journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 71 the urgency of national security council (nsc) in the context of cyber security as a sub system of national security to protect state and people sumantri universitas nasional jakarta sumantri11@gmail.com abstract : the 21st century, the era of globalization characterized by free fight competition, advanced information and communication technology, and a borderless world has in one side make possibly the entrance of any values of ideology, politic, economy, socio culture, defense and security that can either be threats or challenges for any countries, in the other side democracy and human rights promoted by globalization awakening the universal awareness of human safety from any threat such as war, ethnic cleansing, communal conflict, and other physical and non physical threats. despite the universal awareness of human safety, insecurity condition and internal political problem of any country will certainly affect the national security. keyword : national security council, cyber security, state, people introduction the threats and challenges of security then to be complex and multi-dimensional. most countries are now strengthening their laws on security as to make their national security system to be adaptive an effective to face multi-dimensional threats and challenges. though non traditional threats such as non military ones are more potential and factual in recent years, traditional threats such as military threats shall not be ignored. non traditional threats not only endangering state security but also citizen even basic values of a nation which in turn can potentially endangering the state existence. therefore traditional security concept known as state security centered depending upon military power is not sufficient to face multi-dimensional threats so that the concept shifted to state and people security centered depending upon the military and non military power (national power). security then to be holistic consisting of defense, internal security, public security, human security known as comprehensive security demanding collective responsibility, cross sectoral and civil society involvement. len le roux defines security as at national level the objectives of security policy therefore encompass the consolidation of democracy; the achievement of social justice, economic development and a safe environment ; a substantial reduction in the level of crime, violence and political instability. stability and mailto:sumantri11@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 72 development are regarded as inextricably linked and mutual reinforcing. at international level the objectives of security policy include the defense of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence, and the promotion of regional security (roux, 1999) . barry buzan says “security is affected by factors in five major sectors: military, political, economic, societal, and environment. a nation can be said to have assured its own security when it is militarily, economically and technologically developed, politically stable and socioculturally cohesive”(banyu, 2006). patrick garrity says that national security applies most at the level of the citizen. it amounts to human well being; not only protection form harm and injury but from access to water, food, shelter, health, employment, and other basic requisites that are the due to every person on earth. it is collective of the citizen needs –overall safety and quality life –that should figure prominently in the nation’s view of security (cambone, 1998). indonesian has his own national security concept as mentioned in the 4th paragraph of 1945 constitution of the republic of indonesia preamble. …….pursuant to which, in order to form a government of the state of indonesia that shall protect the whole people of indonesia and the entire homeland of indonesia, and in order to advance general prosperity, to develop the nation’s intellectual life, and to contribute to the implementation of a world order based on freedom, lasting peace and social justice……. the paragraph indicates three elements of security state, people and territory. the state (government) is obliged to protect its territory and people (citizen). as to execute its obligation, the state must also protect itself. state and people centered security is the spirit of indonesian national security. therefore national security concept is to protect either state or people (citizen) from any threat. state security might consist of defense (external security) and home land security (internal security), people security consist of public security and human security (citizen). cyber-attack is a recent threat to national security endangering either state or citizen. cyber-attacks have become increasingly common in recent years. capable of shutting down nuclear centrifuges, air defense systems, and electrical grids, cyber-attacks pose a serious threat to national security. “cyber-attack” as “any action taken to undermine the functions of a computer network for a political or national security purpose. a cyber-attack must target a computer network, where a computer network is defined as a system of computers and devices connected by communications channels. frequently, this connection exists over the internet, but there are also numerous closed networks, such as the secure networks employed by agencies of government. the concept of a computer encompasses more than a simple desktop or laptop; it also includes the devices that control elevators and traffic lights, regulate pressure on water mains, and are ubiquitous in appliances such as cell phones, televisions, and even washing machines. cyber-attacks on vital infrastructure are already becoming widespread. the potential for widespread damage journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 73 from a cyber-attack grows significantly with the spread of computers to nearly every aspect of human activity. cyber-attacks are often transnational—run through networks across the world, and used to undermine computer systems in countries. yet the challenge cannot be met by domestic reforms alone. international cooperation will be essential to a truly effective legal response. new international efforts to regulate cyber-attacks must begin with agreement on the problem — which means agreement on the definition of cyber-attack, cyber-crime, and cyber-warfare. this would form the foundation for greater international cooperation on information sharing, evidence collection, and criminal prosecution of those involved in cyber-attacks — in short, for a new international law of cyber-attack. this global threat may only be effectively met by a global solution—by the international community working together to design a new law for cyber-attacks. states could adopt a clear definition of cyber-attack, cyber-crime, and cyber-warfare in the context of a comprehensive binding treaty, nonbinding declaration, or through independent agreements in anticipation of more broad-based future cooperation(c. attack, 2011). there are two laws among others related to cyber security 1) undang-undang ri nomor 3 tahun 2002 tentang pertahanan negara (law no.3/2002 of state defence) mention that the state defense is to keep and protect the country's sovereignty, the territorial integrity of the republic of indonesia (nkri) and safety all nation and all forms of threats, the threat of military and non-military. especially non-military threats in cyber space has led to the ability of the state in defense of soft and smart power must be increased in anticipation of cyber war, through a strategy of deterrence, prosecution and recovery of cyber defense, in order to support the implementation of cyber security a national strategy led by the ministry of communications and information technology (kementerian pertahanan republik indonesia, 2013); 2) in undang-undang ri nomor 11 tahun 2008 tentang informasi dan transaksi elektronik (law no.11/2008 of information and electronic transaction) explained that the use of information technology need security in order to maintain the confidentiality, integrity and availability of information. the law in the information in electronic form legally recognized and actions associated with the electronic system, both as providers and as users have a legal responsibility further provided in various legislations. second act above gives a mandate to the government agencies, including the ministry of defense republic of indonesia, to take the steps necessary to safeguard the country's sovereignty, territorial integrity of the republic of indonesia (nkri) and the safety of the nation, including in cyberspace, where the electronic system organized and utilized extensively by the whole society. threat of military and non-military. especially non-military threats in cyber space has led to the ability of the state in defense of soft and smart power must be increased in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 74 anticipation of cyber war, through a strategy of deterrence, prosecution and recovery of cyber defense, in order to support the implementation of cyber security a national strategy led by the ministry of communications and information technology (sudarsono, 1992). in undang-undang ri nomor 11 tahun 2008 tentang informasi dan transaksi elektronik explained that the use of information technology need security in order to maintain the confidentiality, integrity and availability of information. the law in the information in electronic form legally recognized and actions associated with the electronic system, both as providers and as users have a legal responsibility further provided in various legislations16. our parliament has proposed cyber security and resilience law draft to be discussed by the parliament to come (2019-2024). the use of information technology with destructive purposes is a threat to national security of a nation and the state. the threat is divided into military and non military threats. the threat of a military nature against national security is a threat to security and defense. meanwhile, the threat of non-military nature is a threat to the resilience of ideology, politics, economy and social culture of a nation and the state. however advances in technology will sooner or later affect our cultural norms, social institutions of our culture and (in terms of socio-political) decisionmaking patterns of government policy of our country(sudarsono, 1992). it is important to bear in mind that to make cyber security and resilience law is not only depending on structural approach “top down” but also “bottom up” meaning sociological and cultural approach for indonesian is pluralistic, participation of institution advocating democracy and human rights, academician, mass media, and business circle. this approach is advisable because cyber-attacks pose a serious threat to ideology, politic, economy, socio culture, defense and security. coordination and collaboration among the institution of security including cyber security concerned is imperative as to achieve integrated national security system. in this case, law of national security and establishing national security council (nsc) are urgently needed as the regulator instrument to build integrated national security to face multi -dimensional threats. mid term plan of national development 2015-2019 mention that in order to build integrated national security system it needs to make national security law and to establish nsc by presidential decree (rpjmn 2015-2019). conclusion since the law of national security failed to pass , then president by article 4, section (1) of constitution 1945 has his prerogative right to establish nsc of which the functions are as the highest coordination forum of national security chaired by president, national security advisor to president, protecting basic values and national identity. nsc can hold journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 75 convention led by president to resolve any crucial, crisis or emergency situation (issues) assessed as being strategic for national interest. the president as thechairman of nsc can invite ministers and head of governmental institution, civil society, academician, expert of all discipline to be the active participant of the convention as long as the function and discipline related closely with the issue being discussed. nsc is a solution to create integrated national security policies in which at the same time to resolve sectoral or partial approach to serious national security threats of both military and non military. reference darmono (2010), konsep dan sistem keamaman nasional bagi bangsa indonesia, sekretariat jenderal dewan kethanan nasional (wanttannas), , jakarta, http://www.aiendro.info/buku/buku%20kamnas%20wantannas.pdf len le roux, defining defence requirements : force design considerations for the south african national defence force, published i n african security review vol 8 no. 5, 1999 perwita, anak agung banyu, (2006), hakekat, prinsip dan tujuan pertahanan-keamanan negara, dalam: mencari format komprehensif sistem pertahanan dan keamanan negara, t. hari prihartono (eds.), propatria institute, jakarta patrick garrity dalam cambone, stephen, (1998), a new structure for national security policy planning, the law of cyber-attack (2011), article (pdf available) in california law review 100(4) • https://www.researchgate.net/publication/251334352_the_law_of_cyber-attack muhamad rizal & yanyan mochamad yani business administration lecturer and profesor international relation,faculty of social science & political science, padjadjaran university “cybersecurity in the contexs of law and national defence in the era asean community” https://www.researchgate.net/publication/314489403_cybersecurity_policy_and_its_imple mentation_in_indonesia rpjmn 2015-2019, buku ii journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 120 an account of governor anies baswedan’s performance on inclusive economic growth in dki jakarta (2017-2021) sahruddin lubis, hari zamharir department of political sciences, universitas nasional. sahruddin.lubis@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: adopting the principles of good corporate governance by state governments in times of influence of corporations is crucial given the mandate of the constitution that government agencies must adhere to. beginning with “abnormal” politics of the elected governor in 2017, anies encounters challenges both politically and the choice of the road to inclusive economic development. this paper makes an account of anies’s performance in executing the tasks. the method of the study employs qualitative research method, with secondary data to be analyzed through meta-analysis. the concepts of good corporate governance and inclusive economic growth are the two concepts to look into the performance. it is our finding that amidst controversies in the early days in office when sociological legitimacy was questioned, anies eventually gains performance legitimacy as has been reflected by several awards by authorities in their respective government and international agencies. keywords: inclusive economic growth, good corporate governance, anies baswedan, dki jakarta, performance legitimacy submission : february, 14st 2022 revision : march 25th 2022 publication : may 28th 2022 introduction in 1970s economic development in third world nations had such strategies as growth model, growth with distribution—to improve the drawbacks of the former—and other models of pro-poor development. and schumacher’s book small is beautiful—claimed to be a buddhist economics—once became the focus of attention to the endeavor of formulating pro-poor economics along with schumacher’s project focusing on preserving culture and developing small economies in burma (leonard, 2019). now days, as the trend of the adoption of inclusiveness as a new clue in betterment of humanity is on the way, economic development has taken the idea of inclusive growth into consideration. while mailto:sahruddin.lubis@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 121 trickledown effect within the neo-liberal philosophy excludes significant involvement of poorer segments in making the economy grow, contemporary inclusiveness of smaller businesses becomes mandatory. this paper makes an account of economic growth carried out by the governor anies baswedan in dki jakarta during his 2017-2021 term in office. beginning with “abnormal” jakarta politics—when such issues as the politics of identity and ethnic politics—anies’s administration in dki jakarta have to tackle multi-faced challenges. “abnormal” politics covers the spread of hoaxes—political hoaxes (utami, 2018). “abnormal” politics in 2017 also was made possible by the presence of heated opinions. political hoaxes emerged between the communities supporting the two candidates—basuki tjahaya purnama (ahok) and anies baswedan. to a greater extent, the 2017 jakarta politics seemed to be triggered by the way ahok expressed his criticism of his competitor, anies, in a way that was for many people rude, with his loud voice. such bad communication has had no precedence. ahok’s culminating act was his slip of the tongue; “he slid into deep controversy when he was captured on video camera making questionable references to a quranic verse that provoked the muslim electorate” (syailendra, 2017). before anies took office in dki jakarta, mass media with their own inclination to the ideology of media (van dijk in anggoro, 2019) described differently the persons in contestation. in the days of campaign, media indonesia.com supports the incumbent, basuki tjahaja purnama, whereas okezone.com supports anies baswedan (anggoro, et.al., 2019). though “abnormalcy” took place, in general, the normal politics is in fact takes place— business as usual: such normal process of power politics includes the involvement of a few intellectuals who back up candidates in contestation in power politics. mcray and robet (2021) note that very few academics express more or less “neutral” account on particular issues. but obviously all candidates in contestation enjoyed overt support from the respected “partisan” academics. from the perspective of political economy, the heated debate during this “abnormalcy” should resemble the harsh conflict of interest between the two parties—those few upper and high classes obtaining economic advantages vs. the vast segments of the disadvantaged. quoting oxfam report, wilson (2017, 4) finds that: “inequality has been driven by a combination of ‘market fundamentalism’, high concentration of land owners and the second lowest rate of tax collection in southeast asia…. once (jakarta was) a city of mixed neighborhoods, (and is now) large parts of the city are spatially divided by class and ethnicity”. the economic disparity mentioned above is confirmed by the activisms of pro-poor social movements in jakarta—such as jrmk or jaringan rakyat miskin kota or journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 122 urban poor network, rcus or rujak center for urban studies, and ciliwung merdeka—that have been actively involved in “development for the poor”. not only were they putting pressure on resettlement programs launched by consecutive governors—joko widodo, basuki tjahaya purnama, and anies baswedan, but also, in collaboration with a few non-government agencies made a joint-project in designing alternative housing project. these movements “have organized to challenge state-led displacement and resettlement, and to stake claims to land that are often not recognized by the state.” (colven & irawaty, 2019; 5). a few years before inclusive economic growth was initiated nation-wide in 2011, teixeira & edelblutte (2017) made a study on risk management strategy that involve resettlement program for urban poor living in slums areas in jakarta in 2005-2007 and in mumbai, india, in 2013. they presented a paradox about this issue in jakarta: though the goals are to “(1) increase green areas in order to prevent hazards, and (2) reduce vulnerability by relocating slum dwellers to safer areas”, but “many relocation apartments are in fact built on riverbanks, and include shopping centers….”