly bound with the context where the name emerges. A name may have emotional, social, and historical meanings to society due to what happened in the past. The change of political and cultural conditions can influence the naming system of newborns (Obradović, 2015). The study of individual or person name belongs to anthroponymy generally known as the study of proper name both individual and collective. Although the study of person names belongs to anthroponymy yet pragmatics takes an https://e-journal.usd.ac.id/index.php/JOLL/index mailto:chusni.hadiati@unsoed.ac.id Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 21 No. 2 – October 2021 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 341 important role in it since name emerges in our social life and person names vary broadly from context to context and time to time (Batoma, 2020). Name is the center of interest in socio- onomastics study as it analyses the use and variation of names. The acknowledgment of context will be taken into account in analyzing the importance of person name in society with regard to the society’s belief and perception of that name. In other words, folk onomastics will hold an important role in the study of person name. Folk onomastics can be defined as a study of people’s beliefs and perceptions about names and name use; thus the term is parallel to folk linguistics and folk dialectology (Ainiala, 2016; Vaattovaara, 2009). It was Hans Walther (1971) who initially coined the term Sozioonomastik in German. Socio-onomastics has two main goals. The first, it is the study of the social origin and use of different variants of proper names within various situations and contexts. The second, it takes into account the name-giver, name- bearer, and name user. Besides the term Sozioonomastik, the term Namensoziologie was also used without substantial differences. Those two terminologies are interchangeable (Ainiala, 2016). Related to the first aim of socio-onomastics, anthroponymy, a study of personal name, is a part of socio-onomastics which is generally defined as the investigation of names in society. Since it deals with names in society, sociolinguistics also takes part in this discipline as is clearly stated by Ainiala (2016). To be able to interpret the meaning of a name or the importance of the name’s bearer, sociolinguistics will be taken into account. However, I have a strong argument that it is pragmatics rather than sociolinguistics that is taken into account in the study of anthroponymy. The following three paragraphs highlight my argument. Person name is culturally bound. Person name is a pivotal element of all individuals as it relates them socially and individually. A person is an individual creature yet he also lives in a social environment and he will be first recognized through his person name. In some society name given by parents to their children is a gift and prayer for their children’s brighter future and life. In Banyumas society, a newborn baby will only be given names after he passes the immediate period of danger after birth or puputan which is usually counted seven days after birth. Banyumas is a regency in Central Java Province Indonesia. Parents will show their gratitude for the safety of their children by making gatherings with the whole members of the family. A newborn baby who frequently gets sick is considered of having the wrong name and thus parents will change the baby’s name to avoid bad luck and bad health condition in the future. To find out the meaning of person names, the culture where those person names live must take into account. Culture can function as a context in the study of anthroponymy as a person name will be meaningful when it is put in the context (society) where those names are used. Person name taken from the name of pasaran (Javanese calendar system) will be meaningless when it is used in a different culture that does not recognize the concept of pasaran. Relating to its linguistic unit, name is classified as a phrase or a word since by definition name is a word or set of words by which someone or something is known, addressed, or referred to. In Javanese context, a baby who was born in a certain day can be named similar to the name of the day. In Javanese culture, people have their own name for days for, example Minggu for Sunday, Senen for Monday, Selasa for Tuesday, Rebo for Wednesday, Kemis for Thursday, and Setu for Saturday. A baby who was born on Wednesday could be named Rebo or when he was born on Saturday he will be named Setu. Again in pasaran, people