318 Vol. 22 No. 2, October 2022, pp. 318 – 334 DOI: 10.24071/joll.v22i2.4461 Available at https://e-journal.usd.ac.id/index.php/JOLL/index This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Power Relations and Social Classes in Pengakuan Pariyem by Linus Suryadi AG: Reflection of Masculine Ideology Rudi Ekasiswanto, Wisma Nugraha Christianto Richardus & Wening Udasmoro rudiekasiswanto@ugm.ac.id, krisnugraha@ugm.ac.id, udasmara@ugm.ac.id Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada, INDONESIA Abstract Article information The study aims to explore power relations and social classes as the reflections of the masculine ideology of the author in the novel Pengakuan Pariyem by Linus Suryadi AG. The theories implemented in the study are van Dijk’s power relations and social classes theory and Connell’s masculinity theory. The study is qualitative descriptive and applies the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) method, used to dismantle the ideology that is produced and reproduced through the language within the novel. The research data are lingual units that indicate power relations and social classes which simultaneously reflect the notion of masculinity. The results of the study are as follows. First, Pariyem as the central character in the novel lives within a hierarchical and dualistic Javanese society. Her submission as the babu (housemaid) of a priyayi (noble) family does not only lead Pariyem to be dominated symbolically, but also legitimizes the priyayi (aristocrats) power over wong cilik (commoners). It is reinforced by the representations of the priyayis’ world views in terms of culture, aristocracy, bureaucracy, and education orientation. It shows that priyayis are culturally dominant. Secondly, since Pariyem is a character created by a male author, her behaviors and actions reflect the ideology of masculinity. Rather than voicing women, the power relations that Pariyem experiences through the events constructed in the novel show that she embodies the masculine ideology, or masculinity. Keywords: power relations; social classes; masculinty; Pengakuan Pariyem Received: 8 March 2022 Revised: 16 May 2022 Accepted: 22 June 2022 Bibit, Bobot, dan Bebet Dan saya sudah 3B sebagai babu, kok Itu saya indhit, saya kempit Saya sandang dan saya tayang Sampai masuk ke liang kubur Ah, ya, maklum Jawa Baru, mas semua serba pakai kelas https://e-journal.usd.ac.id/index.php/JOLL/index mailto:rudiekasiswanto@ugm.ac.id mailto:krisnugraha@ugm.ac.id Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 22 No. 2 – October 2022 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 319 Bangsawan dan rakyat jelata Darah biru dan darah biasa Dalam kraton dan luar kraton —berbeda derajatnya Kehormatan serta kedudukannya Dan dasar kehidupan yang dijadikan patokan ialah asal-usulnya Semua terpateri di jidat tua Family Background, Personal quality, and Financial Health And I already have all of them to be a maid, really I will cherish and maintain them Until the end of my life Ah, yes, it’s the New Java all are determined by classes Nobles and commoners Royal blood and ordinary people Inside the palace and outside the palace —they have different levels The honor and positions And the basis of life that is made as the standard is family bakcground All engraved on the old forehead … (Agustinus, 2015, p. 6) Introduction Above is a quotation from Pengakuan Pariyem (PP) written by Linus Suryadi AG, and it was first published in 1981. As an overview, this work of fiction is about Pariyem, a Javanese woman from the wong cilik class (commoner) and a daughter of a farmer family from Wonosari, Gunung Kidul, who works as a babu (servant/maid) for a priyayi (noble) family of nDoro Kanjeng Cokro Sentoso in nDalem Suryomentaraman, Ngayogyakarta. One day, Pariyem was engaged in sexual intercourse with his master’s heir (his son), Raden Bagus Aro Atmojo or known best as Den Baguse, and she became pregnant. When her pregnancy was discovered by the priyayi family, Pariyem was sent off to Wonosari until she gave birth to a baby girl that was named Endang Sri Setyaningsih. Precisely a year after she gave birth to her daughter, Pariyem returned to the family, working as a babu although she was now technically a daughter-in-law of nDoro Kanjeng family. The above overview implies that in every social relationship, whether between a babu and a master or between a man and a woman, there is a power relation (Foucault, 2002). Even though she had given birth to a girl with priyayi’s blood, it did not mean Pariyem could become a part of the priyayi. In other words, the social class inherent in her prevented her from moving to a higher social class. This indicates that events presented in PP are relevant to power relations between one social class and another. Moreover, as a woman, Pariyem's life is often determined by a man's desires as the party who holds power. There is a power relation within this gender relations. Whilst she is positioned as the subject of power, Pariyem seems able to tell the story about herself and her experiences because Linus, the author, utilizes interior-soliloquy monologue. PP is written in the form of prose lyrics, so that Pariyem, who is the central character, can articulate herself. However, PP is a novel that was written by a male author. Therefore, it raises a question of whose voice that is truly narrated in this novel, whether it is Pariyem as a woman or Linus as a man author, who indeed operates under masculinity ideology. Therefore, the attempt to Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Ekasiswanto et.al. 320 answer the questions can be achieved through the use of the masculinity concept. In this concept, instead of describing masculinity, the focus should be on the processes and relationships between men and women who lead gendered lives (Connell, 2005). Beynon (in Monika, Gunawan, and Marhaeni, 2021) stated that masculinity is not only biologically defined, but it is also reproduced and constructed socially and culturally. One of them is through literary works. It is possible that when a woman is advocated and constructed in a work of fiction written by a male author, the possibility is the author aims to display his masculinity. Gender is not an autonomous entity. It always interacts with various social categories, including power relations and social classes (Udasmoro & Nayati, 2020). Therefore, both aspects are processes and relations that distinguish between men and women, and these can be used to legitimize the author's ideology, masculinity. Before discussing the reflection of the two aspects further, it is necessary to first discuss the position of masculinity as an ideology. Masculinity is a configuration of gender practices that refers to the male body directly, symbolically, and indirectly (Connell, 2000). In this case, the author's masculinity is both symbolic and indirect because it is represented in the PP, in which the relationship between men and women is described as one carrying out social practices in a gendered life. This means that the social practice which is the practice of gender reconfiguration occurs in society within ideological collective processes (Connell, 2000). With such a theoretical statement, masculinity becomes an ideology hidden in the text, and this symbolically and indirectly refers to the ideology of the author. Returning to the two aspects above, in other words, power relations and social classes in PP reflect masculinity. Power is a relationship among classes, groups, social formations, and individuals as members of a social class (van Dijk, 2008). In the process and exercise of power, power relations are manifested within individuals’ interactions belonging to different social classes. In these relationships, there is one dominant class in charge of creating plans, controlling actions and cognitions (mind), and decision making for other social classes (van Dijk, 1993). Power requires several basics, i.e., social resources whose placement and utilization are possible within social environments. Social resources are attributes, properties, and materials that have social values that