. another fact was that the goal to create green areas was not met—some absorbing areas were transforming into commercial cities: “pantai indah kapuk residence in west jakarta, kelapa gading in north, and commercial areas in the city forest of cibubur are some examples of the shifting process of water-absorbing areas into a commercial site.” (teixeira & edelblutte (2017; 89) after winning the jakarta politics in 2017 convincingly, anies would have to prove that not only is he legitimate legally, but is also competent. does anies gain legitimacy from sociological to performance legitimacy? is it very likely that moving toward performance legitimacy that anies gain eventually proves that anies performs well? how has good corporate governance and implementation of the mandate of indonesia’s national bureau of development planning (bappenas) to adopt pro-poor growth in economic development been materialized by the governor? this paper shall make an account of this subject. literature review gandhour (2020) notes high increase in gross domestic products (gdp) in the 12 arab countries in western asia did not reflect high increase within inclusive development index (idi) framework; social inclusion was not part of their respective gdps. in indonesia, similar finding was also obtained during 2010-2015. (sitorus & arsani. 2018). in indonesia, the strategy for involving inclusive development was first adopted by susilo bambang yudhoyono in 2009 (tambunan, 2015; 5). given the diverse conceptions of pro-poor growth by international institutions and unclear focus of indicators, bappenas ri, claims to possess its own and launch the 2011-2017 nation-wide program of inclusive economic journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 123 development. with respect to the execution of programs, inclusive growth in provinces across indonesia has not filled the gap of economic disparity between the rich and the poor; therefore, it is suggested that relevant data on the issue be reviewed and that direct intervention be launched by the government in the areas of employment, education and poverty (andrian, 2020). findings of rini & tambunan (2021) showed only a few provinces in indonesia have achieved inclusive economic growth and that households are accelerated to economic growth with help of it. making an account of indonesia’s inclusive economic growth (until 2017), employing environmental kuznets, suharto, et. al. (2021) found that the growth has degraded the environment. why less inclusive? dartanto (2013) mentions two possible reasons—dependent heavily on capital intensive sectors and services-oriented economy causing only fewer jobs for job seekers, and agriculture was less productive, causing fewer benefits that were gained by those working in the sector. before 2017, exactly the years 2014-2016 was the time when income inequality existed across most regions in indonesia—causing economic growth less inclusive (puguh & widyasthika, 2017). the second concept is about good corporate governance (gcg). adapted from corporation, good governance or gcg is meant that an organization is well– administered involving the preparedness of bureaucrats to be accounted for by the public and open for public control. this implies the need for society to participate— thus democratic politics. to measure the relative success of gcg in the area of economy would touch upon the crucial notion of economic “development” employed by chief executive officer such as the president and governors. in contrast to gcg’s concept among most corporations—predominantly oriented towards economy of scales while undermining social dimensions—the government’s concept of gcg should conform to the state’s philosophy and ideology along with its model of economic development generated from it. while strong state in soekarno’s era was heavily inclined to more of socialism or sosialisme indonesia, strong state under the rule of suharto was made the economy more internationalized and liberalized. as of the 1998 reform, it has been observed that big corporations have been very influential—with its subsequent negative impact on having the state government weak in the country. methods the study employs qualitative research method with secondary data gathered from documents and research findings presented in journals. a number of articles in electronic journals on related issues were accessed through mostly the google scholars. following the procedure in qualitative research, categories and concepts are simultaneously carried out, with eventually coming up with empirical journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 124 generalization. the method of the analysis is meta-analysis whereby findings and accounts on anies’s performance made by previous studies are reviewed for more credible interpretation. card (in utami & helmi, 2017) describes meta-analysis as accumulating diverged findings of previous researches and making it integrated within a more comprehensive understanding of the phenomena. results & discussion 100-day performance was studied by ma’arif (2018), basing his account on tweeter analysis. though the finding presented no indicative conclusion about ab’s performance in the eye of tweeter users, the study showed two (2) significant issues discussed by tweeter users, i.e. (1) comparing anies in office against that of the previous governor, ahok; and (2) debates over reclamation project at the jakarta bay. in the early years in office, “political sentiment” was found as neutral—as far as it is captured form twitter and instagram; “the public view of the governor and deputy governor of dki jakarta …for one year is dominated by neutral sentiment with a proportion of 59% on twitter and 46% on instagram”. using three parameters of inclusive economic growth—economic growth, income distribution and poverty alleviation, and greater access to job opportunity— bappenas presents the data as follows. in the first parameter, three regions with the highest growth are: dki jakarta, 6.74 %, kepulauan riau, 5.4%, and sulawesi tengah, 5.2 % respectively. in the second parameter, three top regions are: bangka belitung, 8.28 %, kalimantan selatan, 7.97%, and kalimantan tengah, 7.71% whereas in the third parameter, three best regions are: dki jakara, 7.18 %, kepulauan riau, 6.16 %, and yogyakarta, 6.1%. economic dimension it was reported by central bureau of statistics r.i. that the economic growth of dki jakarta sharply took place, i.e. 7.07 % in the second quarter of 2021—the highest growth ever taken place since the fourth quarter 0f 2004 year on year (cnbcindonesia, 06 august 2021; bisnis.com mentions 10.91%). and this is not achieved within growth model of economic development, neglecting informal and smaller sectors. rather, it is done in the framework of inclusive development of both big sectors and small sectors respectively. this sharp hike should be the result of the way dki jakarta in tackling “economic deficit” of jakarta in the second quarter of 2020, which was minus 8. 22%, with only minus 5.32.% of the deficit nation-wide. what has been done by anies in his day-to-day governing may be in line with hidayat’s call on the need for moving from a mere good governance to what he terms as proper governance. hidayat’s key point is “the way a democratic governance ought to be practiced for achieving the wealth of nations” (hidayat, 2020; 6). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 125 income distribution & poverty alleviation as to the second parameter—income distribution and poverty alleviation—it is indicative of complicated problems are faced by dki jakarta. citizens of jakarta are satisfied by anies’s work performance—survey by populi center mentions 73.3%; yet, citizens also identify problems need tackling better: poverty alleviation, job opportunity, and economic disparity (media indonesia, 09 feb 2022). in the case of resettlement programs for urban poor, the three governors have not performed satisfactorily. kampung deret program (kdp) was launched by governor joko widodo and was continued by governor basuki tjahaya purnama; community action program (cap) has been anies’s program. pangeran & akbar note that “the key factor of the kdp program failed because of the complicated land tenure problem in petogogan. indeed, even if the kdp program was successful in physical upgrading, but it is still unsustainable because of land tenure issues”. (pangeran & akbar, 2015; 243-4). quoting the jakarta post (2019), cap’s implementation deviated from the origin design; it was not community-based but it became consultant action plan. another drawback was single executor of local government agency with limited coordination among other parties, including the residents (pangeran & akbar, 2015; 241). in the public involvement it is noted that ahok’s approach was more of top-down whereas anies has been participatory. in one case of kampung susun initiated by ciliwung merdeka, it was noted that, “while initially meeting with a number of community organizers, then-governor basuki tjahaya purnama (known as ahok) abruptly and unexpectedly ended negotiations between the city administration, and the community with their allies”. (colven & irawaty, 2019; 15). anies’s participatory approach is in essence praised (fadli and sorofah, 2019 concerning the issue of filling the disparity, it was in the early days of anies’s candidacy was also full of pros and cons on land reclamation project. after a year in office, anies’s policy was to stop the reclamation project in 2018, the income of dki jakarta was made lowered; however, the policy is economically better distributed. suryani et. al. (2019) noted that in addition to lowering the income of dki jakarta, the controversy of the reclamation project has invited the advocacy by several ngos: the coalition of the ngos consists of walhi (environmentalists), knti, lbh jakarta (law advocacy agency), kiara (women’s solidarity ngo), and icel (the indonesian center for environmental enforcement). anies baswedan’s policy to stop reclamation project of the cluster of “b” islands in 2018 seems to be on the right course: to city planners like tjoei & kesuma (2019), the failure of the reclamation is that it has deviated from the ideals previously set forth: “the orientation of economic benefits from extra spaces on d island is a form of capitalist space and ignores the social space”. with social space it should also journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 126 covers preserving eco-system—some aspects of green economy mandated by indonesia’s 1945 amended constitution. a study used by the 2003 decree of the ministry of environment reveals such environmental hazard of jakarta bay reclamation: the “reclamation increases the risk of flooding, especially in the northern region, damaging marine ecosystems, causing fishermen's income to decline, and disrupting the muara karang power plant” (priyanta, 2010; 82). given so many awards that are given to dki jakarta during 2017-2021, especially award on the success of inclusive economic development, this research is indebted a lot to all those awards. a nation-wide tv station, metro tv, awarded anies (dki jakarta) the best governor for inclusive economic growth on the talk show of people of the year 2021 ((seputar tangsel.com, thru 02 dec, 2021); governor of bangka belitung province, and governor of east java (antara babel, 25 nov 2021). the economic growth in province of bangka belitung for example obtains significant contribution from mining sector (22%) and agriculture and fishery (20%), (medcom.id, 17 nov, 2021). in case of east java, government spending gives impact on the inclusive economic growth for long term only but gives negative impact for short term on unemployment. this finding was obtained by safitri, m.i.d, et.al. (2021), conducting research in 28 municipal cities and districts across east java for the period of 2014-2018. two other awards worth mentioning are (a) dki jakarta, status as wbk (wilayah bebas korupsi or the region free from corruption) awarded by the ministry of state apparatus & bureaucracy reform; and (b) bappenas’s assessment in 2021 resulting in their support to the policy of dki jakarta to hike the wages of workers in dki jakarta. issues of environment-friendly in the environment-friendly side, dewi (2019) notes the strong points of anies’s program that concern provision of public space and environment-friendly. anies’s design of taman maju bersama (tmb) ruang publik terpadu ramah anak (rpta) is more participatory in its designing compared to ahok’s ruang publik terpadu ramah anak (rpta). in this regard, by comparing urban infrastructure for tackling the over volume of water in the city of amsterdam and that in jakarta, syahriani and ellisa (2020) make an analysis of some parks designed during ahok and anies— rpta compared to tmb—they find strong points of tmb: “ we believe it serves as an extra value for taman maju bersama compared to rptra since it is based on its surrounding area's needs and context. it also has the potential to reduce runoff flooding on a neighborhood scale. the existence of references and guidelines in the design of the rptra can limit the potential of the rptra as a public space that prevents runoff flooding on a neighborhood scale”. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 127 viewed from the criteria set forth by the government, it can be summarized that the overall criteria for achieving inclusive growth has been met by governor anies baswedan during his office in 2017-2021. in the context of weakening position of state in central government as the negative impact of influence of big corporations, anies baswedan has made a breakthrough as was the case of his policy to stop some of jakarta bay reclamation projects. from the performance accounted, it is indicative that “political and/or economic concession” addressed to hardliners of islamic groups was not given by anies baswedan. pro-poor policy has been based in general on implementing the principles of good corporate governance and achieving inclusive economic growth as regulated by the law. “abnormal politics” that appeared before his term in office has not brought with it subsequent giving of such a concession to a few elites or segments of this type of supporters. such a “clean”, good governance may be much different from, for example, several bad practices of provision of economic leverage by political elites to their (ethnic/religious) clients supporting them in what chandra call patronage democracy—first introduced to identify the practice of ethnic parties in india (2003)—and, later on, is also applied in indonesia (berenschot, 2018; klinken, 2009; simanjuntak, 2012, chandra, 2007), to criticize similar bad practices of economic leverage. so far, the inclusive idea is defined in terms of more technocratic and economic mode of developing jakarta, including the poor. the existing government design of inclusive economic growth has not adopted a more “radical” notion of a true inclusive society. anies’s participatory approach to tackling urban poor could be a new step towards what wirutomo (2016) recommends—the needs for the government to have more social engagement. though sounds utopia, the following reflection of an anthropologist that once worked and lived in jakarta may be worth quoting—a very ideal city where segments of the society really interact and develop their life economically, culturally, and pursuing knowledge: the challenge is to produce an account of urban contemporary city life that demonstrates the intricate inter-linkages among how residents are housed, how land is used, how work and income are created, where people can circulate and congregate, how residents access critical knowledge…and participate in the critical process that determine their livelihoods and rights.” (simone, 2015; 22-23). conclusion it is our conclusion that there has been sufficient evidence that the program of inclusive economic growth by governor anies baswedan in dki jakarta 2017-2021 has comparatively been implemented—amidst several weaknesses, especially limited capacity of institution, collaborative work and the way local authorities journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 128 carry out the tasks. the evidence includes several awards recognizing the achievement. along with all these, anies’s good performance is done not only in a variety of public services and general management but also anies’s absence of giving economic or political concession for hardliners; all these prove that good governance has also been carried out satisfactorily. moreover, environment-friendly development has also been done. acknowledgement the writers express our sincere gratitude to rector of universitas nasional for granting us research fund, dana penelitian stimulus 2022. the original topic of the proposed research is “good corporate governance in dki jakarta under governor anies baswedan (2017-2020)”. references andrian, tommy. 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(2016). dealing with brawls in jakarta sum’s area: pursuing social development through social engagement. the senshu social wellbeing review. no 3, pp. 93-109. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 192 australia and japan increase cooperation in bilateral defence in received access pact agreements fauziah firdaus hanim, yumetri abidin, irma indrayani* international relations department faculty of social and political sciences universitas nasional jakarta, indonesia irma.indrayani@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract; this study analyzes the mutual access pact agreement between japan and australia. the method involves a combination of qualitative content analysis of official documents, agreements, and policy statements related to the pact and quantitative data analysis of defense collaboration activities between the two countries over a specific period. the study results reveal that the mutual access agreement has facilitated increased bilateral defense cooperation, allowing for joint military exercises and operations in each other's territories. this development has strengthened the defense relations between australia and japan and responded to the evolving geopolitical landscape in the asia-pacific region, particularly in the face of china's growing economic influence. the findings provide valuable insights into the strategic importance of the pact and its implications for regional security dynamics. keywords; cooperation, defense, australia, japan, reciprocal access pact submission : january, 13th 2023 revision : march 24th 2022 publication : may 30th 2023 introduction international relations is defined as a global relationship that includes all relations that occur beyond the boundaries of state administration(womack, 2010). according to de ornay & azizah (2022) international relations are interactions between state and state actors and state and non-state actors in the form of politics, economy, society, and culture to achieve the national interest of a country (fatmawati, 2020). therefore, a country needs other countries to fulfil their national needs and interests through cooperation and diplomacy(saner & yiu, 2003). international cooperation covers several fields, namely cooperation in the fields of economy, education, technology, and defence. in addition, the state also strengthens relations with a sense of friendship through good diplomacy with mailto:irma.indrayani@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 193 countries that undergo and participate in this cooperation, which can also impact each country’s benefits(cheng-chwee, 2005). australia and japan have a very strong cooperative relationship in developing democracy in the asia-pacific region. the close relationship between australia and japan occurs because of the closeness of each other to the united states of america. at a time when china became a country that influenced the asian region with rapidly soaring economic growth, japan had to strengthen its relationship with australia even more. bilateral relations between japan and australia have been forged from the 1980s to the 1990s which has become a priority for their foreign policy. this australian cooperation is more active in regional economic diplomacy (nuryadin, 2020). in addition to regional economic cooperation between the two countries, namely australia and japan, as well as bilateral defence cooperation, which will enable their troops to cooperate more closely, the united states' allies continue to strive to enhance australia and japan's relations in countering the development of china's aggressiveness in the indo-pacific region. this agreement is a development between australia and japan to maintain significant trade with china because australia and japan have strong and positive relations with all countries in the indo-pacific. the leaders of japan and australia held a meeting on november 17, 2020, to enhance defence relations between the two american allies to counter china's growing aggressiveness in the asia pacific region amid the leadership of the united states, japan is committed to maintaining and deepening its 60-year-old alliance with the united states is the cornerstone of its diplomacy and security, but in recent years has sought to complement its regional defences by increasing cooperation with australia due to increased maritime activity in the east and south china seas (voa:2020). japan has considered australia as its ally and the two countries cooperated in the defence sector in 2007 which was the first for japan with a country other than the united states. japan and australia have reached a broad agreement to cement a defence pact to facilitate joint military operations and exercises, a pact called a mutual access agreement is a legal framework that allows japanese and australian troops to visit each other's military exercises in each other's territories (newssetup:2020). this pact agreement also agreed on the need for a cooperative framework that would allow the japanese military to protect australian troops if necessary and vice versa australia would also protect japanese troops. this agreement became a type of defence pact for japan and australia as japan's closest military partner after the united states. in general, japan and australia have entered into a defence agreement for approximately six years and this agreement has become a pillar of japan and australia's security cooperation. however, the agreement still needs to be ratified by the parliaments of the two countries. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 194 literature review in this study, starting from assumptions in realism thinking, according to thucydides's view, war and conflict are part of the relationship between countries and small countries controlled by larger countries(chan, 2021). realtime believes that in the international world there is a struggle for power from each country through its interests (snyder, 1991). classical realism argues that states have a desire to dominate other countries and encourage them to behave aggressively so that a balance is needed to fight against the aggressor state (lumintosari & kinarya, 2023). in this study, the author uses the theory of international cooperation initiated by holsti (1996) that two or more interests, values, or goals meet each other and can result in something being promoted or fulfilled by all parties, agreement on certain issues between two or more countries to take advantage of equality or conflict of interest, the view of a country that policies are decided by other countries to help countries achieve their interests, transactions between countries to fulfil their agreement. this cooperation can be created as a result of adjusting the behaviour of actors in responding to or anticipating the choices made, this collaboration is carried out in a negotiation process held by each party. cooperation in thinking realism can be done if the state has a common enemy caused by the emergence of a security dilemma. actions that can increase the military power of another country to allow an arms race. method the research method used in making this journal is qualitative. qualitative methods are the focus of attention on various methods must be realized that the use of various methods or triangulation reflects an attempt to gain an in-depth understanding of a phenomenon under study (denison, kn; and lincoln: sy 2009). in general, qualitative research methods have two objectives, namely to describe and reveal and describe and explain. this method is also usually used to answer questions about the 'what, how, and why' of a phenomenon rather than asking 'how much. in addition, qualitative methods can be used to understand how an individual or group perceives a particular issue. according to cresswell (2013) , the characteristic of qualitative research is that it has many sources of data and can be either secondary or primary data obtained from documents from the japanese and australian governments published in official governments. while secondary data is data obtained from various kinds of journal literature such as journals, books, and articles (cresswell, 2013). the data collection method chosen is a document-based and internet-based data collection method. document-based data collection methods were taken from secondary documents in the form of books and research journals which were then reprocessed according to research journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 195 needs. meanwhile, internet-based data collection methods are taken from websites and news portals the validity of the data used is actual. result and discussion australian-japan cooperation the cooperative relationship between australia and japan has an important meaning for both of them, for australia, the cooperative relationship with japan has an important and beneficial role in policies that exist within and outside australia. this cooperative relationship between australia and japan tends to reduce australia's dependence on the united states because at that time the united states still adhered to a unilateral understanding (being one-sided). in 1957 australia and japan cooperated in the trade sector for the benefit of the economic development of the two countries. this cooperative relationship is abbreviated as gatt (general agreement on tariffs and trade). australia and japan have agreed on several cooperations in the defence sector, such as the japan-australia bilateral defence cooperation and exchange and the japan-australia joint declaration on security cooperation. the first time japan participated in a joint declaration in the security sector with australia was at the japan-australia summit meeting in march 2007 (initiatives of defence of japan, ministry of japan). in addition to relations in the economic field, australia and japan also cooperate in the defence sector, relations between australia and japan have developed since australia and japan announced the joint declaration on defence cooperation in march 2007. by supporting the document, japan and australia agreed to continue to cooperate while pursuing and strengthening their cooperation in existing fields more effectively, this cooperative relationship between australia and japan has long cooperated in various aspects of engagement in the asia-pacific region and the country of australia has strengthened its policies in the wider indo-pacific environment. then in 2010 japan and australia signed acquisition and crossing-servicing agreement (acsa). cooperation between japan and australia continued with cooperation in bilateral defence in 2017 which was signed australia-japan acquisition and cross-servicing agreement. the agreement facilitates defence logistics support and cooperation in activities such as joint exercises and peacekeeping operations (signing of the australia-japan acquisition and cross-servicing agreement). it can be explained that the relationship between australia and japan has existed for a long time, japan is a country located in the east asia region that has trading partner relations with australia, and the relationship between the two countries is of course not only beneficial to one party. however, the two countries, namely australia and japan, benefit from this cooperation, besides the cooperative relations carried out by australia and japan based on social interests. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 196 cooperation between japan and australia from 2007 to 2020 in 2007, japan and australia cooperated, namely the joint declaration/japan-australia summit meeting, japan and australia cooperate in three ways, namely creating a framework based on policy dialogue as well as training and exchanges from each concerned unit, developing a legal basis, and establishing non-participant support for the advancement of relations between australia and japan (ishihara yusuke:2004:97). then in 2010 japan and australia signed acquisition and crossing-servicing agreement (acsa), in the arrival of acsa there was an agreement in three meetings of the japan-australia foreign and defence ministerial consultation namely to provide standing service for the japanese and australian armed forces in peacekeeping operations, international disaster relief, and other activities. furthermore, japan and australia carried out bilateral defence cooperation in 2017, namely the two countries signed the australia-japan acquisition and cross-servicing agreement, an agreement to facilitate defence logistics support and cooperation in joint training activities and peacekeeping operations (signing of the australia-japan acquisition and crossservicing agreement: 2021). and in 2020 japan and australia entered into a reciprocity pact agreement and agreed on the need for a cooperative framework that would allow the japanese military to protect australian troops if necessary and that australia would also protect japanese troops. this agreement became a type of defence pact for japan and australia as japan's closest military partner after the united states. australia and japan defence pact agreement after 60 years of japan finally allowing foreign troops into its territory in this agreement, which is a step in the first agreement for japan to cover a foreign military presence on its territory since agreeing to a 1960 troop treaty with the united states, japan is working with washington to deploy warships, fighter jets and thousands of troops in and around japan as a regional military and security alliance (republika.co.id:2020). the pact, also known as the reciprocal access agreement (raa), is a partnership that allows australian and japanese troops to visit each other's countries and conduct joint operations training. this development in defence is to strengthen the defence relationship between the the acquisition and crossing-servicing agreement (acsa) coopertion in bilateral defence in recieval access agreements joint declaration/ japanaustralia summit meeting the australia-japan acquisition and croosservicing agreement 2007 2010 2017 2020 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 197 united states' allies, namely australia and japan. according to the japanese prime minister regarding the pact agreement, "in the indo-pacific region, defence and security cooperation between japan and australia have the will and capacity to contribute to regional peace which is increasingly important. the prime minister hereby announces that he has agreed in principle to the reciprocal access agreement which has enhanced japan and australia's security and defence cooperation (reuters newssetup:2020). as well as the australian prime minister's response to military cooperation with japan “our special strategic partnership is becoming increasingly strong, in particular as it takes a significant step forward for japan and australia in an agreement in principle on a key defence treaty namely the black lead access treaty” (quoted from reuters). the defence pact agreement between australia and japan does not directly mention steps to strengthen defence against china's military influence in the surrounding south china sea. because japan and australia are having an unfavourable relationship with china, this relationship is not good because during the japanese war in china and sovereignty disputes, japan has launched the vision of "free and open indo-pacific", this vision aims to increase connectivity between asia and africa through a free and open indo-pacific to promote stability and prosperity in the region. the dynamics of the world that sustains half the world's population to achieve stable and independent development in the region requires world stability and prosperity. there are three pillars in the vision of japan (free and open indopacific) namely (the ministry of defence). 1. spread and enforce the principle of law enforcement on freedom of navigation, free trade, etc. 2. pursuing economic prosperity (improving connectivity, etc.). 3. ensure peace and stability. australia's role in the indo-pacific in its foreign policy is in a white paper that explains how australia sees its future. the white paper maps out a framework of opportunities to promote an open, inclusive, and prosperous indo-pacific region where the rights of all countries are respected. australia seeks to create an indo-pacific region free from coercion and abundant with opportunities for all parties based on clear and fair rules. australia has a special strategy and several bilateral and trilateral partnerships with the united states and japan to ensure stability and security in northeast asia remains a key goal in the indo-pacific strategy. in cooperation between australia and japan in the defence sector to promote stronger relations for the two countries with the mutual access pact agreement to make cooperation that allows australian and japanese troops to visit each other's countries and conduct joint operations training. this development in defence is to strengthen the defence relationship between the united states' allies, namely australia and japan. the time required for this journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 198 agreement is approximately six years to be negotiated and needs to be ratified by members of parliament. with the agreement on the mutual access agreement between australia and japan, efforts are made to minimize the dominance of china's influence in the region as well as the pros and cons that occur between japan, australia, and china which worsen relations between the three countries, that japan and australia are currently having a less favourable relationship. good relations with china, this relationship was not good because during japan's war with china and sovereignty disputes, while australia and china were not good because the australian prime minister requested an investigation into the global covid-19 pandemic and this made china limit export in australia. insee from the point of view of realism every country must have an interest in controlling small countries and their surroundings, and realists see that countries have a desire to dominate other countries and encourage them to behave aggressively so that there is a need for a balance to fight against the aggressor state. as seen from the views of the two countries, namely australia and japan, who think that china has dominated the indo-pacific region from an economic to the military point of view, to contain china's dominance in the region, japan and australia have strengthened their defences by collaborating with the mutual access pact. this pact stipulates more efficient regulations to support the deployment of defence forces quickly and with less administrative control, in this cooperation, the two countries, namely australia and japan, have agreed on a framework that allows the two countries to protect each other's military forces. so that each country always controls every military exercise carried out by australia and japan, this can strengthen relations between the two countries. conclusion the mutual access pact agreement was made by japan and australia to achieve bilateral defence and facilitate more joint military operations and exercises and this development further strengthened defence relations between australia and japan. the pact is a legal framework for japanese and australian troops to visit each other and conduct joint military exercises and operations in each other's territory. cooperation carried out by japan and australia aimed at establishing their mutual defence and strengthening relations 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(2010). china among unequals: asymmetric foreign relationships in asia. world scientific. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 268 the united state’s national security protection from cyber crime threats a case study of tik tok banning submission by the president donald trump in 2020 irma indrayani, tasya maharani international relations department faculty of social and political sciences universitas nasional jakarta, indonesia irma.indrayani@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : in august 2020, president of the united states donald trump issued an executive order to the united states ministry of commerce to prohibit transaction activities through the tiktok application. the prohibition of this transaction then resulted in the notion of tiktok being banned because the president claimed that tiktok collects and sells personal data of its users to the chinese government. the multinational company bytedance, which oversees tiktok, then denied this claim and prepared to sue the trump administration. however, based on the research that has been done, in fact, there is a chinese national intelligence law, which requires companies to involve the national intelligence services in their operation. the results of the discussion will try to analyze the truth of donald trump's claims, and what kinds of dangers that might occur from the cyber-crime attacks so the use of national security theory is appropriate as a basis analysis.. keywords: tik tok banning, cyber crime, national security. submission : may, 23rd 2022 revision : june 19th 2022 publication : august 30th 2022 introduction on august 6, 2020, president donald trump issued an executive order 13942 to prohibit transaction activities through the tiktok and wechat applications. this executive order was later granted on september 18, 2020 by the united states department of commerce. the reason itself is to protect national interests, foreign policy, and the economy that may be threatened due to the possibility of data collection and theft by the chinese communist party (u.s. department of commerce, 2020). two days later on september 20, 2020, all transactions related mailto:irma.indrayani@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 269 to the tiktok and wechat apps, constituents, or app codes through app stores— such as the play store and app store—have been banned. as of november 12, tiktok will be banned domestically in the united states (u.s. department of commerce, 2020). tiktok and wechat are software applications from china with different functions. wechat is intended for chatting, and tiktok is an entertainment application that allows users to record videos with lots of music provided by the creator, the bytedance company. the ease of accessing and using tiktok makes many people of all ages download and use it actively. apart from entertainment, many people use tiktok as a media to promote, create, and share a few moments in their lives with other users. another reason why tiktok is so famous is because every user and the videos they create have an equal chance of going viral or famous (even if they don't have a famous person background). the focus of the discussion in this article is on the blocking issue of tiktok in the united states. although the ministry of commerce has officially approved the discourse of blocking two applications, namely tiktok and wechat, the author thinks that tiktok is a trending platform and is widely used by various groups around the world. furthermore, tiktok is expected to have a dangerous impact, not only on the security of its users, but on a broader scale, namely national security. if donald trump's accusations regarding the issue of theft of its user data and information are really carried out through the application, then millions of users are at risk of becoming victims of cybercrimes carried out by the bytedance company, or more broadly china itself. previously india has also done the same thing. india's ministry of information and technology has blocked 59 chinese apps on the grounds that these apps steal and secretly transmit user data illegally. the indian government also stated that applications from china threaten india's sovereignty and integrity, defense and security, and disrupt public order (bbc news, 2020). in 2019, india was the country with the highest number of tiktok downloaders in the world, reaching 611 million downloads, followed by china with 196.6 million downloads, and the united states with 165 million downloads (chapple, 2020). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 270 graphic 1.0 countries with the highest tiktok downloaders (2019) based on this data, it is known that the united states is one of the countries that use the most tiktok applications in the world. furthermore, in the official legal report that tiktok filed against the trump administration, tiktok currently has 100 million active users in the united states with 1,500 workers and 10,000 new workforce recruiting plans across the us states (tiktok, 2020). tiktok's domestic profit in the united states is also no joke, which was around us$500 million in june 2020 (yunan & dotan, 2020). the number of downloaders and active users who still use the tiktok application is a concern for the united states. the use of non-transparent data and information dissemination as well as the existence of china's national intelligence act are of great concern to the us in protecting its national security. the threat of cybercrime which has mushroomed in recent years is also not impossible. this study will further analyze the truth of donald trump's claims regarding tiktok and the threat of cybercrime that might occur if these claims are true. however, whether donald trump's claim is true or not, it seems china does have great power to interfere with the process of running this application. furthermore, it is also necessary to examine how this case will move forward under the leadership of the joe biden administration after the trump administration ends in january 2021 based on this background, this paper focuses on the possibility of theft and sale of tiktok user data to the chinese national intelligence service, as alleged by donald trump regarding the existence of the chinese national intelligence law. because this case occurred at the end of trump's tenure, the time limitation in this research is from august 2020, the period when the ban was proposed, until january 2021, when trump's term of office is over. however, to see the continuity and change in the direction of this case, the researcher added how this case journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 271 continued after joe biden came to power. this study aims to explain and identify how much control china has over the state and its people with the issuance of the chinese national intelligence law. even things as simple as watching or using a short video app can threaten and violate someone's privacy. realizing this, trump took preventive action by proposing to block tiktok domestically in the us, although this clearly received public criticism. furthermore, the research analysis explains the controversial articles on the chinese national intelligence law which are very likely to threaten the national security of any country. in addition, although it seems difficult to accept, this research offers a solution so that this case can be accepted in a neutral way, as well as being a consideration for each individual to be more careful in keeping their personal data on the open-internet. although not realized directly, data theft via the internet is real and can harm someone in any way. thus, the preposition of this research is that the existence of tiktok may threaten us national security because of the chinese national intelligence law. literature review conceptual studies on security over the years, thinkers in the study of international relations have tried to develop the concept of security because of its abstract and very broad meaning. the concept of security is one of the most important concepts in international relations, as explained by arnold wolf that, “…security is a crucial concept in international relations, [...] states and nations will tend to perceive differently their 'acquired values' and the degree of the danger they face…” (lai et al., 2011, 1). walter lippmann also stated a similar statement that “a nation is secure to the extent to which it is not in danger of having to sacrifice core values if it wishes to avoid war, and is able, if challenged, to maintain them by victory in such a war" (cox & stokes, 2012, 51). the definition of security concepts as stated above actually leads to security and military threats; mainly war. as richard ullman wrote as follows, “… traditional security conceptions have been too narrow and military oriented” (ulman, 1983, 129). thus, ullman hereby emphasizes that the concept of security is not an absolute concept, but must be fulfilled by other elements in order for its value to be balanced. furthermore, richard ullman also analyzes those issues such as scarcity of resources for human needs will be the main focus in discussing the concept of security in the post-cold war era. in line with richard ullman's statement, ken booth further revealed that after the cold war, the discussion of security concepts became increasingly complex. these discussions, among others, cover the following issues: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 272 “… the growth of complex interdependence, the erosion of sovereignty, amazing advance in communications, the declining utility of force, the degradation of nature, huge population growth, the internationalization of the world economy, the spread of global lifestyle, constant technological innovation, the dissemination of modern weaponry, the growing scope for nonstate actors and so on” (booth, 1991, 313314) the problems raised by ken booth then lead to new, broader issues—mainly regarding technological developments. the development of the era makes innovation in technology increasingly difficult to monitor and control. in fact, often these new technologies that come out make ordinary people overwhelmed and never feel enough. the scariest thing about technologies is that they are limitless. the possibility to create as well as the possibility to update is increasingly available, not only in good updates, but also in the direction of individual interests. technology is also about its users. the world is not only a place for good and idealistic people, but also interested people who are willing to do whatever it takes to get their wants fulfilled—and technology may be the way. a previous study related to this theory was entitled "from banning to regulating tiktok: addressing concerns of national security, privacy, and online harms" by dr jufan wang in a report by the foundation for law justice and society, in association with the center for socio-legal studies and wolfson college, university of oxford. in this study, researchers analyze the possible impact if the us is really serious about blocking tiktok and the regulations that may be issued regarding this application. the research, which is based on the theory of national security, states that blocking tiktok is the easiest solution for long-term goals, such as data security, privacy, and preventing disinformation. however, the threat of blocking tiktok that will be carried out by the us will certainly scare a number of companies, because it will have a domino effect for other countries to do the same. the difference of these researches, this study focuses on the discussion based on donald trump's accusations against the possibility of theft of us public data, using the concepts of security, national security, and cyber security. cyber security talking about technology cannot be separated from the existence of the internet or cyberspace. public safety canada defines cyberspace as “the electronic world created by interconnected networks of information technology and the information on those networks. it is a global common where people are linked together to exchange ideas, services and friendship” (public safety canada, 2018, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 273 34). based on this definition, it can be concluded that cyberspace is an abstract space that is not limited and includes all kinds of human nature from all over the world and all kinds of layers of society. these limitations in terms of interoperability, efficiency and freedom have clearly brought the countries of the world to their own fear and are trying to overcome the threats that may be caused by the cyber community. on this basis, a security concept related to cyber threats and crimes emerged, or what is known as the concept of cyber security. with the same source, the definition of cyber security according to public safety canada is "... protection of digital information and the infrastructure on which it resides" (public safety canada, 2018, 7) information protection as meant is protection against data theft and personal identity, fraud, propaganda, data misuse, fraud, and so on in cyberspace. however, one thing that is certain about cybersecurity is that it is very difficult to accurately identify the perpetrator of an attack (buckland et al., 2015, 12). perpetrators will easily cover up their own identity by impersonating someone else. in addition, the issues of cyber threats are also easy to be forgotten by the public due to the speed of information circulating in cyberspace itself. national security national security is defined as a strategy to protect the country as a whole from threats that are considered to be harmful to the elements of the state (government, territory, people, and sovereignty). the main aspect and must exist in national security is security in terms of the military with the aim of protecting the existence of the country itself. but at the same time, the military is no longer the only element to secure national security. in today's era, the use of military weapons with the intention of destroying the human population is tantamount to showing how low the level of development in society and awareness to build the future is (treinovskis & jefimo, 2012, 43) therefore, apart from the military, national security also includes aspects; environmental security, energy security and natural resources, economic interests, human security, homeland security, and cyber security (holmes, 2015, 19) because the elements of national security are numerous and do not only cover geopolitical, economic, and military affairs, the policies taken to maintain national security include not only defense policies, but also the country's domestic and foreign policies (holmes, 2015, 23). method the author uses qualitative research methods to answer and explain the truth of donald trump's claims on tiktok, as well as the possibility of the tiktok application being used as a medium to carry out cyber crimes. the qualitative journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 274 approach is also called the humanistic approach, because qualitative research occurs in situations where behavior and events involving humans interact naturally (creswell, 2014, 327). the purpose of using this research is to produce descriptive data in the form of words or verbal from the observed behavior. furthermore, the data collection method chosen is a secondary data collection with document-based and internet-based datas. document-based data collection methods were taken from documents in the form of books and research journals which were then reprocessed according to research needs. meanwhile, internetbased data collection methods are taken from statistical webs and news portals both domestically and internationally so that the validity of the data used is really actual. this kind of data method has advantages because the data is easy to obtain and the researcher is easy to review for matters related to the substance of the research. result and discussion as explained in the introduction, tiktok is a chinese app made by the bytedance company. tiktok started its first launch outside of china in may 2017. bytedance company, which handles tiktok, has opened branches in several major countries of the world, such as the united states (los angeles and new york), london, paris, berlin, dubai, tokyo, singapore, mumbai, seoul and jakarta (tiktok, 2020). to run the application, it is no secret that the creator will collect information from the user itself. this is done so that the application can make it easier to adjust the interests of its users. tiktok—like other apps—does the same thing. it should be clarified that, by downloading, creating, and accessing a tiktok account, users voluntarily allow the creator to collect data for the benefit of the company and the users themselves. some of the user information collected by tiktok is as follows (tiktok, 2020). 1. registration information including age, username, password, language, email, and telephone number. 2. profile information such as name, profile photo, location, and other social media accounts. 3. user-uploaded content, including photos, videos, comments, etc. 4. payment information such as paypal, visa, etc. 5. telephone numbers and social media contacts to find/find other people. 6. information that users share in the questionnaire (gender, age, likes, preferences, etc.). 7. phone model and operating system used. then apart from tiktok itself, the creator also makes it possible to retrieve user information from (tiktok, 2020): 1. other social media linked to the application, such as instagram, twitter, facebook, and google, 2. third-party services, for example; advertising, 3. other users, and 4. other sources from publicly accessible sources. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 275 after knowing what information tiktok collects, then after that it is about whom the above information can be given. based on what is written on the official website, the following are the possible persons/entities to whom personal data of tiktok users can be provided (tiktok, 2020): a. business partners (advertising, analytics and marketing), b. if there is a possibility that tiktok will go bankrupt and be sold, merged, or transferred to another company. c. legal reasons, for example: court. d. other reasons with the direct permission of the user. with the data that tiktok has collected, united states secretary of state mike pompeo emphasized that millions of tiktok users are at risk of transferring personal data into the hands of the chinese communist party (tidy, 2020). bytedance as the company that handles tiktok has clearly denied these claims many times, until in the end, bytedance sued the trump administration to the high court for not accepting these claims and over the issue of blocking tiktok in the united states. tiktok insists that its company is very transparent about what they collect and what they don't. tiktok has also written time and time again that user security is the company's number one priority (tiktok, 2020). cases of theft or data breaches are not new and are not impossible. previously, several application companies had been caught stealing information about their users' personal data. for example, an online shopping application from indonesia, tokopedia, has conceded 91 million user data and was sold for us$5,000 on a dark web site in may 2020 (cnbc indonesia, 2020). then the alleged case of data sales that recently happened was the case of selling muslim pro application data to the united states military. although this accusation was denied by muslim pro, quoted by cnn indonesia, muslim pro is one of hundreds of mobile phone applications that make money from selling user location data to third parties (cnn indonesia, 2020). in the scope, scale, and general occurrence, cases of data theft can result in submitting an online loan request using someone else's personal identity. this is easy to do because usually, the seller will sell a package that contains complete information in the form of; name, address, what bank is used, internet banking password, identity number, and so on (cnn indonesia, 2018). on a broader scale, such as the theft of data from the muslim pro application and donald trump's accusations regarding tiktok, this is to monitor state policies through small things that people usually neglect to pay attention to. tiktok as a national security threat to the united states the era after the cold war, especially after the tragedy of the september 11 attacks in the united states, has marked a shift in the concept of security from previously only military and security issues with the main actor being the state, becoming wider with various actors playing a role in international relations. something that initially sounds impossible and is declared good in fact does not always work as expected. the speed of technological development is one of the biggest elements of the threat to national security in the life of the state. the existence of cyberspace or the internet in human life has brought a new chapter in the abstract and dynamic discussion of national security. the ease of accessing the internet makes people forget the importance of maintaining their identity because the internet is often associated as an anonymous space. however, the sheer number of cases that show the theft and sale of data is a reminder to humans that the internet can also be a threat to human security, or on a large scale, national security. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 276 the fact that tiktok has the ability to collect user data is one of many examples of cyber crime issues. perhaps, the personalization and information that tiktok collects are things that are commonly collected by other social media. however, the interesting thing about operating this app is that all activities carried out by the tiktok app—or the chinese app in general—must be monitored by the country of origin. this is in line with the chinese national intelligence law which was promulgated on june 27, 2017 and has been in effect since july 2017. this law was created on the basis of increasing the protection of china's national security from the threat of terrorism and cyber-crime under president xi jinping's administration. with the promulgation of the intelligence act, it opens up great risks not only for the united states and overseas residents who do business or study in china, but also the entire population of china itself (reuters, 2017). there are several controversial articles related to this law, including article 7 which states that "all organizations, companies, or residents are obliged to support, assist, and cooperate with the work of the state intelligence agency as stated in the law". then article 14 states that "state intelligence work agencies, when legally carrying out their work, can demand that organizations or citizens who are related can provide the necessary support, assistance and cooperation". continued in article 16 which authorizes security officials to ask questions of individuals as part of collecting intelligence data, to examine their materials and files. article 16 is clarified in article 17, which stated that, these officials can confiscate means of communication, transportation, buildings, and other individual facilities including government organizations and agencies. with the existence of this intelligence law, every activity carried out by citizens, foreign nationals, companies, and even organizations domiciled in china, are all monitored by the chinese state intelligence agency for reasons of national security safeguards (tanner, 2017). this clearly reduces the freedom of its citizens to interact in society because what happens in their activities in cyberspace will be monitored by intelligence. tiktok is a chinese company, which under the act, is required by law to involve the chinese government in its operations. although tiktok already has several branch offices in several countries, the head office of tiktok (bytedance) is in china. this means, there is a possibility that the data of tiktok users is used by the chinese intelligence service to maintain the national security of its own country. the united states' action in blocking tiktok on its territory is the right thing to do. even though bytedance has denied these claims several times, there is still a possibility that these claims are true because this intelligence act has actually been operational. furthermore, this issue also concerns the poor relations between china and the united states recently. the two of them seemed to want to prove their strength by looking for the opponent's weakness to protect their own—which made sense. although this action of the united states has many pros and cons for its people because after all, the public may not experience the impact of this data theft directly. however, it is the state's obligation to protect the national security and human security of its own country. in addition, whether we realize it or not, blocking tiktok is one of the united states' efforts to protect the human rights of its citizens from the threat of data theft in cyberspace. furthermore, if tiktok insists on continuing to operate in the united states, the us department of commerce asks tiktok to transfer its technology to us companies, oracle and microsoft to then open a new company called tiktok global—including canada, new zealand, and australia (reuters, 2020). with this technology transfer discourse, tiktok (bytedance) is required to seek approval from the chinese government. as a result, this journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 277 blocking discourse not only affects the united states' national security activities, but also leads to business and political activities. but despite that, the united states is known to have its own interests in buying and selling proprietary technology rights to protect its national security and economy (baranson, 1976, 150). continuation of the case in the joe biden era until 2020, the united states occupies the first position with the largest number of tiktok users in the world with 65.9 million active monthly users (graphic 1.0) (ceci, 2022). so with this case, it is clear that there is a lot of opposition, especially from the tiktok creator community. the first judge to hear the case, wendy beetlestone in pennsylvania, thought blocking tiktok would threaten the creators with losing sponsorship income or other opportunities they could get. then a second judge, carl nichols in washington, also expressed his disapproval of the president's lawsuit. according to nichols, trump abused his power for economic gain with the intention of bringing this hugely popular app out of business. graphic 2 counties with the highest tiktok users until the trial held on december 7, 2020, there has been no solid result on who won in this case. however, based on the two judges' statements and the circumstances that occurred until two years later, tiktok which was supposed to be slated to stop operating on november 12, 2020; seems to still be able to breathe easy. the case was ultimately not resolved until donald trump's presidency ends on january 20, 2021 (reuters & shepardson, 2020). after joe biden took office, the ministry of commerce asked the federal court to withdraw the case of blocking and banning transactions via tiktok and wechat on june 22, 2021. furthermore, the biden administration ordered the department of trade to expand the scope of supervision of the application for 120 days (shepardson, 2021). president joe biden then decided to re-investigate and continue the case, but in a more coherent way than trump's accusations. biden argues that, if applications from china can really threaten america's national security, then the threat is no longer in the technology and trade sectors, but also the military, economy, and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 278 democracy itself. therefore, the minister of trade gina raimondo stated, a rigorous analysis of evidence and data is needed to examine applications developed by foreign countries, especially china. in the future, it is difficult to predict whether bytedance will be asked to transfer its data to the us, or if tiktok will be fully transferred, the case is still under discussion by actors (shepardson, 2021). conclusion in august 2020, donald trump submitted an executive order to the united states department of commerce, to stop any transaction activity and close the operation of the tiktok and wechat applications in his country on national security grounds. donald trump suspects that tiktok collects personal information from its users and provides it to the chinese communist party. the author focuses the discussion on the issue of blocking tiktok because the author considers tiktok to be an application that is currently trending and is widely used by all ages. furthermore, in september 2020, the ministry of commerce approved this order and tiktok will be officially blocked in november 2020. some of the important points of this research are first, the fact that there is a possibility of national security threats with tiktok application. the reason is in line with china's intelligence law which states that every activity of individuals, companies, even organizations, must involve the state intelligence agency in carrying out its activities. with this act, all people who occupy chinese land, all of their activities will be monitored by the state intelligence service. second, the united states' decision to block chinese applications is the right thing from america perspective for national security reason. the possibility of theft of user data through applications is proof that the meaning of this security concept has shifted; from what was originally only the military whose actor was the state, to many aspects that were never imagined before and with other actors who were not the state. although the case is not yet fully resolved under president trump, the biden administration will nevertheless continue to look for ways to keep tiktok in control in the united states in a legal way, along with the fact that this app has taken root in people's lives and has become a job for many people. third, the author confirms that the concepts of security, national security, and cyber security are relevant as the theoretical basis of this case. that the shifting of security concepts including one of them, cyber security, can be a threat to every country and individual, even through something as simple as a mobile phone application. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 279 references baranson, j. 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(2020). tiktok’s u.s. revenues expected to hit $500 million this year. the information. retrieved november 21, 2020, from https://www.theinformation.com/articles/tiktoks-u-s-revenues-expectedto-hit-500-million-this-year%20accessed journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 273 indonesia japan relations in the technical internship program (tip) hendra maujana saragih1 muhammad zulham2 mario risdantino mulyana3 1 department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia 2universitas pertahanan indonesia, bogor, indonesia 3department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 1 email: hendra.maujana@civitas.unas.ac.id 2 email: mzulham712@gmail.com 3 email: mario.risdantino@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : labor problems have become commonplace in indonesia. this is due to the large number of productive people in indonesia who have increased over time. cooperation between indonesia and japan in human development to become a superior workforce with the technical internship program is a solution for indonesia in reducing the unemployment rate. indonesia as a country that aims to reduce the unemployment rate is not only limited to taking advantage of the program. tip is one of the factors that strengthen the relationship between indonesia and japan in the economic field. this paper uses the theory of cooperation, theory of interdependence and theory of bilateral relations as a case analysis knife that the author wants to discuss. the author uses qualitative research methods in dissecting the issues discussed. keywords: indonesia-japan cooperation, labor, technical internship program submission : august, 11th 2020 revision : sept 9th 2020 publication : nov 30th 2020 introduction many political parties have praised indonesia's recent economic development. against the backdrop of the global economic slowdown, indonesia's economic development has been relatively stable and positive. on global financial markets, the increase in the us federal funds rate (ffr), the turmoil in the european union and falling chinese share prices indicate that risks on global financial markets are still high. during the first term of jokowi's administration, the economic growth rate in 2015 was 4.88%. indonesia is listed as the country with the third-largest economic growth in the asia-pacific region. indonesia lost to india and china that increasing by 7.3% and 6.8%, respectively (bps, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 274 2015). in 2016, the indonesian economy grew in the range of 5.02% compared to 4.8% in 2015. this growth was driven by fiscal stimulus, particularly the stimulus for infrastructure project development and public consumption, which is predicted to remain strong. in the dynamics of the global economy, the government will play an essential role in encouraging economic growth in 2016 in order to increase people's purchasing power and the effectiveness of fiscal stimulus measures (bank indonesia, 2016). the key is to spur economic growth amid difficult times by keeping the apbn credible, effective and well-managed. then economic growth in 2017 was 5.3%, and this year there are three main pillars prepared by the government to maintain economic stability: 1. optimize state revenue aimed at expanding the revenue base. 2. managing state expenditures in a productive and quality manner directed at the utilization of a productive and priority budget. 3. maintaining the sustainability of budget financing with a savings policy on investment financing. the government's focus is on the independence of state-owned enterprises (soe) and infrastructure through low-cost sources of financing (bps, 2017). the previous japanese government, under the leadership of shinzo abe of the liberal democratic party, balances japan's fiscal capacity with reducing state spending, and focuses on economic policy in the form of fiscal reforms and proposes legislation in march 2007. encouraging nationalism and "love law" country and home "among japanese youth (a revised specific word in the" basic composition of education kyouiku kihon hou ", namely" love of the motherland "(abas, 2018). shinzo abe designed three policies called abenomics, namely monetary stimulus, fiscal stimulus and structural reform. abe hopes to develop the japanese economy, which is still affected by the global recession. the first policy will mobilize japanese productivity, and the third policy will increase japan's productivity so that the second policy will achieve ambitious fiscal goals. by accepting foreign cultures widely and adapting to new environments, japan has undergone a notable cultural change. diplomatic relations between indonesia and japan are based on the april 1958 peace agreement between indonesia and japan (basnur, 2008). one of the cooperation between the two countries is economic cooperation. the indonesia-japan economic cooperation agreement (ijepa) came into effect in 2007 and is one of the two countries' economic cooperation plans (hadi, 2010). the agreement has a broad scope in the economic field, significantly to strengthen economic cooperation between indonesia and japan, including in infrastructure development, trade liberalization, increasing trade efficiency, and aims to increase the transportation of goods, services and services between countries. cooperation in trade and investment. investment and labor exchange between indonesia and japan (ministry of trade of the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 275 republic of indonesia, 2018). workers are sent from indonesia to japan. the g to g (government transformation) system is used to send workers to japan. the japanese government's requirement for indonesian workers is one of the critical points in the japanese national regulation epa ("economic partnership agreement"), which can only be used in the formal sector. there are significant differences between foreign workers or skilled workers and other countries that are the destination of the workforce (such as malaysia and saudi arabia), and these countries mostly employ workers in the informal sector (itpc, 2014). according to the epa, the possibility of sending foreign workers is an integral part of coordinating relations between the two countries to start a technical internship program. because for japan, the epa is a bilateral partnership with asean countries. although in practice, the tip plan is not subject to the epa agreement but is carried out through the indonesian ministry of manpower and private institutions in collaboration with jitco (japan international training cooperation). japan has invested heavily in indonesia and has also assisted in indonesia. the epa, in particular, reflects the interests of the japanese economy, including expanding access to the japanese market, ensuring japanese investment, and ensuring the supply of energy and mineral resources is the industry's primary needs. economic liberalization that occurred between the two countries opened indonesia's access to the japanese market and expanded indonesia's free trade opportunities. such cooperation provides opportunities for japanese investors to invest in indonesia, which can help indonesia develop its economy. this will also occur after four types of trade barriers, and investment has been removed or reduced (such as import tariffs and increased legal certainty). this cooperation also encourages trade and investment in the field of standardization cooperation. the customs, ports and trade services departments are also working together to improve the investment environment and increase japanese investor confidence. not only that, the improvement of development capabilities, especially in the industrial sector, is to increase the competitiveness of indonesian producers. this cooperation also encourages trade and investment in the field of standardization cooperation. the customs, ports and trade services departments are also working together to improve the investment environment and increase japanese investor confidence. not only that, the improvement of development capabilities, especially in the industrial sector, is to increase the competitiveness of indonesian producers. the obstacle to japanese investment in indonesia lies in the impact of the economic crisis. because all industries are interrelated, small industries are very dependent on the number of orders from large industries. large-scale industries are prone to face a global crisis in the form of reduced demand, which is related to differences in industrial production levels due to specialization in the production of spare parts, which are mostly journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 276 owned by small and medium-sized capital companies. at the same time, in the construction sector, the purchasing power of real estate products is decreasing, and the condition of the government to allocate the public works budget is decreasing. besides, the japanese workforce is currently reducing productivity, especially its population. initially, the number of foreign workers used in japan was still minimal, namely only foreign language teachers, consultants, chefs, and skilled workers with artistic talents. since the early 1990s, the japanese government began to realize that specific fields experienced an increase in demand for labor, but these fields became less attractive to japanese people. this kind of work is called 3k, namely kitsu (temporary work), kitanai (dirty work), kiken (dangerous work) (itpc, 2014). the work includes formwork, scaffolding, agriculture/plantation, welding, die casting, turning, bakery, building cleaning, and others. the development of the sector, economy, industry, chemistry, capital, labor and technology has changed, which has led to the modernization and urbanization of the industrial structure. currently, around 42% of japan's population lives in the three major cities of tokyo, osaka and nagoya within a radius of 50 kilometers from the city center (wada, 2014). the population of large, medium and small cities is almost the entire population of urban japan. the population whose livelihoods were classified according to the industrial sector in agriculture, forestry, fisheries and construction experienced a decline. the japanese population is engaged in secondary industry, while the secondary industry is engaged in the growth of manufacturing, service and tertiary industries (trade and finance). the japanese government provides two apprenticeship programs for foreign workers, namely the industrial training program (itp) and the technical internship program (tip). foreign workers working in japan combine an itp plan (usually up to 1 year) and a tip plan so that they can work in japan for a total of 3 years. the international migration of indonesian workers is an important issue that cannot be separated from the whole development process. on the other hand, in addition to creating foreign exchange (foreign exchange) for the country, the large number of movement of workers can also cause various problems, such as political, economic, socio-cultural and humanitarian problems. significantly in terms of economic development, the contribution of indonesian workers who work abroad can benefit from the number of remittances they send. if you look at sending money from a broader perspective, it will make more sense not only in terms of money but also in immaterial terms. things such as new ideas, modern technical knowledge, professional knowledge and work discipline are non-material remittances that have played a positive role in development. the