are also familiar with a five- day period such as legi, pahing, pon, wage, and kliwon. Pasaran is a Javanese cycle which consists of five days which is different from Gregorian calendar that contains seven days. Those days (legi, pahing, pon, wage, and kliwon) are called as pasaran. So in Javanese calendar system there will be at least two combination of a day, for example, selasa- kliwon, selasa-legi, selasa-pahing, selasa-wage, and selasa-pon. A baby who was born in selasa- wage can be named as Wage or when he was born in selasa-pahing he may be named as Pahing. The phenomenon of naming a baby according to the pasaran of their birth and to the day they were born may not be found in Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Chusni Hadiati 342 other cultures even though such names in Banyumas today rarely exist. As society can function as a context in the study of person name, I highlight that pragmatics is essential in the study of person name. Nowadays there is a tendency for Banyumas people to name their babies religiously and it is in line with Al-Qawasmi & Al-Haq (2016) research finding stating that Muslim parents are forced to give good names for their children religiously. This tendency, however still needs further and deeper investigation. One interesting phenomenon in Banyumas culture is when a man starts a family he will receive a new name that is somehow different from the previous one. People call this new name as jeneng tuwa (old name) because the man will eventually get old and become a father of his children. In Banyumas, jeneng means name and tuwa means old. Having received jeneng tuwa, a man is also considered to be entering a new phase of his life. Jeneng tuwa however is not given to a girl or a woman who starts a family because a woman will follow her husband’s name. For instance, a newborn baby boy was named Radjiwan by his family and when he starts a family he is named Achmad Suwandi. His wife's maiden name was Kustirah yet his wife does not get a new name as jeneng tuwa instead she is called Mrs. Radjiwan. The phenomenon of jeneng tuwa is rarely found nowadays in Banyumas culture and a deeper investigation is worth considering. The phenomenon of day-name, pasaran-name, and jeneng tuwa in Banyumas culture encourages me to take the position that the study of anthroponymy has intersected the study of pragmatics rather than sociolinguistics. However, socio-pragmatics will be more fluid for the discussion. My claim is also in line with the latest research conducted by Jabborovna (2021) who stated that pragmatics plays an essential part in anthroponymy. Numerous research on personal name have been conducted so far by Pina-Cabral (2015), Hailu (2017), Charwi (2019), Abubakari (2020), and Ajiboye et al. (2020). Pina-Cabral (2015) investigated the function and reflection of personal names and how personal names position name bearer to other people. Hailu (2017) found that there is a tight relationship between babies’ names and their parents’ ideological, religious, and educational status. Charwi (2019) investigated the association of Datooga names and their socio- cultural background. Abubakari (2020) showed that the name patterns of Kausaas reflect the relationship among socio-cultural and religious practices. Ajiboye et.al. (2020) investigated that foreign culture includes Muslim and Christian has influenced Batonu’s personal names. I have not found any research on personal names related to the historical chronicle of a place, thus this research can fill the gap and complete the research on anthroponymy as this research focuses on the folk onomastics study of anthroponymy found in Babad Banjoemas Wirjaatmadjan (BBW). Historical background functions as the context that will be useful in the elaboration of person names. To dig out the cultural values of names, the historical background must be taken into account which means pragmatics as the study of meaning in context plays an important role. Thus, this research sheds a light on the anthroponomy of Banyumas leaders by elaborating their historical context as they are found in Babad Banjoemas Wirjaatmadjan. Methodology The data of this research were names and aliases which were found in Babad Banjoemas Wirjaatmadjan (BBW). It is one of Banyumas chronicles which was written by Raden Wirjaatmadjan and continued by Raden Poerwasoepradja. Unlike Babad Banjoemas Mertadiredjan which was written in poetry, BBW was written in prose and thus easy to read. BBW used as the source of person names in this research was a