are not evenly distributed and only possessed by certain classes, such as wealth, roles, positions, ranks, status, titles, knowledge, skills, privilege, age, and membership of social class of dominant culture (van Dijk, 2008, 2011). It gives rise to binary oppositional discourses, i.e., wealthy and poor, men and women, old and young, highly and lowly/no educated, and so on. The bases of power make individuals of the dominant social class able to control and dominate those of lower classes. In its continuation, domination could produce various inequalities, including gender inequalities. PP is a work of fiction that needs to be considered and discussed within the realm of Indonesian literature. There are a number of studies discussing PP that are reviewed in this article; these articles are Sari, et al. (2018), Saraswati (2009), and Wulandari (2021). The first two studies argued that Pariyem is a helpless, passive subject and has experienced various forms of gender injustices; thus, her state and experience indicate her representation in the context of society and culture. Socially, she is a female laborer, culturally, she should bear children. Being a laborer, Pariyem cannot become a legal daughter-in-law after she gave birth to her daughter. Instead, she was treated as both a babu and mistress. Meanwhile, Wulandari (2021) discussed Pariyem's relation as the central character within Javanese culture practices: sinden and mysticism. According to the research reviews, PP has been studied, in particular, through feminism viewpoint. These studies viewed Pariyem as a woman, the one who underwent gender injustice, in connection with her relationship with the Javanese culture. Meanwhile, being different from these studies, the current study discusses power relations and social classes presented in PP as a reflection of masculinity. This cannot be separated from the fact that PP is a work of a male author. In this case, Linus Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 22 No. 2 – October 2022 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 321 aimed to represent women and confront the patriarchy, but he was trapped and could not escape his masculinity. Therefore, revealing problems of power relations and social classes leads to uncovering the masculinity that is present in PP. Based on this explanation, the current study will solve two research problems as follows. Firstly, how are the construction of power relations and social classes in PP represented? Secondly, how is the author's masculinity reflected on the issues of power relations and social classes in PP? Methodology The study is a qualitative descriptive research conducted using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) method. CDA is devised to explain a discourse's role in the (re)production of social issues, such as power abuses, dominations, and inequalities, through text (van Dijk, 2001, 2008). CDA aims to connect language application at the micro level with social issues at the macro level. It is done by analyzing six elements: (1) semantic macro structures (topic), (2) local meanings (lexical choices, expressions, figures of speech), (3) formal structure (linguistic markers, such as word order, syntactic structure), (4) global discourse and local, (5) realization of language (language styles), and (6) context. However, as stated by van Dijk (2013), CDA is neither a theory nor a method but a critical perspective that its implementation can be combined with other theoretical approaches in the fields of social sciences and humanities (van Dijk, 2001). Therefore, this study does not aim to discover and analyze the six elements in PP, but to use it as a critical perspective to unveil power relations and social class in PP as a verbal text, which is represented through the use of semantic units, lexical selection, formal structure, and the other elements. The six elements are inherently implicated in the analysis of these two research problems so that each element is not analyzed singly, let alone separately. This research was conducted by reading the novel thoroughly, which was the data source. Moreover, research data, lingual units that display power relations, and social classes are gathered by scrutinizing and note-tang techniques. Then, data analysis was conducted by interpreting data in accordance with applied theories to solve research problems: power relations and social classes as well as a reflection of masculinity. The researcher then concludes the research findings. Results and Discussion Power Relations and Social Classes in Pengakuan Pariyem Pariyem as a Wong Cilik and Babu Pariyem is a character that narrates her own story using first-person point of view (monologue). She is involved and exists in the world and various events. The world and events are the environments of the Javanese society. Pariyem lives in a structured Javanese society that is divided hierarchically and dualistically. The first class consists of nobilities and intellectuals, and they are also known as the priyayi. The second class consists of laborers and ordinary people that are also known as the wong cilik. The priyayi’s world views, whether natural or supernatural, are centralized on peculiarity and fineness, while the wong cilik are centralized on roughness (Faruk, 2010). The first group possesses higher social status than the second class. It is represented by two spaces within the novel, i.e., Wonosari, Gunung Kidul, and nDalem Suryomentaraman, Ngayogyakarta. The first space represents a village culture while the second space represents an urban culture that gives shape to supra-village culture (Sutherland, 1983). Ya, ya, Pariyem saya Maria Magdalena Pariyem lengkapnya “Iyem” panggilan sehari-harinya dari Wonosari Gunung Kidul Sebagai babu nDoro Kanjeng Cokro Sentono di nDalem Suryomentaraman Ngayogyakarta Yes, yes, I am Pariyem Maria Magdalena Pariyem is my full name "Iyem" is my nickname from Wonosari Gunung Kidul the maid of nDoro Kanjeng Cokro Sentono Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Ekasiswanto et.al. 322 in the Palace of Suryomentaraman Ngayogyakarta (Agustinus, 2015, p. 30) The excerpt clarifies that Priyem, as a wong cilik, comes from a village. Meanwhile, nDoro Kanjeng as a priyayi comes from an urban area. In the exerpt, Pariyem describes herself as a wong cilik working as a babu of the priyayi family. She then realizes that she lives in different social classes as an individual regarding the relationship between priyayi and wong cilik. There is another power relation in a working relationship, i.e., between a babu and her master. Therefore, nDalem Suryomentaraman, in which Pariyem lives and serves, does not only differentiate but also gives shape to the hierarchical relation of two different social classes. The quote above also shows Pariyem's full name with her baptismal name, namely Maria Magdalena. This shows that there is a parallelism of Mariyem as Mary Magdalene. This baptismal name shows Pariyem's identity as a Catholic despite her syncretism with Kejawen beliefs. In Catholicism, Mary Magdalene refers to the holy woman, who was made a witness to the resurrection of Jesus by God, but she is also known as a penitent prostitute. (Simon & Ramli, 2020). It is this repentance that parallels the title Pengakuan Pariyem (Pariyem's Confession). This title implies that Pariyem's confession to his brother, Mas Paiman, is associated with the confession of sins in Catholicism, that is, someone enters the confessional, then confesses all her or his sins without any hesitation because these will definitely be kept confidential (Soemanto, 1985). In this case, Mas Paiman is equated with the priest who hears all of Pariyem's stories. The parallelism between Pariyem and Maria Magdalena places her as the claimant. In this confession, she plays the role of a narrator, who tells about the characters in the novel, in which she is actually involved in the story, but it seems as if this involvement is not visible. Pariyem can enter the story as a babu, and then she can freely leave the story as a narrator, who tells about the life in nDoro Kanjeng's house, her relationship