tip program is a program that accepts young, experienced and inexperienced workers from various developing countries such as indonesia whose aim is to learn while journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 277 working in the fields of industry, agriculture, plantations and fisheries in japan. this program aims to accept experienced and inexperienced young workers or young people for practical skills/training in japan. skilled / trained workers employed in japan not only receive on-the-job training but also receive a different monthly salary amount according to the monthly hours worked. tip participants or better known as kenshusei and jisshusei. cooperation between countries is carried out by considering the needs of japanese workers. the labor crisis in the light, dirty and dangerous work area in which japan is involved has caused japan to divert its attention and openly implement tip plans by accepting workers from developing countries. one of them is indonesia, which has minimal employment opportunities and cannot increase national income through foreign exchange generated by workers abroad. therefore, the central question of this research is: why did indonesia and japan collaborate on tip in 2015-2017? literature review cooperation theory cooperation is a series of relationships that are not based on violence or coercion and are legally enforced in international organizations. collaboration occurs as a result of adjusting participants' behavior in responding to and expecting choices made by other participants. cooperation can be done in the actual negotiation process. however, if the parties already know each other, there is no need to negotiate (dougherty, 1997). collaboration can also come from an individual's commitment to the common good or an effort to meet individual needs. an essential key to cooperative behavior is the degree to which everyone trusts each other to cooperate. therefore, the main problem of cooperation theory is to realize self-interest, that is, to obtain results that benefit both parties through cooperation, not to achieve their interests through independent efforts or competition (dougherty, 1997). holsti believes that the origin of cooperation or cooperation is caused by a variety of national, regional and global issues so that more than one country needs attention, then each government proposes a solution, bargains or has a discussion. produce technical evidence to prove that one proposal can defend another and conclude negotiations with an agreement or mutual understanding that can satisfy all parties. interdependence theory interdependence refers to the joint efforts of two or more countries to achieve specific goals. this kind of cooperation leads to interdependence between the two countries, and the two countries need each other. yanuar iqbal shows in that book that interdependence is interdependence. make up for the shortcomings of each country through the comparative advantage of society (yanuar, 2014). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 278 keohane and nye describe complex interdependence in their book "power and interdependence". according to keohane and nye, the relations between the two countries are more friendly and cooperative. then, interdependence is the interdependence of the global economy and ecology and is also close to the characteristics of the overall relationship between several countries. this complicated dependency relationship leads to a unique political process in which a country's goals will change according to regional issues in the regional politics concerned. modernization has increased the degree and scope of interdependence between countries (keohane, 1977). bilateral relationship concept according to kusumohamidjojo in "international relations, analytical research framework", bilateral relations are a form of cooperation between countries that are geographically or oceanic, and its main objective is to focus on the similarity of political, cultural and economic structures. this relationship is for creating peace. (kusumohamidjojo, 1987). bilateral relations have two meanings: conflict and cooperation. the meanings between the two will alternate according to the concepts given by the two countries, such as the apprenticeship cooperation program between indonesia and japan. internal motivation and opinion covering the cooperative relationship between the two countries will establish good relations, aiming to resolve the internal/domestic problems of the two countries through this cooperative relationship. through international cooperation, countries seek to solve social, economic and political problems. the first category concerns international environmental conditions; if not regulated, it will threaten the country concerned. the second category includes certain domestic social, economic and political conditions; these conditions are considered to have a broad impact on the international system and are therefore considered a universal international issue (coplin, 1983) method the author will use qualitative research methods. lexy j. moleong defines qualitative research in his book as research that aims to understand the phenomena experienced by the object of research as a whole and descriptively, such as behavior, perception, motivation, action, etc. in a special setting of nature, through the use of various scientifically proven methods, in the form of words and grammar. in this case the researcher uses auxiliary data obtained from books, websites and other documents. result & discussion indonesia japan relations in the tip journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 279 youth employment is a top priority for the indonesian government, employers and workers. quality internships are essential for growing a young workforce. an apprenticeship system that combines on-the-job and non-work training in an office setting is a tried and tested link between education and the world of work. the apprenticeship system also uses technology and other innovations to drive new industrial developments. this shows that apprenticeship can provide ample human resources for economic growth. senior officials from indonesia and japan visited the two countries together to negotiate issues in their respective countries. the two countries debated and negotiated shortages of raw materials in indonesia and japan. the cooperation between the two countries involves various sectors, including the industrial sector and the import and export of household appliances to the economy. in the economic field, it also affects the economies of the two countries. at the same time, japan, which lacks raw materials, hopes to cooperate with indonesia in the import and export sector to support the economies of the two countries. japan has various resources that can be exported to indonesia. most of japanese exports to indonesia are used for industrial purposes, such as imports of cars, electronics, machinery, etc. investment is also included in the economic cooperation between indonesia and japan. due to the crisis experienced by indonesia, investment relations between indonesia and japan fluctuated. but until now it's getting better. by establishing and operating a wholly japanese-owned company in indonesia, japan is one of the countries with the largest investment in indonesia. japanese companies employ a lot of indonesian workers. therefore, japan is one of the countries that provides employment opportunities in indonesia. in pursuing relations between indonesia and japan, two areas were considered successful in the two countries. before indonesia and japan signed a bilateral cooperation agreement, the tip program itself was carried out long before the epa cooperation was signed. the japanese tip program began in late 1994 when an agreement / memorandum of understanding (mou) was reached between the indonesian ministry of manpower and immigration, the directorate of binalattas and the international association of small and medium enterprises (imm) in japan. in 1994. before indonesia and japan signed a bilateral cooperation agreement, the tip program itself was carried out long before the epa cooperation was signed. the japanese ti p program began in late 1994, when the indonesian ministry of manpower and immigration, the directorate general of binalattas and the japan international association for small and medium enterprises (imm) reached an agreement / memorandum of understanding (mou). in 1994, it was extended with amendments on february 1, 2010 and changed its name to im japan. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 280 the tip program, or "japanese apprenticeship program", is one of the training programs / practical skills / training of foreign workers conducted in japan. thus, it can be concluded that the japanese apprenticeship is a program that accepts experienced and inexperienced young workers or young people from various developing countries such as indonesia with the aim of working in japanese industry, agriculture, plantations, and fisheries. tip participants or better known as kenshusei and jisshusei. jitco is a comprehensive support organization for technical training systems. jitco's job is to oversee the internship program, train interns from abroad, and act as a liaison for sending organizations outside japan and accepting organizations in japan. with the support and cooperation of the japanese ministry of justice and the ministry of health, labor and welfare, jitco has carried out a supervisory, administrative and training process. jitco indicates on its official website that the aim of the training and apprenticeship program is to train the skills of apprentices, which will form the basis for economic development in their respective countries and play an important role in japan's cooperation and contribution to the international community. some of the benefits of this program include career development in industry and company development, as well as its role in improving management quality, work practices, and cost awareness. not only that, the plan also benefited japanese companies by strengthening ties with foreign companies, internationalizing management, company vitality, and production profits. in indonesia, workers are assigned to japan through the ministry of manpower and private delivery agencies. with the application of the japanese apprenticeship system, indonesian workers who work in japan can work while studying. in addition to getting a salary from work, they also learn from experience and wisdom, and learn from work. after completing the internship, they need to use the cash back to indonesia 600,000 yen. in addition, workers who work in japan can also return to work at japanese companies in indonesia and will get a certificate after completing an internship for three years (itpc, 2014). opportunities and benefits of the tip program on the one hand, the number of jobs of indonesian workers is increasingly limited, which demands that the government of the republic of indonesia take seriously and handle it. changes in concepts and perspectives on the definition and standard of work must also be considered, because basically limited employment opportunities require creativity, because it is realized that working is not only for food, but generally as workers or workers depending on others. humans, and work can also mean entrepreneurship and even create job opportunities for other workers. after returning from an apprenticeship training at a japanese company, most of this understanding gradually took shape and became a trend adopted by most foreign journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 281 apprentices in indonesia. changes in attitudes and behavior patterns and work culture and culture have affected the professional ethics of workers in chaoyang countries. there are also large differences between the benefits, perks and bonuses that employees who are interns in japan and indonesia receive, which encourage most indonesian apprentices to open up. the labor market itself returns and lets the country work (yurikosari, 2015). indonesia's overseas apprenticeship program is carried out in an orderly manner and is always a japanese apprenticeship program. this apprenticeship program for japan has been going on for years and has the full support of the japanese and indonesian governments. the japanese apprenticeship program is an apprenticeship system because apprenticeship is included in companies, especially those engaged in industry, like participants from other countries. (yurikosari, 2015). human resource development through apprenticeship is a systematic learning and training process, aimed at improving their current abilities and performance in the workplace, and to prepare for future roles and responsibilities. through the development of existing employees, the personnel department reduces the company's dependence on recruiting new employees. if the staff is well developed, then the vacancies found through human resource planning can be filled more internally. the purpose of development is to increase the effectiveness of employee performance to achieve certain results. the essence of development is knowledge development, skills development, and attitude change. the development of human resources aims to increase work efficiency, efficiency, accidents, morale and occupation, because the japanese world of work is very famous for its all-time working environment and is very wasteful of energy both physically and mentally. strengthening indonesian japanese relations in the field of manpower trade is one of the economic units that cannot be separated between indonesia and japan. the trade focus itself is on the issue of imports and exports between indonesia and japan. japan is indonesia's main export destination and largest investment. indonesia's superior products in the japanese market come from agriculture, fisheries and plantations. at the same time, japan's main investment in indonesia is in the fields of motorcycles, electronic products, vehicles and transportation equipment. japan is very interested in working with indonesia because indonesia has a good economic system in the world. increasing every year (darmawan, 2014). until the end of 2014, indonesia's gdp reached us $ 26 trillion, while the united kingdom was ranked 9th with a gdp of us $ 24 trillion. based on this data, it is clear that it will attract investors from various countries to invite indonesia to cooperate in the economic sector. understandably, bilateral negotiations between indonesia and japan involve two different countries between japan, japan has the status of a developed country, indonesia is a developing country, and the two countries experience economic inequality journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 282 (darmawan, 2014). however, the two countries are trying to achieve a balance between the three pillars of bilateral cooperation between the two countries, namely liberalization, facilitation and cooperation. we can see that the relationship between indonesia and japan has many benefits. because indonesia has the same investment as in japan, indonesia has also achieved many achievements in supporting our country's economy. indonesia is also known as a country with abundant resources. with the existence of relations with japan, many other developing countries will establish diplomatic relations with indonesia. due to the good bilateral relations between the two countries, the indonesian government, represented by the ministry of manpower and immigration, is negotiating with the japanese government represented by the japan international training cooperation organization (jitco) and the japan indonesia economic cooperation association (jiaec) training center. the center has 500 members. the japanese company agreed to employ 25,000 indonesian workers (jitco) in 2013. as a resolution to solve indonesia's poverty & unemployment problems in 2011, japan was ranked first in terms of nominal gdp, after the united states and china, and third in the world. the country is the base and producer of large high-tech industries, such as automobiles, electronics, machine tools, steel and metals, ships, chemicals, textile products, and processed food. in addition, japan is the world's largest automaker. 2 in the world. the agricultural industry accounts for 13% of japanese land. japan accounts for 15% of global catch or ranks first. 2 after china. the service industry contributes 75% of japan's gdp. in order to successfully attract indonesian workers to japan and reduce unemployment in indonesia, several strategies are needed so that indonesian workers have a bargaining position for their users in japan. (kartikasari, 2013). conclusion the labor problem in indonesia is very complex. this raises social problems at the national and local levels. human development is part of national development, because humans are the subject and object of development. therefore, the workforce determines the success of development, if the community (workforce) can live in prosperity, then development is considered successful. it is necessary to develop new concepts and methods based on the nuances of regional autonomy characterized by democratization and decentralization to adjust regional human resource planning to suit the needs of regional autonomy. this means that policies and plans are made based on the needs and desires of the surrounding community, so that they can overcome labor problems in the area. cooperation between indonesia and japan in human resource development: technical journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 283 apprenticeship programs aim to improve the skills and expertise of dispatched human resources. in the implementation process, the stages of implementation methods such as lectures, on the job training, and internships provide added value to foreign workers, including indonesian citizens, in the form of money and culture. reference bandoro, b., (1994) beberapa dimensi hubungan indonesia-jepang dan pelaporan untuk indonesia. dalam: b. bandoro, ed. hubungan luar negeri indonesia selama orde baru. jakarta: csis coplin, william d. 