translation version and the original Javanese version was translated into Bahasa Indonesia. BBW was a historical note that described the emergence of Banyumas regency from 1582 until 1932 and consequently in retelling the historical episodes, several leading persons arisen. Those leading persons had person names and aliases that indicate the episodes of their historical lives. It supports the idea that name is a matter of social praxis in every culture since the use of names can reveal the social, cultural, and even historical condition. The Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 21 No. 2 – October 2021 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 343 study of anthroponymy calculates the historical context of the names’ bearers (Bilkis, 2020; Boamfa, 2017; Ziolkowska, 2011). Thus the understanding of Banyumas context would be taken into account as person names could not be dissected from its context. This research belongs to qualitative research as it tries to elaborate name as a linguistic unit by utilizing contextual information encircled the name. Contextual information could be gathered by using library research which meant that I searched, compiled, and extracted information from various sources to provide a qualitative explanation. Library research and interview were utilized to gather additional information to enrich the background and historical context to support the analysis. To get a clearer understanding, interview with Banyumas senior citizens was very beneficial. Interviews could complete the context of name use as some words/phrases in BBW were hard to understand. Fifteen person names together with their aliases found in BBW were used as they indicated historical episodes in the emergence of Banyumas regency. Those names were classified based on the historical events that cause their appearance. By utilizing context, I found that those person names and aliases can be classified into five categories, i.e. place of death, place of retirement, place of banishment, medal of appreciation, lifelong action. Results and Discussion A man may lose his family, possession, position, and even his life yet his name will always be attached to him and a person name may stay the same or even change through history as we have discussed in the phenomenon of jeneng tuwa in Banyumas culture. In addition, people may receive several aliases for what he has been through especially those leading persons in history. They got aliases for what happens to their lives and for what they have done. The following analysis of aliases in BBW shows that aliases are classified based on five types, namely, place of death, place of retirement, place of banishment, medal appreciation, and lifelong action. Place of Death There are two names and aliases in BBW that display the place of their death, namely Joedanegara I or Jeodanegara Seda Masjid and Adipati Joedanegara II or Adipati Seda Pendapa. Parents sometimes name their baby by copying the name of their ancestor thus the baby will receive a name that previously belongs to other people before them such as their relatives, godparents, or grandparents (Pina-Cabral, 2015). This phenomenon can be found in BBW. Raden Ngabehi Mertasura I was the second bupati of Banyumas regency who reigned during 1583-1600. After he died, his son replaced his position and he was named Raden Ngabehi Mertasura II who reigned in 1601-1620. This kind of naming system are very common in that era such as Joedanegara I (1650-1705), Joedanegara II (1708-1743), Jodanegara III (1749-1755), Joedanegara IV (1755-1780), Tjakranegara I (1832-1864), and Tjakranegara II (1864-1879). The values of these names are passed from generation to generation as they pass their names to the younger member of the family and young relatives receive their names from a dead relative (Pina Cabral, 2015). Related to their place of death, two names are found as data, Joedanegara I and Joedanegara II. Joedanegara I was known as Joedanegara Seda Masjid. Seda in Javanese means death and masjid means mosque. When Joedanegara I was the leader of Banyumas regency, Banyumas regency was under the reign of Mataram who was ruled by Amangkurat III (1703-1704). Joedanegara I loathed Amangkurat III for he had demoted the position of Joedanegara I as the leader of Semarang regency into the leader of Banyumas regency. Semarang regency was bigger than Banyumas regency, thus by removing Joedanegara I from Semarang to Banyumas, Amangkurat III had disappointed Joedanegara I. At that time, Joedanegara I was married to Raden Ayu Bendara, Amangkurat III’s niece. Due to his disappointment, Joedanegara I did not treat his wife properly. Raden Ayu Bendara, Joedanegara’s wife reported her husband’s behavior to Amangkurat III. Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Chusni Hadiati 344 Amangkurat III was furious and he finally sentenced Joedanegara I to die. The death penalty was conducted in Masjid Kartasura (Purwokartun, 2020, p.159; Tjahjono, 2015, p.35). From that moment on, Joedanegara I was known as Joedanegara Seda Masjid. Adipati Joedanegara II was familiar with his alias as Adipati Seda Pendapa. Pendapa in Javanese is a hall, a place where a leader gathers with his subordinates. When Adipati Joedanegara ruled Banyumas regency, Banyumas regency was a district under Surakarta Palace governed by Paku Buwana II. Paku Buwana suspected that Adipati Joedanegara had helped the rebellion of Geger Pecinan or Geger Kartasura in 1740. Thus to get his clarification, Paku Buwana asked Joedanegara II to come to his palace and if he refused the invitation, it meant Joedanegara II disobeyed him. Knowing that information Raden Panji Gandakoesoema, Adipati Joedanegara II’s son sent a letter to his father. At that time Adipati Joedanegara II was with his subordinates in the pendapa. After reading his son’s letter, Joedanegara II was shocked and got a heart attack. Joedanegara died not long after that in a pendapa. Due to thefact that Joedanegara II died in a pendapa, people called him Adipati Seda Pendapa or literally means Adipati who died in a pendapa or hall (Purwokartun, 2020, p.47). The aliases of Joedanegara Seda Masjid and Adipati Seda Pendapa have depicted the place of death of Banyumas leaders. Their aliases are even more popular than their original names as their aliases are passed down from time to time together with the historical event accompanied them. Names and aliases carry the historical information of the names’ bearers (Florence, 2016). People are more aware with the names Joedanegara Seda Masjid and Adipati Seda Pendapa rather than Joedanegara I or Joedanegara II. Place of Retirement I found three names of Banyumas regency’s leader that show the place of retirement. They are Kanjeng Raden Tumenggung Tjakrasapoetra or Bendara Kanjeng Baron, Kanjeng Raden Mas Tumenggung Tjakranegara II or Bendara Kanjeng Gendayakan, and Kanjeng Raden Tumenggung Dipakoesoema V or Bendara Kanjeng Candiwulan. Baron is a region in Surakarta, Central Java. After reigning Banyumas regency for four years from 1879- 1882, Kanjeng Raden Tumenggung Tjakrasapeotra retired from his position and decided to stay in Baron, a place where most of his family lived. He did not have any children so that Banyumas regency was in vacuum of power for three years before his nephew, Raden Mas Tjakrakoesoema replaced his position. Kanjeng Raden Tumenggung Tjakasapoetra died and also buried in Baron. Due to this fact, he was then known as Bendara Kanjeng Baron (Purwokartun, 2020, p.177). Raden Mas Tumenggung Tjakaranegara II retired from his position as Bupati Banyumas in 1879. Not long after that, he decided to live in Gendayakan, Pasinggangan village in Banyumas regency. He stayed there until the day he passed away and his decision made him well-known as Bendara Kanjeng Gendayakan. Bendara Kanjeng Candiwulan was the alias of Kanjeng Raden Tumenggung Dipakoesoema V. He retired from his position as Bupati Banyumas in 1894 and decided to move to Candiwulan, Purbalingga regency. He spent the rest of his life in that place. When he died, he was buried there and he became popular with the alias Bendara Kanjeng Candiwulan (Purwokartun, 2020, p.183). Gendayakan and Candiwulan are two different places with similar characteristics. These two places are relatively remote mountainous areas, having fresh air and surrounded by indigenous and local people. The place of retirement was chosen by each person for their personal and emotional motives. Kingston et al. (2001) state that one of the criteria of choosing a retirement place is the sense of autonomy with security. By living in a remote area and surrounded by fresh air and local people, the retired Bupati found a sense of security, thus they decided to move to these places. They prefer to spend their old time with indigenous people and stay away from the crowd by moving to a remote area. The last place where they spend their time marks the place of their retirement and it becomes part of their aliases. Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 21 No. 2 – October 2021 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 345 Place of Banishment One alias found in Babad Banjoemas Wirjaatmadjan that indicates the place of banishment is Bupati Padang which was the alias of Raden Tumenggung Prawiranagara. He reigned Banyumas from 1831-1832 and he suffered from mental illness. It was hard at that time to get medical treatment from doctors or hospitals even for those who had important positions in society. Due to the lack of medical treatment, his illness became worse and worse. This condition had made him murder some of his servants out of his control and it was very dangerous for people who worked or lived near him so that his family decided to exile him to Padang, West Sumatra (Purwokartun, 2020, p.141; Purwoko, 2014, p.31). There is additional information from the interview that denies the above-mentioned fact. At first, Raden Tumenggung Prawiranagara did not suffer from mental illness. He was disappointed because of Dayeuhluhur’s area expansion. Raden Tumenggung Prawiranegara got less power and less territory and caused him alcohol- addicted. When he was the head or wedana of Pegadingan house, he hurt the stepmother of Pegadingan’s wedana and some of her servants by using keris, a dagger with a wavy blade used as a weapon or accessories by people in traditional Javanese. Furthermore, he also burnt the wedana’s house and persecuted four men who wanted to turn down the fire. When the fire was finally down, he realized that he was wrong and surrendered himself to D.A. Varkevisser and Adipati Mertadiredja II. Due to his crime, he was then exiled to Padang, West Sumatra. This narration was told from time to time and people get more familiar with the alias of Raden Tumenggung Prawiranegara as Bupati Padang. The two above narrations constitute the alias of Bupati Padang or Raden Tumenggung Prawiranegara in Banymas context. Banyumas culture belongs to the Javanese culture which holds an old traditional saying mikul dhuwur mendhem jero. This old saying is a kind of advice for Javanese people to be able to hide their family’s unfortunate condition and keep the family’s dignity above all. It also shows that Banyumas people still hold value to respect their leader by not telling their bad side. This old Javanese saying probably becomes the consideration why Raden Tumenggung Prawiranegara was said to suffer from mental illness rather than being a criminal. The alias of Bupati Padang supports the idea that name can function as the depiction of family relations and social dynamics (Zungu, 2020). Raden Tumenggung Prawiranagara was then named as Bupati Padang due to the place of his banishment. He was dethroned by his successor, Adipati Tjakranegra I who continued to rule from 1832-1864. As a name is not only a part of language, it is also a part of society and culture, the name Bupati Padang that refer to Raden Tumenggung Prawiranagara was passed down from generation to generation. Medal of Appreciation There is one name of Banyumas regency’s leaders that was known for his medal of appreciation during his reign. It was Kanjeng Raden Adipati Tjakranegara I who was known as Kanjeng Rider. Kanjeng Raden Adipati Tjakranegara I received the medal of Ridder Orde Kroon from the Dutch government for all of his efforts in handling the giant flood in Banyumas regency. When Kanjeng Raden Adipati Tjakranegara ruled Banyumas regency, there had been a forecast stating that bakale ana bethik mangan manggar which meant that someday there would be Climbing Gouramy or Anabas testudineus eat the coconut tree flower. People finally believed the forecast when the biggest flood in Banyumas history occurred and the water level at that time reached 3-4 meters as the stain can be seen on the wall of Banyumas regency. The flood happened in February 21-23 1861 (Tjahjono, 2015). Kanjeng Raden Adipati Tjakranegara I did his best effort to save his people. Having handled the flood strenuously, Kanjeng Adipati Tjakranegara was bestowed by the Dutch government with Ridder Orde Eiken Kroon, a medal of appreciation for his service. From that moment on, Kanjeng Raden Adipati Tjakranegara was known as Kanjeng Rider (Purwokartun, 2020, p.173). Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Chusni Hadiati 346 The aliases of Banyumas leaders that depict their medal of appreciation are in line with Agyekum's study (2006) which highlights that names are not arbitrary labels as they indicate socio-cultural function and meaning. The alias Kanjeng Rider to replace the name Kanjeng Raden Adipati Tjakranegara portraits the idea that as the leader of Banyumas regency, he has shown his function to handle the massive flood situation in Banyumas that is deeply crafted in Banyumas people’s memory. Lifelong Action Data shows that there are two names in Babad Banjoemas Wirjaatmadjan that indicate their lifelong action. The first is Adipati Warga Utama II or Adipati Mrapat, Tumenggung Tojakoesoema or Tumengung Kemong, and Ngabehi Mangoenjoeda II or Mangoenjoeda Mukti. Adipati Warga Utama II was the first bupati of Banyumas regency. He was chosen by Pajang King, Sultan Hadiwidjaya, to replace his father in-law as the bupati of Wirasaba regency. Adipati Warga Utama I was wrongly murdered by Sultan Hadiwidjaya because of a wrong accusation. Having chosen as the head of Wirasaba regency, Adipati Warga Utama II as the son in-law of Adipati Warga Utama I divided Wirasaba regency into four parts, i.e. Banjar Petambakan (Banjarnegara Regency), Merden (Cilacap Regency), Wirasaba (Purbalingga Regency) and Kejawar. Adipati Warga Utama II ruled Kejawar which was later named as Banyumas Regency. Banjar Pertambakan was given to his youngest brother in-law, Ngabehi Wirajoeda, Merden was given to his second brother in-law, Ngabehi Wiakoesoema, and Wirasaba was given to his eldest brother in-law, Ngabehi Wargawijaya (Herusatoto, 2008, p.63). The decision to divide Wirasaba regency into four parts was Adipati Warga Utama II wisest decision because he did not take advantage of Sultan Hadiwijaya’s policy for his own good. Instead he shared it with his brother in-laws. Related to his action, Adipati Warga Utama II was known as Adipati Mrapat. Mrapat comes from the word mara papat or divide into four parts. Since Adipati Warga Utama II divided Wirasaba regency into four parts he was known as Adipati Mrapat and he was named for his lifelong action. Tumenggung Tojakoesoema ruled Banyumas regency in 1780-1788. He was not a native Banyumas people instead he was assigned by Mangkunegara (Surakarta Palace) to reign in Banyumas (Purwoko, 2014, p.31). Tumenggung Tojakoesoema was known as Tumenggung Kemong because during his reign in Banyumas regency he always ordered his soldiers to hit kenong whenever he wanted to make an announcement. It happened all the time during his reign and thus he was known as Tumenggung Kemong. Kemong derived from the word kenong. Kenong is a Javanese traditional musical instrument made from brass. It produces sound when people hit it on the surface. Tumenggung Tojakoesoema was not Banyumas native and consequently, during his reign, there were a lot of riots, looting, and other rebellious movements in Banyumas regency. Those occured because most of Banyumas people did not like him to be the leader of Banyumas regency (Babad Banjoemas Wirjaatmadjan, 2020: 39). No wonder, he productively produced announcements related to the condition of Banyumas regency and his announcement was always initiated by hitting kenong. Due to his lifelong action during his reign in Banyumas regency, Tumenggung Tojakoesoema was named Tumenggung Kemong. From their life-long actions, Banyumas leaders get their aliases. Adipati Wargautama was known as Adipati Mrapat and Tumenggung Tojakoesoema was popular for Tumenggung Kemong. Those names bring essential parts of information of the chronicles of human groups. People recognize those two Banyumas leaders from their two aliases as they bring important information of Banyumas people’s chronicle. Conclusion A naming system shows the process of social, cultural, and historical of each person. Names and aliases live in society as people memorize them along with their historical events which are passed down from generation to generation since the aliases of Banyumas leaders depict the chronicle of Banyumas. The anthroponymy studies of aliases of Banyumas leaders have revealed that aliases are used to identify the place of death, Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 21 No. 2 – October 2021 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 347 the place of retirement, the place of banishment, medal of appreciation, and lifelong action. Values as the core belief of a culture also determine the emergence of aliases. The aliases of certain leaders were chosen to preserve the value and respect to that particular figure. Leaders deserve to be respected as they have conducted good things during their reign. The analysis has shown that values give an influential contribution to the emergence of aliases of Banyumas leaders. 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