with each family member, the characteristics of each priyayi, and so on. She lives in the house as a babu, but this does not fully emerge. With this concept of recognition, she acts in two positions. On the one hand, she becomes a character who experiences power relations in unequal inter- class relations. On the other hand, she becomes an observer, who witnessed the formation of power relations and social classes in relation to the family of nDoro Kanjeng in Suryomentaraman, Ngayogyakarta through various means, such as work relations, position, knowledge, sexual relations, and others, all of which she tells Mr. Paiman. Therefore, the naming of Maria Magdalena reflects not only Pariyem’s name and identity, but also how the power relations and social class are recognized by her as a character and a confessor or storyteller. The social structure between Pariyem and nDoro Kanjeng family relates to role divisions. Pariyem as a wong cilik and a woman reminds us of Koentjaraningrat’s, Mulder’s, and Geertz's idea that women are symbolically associated with the household (Permanadeli, 2015). This association is proven by Pariyem, who works as a babu in her daily life. This is an occupation associated with the household. When she introduces herself as a babu, the description shows that Pariyem is proud of the wong cilik social class and her social role as the babu of a priyayi family. She does not only admit it, but she also embraces it. She views being a babu not as a disgrace or adversity; she accepts it as a fate destined for her by God; thus, she should be grateful and not blame anyone. In other words, she possesses grounds that reinforces her wong cilik status. In regard to this, Pariyem says the following: Kalau memang sudah nasib saya Sebagai babu, apa ta repotnya? Gusti Allah Maha Adil, kok Saya nrima ing pandum Kalau Indonesia krisis babu Bukan hanya krisis babu saja O, Allah, apa nanti jadinya? Terang, negara kocar-kacir! Karena, demikianlah hukumnya: … ada priyayi ada babu If it's my fate As a maid, what's the problem? Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 22 No. 2 – October 2022 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 323 God is the most just, for sure I accept my part If Indonesia has a maid crisis It's not just a maid crisis Oh, God, what will happen next? Of course, a chaotic country! Because that is the law: … there are nobles; there are maids (Agustinus, 2015, p. 30) Pariyem realizes that as a babu, she is in a subordinate wong cilik class under the dominant priyayi class. Therefore, she lives in social relations with a concept of power relations being implemented. However, she is loyal to her social role by serving nDoro Kanjeng’s family. She denies reality by expressing precise and concrete reasons to preserve herself as a babu. From her point of view, a babu is an essential job for the state. Moreover, she states that God predetermines the fates of all social classes, and this is undeniable. Therefore, each individual should live their social role in accordance with their social class. Based on the quotation above, Pariyem visualizes an unstable and messy country when lacking wong cilik. Therefore, a country should be established with equilibrium or the law of binary oppositions, including the opposition between the wong cilik and the priyayi. Pariyem's reception as a member of the wong cilik class and a babu may be found explicitly in the novel. Early on in the novel, she has a thought that life does not necessarily need to be felt and thought about. For her, life is like the River Winanga, River Code, and River Gajah Wong. They have different geographical conditions, yet all of them flow from the upstream to the downstream. People have different social classes, but in the end, everyone starts with his or her birth and finishes with their death. She surrenders herself as an individual who is grateful without regret and accepts her fate without resisting it. Moreover, Pariyem also states some Javanese proverbs, such as "Bibit, Bobot, dan Bebet”, “Madeg, Mantep, dan Madhep”, “Asah, Asih, dan Asuh”, “Karsa, Kerja, dan Karya”, “Lirih, Laras, dan Lurus”, and the phrases "sudah trima" (already accepted) and "lega lila" (willing to accept). She believes that she was born to be a babu. Therefore, in accordance with these proverbs, she has committed herself to her role and responsibility. Pariyem’s reception shows that, practically, she is a victim of symbolical domination. Domination affects consciousness and, mainly, actions (Bourdieu, 2001). In the beginning, Pariyem interprets life as a society constructed by a social stratum. She praises the wong cilik as the complementary of the priyayi and balancer of society. As Magnis- Suseno (1984) suggests, her actions are a form of honor to power relations, hierarchical relations that, in the end, might create social harmony. Moreover, Pariyem's behavior, according to nrimo ing pandum, which means 'accepting what is given', has made her committed and devoted to working as a babu. Her attitudes somewhat conceal the power relation present in the master-babu relationship between Pariyem and nDoro Kanjeng’s family even though this power relation is ever present and becomes stronger. nDoro Kanjeng as Priyayi and Master The Priyayi class in PP is represented by nDoro Kanjeng who lives with his wife, nDoro Ayu Cahya Wulaningsih, and two children, Den Baguse and nDoro Putri Wiwit Setiowati. Among four members of the priyayi, nDoro Kanjeng is depicted as the patriarch and a model of a pure Javanese priyayi. His image and characteristics are constructed and attached to him as an individual who holds priyayi values firmly. According to Sutherland (1975), the priyayis have specific images and characteristics. They usually have positions in the government. This class also includes experts of keraton's aristocratic culture. In addition, they better understand classic literature, music, dance, wayang kulit, philosophy, ethics, mysticism, language manners, and nice clothes. They also have more appreciation and awareness of integrity and honor. As stated in the following excerpt, those traits are present in nDoro Kanjeng. “Kanjeng Raden Tumenggung gelarnya Putra Wijaya nama timurnya Cokro Sentono nama dewasanya nDoro Kanjeng panggilannya priyagung Kraton Ngayogyakarta Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Ekasiswanto et.al. 324 . . . Cakrak pembawaannya Selir-selirnya berserakan . . . Wawasannya luas seluas Alun-alun Lor Kanjeng Raden Tumenggung is his title Putra Wijaya his first name Cokro Sentono his adult name nDoro Kanjeng is his nickname a noble of Kraton Ngayogyakarta . . . Good looking Lots of concubines . . . Broadminded as wide as Alun-alun Lor (Agustinus, 2015, p. 66—67) nDoro Kanjeng possesses social resources that are attached to him. Firstly, he is a culturally dominant social class member who possesses privileges. It can be seen from the use of antonomasia by the author, an epithet or title given to a proper name. The phrase nDoro Kanjeng is a proper name, title, and position given by Cokro Sentono as the great priyayi of Kraton Ngayogyakarta. He is a wise and an authoritative priyayi. Secondly, he owns many concubines (ampeyan). He represents most priyayi's tendencies to practice polygamy with more than four women with one woman as their principal wife (Sutherland, 1983). In this case, nDoro Ayu is the principal wife. Thirdly, nDoro Kanjeng possesses broad knowledge. This indicates that he is highly educated and belongs to a social class whose members are intellectuals. With his intellect, he obviously belongs to much higher social class than Pariyem’s; she did not even finish her elementary school (Agustinus, 2015). One of the social resources of the priyayi, according to van Dijk (2008), is social positions. In PP, this position is a social attribute of nDoro Kanjeng; thus, he appears as an ideal, proper, and stalwart priyayi. The existing social resources interact with and determine each other. In the previous discussion, nDoro Kanjeng has broad knowledge because he is highly educated. Because of his knowledge and resources, he is appointed to several positions within bureaucrats and institutions. For example, as written in the part where Pariyem tells about him, he is a former Director General of RTF in Betawi during the New Order era (referring to Prof. Dr. Umar Kayam). Today, he works in a bureaucratic structure as well as academic and cultural institutions as a lecturer at the Faculty of Literature and Culture of Universitas Gadjah Mada and Universitas Sebelas Maret. He is also the chairperson of the National Filmography Board, director of the Center of Indonesian Education and Cultural Research, and the Vice- Rector for the Art Market division of Universitas Gadjah Mada. Other descriptions are also found in the following excerpt. Ya, ya, nDoro Kanjeng pernah bilang: “Kita sendiri punya peradaban, Iyem Apabila bukan kita yang menghargai Malah malu dan meremehkan, itu aib Siapa yang mengangkat martabatnya?” Selalu pakaian Jawa, selalu pakaian Jawa! Bebed Sido Mukti dan surjan lurik Lengkap blangkonnya gaya Ngayogyakarta Yes, nDoro Kanjeng said: “We have our own civilization, Iyem If we don't appreciate it Even ashamed of and belittling it, it's a disgrace Who raises its dignity?” Always Javanese clothes, always Javanese clothes! Bebed Sido Mukti and surjan lurik Complete with Ngayogyakarta style blangkon (Agustinus, 2015, p. 69) The Priyayi, in the Javanese social structure, actually does not live only in real life, yet it also exists in the symbolic world, representing the real world (Kuntowijoyo, 2003). The symbols are reflected by traditional Javanese clothes worn by nDoro Kanjeng, all of which are luxurious and majestic. The Javanese clothes he wears consist of a suit, pantolan, surjan lurik, selop, bebed sido mukti, and Ngayogyakarta style blangkon. As the representation of the world, those symbols manifest priyayi world view to distinguish themselves from wong cilik class, which will maintain power relation between both classes. Meanwhile, in the part where Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 22 No. 2 – October 2022 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 325 nDoro Kanjeng gives an advice to American, for instance, nDoro Kanjeng shows interest in wayang. He considers wayang as the source of life values that should live within oneself. It indicates that nDoro Kanjeng is a priyayi who continuously tries to become subtle by appreciating spiritual, intellectual, and cultural elements (Faruk, 2010). The excerpt above indicates that nDoro Kanjeng delivers insight concerning Javanese culture civilization to Pariyem. His utterance shows that he I both a priyayi and a master. He possesses access to power to influence Pariyem's knowledge as a wong cilik and babu. In this case, knowledge and insights are the resources of social power that nDoro Kanjeng uses to control Pariyem's cognition (van Dijk, 1993). This implies an unconscious power relation because nDoro Kanjeng can dominate Pariyem symbolically with knowledge. According to Bourdieu (2001), the unconscious occurs because of the "miracle" of symbolic power between the dominating and the dominated. This symbolic power is the power relation realized through knowledge stored under consciousness in the form of suggestions or considerations. Through the above quote, it appears that nDoro Kanjeng suggests and emphasizes the importance of preserving Javanese civilization, one of which was through clothes. Power Relations between Pariyem and Den Baguse This power relation can be seen in the sexual relationship between Pariyem and Den Baguse, the son of nDoro Kanjeng. This intimacy represents twofold domination, i.e., a relationship between a priyayi and a wong cilik and between a man and a woman. In this case, the dominance of the man over the woman is the more obvious. This intimacy first happened when Pariyem cleaned her employer's son's room when all other family members were visiting the Gembira Loka Zoo. Den Baguse, who was at home, seduced Pariyem and engaged in sexual intercourse with her. In this incident, Pariyem became a sexual object because she was the target of all the actions and behavior of the man, and she did not resist. Her giving in indicates that Pariyem's passivity is the nature of a woman in terms of sexuality. The following is an excerpt related to this incident. “O, Allah, saya kaget setengah mati, mas Sekujur tubuh saya digerayanginya pipir, bibi, penthil saya dingok pula Paha saya diraba-raba diraba-raba paha saya Alangkah begidik bulu kuduk saya alangkah mrinding urat saraf saya Tapi saya pasrah saja, kok saya lega lila Oh, God. I was shocked to death, Mas My whole body was touched by him my cheeks, lips, nipples were also touched by him My thighs were groped he groped my thighs I had goosebumps on the nape of my neck My nerves were all trembling But I just gave in, really I sincerely surrendered (Agustinus, 2015, p. 40—41) The quote above describes the power of a man who objectifies a woman in sexual intercourse. Implicitly, this is indicated by the use of passive verbs, such as be touched, be kissed, and be groped. These passive verbs suggest that Den Baguse, a man, is an active party who treats and positions Pariyem as a person who satisfies his sexual craving. This incident illustrates the difference between men and women regarding sexual intercourse, namely that women need men while men must find partners (Connell, 1987). In addition, sexual intercourse also reflects the problem of power relations because, in such a relationship, women depend on men. Furthermore, Connell argues that Pariyem's objectification reflects this distinction and, more specifically, inequality. From the quote above, it is also understood that Pariyem's passivity is represented not only by the sexual acts imposed on her but also by her acceptance. It is apparent when Pariyem describes herself as submissive and accepting when she was having sexual intercourse with Den Baguse. She even felt proud and enjoyed the sexual intercourse. Pariyem narrates that since her first sexual intercourse with Den Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Ekasiswanto et.al. 326 Baguse, they had had this many times (Agustinus, 2015). Tapi terselip rasa bangga Pariyem saya Maria Magdalena Pariyem lengkapnya “Iyem” panggilan sehari-harinya dari Wonosari Gunung Kidul Sebagai babu nDoro Kanjeng Cokro Sentono di nDalem Suryamentaraman Ngayogyakarta Kini memerawani putra sulungnya But there's a sense of pride I, Pariyem Maria Magdalena Pariyem is my full name "Iyem" is my nickname from Wonosari Gunung Kidul As the maid of nDoro Kanjeng Cokro Sentono in the Palace of Suryamentaraman Ngayogyakarta Have taken away his first son’s virginity (Agustinus, 2015, p. 41—42) It appears that Pariyem is proud and enjoyed her sexual intercourse with Den Baguse because as a maid belonging to the wong cilik class, she could have sex with nDoro Kanjeng's son belonging to the priyayi class. This pride and enjoyment can be interpreted that Pariyem has a complete control over Den Baguse. The pride and pleasure that Pariyem feels is a form of symbolic domination because she accepts it by enjoying the various physical intimacies acted out on her (Bourdieu, 2001). In another part, she also describes Den Baguse's physical characteristics, such as having thick hair on his chest, a mustache, and beard. Moreover, based on his sexual experience, he admires Den Baguse for having good sexual qualities. He could last long enough and was "good at doing it". In other words, it is understood that this power is built and exercised by Den Baguse through his physical and sexual qualities. Subsequently, the effect of this power is evident and firmly entrenched in Pariyem as a person dominated in the form of perception and disposition schemes, namely pride, enjoyment, and admiration (Bourdieu, 2001). In addition, there is another issue that cannot be ignored. This is when Pariyem narrates that she "took Den Baguse's virginity." The choice of these words seems to state that she was the one who played an active role during her sexual intercourse with Den Baguse's and took his virginity. This aligns with Connell's opinion (2005) that when a man initiates unlawful sexual intercourse with a woman, the man will not be blamed, thanks to the justification and legitimacy of the supremacy. Meanwhile, it is women who are often blamed for such a sexual conduct. In many parts of the novel where Pariyem introduces herself repeatedly, she always mentions that she is from Wonosari Gunung Kidul, who works as a babu in nDoro Kanjeng's family. However, the word memerawani (to take one’s virginity) makes the above quote different from other introductory quotes. This word implies not only Pariyem's position in a sexual relationship with Den Baguse, but also her capacity and activeness to create major changes in her life because as a babu, she could have a sexual intercourse with a priyayi who is none other than the son of her employer. In fact, that relationship also made her pregnant and the child born to her was recognized as part of the family of nDoro Kanjeng. By “taking the virginity of” Den Baguse, Pariyem created a big shift because she became a person who was more than a mere insignificant babu from Wonosari, Gunung Kidul, who only dealt with domestic affairs. More than this, although in the end he remained a babu, she became an important part of the nDoro Kanjeng’s family constellation. In addition, even though Den Baguse did not married her as a form of a formal and legal recognition, Pariyem is still nDoro Kanjeng's daughter-in-law, so that spiritually there has been a shift from a babu to a daughter-in-law. Although Pariyem's sexual relationship with Den Baguse, which lasted for a while, made her pregnant eventually, she was not disappointed, did not expect, and did not ask Den Baguse to marry her. In her opinion, the baby in her womb was her pride because it was a priyayi's descendant. The fact that Pariyem did not ask Den Baguse to marry her illustrates that she still respected him as one of her employers. This attitude shows that she, as a servant, did not violate politeness rules; she did not want to offend her employer (Untoro, Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 22 No. 2 – October 2022 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 327 2016). nDoro Kanjeng's family discovered Pariyem's pregnancy after nDoro Putri learned it directly from her. Finally, "a family trial" was held for Pariyem and Den Baguse. “O, Allah, inilah saatnya kami Pengadilan Keluarga berlangsung Berdasarkan Hukum Keluarga Hakim merangkap Jaksa, nDoro Kanjeng Cokro Sentono nDoro Ayu dan nDoro Putri, bertindak sebagai pembela Sedang Den Baguse dan saya, sebagai orang tertuduh: Oh God, this is the time for us Family Court is held Based on the Family Rules the Judge and Prosecutor is nDoro Kanjeng Cokro Sentono nDoro Ayu and nDoro Putri, act as the defense attornies While Den Baguse and I are the accused. (Agustinus, 2015, p. 193) nDoro Kanjeng has the power in the family court regarding the issue being litigated, namely Pariyem's pregnancy that involved Den Baguse, his son. Pariyem compares her employer to a judge who is in charge of trying and deciding a case and a prosecutor who is in charge of conveying accusations. He also has the highest authority among in the family. nDoro Kanjeng demanded that Den Baguse be responsible because, after all, the baby in Pariyem's womb was his child. However, in this case, this responsibility did not mean that Pariyem has to be legally married to Den Baguse, and this goes in line with Pariyem’s statement that becoming his legal wife was not what she expected. According to Soemanto (1985), Den Baguse not marrying Pariyem was due to her social class, and there was an exploitation of a wong cilik, who happens to be female, by the priyayi. In this situation, the dominant social class placed her as a woman who was powerless (the oppressed). Doro Kanjeng was committed that Pariyem’s unborn baby would be nDoro Kanjeng's and nDoro Ayu's grandchild, nDoro Putri's nephew, and Den Baguse's child. This commitment shows that in various positions, whether as the head of his family, a husband, father, or an employer, nDoro Kanjeng has strong authority. Moreover, although it is not explicitly written in the novel, it can be understood that he is the eldest in the family. In other words, his power is generated by the intersection of roles, positions, and ages so that he becomes the most dominant male figure in the family. With this power, he can control the minds of Den Baguse and Pariyem, and even decide their issues. Based on the quote above, the family trial affirms Connell's thesis (1987) that a family cannot simply be defined as the foundation or smallest unit in society. Moreover, a family is a complex entity. In fact, a family is a social institution with long, intensive, and solid power relations, which cannot be found in other social institutions. This complexity appears from the fact that, on the one hand nDoro Kanjeng, as a man, acts as a father. On the other hand, he has to act as an employer in events like the family trial. In other words, nDoro Kanjeng plays two roles at the same time. He decides the case between Den Baguse, his son, and Pariyem, a maid in his house. At the same time, he adjudicates a problem between two people belonging to different social classes. The man belongs to the priyayi class, and the woman belongs to the wong cilik class. Therefore, in the family, both the father's dominance over his child and the employer's dominance over his maid exist simultaneously. In the end, this dominance will trigger inequality. Reflection of Linus Suryadi AG's Masculinity in Pariyem's Confession In the Encyclopedia of Indonesian Literature (2021), Linus Suryadi Agustinus (also known as Linus Suryadi AG) was born in Kadisobo, Trimulyo, Sleman, Yogyakarta on March 3, 1951 from a family of farmers. Augustinus is a baptismal name that indicates his identity as a Catholic. His name has become more famous because PP became the research object in this study. According to Umar Kayam, PP is an expression of Linus' poetic identity, which happens to have a Javanese cultural background (Soemanto, 1985). This is in accordance with Ashadi Siregar's opinion in Linus Suryadi AG yang Saya Kenal. Based on Linus' novel, he concludes that Linus is a Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Ekasiswanto et.al. 328 kejawen, a Javanese person who prides himself on the traditions that have been passed down from his ancestors. This biographical information at least shows that Linus' Javanese cultural background is strongly expressed in PP, especially through Pariyem as the central figure. Pariyem's identity is nothing but Linus' identity. Early on in the novel, Pariyem describes herself as a farmer's daughter who believes in Javanese mysticism even though she is technically a Catholic. PP is a work written by a male author. Therefore, even though it appears to be voicing women, it is suspected that PP is actually expressing Linus' ideology, i.e., masculinity, because it can be assumed that Pariyem as a female character created by men is actually a man's attempt to express his ideology secretly. In other words, the creation of this female character has the potential to be influenced by masculinity because, after all, Linus is a man whose actions are different from women. In PP, Linus hides behind the language and uses it to express masculinity (Seidler, 1989). Language as a medium for literary works, such as novels, also mediates various events, especially those related to power relations and social classes, as presented in the previous discussion. These problems are processes and relationships constructed by the author to produce gender as a social phenomenon in society (Connell, 1987). Therefore, the power relations and social classes in PP appear to reflect the ideology of masculinity expressed by Linus as a male author. This ideology is reflected by, for example, Pariyem working as a maid. She explains that every morning at 06.30, she has done much work, from preparing breakfast to cleaning up nDoro Kanjeng's house (Agustinus, 2015). However, she never complains, but is proud, enjoys, and is grateful for her social role. The novel repeatedly emphasizes her attitude, as shown in the following quotes: M a d e g, M a n t e p, dan M a d h e p Dan saya sudah 3M sebagai babu, kok Kabegjan masing-masing kita punya … Asih, Asah, dan Asuh Dan saya sudah 3A sebagai babu, kok Standing Tall, Confident, and with Clear Direction And I have all of them as a maid, really Each of us has our own luck … Love, Care, and Nurture And I am already all of them as a maid, (Agustinus, 2015, p. 29) K a r s a, K e r j a, dan K a r y a Dan saya sudah 3K sebagai babu, kok Saya siap menyambut berkah-kerja sebagai ibadah harian hidup saya Will, Work, and Effort And I am already all of them as a maid, really I am ready to welcome the blessings of work as the daily worship in my life (Agustinus, 2015, p. 32) L i r i h, L a r a s, dan L u r u s Dan saya sudah 3L sebagai babu, kok saya ngomong tak pernah berteriak lirih, tapi terang kesampaian sanggup menguak tabir lengang dan menyibak bising percakapan Quiet, Harmonious, and Honest And I have all of them as a maid, really I never speak loudly quietly, but clear and concise able to uncover the silent veil and break the noise of conversation (Agustinus, 2015, p. 34) The quotes above show Pariyem's thoughts, which indirectly legitimize and affirm her role as a maid for the priyayi's family. She does not mind the work of a maid because she believes that 'luck' is destined for every human being regardless of their social class. Moreover, she also considers that work is worship. This view has increasingly plunged her into the practice of domestication. As a maid, her role is to handle domestic work, namely household tasks, so that she remains in a private space, the domestic space. This domestication implicitly reflects masculinity because male and female spaces are separated. Women are placed in private spaces, while men are in and dominate public spaces as Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 22 No. 2 – October 2022 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 329 fields of power (Bourdieu, 2001). Linus' masculinity is made more evident through the narrative of the character nDoro Kanjeng who has various social resources, one of which is shown by the following quote. “nDoro Kanjeng wong wicaksono, lho, Sering benar diminta kasih wejangan Dalam upacara ngunduh pengantin upacara tetesan dan supitan Dalam upacara layat kematian dan dalam upacara ruwatan Dia sering diminta kasih ular-ular Dalam penataran para guru dan dosen para sutradara dan bintang film Dalam penataran para lurah dan sindhen para camat, bupati, dan pengrajin nDoro Kanjeng is a wise person, He is often asked for advice In wedding reception ceremonies female circumcision and male circumcision ceremonies In funeral ceremonies and in ruwatan ceremonies He was often asked to give a speech In teacher and lecturer workshops movie directors and actors In headmen and Javanese singers’ workshops sub-district heads, regents, and craftsmen (Agustinus, 2015, p. 68) The quote above implies one of the most significant social resources of nDoro Kanjeng, namely comprehensive knowledge or insight. As an intellectual who has held various positions in government and academia, he has become a respected male priyayi, so he is often asked to give sermons or lectures in public ceremonies or official activities. Because of this respect, he is often invited to meet with various groups whose members can include the public, academics, culturalists, and bureaucrats. In these events, he is the dominant figure. These qualities show that men fulfill the two main gender dimensions: power and symbolism (Connell, 2005). In the first dimension, men have power in various institutions and control the public sphere to ensure their position at the top of the social hierarchy. In the second dimension, men can control cultural institutions. It can be seen that the lectures and advice given nDoro Kanjeng to various groups are more important than the domestic tasks such as those carried out by Pariyem. In addition, as an intellectual figure, he shows that men also dominate the world of education. Connell (2005) states that it is not enough to recognize the various forms of masculinity. However, it is necessary to recognize the relationship between various types of masculinity, namely alliance, domination, and subordination. According to him, the relationship is constructed through praxis, such as inclusion, exclusion, and exploitation. In this case, Linus' masculinity is reflected in the relationship between nDoro Kanjeng's domination over Pariyem as a maid who is excluded from the public sphere and uneducated. This dominance is also shown symbolically through the knowledge of Javanese civilization presented by nDoro Kanjeng. This issue reflects hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 2005). This concept is a configuration of gender practice that embodies an acceptable answer to the problem of patriarchal legitimacy, which guarantees the domination of men and the subordination of women. This concept is further reflected in the narration of nDoro Kanjeng's intellectual ability to control Pariyem's thoughts about the obligation of how the Javanese should behave concerning civilization and culture. In addition, it is followed by Pariyem's admiration and respect. She shows her obedience as a maid towards her employers and as a woman towards men. The attitude of Pariyem justifies the dominant position of men. Linus' masculinity is also reflected in Pariyem's relationship with Den Baguse. However, before discussing sexual intercourses as the primary relationship between the two, it is necessary to look at the way Pariyem, who is Linus, describes the character of Den Baguse. Any male character depicted by a male writer has the potential to express masculinity in PP. It should be pointed out that PP was published in the 1980s when the Indonesian society experienced economic and technological progress, which went hand in hand with westernization and modernization (Supriyadi, 2014). These factors influenced Linus in narrating Den Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Ekasiswanto et.al. 330 Baguse. In contrast to nDoro Kanjeng as a representation of a genuine priyayi who is very oriented towards Javanese culture, Den Baguse has modernized himself through several patterns of life and lifestyles. This shows that in a priyayi family, there is an opposition between traditionality represented by nDoro Kanjeng and modernity represented by Den Baguse.. Here are quotes that demonstrate this. Lha, ini beda dengan kamar Den Bagus Di dalamnya dipajang wayang Wisanggeni dan Antasena tapi ada poster gerombolan musik Rolling Stones Well, this is different from Den Bagus’ room Inside, there are puppets display Wisanggeni and Antasena but there is a Rolling Stones band poster (Agustinus, 2015, p. 103) “Ah ya, Raden Bagus Ario Atmojo Begitu pula nDoro Ayu bercerita Pada para tamu yang sowan ke ndalemnya Dia kuliah di Fakultas Filsafat Universitas Gadjah Mada Saban hari rajin ke Bulaksumur Ngangsu ngelmu pada para dosen Di kamarnya, penuh buku-buku asing … Dia suka musik jreng-jreng itu lho Di kamarnya, kaset menumpuk kacau balau Lha, kalau numpak sepeda motor Yamaha Ngebut banternya luar biasa … Dia suka celana blue jeans belel Berkaos T-Shirt dan kaca-mata Ah yes, Raden Bagus Ario Atmojo Likewise, nDoro Ayu told the story To the guests who visited his residence He studies at the Faculty of Philosophy Universitas Gadjah Mada Every day he goes to Bulaksumur Gaining knowledge from the lecturers In his room, there are lots of foreign books … He likes that modern music you know In his room, the cassette tapes are piled up in a mess Well, when he rides a Yamaha motorcycle He rides extremely fast … He likes tattered blue jeans With T-shirts and glasses (Agustinus, 2015, p. 43—45) The two quotes above show that modernization has been internalized by Den Baguse, ranging from music, education, transportation to fashion. This modern style is in contrast with nDoro Kanjeng's lifestyle. For example, nDoro Kanjeng is loyal to Javanese clothes in the name of civilization and culture. In contrast, his son wore modern clothes. Linus not only differentiates between the father and son in the priyayi's family. This narrative also expresses masculinity because modern society—in this case, represented by Den Baguse—plays a role in contemporary constructions of masculinity because new powers that have not existed before implying new patterns in gender relations (Connell, 2005). Therefore, this narrative is intended to build an image of masculinity. The Rolling Stones, for example, is an English rock band consisting of four men. Rock music can be understood as music with loud tones, sounds, and instruments. This poster marks the image of masculinity in Den Baguse because men use music as a medium to show certain gender normative expectations (de Boise, 2020). There are many areas in which one can explore the places where and ways how masculinity is constructed (Mellström, 2020; Barrett, 2020; Ottemo, 2020). One of these areas is the relationship between men and technological artifacts, namely motorcycles. In PP, Linus has metonymized it with a Yamaha motorcycle. Den Baguse uses it as transportation to go to Universitas Gadjah Mada in Bulaksumur area. Pariyem says that her employer's son likes to ride his motorbike at high speed. This behavior reflects masculinity because, through the motorcycle, Den Baguse is constructed to meet the expectations of a male associated with masculinity, speed, acceleration, and risky behaviors. This portrayal confirms that men tend to be stronger, faster, stronger, and more aggressive than women. Another reflection can also be seen in Den Baguse's fashion or clothes style. He wears jeans, t-shirts, and Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 22 No. 2 – October 2022 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 331 glasses. This style is not merely a practice of his everyday lifestyle; it is also a meaningful cultural phenomenon because it becomes a means of forming a unique masculine identity (Reilly and Blanco F., 2020). Den Baguse is a hybrid masculine body because he is formed from a combination of gender (male), class (priyayi), and ideology (modernism) (Moffatt in Reilly and Blanco F., 2020). He is described as a metrosexual man, namely a man who pays attention to and manages physical appearance with clothes. This metrosexuality portrays him as a manly and mature male figure. Pariyem has her own opinion of Den Baguse, both physically and non-physically. Physically, according to him, he is not only handsome but also commanding. Meanwhile, non-physically, he is a man who is Titis, Tatas, and Tetes, which means that he is competent or sharp, always able to complete any assigned task, and wise. Not just an assessment, Pariyem's impression is a configuration of admiration for a man who symbolically positions her as a subordinated woman. However, Den Baguse does not only rely on women's judgment. He is also actively involved in constructing masculinity because, for a man, gender is not only accepted through socialization or discourses but also actively produced with resources and strategies (Connell, 2000). His attitude and behavior are reflected in the following excerpt: Tiap pagi dia mengolah diri olah raga di longkangan “Mens sana In Corpore Sano”—dia bilang— “Di dalam tubuh sehat, jiwa pun sehat” Every morning he exercises exercising on the patio “Mens sana In Corpore Sano”—he said— "Healthy body makes a healthy soul." (Agustinus, 2015, p. 38) Doing exercise is Den Baguse's attempt to construct his masculinity. As part of modern society, health is an important institution because it contains the ideology of gender, namely the image of masculinity and the interpretation of the male body. The male body is interpreted as more robust, healthier than, and superior to the female body through exercise. This narrative is essential to reflect masculinity because, for men, sport is the main area to introduce the dominant form of masculinity (Connell, 2000). This claim agrees with Matthews and Channon (2020), who assert that Den Baguse's sport is an "ideological nature reserve" that provides symbolic capital to strengthen manhood to express masculinity. In addition, Pariyem's appreciation and admiration towards Den Baguse are also shown in the sexual relationship between her and Den Baguse. Oh, ampun, ya, ampun! Anunya gedhe banget, lho Saya marem meladeninya Oh, my goodness! His penis is huge I closed my eyes when we made love (Agustinus, 2015, p. 50) In the above quote, Pariyem utters an interjection (Oh, my goodness!) which shows her astonishment at something extraordinary. This interjection expresses admiration specifically aimed at Den Baguse's large and long phallus, which satisfied her during her sexual intercourse with him. As a representation of the male body, the phallus reminds and brings us to the concept of the body, which, according to Connell (2009), is a natural machine to produce gender differences. The differences occur due to biological and/or social factors. Connell also clarifies that the concept tends to be put forward by men to maintain the gender order. In this case, the phallus is a biological organ inherent in Den Baguse's body. The organ is also socially influential as it distinguishes it from Pariyem and as a source of power. The size of Den Baguse's phallus that satisfies Pariyem is his biological organ and a social identity that he uses to express and reveal himself as a masculine man. Therefore, this sexual relationship, which is especially supported by the phallus, reflects Linus' masculinity. A reflection of masculinity is also found in the power relationship between Pariyem and nDoro Kanjeng in the family trial, which took Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Ekasiswanto et.al. 332 place after the whole family discovered her pregnancy. At the end of the trial, it was decided by nDoro Kanjeng, who played the dual role as the "judge" and "prosecutor", that Pariyem was part of his family. nDoro Kanjeng ensured that the unborn baby in Pariyem's womb would be recognized, so that the child would have a father, an aunt, a grandfather, and a grandmother. The employer also sent Pariyem back to Wonosari, Gunung Kidul for a year to prepare for the birth of the child and take care of it after it was born. nDoro Kanjeng would provide all necessities for Pariyem and her to-be-born child. This assurance can be seen clearly in the following quote: Pekerjaanmu tak berubah, sebagai biasa hanya selama setahun tinggal di dusun di Wonosari Gunung Kidul Kowe bertugas merawat diri dan si thuyul sedang semua kebutuhan nanti tersedia Your duties aren’t changed, as usual only a year living in your village in Wonosari Gunung Kidul You are in charge of taking care of yourself and the baby all your needs will be provided. (Agustinus, 2015, p. 201—202) The main problem indicated by the quote above is that even though Pariyem is internally recognized as part of the priyayi family because of the baby in her womb, it does not mean that she has experienced vertical mobilization from the wong cilik class to the priyayi class. Indeed, there are several privileges that Pariyem receives, including material provisions for her and the baby's needs. This provision makes a slight difference in her position as a maid in general. However, she has remained a maid formally even though he had to stop working for a year to return to Wonosari, Gunung Kidul. In other words, Pariyem has been designated as a mistress or concubine for Den Baguse. This decision illustrates that the continuation of Pariyem's fate depends on the decision of nDoro Kanjeng. This dependence is despite the fact that Pariyem was carrying his son's child. It seems that nDoro Kanjeng is the ideal male figure because he has substantial resources and the highest authority among other figures; he is the patriarch. His authority is why Pariyem says in a different part of the novel that her fate, whether or not she would continue to stay at her employer's house, is at the mercy of her employer (Agustinus, 2015). It is increasingly clear that Pariyem is still positioned as a babu and placed in the domestic space doing household tasks. This domestic space is culturally defined as the world of women. Pariyem's unchanged status implies that Linus constructs Pariyem as a woman who is subordinate, obedient, and submissive to decisions as a form of male domination over her. Therefore, instead of voicing women in PP, Linus has created this Pariyem character to construct masculinity, so that Pariyem is nothing but a reflection of his masculinity. Conclusion Talking about PP means critiquing the central character, Pariyem, who was created by Linus, a male author with the ideology of masculinity. Therefore, this research has attempted to reveal the masculinity concealed in PP by examining the processes that differentiate men from women, namely power relations and social classes. Pariyem experiences this problem as a woman who lives within a segregated social structure in a dualistic and hierarchical manner. This dualism is represented by Pariyem who belongs to the wong cilik class and works for a family belonging to the priyayi class. As a servant, her work relationship is mainly with with nDoro Kanjeng and his son, Den Baguse. The disparity in various social resources brings about the power relations between a wong cilik and a priyayi, a babu with her employer, and a woman and a man are. These resources are only owned by the priyayi, causing them to have a basis for constructing thier power. These social resources allow the formation of oppositions between those who control and those who are ruled. In this case, the power that is exercised against Pariyem is built up subtly, and she is not even aware of this as it manifests symbolically. However, this subtle power can be clearly understood since Linus constructed Pariyem's attitude and views, which maintains and strengthens her Journal of Language and Literature Vol. 22 No. 2 – October 2022 ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) 333 position, both as someone belonging to the wong cilik class having the role of a servant and a woman who is dominated. Pariyem's attitudes and views, which influenced her actions, were constructed by Linus to express masculinity. On the other hand, power relations and social class portrayed in PP are processes that reflect Linus' masculinity. This masculinity is reflected in Pariyem's various attitudes that strengthen her domestication and exclusion from the public sphere. She is impressed and admires the modern priyayi figure, Den Baguse, who is a male character narrative created by Linus. She self-objectifies herself as a sexual object. Finally, she submits to nDoro Kanjeng's decision. Therefore, it is revealed that Linus, who seems to be an advocate of women, indeed constructs how Pariyem as a woman behaves and acts. Pariyem is nothing more than a fictional female character who more or less cannot be separated from the sexual identity of the author. Consequently, Pariyem character that a male author constructs cannot be separated from masculinity. In conclusion, instead of advocating for women, power relations and social class are processes and relationships that reflect masculinity. References Agustinus, L. S. (2015). Pengakuan Pariyem: Dunia Batin Seorang Wanita Jawa. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia. Barret, R. (2020). Multiple Forms of Masculinity in Gay Men Subcultures (L. Gottzén, U. Mellström, & T. Shefer, Eds.). London dan New York: Routledge. Bourdieu, P. (1998). Masculine Domination. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Connell, R. (1987). Gender and Power Society, the Person and Sexual Politics. Cambridge, Oxford: Polity Press. Connell, R. (2000). The Men and The Boys. In The men and the boys. St Leonards: Allen & Unwin. Connell, R. (2005). Masculinities (Cetakan 2). Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press. Connell, R. (2009). Gender in World Perspective. Cambridge, Malden: Polity Press. de Boise, S. (2020). Man, masculinities, and music. In L. Gottzén, U. Mellström, & T. Shefer (Eds.), Routledge International Handbook of Masculinity Studies (pp. 414–424). London dan New York: Routledge. Faruk. (2010). Pengantar Sosiologi Sastra: dari Strukturalisme Genetik sampai Post- modernisme. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. Foucault, M. (2002). Wacana Kuasa/Pengetahuan. Yogyakarta: Bentang Budaya. Indonesia, E. S. (2021). Linus Suryadi AG (1951-1999). Retrieved April 14, 2021, from http://ensiklopedia.kemdikbud.go.id/sas tra/artikel/Linus_Suryadi_AG Kuntowijoyo. (2003). Lari dari Kenyataan: Raja, Priyayi, dan Wong Cilik Biasa di Kasunanan Surakarta, 1900-1915. Humaniora, Vol.15(No.2), 200–211. Magnis-Suseno, F. (1984). Etika Jawa (Cetakan 2). Jakarta: Gramedia. Mellström, U. (2020). Masculinity studies and posthumanism. In L. Gottzén, U. Mellström, & T. Shefer (Eds.), Routledge International Handbook of Masculinity Studies (pp. 112–122). London dan New York: Routledge. Monika, L., Gunawan, D., & Marhaeni, I. A. (2021). Maskulinitas Linus Suryadi Melalui Konstruksi Perempuan dan Laki- Laki dalam Pengakuan Pariyem: Dunia Batin Wanita Jawa. In W. Udasmoro & A. Rahmawati (Eds.), Antara Maskulinitas dan Femininitas (pp. 51–75). Yogyakarta: Fakultas Ilmu Budaya, Universitas Gadjah Mada. Ottemo, A. (2020). The coproduction of masculinity and technology: problems and prospects. In L. Gottzén, U. Mellström, & T. Shefer (Eds.), Routledge International Handbook of Masculinity Studies (pp. 341–350). London dan New York: Routledge. Permanadeli, R. (2015). Dadi Wong Wadon: Representasi Sosial Perempuan Jawa di Era Modern. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Ifada. Journal of Language and Literature ISSN: 1410-5691 (print); 2580-5878 (online) Ekasiswanto et.al. 334 Reilly, A., & Blanco F., J. (2020). Masculinities in fashion and dress. In L. Gottzén, U. Mellström, & T. Shefer (Eds.), Routledge International Handbook of Masculinity Studies (pp. 394–403). London dan New York: Routledge. Saraswati, E. (2009). Potret Wanita Simpanan dalam Novel Gadis Pantai, Belenggu, Bekisar Merah, dan Pengakuan Pariyem: Sebuah Studi Komparatif dengan Pendekatan Feminisme. Jurnal Artikulasi, 10(2), 475–495. Sari, R. D., Syukur, L. O., & Ino, L. (2018). Citra Perempuan Jawa dalam Novel Pengakuan Pariyem: Dunia Batin Seorang Wanita Jawa Karya Linus Suryadi AG. Cakrawala Listra, 1(1), 31–42. Seidler, V. J. (1989). Rediscovering Masculinity: Reason, Language, and Sexuality. London, New York: Routledge. Simon, J. C., & Ramli, M. (2020). Hermeneutik Pedagogis Maria Magdalena. Khazanah Theologia, 2(2), 81–93. https://doi.org/10.15575/kt.v2i2.8984 Soemanto, C. S. (1985). Pengakuan Pariyem: Analisis Semiotik. Universitas Gadjah Mada. Supriyadi. (2014). Masculine Language in Indonesian Novels: a Feminist Stylistic Approach on Belenggu and Pengakuan Pariyem. Humaniora, 26(2), 225–234. Sutherland, H. (1975). The Priyayi. Indonesia, April(19), 57–77. Sutherland, H. (1983). Terbentuknya Sebuah Elite Birokrasi. Jakarta: Sinar Harapan. Untoro, R. (2016). Relasi Wong Cilik dan Priyayi dalam Pasar, Pengakuan Pariyem, dan Gadis Pantai. Widyaparwa, 44(2), 151–162. van Dijk, T. A. (2001). Multidisciplinary CDA: a plea for diversity. In R. Wodak & M. Meyer (Eds.), Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis (pp. 95–120). London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: SAGE Publications. van Dijk, T. A. (2008). Discourse and Power. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. van Dijk, T. A. (2011). Discourse, knowledge, power and politics: Towards critical epistemic discourse analysis. In C. Hart (Ed.), Critical Discourse Studies in Context and Cognition (pp. 27–64). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. https://doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.43.03va n Van Dijk, T. A. (1993). Principles of critical discourse analysis. Discourse & Society, 4(2), 249–283. https://doi.org/10.1177/095792659300 4002006 Ward, M. R. M. (2020). Men, masculinities and social class. In L. Gottzén, U. Mellström, & T. Shefer (Eds.), Routledge International Handbook of Masculinity Studies (pp. 201–210). London, New York: Routledge: Taylor & Francis Group. https://doi.org/10.1177/1097184x2095 7704 Wulandari, P. (2021). The Religiosity of Javanese Society in Modern Indonesian Literature. Indonesian Community Empowerment Journal, 1(1), 8–13.