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(2014)metodologi dan teori hubungan internasional. bandung : pt refika aditama. injaya. starlet rallysa (2013) kerjasma internasional indonesia dan jepang : peran jepang terhadap isu deforestasi di indonesia dalam skema asia forest partnership (afp) periode 2008-2011, jakarta : universitas islam negeri syarif hidayatullah jakarta iptc osaka (2014) prospek tenaga kerja indonesia di jepang, martel, tahun 2014 , hal 35-38 jitco (2010), technical intern pelatihan program : operative manual for sending organization, japan international pelatihan cooperation organization (jitco) sumitomo hamamatsucho bldg. 4f journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 284 j. moleong, lexy (2017). metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung : pt remaja rosdakarya. kartikasari. nindya (2013) effect of labor immigration policies on indonesian migrant workers in japan and south korea, grips, japan keohane. robert o (1983) neoliberal institutionalism : a prespektif in world politics, in international institution and state power martin. lisa l (2007) neo liberalism dalam international relations theories:discipline and diversity. meier, gerald m (1985) ekonomi pembangunan negara berkembang, teori dan kebijaksanaan. jakarta : bina aksara. nawawi (2009), the dynamic of indonesian migrant workers in japan under the industrial pelatihan and technical intership program, departement of humanities, graduate school of humanities and social scieneces. mie university-japan, triu09pn-08. nurfadilah (2014), efektifitas kerja sama indonesia-usaid dalam penanganan kemiskinan untuk mnecapai mdgs 2015. samarinda : universitas mulawarman, 2014 ravianto (1989), perilaku organisasi, sinar baru, bandung rivai, veithzal, dkk (2011) manajemen sumber daya manusia untuk perusahaan, jakarta : rajawali press pratiwi. yunita wahyu (2007) analisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi migrasi internasional tenaga kerja indonesia ke luar negeri tahun 2007(studi kasus tenaga kerja asal kabupaten majalengka propinsi jawa barat, surakarta, universitas sebelas maret journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 129 global civil society and humanitarian crises: how wanep played its role in west africa in 2019 abd azis1*, muhammad fadilah aziz1, tazkia abdillah1, mutiarah azizah dyah pramesti1, herdiani narita1, novita putri rudiany1, indra kusumawardhana1 1international relations department, universitas pertamina email: abdazis.ir@gmail.com, azizx0201@gmail.com, tazkiasyahidah@gmail.com, mutiaraazizah753@gmail.com, naritaherdiani@gmail.com , novita.putri@universitaspertamina.ac.id, indra.kusumawardhana@universitaspertamina.ac.id correspondence: abdazis.ir@gmail.com abstract; many reports in the mass media regarding the humanitarian crisis caused by economic and political instability in west africa continued to become headlines widely discussed throughout 2019. the saying "there will be no smoke if there is no fire" also applies to the situation in west africa. this crisis happened due to several reasons, such as the increase in armed conflict crises, civil war, authoritarian leaders, and rebellions carried out by extremist groups. instead of offering practical solutions to end the crisis, the government, as a critical actor, sometimes even becomes the root cause of the conflict. consequently, the situation triggered several civil society grassroots movements in various countries in west africa. one of the global civil society movements that later emerged was the west africa network for peacebuilding (wanep). this research looks further at how wanep responded to the instability in west africa in 2019. in looking at the role of wanep, the neo kantian approach is used to understand the global civil society movements in peacebuilding attempts. the method used in this study is a qualitative method by analyzing data sources from official reports and previous studies, which are relevant to answering the research question. it is found that wanep had initiated and was involved in many capacity-building efforts to educate the people and minimize the impacts of the crisis. keywords: wanep; west africa; neo kantian, conflict, peacebuilding submission : january, 13th 2023 revision : march 24th 2022 publication : may 30th 2023 mailto:abdazis.ir@gmail.com mailto:azizx0201@gmail.com mailto:tazkiasyahidah@gmail.com mailto:mutiaraazizah753@gmail.com mailto:naritaherdiani@gmail.com mailto:novita.putri@universitaspertamina.ac.id mailto:indra.kusumawardhana@universitaspertamina.ac.id mailto:abdazis.ir@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 130 introduction in response to many conflicts and humanitarian crises that have taken place in west africa, global civil society in west africa in 1998 established the west africa network for peacebuilding (wanep). wanep is a regional civil society network that is institutionalized into a formal organization that focuses on peacebuilding. in achieving its goals, wanep cooperates well with individual actors, groups of non-governmental organizations, regional or international organizations, and the government. threats to human security are a complicated problem in west africa both because of ethnic conflicts, natural resources, and even rebellion against the ruling government regime. the conflict dynamics in west africa continued to increase until they peaked in 2019. referring to the report released by palik, rustad & methi (2020), the year of 2019 was a challenge for countries in west africa to achieve overall regional stability. based on the observation findings, the number of conflicts in 2019 was among the highest in history since 1946. the number of state-based conflicts in 2019 are total 25 conflicts— 11 of which were civil wars. as non-traditional actors, global civil society movements such as wanep in upholding peace in west africa were receiving a lot of attention. there was a huge expectation from the people that wanep might contribute to reducing the impacts of the instability within the region. this research departs from several previous studies and publications related to the role of wanep in undertaking peacebuilding efforts in west africa. the first study based on bombande's (2016) article entitled "the role of wanep in crafting peace and security architecture in west africa". in this article, bombande explained the role of wanep in creating peace in west africa by establishing relations and cooperation with the governments of west african countries. secondly, an article by eze (2020) entitled "civil society organizations and the ecowas peace and security agenda: a case study of the west africa network for peacebuilding (wanep)". similar to bombande's previous writings, eze also explained the role of wanep in maintaining security in west african countries. it is just that in his writings, eze emphasized more on the wanep strategy through collaboration with ecowas. then, another study by eze (2016) entitled "the role of csos in promoting human rights protection, mass atrocities prevention, and civilian protection in armed conflicts" also discusses the role of wanep in west africa but places more emphasis on overcoming the problem of humanitarian crises in the region. the previous literatures have clearly explained the roles of wanep in implementing conflict management in west africa. however, there has yet to be research discussing the specific impact of wanep on peacebuilding attempts in west africa, specifically in 2019. meanwhile, the trend of conflict between 2018-2019 has increased quite sharply and can be interpreted as an important basis for viewing wanep's response in addressing the spike in the conflict in west africa. in addition, no previous research has examined the role of wanep using a neo-kantian perspective. the presence of wanep as one of the most prominent global civil society organizations in upholding peacebuilding is a breakthrough in responding to the failure of traditional actors, in this case, the state government, in dealing with the existing internal conflicts. in this research, further analysis will be made regarding the role of wanep as an actor in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 131 undertaking peacebuilding efforts in west africa during 2019. in addition, we will also look at the effectiveness of the programs that wanep has implemented in reducing conflict in the west african region. literature review neo-kantian approach in seeing global civil society movement in the theoretical realm, the neo-kantian approach is one of the leading approaches in studying an action that arises from adopting universally applicable norms. in this case, the universality of human rights is a strong foundation in efforts to uphold peace throughout the world, including in west africa (keane, 2003). in the neo-kantian approach, immanuel kant's theory of perpetual peace is the primary reference for peacebuilding in west africa. immanuel kant noted three definitive articles in endless peace theory to achieve global peace. the first definitive article is republicanism, in which kant states that all countries must be republics or hold republican values. in its development, the republic, in this case, is understood as a democracy. kant's belief that peace is created in countries that hold democratic values eventually gave birth to a new theory called democratic peace theory. the second definitive article is that the state must be involved or cooperate with international institutions that uphold the values of peace. this is called the pacific union. while the third definitive article emphasizes the acceptance of universally applicable values such as human rights as the supreme law. this definitive article is called cosmopolitan law (kant & smith, 2016). noting those definitive articles, we consider that the neo-kantian approach is suitable for researching civil society movements in the field of peace, in this case, wanep. another conceptual view of neo-kantian has been brought by perret (2006). this approach emphasizes a bottom-up process, which includes tactics regarding the actions of global civil society in achieving its goals. from this point of view, there are several important efforts to note (perret, 2006). first, information politics can be interpreted as the ability of global civil society to produce and disseminate information quickly and credibly. second, symbolic politics is a tactic for solving communication/issues with certain symbols to attract public attention. in addition, leverage politics is defined as the ability of global civil society to collaborate with other more powerful actors to increase their capability and engagement. finally, it also discusses accountability politics, which is an act by global civil society to monitor and control government policies, so as not to injure or offend the goals that global civil society is trying to achieve (perret, 2006). peacebuilding attempts we adopted peacebuilding terminology in this paper based on the un definition. in this case, peacebuilding can be interpreted as reducing risk (including preventive action) in a conflict to achieve peace and sustainable development in a region. the implementation of this peacebuilding places more emphasis on conflict management, which addresses strengthening the fundamental elements of a country so that the government has sufficient capacity to carry out conflict management. the state or society will feel the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 132 impact of peacebuilding. by undertaking peacebuilding efforts, the state will continue improving its capabilities to effectively fulfill its people's obligations. meanwhile, the community will be subject to and bound by the laws that apply to the government (united nations peacekeeping, 2008). along with strengthening globalization, peacebuilding efforts no longer rely solely on the role of traditional actors such as the state. the emergence of global civil society movements such as wanep is one of the manifestations of civil society's efforts to take part in efforts to uphold international peace. in the literature written by barnet, m. et al. (2007), it said that peacebuilding is an action to recognize and help actors to prevent conflict by strengthening the peace. the postconflict peacebuilding would look at three dimensions: the creation of stability, restoration of state institutions, and socioeconomic status in the conflict. these three dimensions are the goal of what conditions should be achieved for being a peacebuilder. wanep has been critical in creating peacebuilding in west africa. the three dimensions of peacebuilding in west africa by wanep should be analyzed further to see the role of wanep. method the method used is a qualitative method. lamont (2015) states that qualitative methods refer to data collection and analysis strategies that rely on non-numeric data. because it is non-numerical data, qualitative methods can explore a phenomenon in more depth. qualitative methods are used with the aim of researchers being able to identify and map the role of wanep in upholding peacebuilding in west africa in 2019. more specifically, researchers use document-based research and internet-based research in collecting the data collection process. researchers use a report entitled "conflict trends in africa 19892019" as justification for seeing a significant spike in armed conflict in west africa. the authors then use some of the literature in analyzing the role of wanep using the neokantian approach in upholding peacebuilding in west africa in 2019. to measure the effectiveness of wanep's part, the authors analyze conflict trends that occurred in west africa in the years after 2019. we used the discourse analysis method in analyzing the data that has been collected. lamont (2015) explained that discourse analysis is a data analysis technique in a qualitative way by analyzing a form of communication, both written and verbal, to get the deep meaning of a phenomenon. in carrying out the discourse analysis technique, the researcher first determines the literature to be analyzed and then conducts a literature analysis to identify the extent of the role of wanep in upholding peacebuilding in west africa in 2019. because it is a technique that analyzes the meaning of a piece of literature, the researcher pays great attention to when the literature was published so that there is no bias and misunderstanding regarding the context of the literature being analyzed. in the end, using this qualitative method will find out how wanep as a global civil society network is an alternative solution to overcoming the problem of conflict in west africa in 2019. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 133 result and discussion result the west africa geopolitical realm like most african countries, the west african continent is located on a semi-arid to arid continent. the lack of springs and waterways exacerbates the dry conditions of this region. such physical geographical conditions make people's activities concentrated in coastal areas. in contrast, people who live in the middle of this continent must face various environmental problems such as clean water crises, food crises, poor sanitation systems, and regular sandstorms that happen every year. ultimately, this has implications for the spread of several infectious and deadly diseases in african countries. on the social landscape, the problem of population growth in west africa is escalating the scarcity of natural resources in the region. the population in west africa has quadrupled in the past 50 years, with the total population currently standing at around half a billion people. the population in west africa is one of the youngest populations in the world, based on data from the world bank (2020). however, the problems in the west african region are wider than environmental problems and overpopulation. historical factors such as a former colony and prolonged civil war between tribes are inseparable in discussing the issues faced by west africa. according to a report published by the oslo peace research institute (prio), the number of conflicts in west africa increases yearly. however, in several years it has decreased. the surprising finding is that 2019 was the peak of many conflicts in west africa and has even become one of the highest number of cases in history since 1946. the number of disputes that were state based in 2019 was 25, an increase of 4 rows compared to those in 2018, with a total of 21 matches. the twenty-five conflicts comprise 11 domestic and international civil wars (palik, rustad, & methi, 2020). figure. 1 state-based armed conflict in west africa (palik, rustad, & methi, 2020) wanep as a transnational peacebuilding network in west africa the west african peace building network (wanep) is a network initiated by west african civil society to build peace in the region. wanep is officially the representative of the west african region in the global partnership for the prevention of armed conflict (gppac), a global network for preventing armed conflict and upholding peace worldwide. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 134 wanep focuses on a collaborative approach to conflict prevention and peacebuilding, working with various actors from civil society, government, intergovernmental agencies, women's groups, and other partners to build a platform for dialogue, sharing experiences and learning in the west african region. the values or principles that underlie the vision, mission, strategy, and tactics are no less critical in analyzing a civil society movement. wanep itself has several main operational principles in every move it makes. first, in upholding peacebuilding, wanep prioritizes empowering local communities involved in the conflict. this means that wanep in this case, functions as a facilitator for communities or local actors in resolving disputes in their area. second, in upholding peacebuilding, wanep can reconcile the parties involved in the conflict. this is because if this reconciliation is not carried out, subsequent conflicts will likely occur. third, wanep promotes mutual understanding by encouraging in-depth studies and dialogue to discover a conflict's root causes. fourth is inclusivity in responding to competition by involving all stakeholders in conflict resolution mechanisms. the involvement of various groups, starting from civil society actors, businesspeople, and government representatives, makes conflict resolution easier. fifth, respect for all groups regardless of religion, ethnicity, race, etc. this is caused by egalitarianism and non-discriminatory attitudes, critical points in mediating conflicts, especially in a plural region like west africa. (wanep, 2021). the operational principles above become a system of norms firmly embedded in various efforts to enforce peacebuilding by wanep. wanep programs implemented in west africa in realizing its vision of upholding peace in the west african region, like other global civil society networks, wanep works on five main programs: warn, wapi, nape, special intervention, and csdg. the first one is west africa early warning and early response (warn), a response program that is an early warning of potential conflicts in the region. ultimately, this program pioneered the creation of a similar program by ecowas called ecowarn. this program is carried out by monitoring and reporting socio-political conditions in areas with potential destructive conflict. from the information collected, wanep releases prevention strategies and provides conflict resolution recommendations to policymakers. in this important activity, the information is also conveyed down to the entire network, both formal and informal. in ensuring the distribution of this information, wanep then formed a supporting program called the national early warning system (news) in all wanep network countries. this information has been disseminated to governments, grassroots networks, and un agencies (wanep, 2021). secondly, there is also the west africa peacebuilding institute (wapi), a program launched to increase the capacity of academics, practitioners, businesspeople, and organizations engaged in preventing armed conflict. the output of this program is increasing the number of practitioners who are working in the field of peacebuilding to assist in the process of reconciliation of a conflict comprehensively. as of 2010, wapi has conducted training and capacity building for more than 400 peacebuilding practitioners, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 135 including some of them from un agencies and ecowas. wanep also created a program called nape or non-violence and peace education which is a program to promote a culture of peace and non-violence in west africa. the main target of this program is children and youth in schools and other informal sectors. in addition, in the conflict resolution mechanism, wanep has a unique direct engagement -or in their terminology, particular interventionprogram in which wanep is committed to initiating constructive dialogues in mediating the parties involved in the conflict. finally, wanep also started a program called the civil society coordination and democratic governance program (csdg). this program aims to support the transition towards democracy for countries in west africa (wanep, 2021). based on this fact, we can see that the activities of wanep are highly connected to achieving a peaceful democracy implementation in the region of west africa. the five main wanep programs above have been routinely carried out in previous years and continued in 2019. particularly throughout 2019, several programs had been fruitfully implemented by wanep. for example, in 2019, wanep, in collaboration with the independent electoral commission (inec) and the african union (au), launched an election monitoring project called election monitoring, analysis and mitigation (emam) in nigeria. emam's triumph was apparent when in 2019, it succeeded in preventing conflicts that had become entrenched in nigeria's previous elections. emam creates democratic elections in nigeria by making thorough preparations before the election, strict supervision and monitoring during the election, and bridging mediation in the post-election (wanep, 2019b). in addition, as an effort to prevent the adverse effects of the spread of terrorist extremism, wanep also managed to organize a workshop on countering violent extremism (cve). also, in 2019, wanep succeeded in collaborating with the european union (eu) in holding the women's leadership project as a manifestation of wanep's commitment to protecting women as vulnerable people. discussion wanep within neo kantian perspective the noble mission that wanep strives for in preventing conflict, maintaining peace, and overcoming humanitarian crises embodies immanuel kant's dream in his perpetual peace theory. immanuel kant introduced endless peace theory in his writing entitled "perpetual peace: a philosophical essay" in 1795. in realizing world peace, where all countries apply human rights principles, according to kant, they must first fulfill three conditions or what kant called the definite article. the first definite principle in perpetual peace theory is republicanism. according to kant, in realizing peace and efforts to uphold human rights, countries must adhere to the principle of republicanism and be a republic. the republic kant mentioned is a country that keeps the human rights of every individual. countries that support individual rights tend not to go to war with each other because individual rights can be threatened in a fight. in its development, republican governments are often used interchangeably to refer to countries that adhere to a democratic system. yet kant himself never equated these two terms. according to kant, a republic is a form of state that separates legislative and executive powers (kant & smith, 2016). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 136 kant & smith (2016) continued the second definitive principle is the pacific union. countries in the international system are like individuals as social communities who need each other and are mutually affected by the behavior of other countries. therefore, the republican state will try to ensure that other countries also adhere to the principles of peace and human rights in republicanism. the peace alliance (foedus pacificum) and peace agreement (pactum pacis) are the solutions countries will undertake to ensure human rights enforcement and achieve peace. in the end, the pacific union – a union between countries that adheres to the values of republicanism will be formed. then, to codify human rights values, a third definitive principle emerged, namely cosmopolitan law. "the rights of men, as citizens of the world, shall be limited to the conditions of universal hospitality" is a quote from kant that embodies that no individual has more rights over other individuals. the idea of cosmopolitanism emphasizes that regional differences do not cause one group of individuals to have fundamental rights different from other groups of individuals. basic values apply universally to essential matters such as human rights, which need to be codified into a universal law called cosmopolitan law. if we did a deeper analysis, the three definitive articles above are very condensed with the vision and mission of establishing wanep. the first definitive article, republicanism, is reflected in wanep's efforts to oversee the process of democratic elections in west africa through the civil society coordination and democratic governance program (csdg). in addition, wanep also makes this program a means of supporting the transition of west african countries toward a more democratic direction. the purpose of doing so is the same, authoritarian governments tend to create a lot of conflicts in west african countries, which are very plural. this is in line with democratic peace theory. the second definitive article is peace union. wanep is a global community network engaged in upholding peace. in addition, wanep also assists regional organizations in west africa in distributing information to prevent conflict through ecowarn. then, the third definitive article, cosmopolitan law. wanep is trying to realize this through one of its programs, namely the west africa peacebuilding institute (wapi). in this program, wanep builds capacity for practitioners and academics engaged in conflict management. in addition, the values of peace and humanity are disseminated by wanep through dialogue with state leaders and involvement in education for children and youth in schools. the above shows how wanep, as a network of global communities, has a vision that aligns with the ideals of perpetual peace sparked by immanuel kant in his theory. from kant's perpetual peace theory, wanep can be identified as a global civil society network model with a community of law model. according to dahbour (2005), there are three models of the global community, one of which is the community of law. community of law is a model of global civil society that fights for the principles of peace, justice, and human rights to apply in all regions regardless of national boundaries and are not limited by specific local laws. it is because these principles are basic principles that are entitled to be enjoyed by all human beings. if reflecting on the wanep vision which wants to create a just, peaceful west africa where respect for human rights is upheld, and people can meet their basic needs and have freedom of self-determination, then we can identify wanep as one of the concrete examples of a global community with a community of law model. this is also very visible when wanep facilitates interaction between the security sector and community members and builds community capabilities to act responsively, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 137 effectively, and efficiently towards the conflicts that took place in nigeria, burkina faso, and other west african countries in 2019 (wanep, 2019a). leverage politics and information politics: the two effective wanep tactics gaining influence from the grassroots community will certainly only be enough with the support of adequate political elite forces. therefore, one of the surefire tactics used in wanep is leverage politics. this tactic is a form of persuasion carried out by global civil society to gain support from political elites, individuals and international institutions with significant capacity in the political arena (keck & sikkink, 1998). in this regard, wanep, the official representative of the west african region in gppac, has obtained support from various international organizations with the economic and political capacity to influence peacekeeping in west africa. for example, wanep obtained funding to implement several programs 2019, such as the election monitoring, analysis, and mitigation (emam) program, the workshop on countering violent extremism (cve), and the women's leadership project from the european union. apart from the european union, wanep receives funding from usaid and other organizations. politically, wanep's efforts to create peace have received support from ecowas, the african union, and even the united nations through the united nations development project (undp), the united nations office for west africa and the sahel (unowas), and the united nations security council resolution (unscr) (wanep, 2019a). apart from leveraging politics, wanep also undertook peacebuilding in west africa using information politics tactics. according to keck & sikkink (1998), the information politics tactic is used by global civil society in voicing their actions by relying on the rapid distribution of information. besides that, accuracy, credibility, and the way the information is made so that it is persuasive are also part of information politics tactics. wanep, a formal global civil society network, utilizes the dissemination of information to persuade the public and the government about the problems of conflict in west africa. this can be seen in the implementation of the ecowarn, news, and warn programs which are still running today. a concrete example, in 2019, was a project to mitigate violence and violations in elections in several west african countries, so news was used as an integrated information program to monitor the current situation. the output of this news is in addition to basic information and several policy briefs and special reports published by wanep in 2019. these policy briefs and reports are then used by countries as input for policy reform in counteracting existing problems. one example is togo, which heavily depends on the policy recommendations published by wanep in responding to the rife robbery problem in the country. effectiveness of wanep role in west africa several things must be considered in justifying the success of a civil society network. first, did the civil society network achieve its targets and goals? second, to what extent can the effectiveness of the network movement be legitimized? therefore, in seeing the effectiveness of wanep's role in west africa in 2019, it is necessary to know whether the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 138 wanep targets and goals in 2019 have been achieved and how far has wanep's performance been effective. the program targeted in 2018 to be completed in 2019 has been achieved. for example, strengthening the news program as the key to conflict management was completed in june 2019. then, the focus on the issue of gender security and women's capacity in peacebuilding which was worked on in 2018, was also successfully continued in 2019. other programs running regularly since previous years, such as warn, nape, wapi, and csdg, are still running in 2019. thus, the targets and goals of wanep in enforcing peacebuilding in west africa arguably can be achieved through a series of programs that have been implemented. then, to see the effectiveness of wanep, it is necessary to look at the output of the programs that have been implemented and how significant these programs are in upholding peacebuilding in west africa. warn and ecowarn have contributed to the success of democratic electoral processes in senegal, nigeria, and guinea bissau. wanep conducted training for 200 community monitors in niger, nigeria, sierra leone, and guinea, as well as 150 observers in senegal, 200 observers in guinea bissau, and 114 in nigeria to monitor the electoral process in their respective countries. then, as explained earlier, the publication of reports from news is used as policy recommendations in several countries in west africa. then, wanep also conducted training and increased capacity building for 4,279 people to uphold peacebuilding regarding conflict resolution strategies, dialogue, mediation, government involvement, and others. also, young people and vulnerable people, especially women in school, were trained in several west african countries (wanep, 2019a). in this case, we can see how wanep was eager to focus on long-term capacity building to empower the civil society in west africa. wanep, through its program such as emma, was much more likely to help peaceful coordination during the nigerian election. in this case, in the middle of massive armed conflict challenges in west africa (allison, 2020), wanep significantly prevents broad impacts on society. through emma, wanep showed how a democratic society could be expected to start a peace-building process within a country. conclusion geographical conditions, the problem of overpopulation, ethnic plurality, and status as a former colony are some factors that contribute to the complexity of the issues in west africa. in the aftermath, armed conflict in west africa peaked in quantity in 2019— becoming the most in the history of west africa since 1946. the role of wanep through several programs successfully carried out in 2019 provided new breath for peace in the region in the following years. wanep comes with several programs primarily engaged in prevention mechanisms and capacity building in dealing with armed conflict in west africa. general elections in nigeria and other west african countries that have been successfully implemented democratically cannot be separated from the success of the wanep-news monitoring system. promoting several capacity-building programs for vulnerable people is also carried out because it is the first step in conflict mitigation. as most of the programs implemented by wanep in capacity-building, it tended to be more journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 139 targeted at long-term impacts. therefore, we can see that in achieving peacebuilding means and undertaking its activities, wanep played significant roles in west africa, especially in 2019. it cannot be separated from how they built their ideas the very first time they created a network, how they mapped the root cause of the crises within the society in the region, also how they conducted specific strategies and tactics in responding to the concerns by directly engaging with the community. in this case, we can also see how wanep expanded its network by gaining cooperation with other international relations actors to support the effectiveness of its actions in the west africa region. from the perspective of neo-kantian, wanep showed how it could trigger a democratic society which later led to a peaceful social interaction in west africa. further, this research can be a starting point for subsequent studies in mapping the effectiveness of wanep capacity building for conflict mitigation in the future. references allison, s. (2020). conflict is still africa’s biggest challenge in 2020. pretoria: institute for security studies (iss). barnet, m. et al. (2007). peacebuilding: what is in a name?. global governance, 35-38. bombande, e. (2016). the role of wanep in crafting peace and security architecture in west africa. in d. cortright, m. greenberg, & l. stone, civil society, peace, and power. washington, dc: rowman & littlefield. dahbour, o. (2005). three models of global community. the journal of ethics, 9, 201– 224. eze, c. b. (2016). the role of csos in promoting human rights protection, mass atrocities prevention, and civilian protection in armed conflicts. global responsibility to protect, 249-269. eze, c. b. (2020). civil society organisations and the ecowas peace and security agenda; a case study of the west africa network for peacebuilding (wanep). in regional economic communities and peacebuilding in africa. united kingdon: routledge. kant, i., & smith, m. c. (2016). perpetual peace a philosophical essay. turgut dincer. keane, j. (2003). global civil society. cambridge: cambridge university press. keck, m. e., & sikkink, k. (1998). activist beyond borders. new york: cornell university press. lamont, c. (2015). research methods in international relations. edisi pertama. sage. great britain. palik, j., rustad, s. a., & methi, f. (2020). conflict trends in africa, 1989–2019. oslo: peace research institute oslo. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 140 perret, v. (2006). civil society in international relations. a typology of roles and political, pp. 1-30. the world bank. (2020). the world bank in western and central africa. washington d.c.: the world bank. united nations peacekeeping. (2008). united nations peacekeeping operations: principles and guidelines. new york: united nations secretariat. retrieved from https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/capstone_eng_0.pdf wanep. (2019a). annual report 2019: transcending new frontiers in peacebuilding. west africa: wanep. wanep. (2019b). election monitoring analysis and mitigation in west africa. accra: wanep wanep. (2021). operating principals of wanep. retrieved from wanep: https://wanep.org/wanep/operating-principles/ wanep. (2021). programs of wanep. retrieved from wanep: https://wanep.org/wanep/ https://peacekeeping.un.org/sites/default/files/capstone_eng_0.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 38 integrated domestic waste management in accordance with kampung iklim program at warakas village, tanjung priok jakarta utara nonon saribanon1, noverita1, bhakti nur avianto2, angga septian erdiyanto3, sara pebrina3, astri oktavina3 1faculty of biology, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 2faculty of politic, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 3pt. indonesia power priok pomu, jakarta utara, indonesia email: (nonon.saribanon@civitas .unas.ac.id) abstract: warakas village is located in tanjung priok district, north jakarta, with a population of 60,122 people and an area of 100.4 ha. the increase in population and consumption patterns that continue in society can lead to the amount of landfill waste. stunting toddlers have become a serious concern for the government. the real impact of stunting is that it can reduce intelligence in children, as the next generation of the nation. the program conducted in the warakas village is to add insight and knowledge, as well as improve skills from environmental, economic, and health aspects, especially in the case of stunting by prioritizing integrated waste/garbage management with prospects for creating innovations in the field of feed and fish farming catfish. the program is implemented using a participatory approach and an adult learning system, both in training by inviting expert speakers and assisting in the application of the knowledge provided. the benefits obtained are increasing the skills of residents in developing the ability to make solid and liquid fertilizers, plant cultivating with hydroponic system, and production of fish feed independently. all of these activities are interrelated, and can become a place/forum for discussion between residents and other stakeholders. in the health sector, this activity is believed to be able to meet the need for animal protein sources, especially in the stunting prevention action activities which prioritize animal protein intake. lastly, in the environmental field, waste management activities can support environmental quality improvement by reducing waste piles that are disposed of at garbage dump. keyword : integrated domestic waste, kampung iklim, rrban agriculture submission : september, 13rd 2022 revision : november 24th 2022 publication : february 28th 2023 mailto:syarif.hidayat@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 39 introduction warakas village is located in tanjung priok district, north jakarta, with a population of 60,122 people and an area of 100.4 ha. the population density of this urban village is very high, reaching 49,014 people/km2. warakas village is a developed area. however, because it is located in the lowlands, every rainy season floods often occur. many residents choose to survive the threat of flooding every year because there is no alternative house (dermawan, et al., 2022). the increase in population and consumption patterns that continue in society can lead to the amount of landfill waste. this population density is a burden on the environment, thus providing little public space for the community (cahyono, 2012), as a result, it has an impact on increasing the number of unemployed so that the economy can be disrupted and cause several other problems such as health problems such as stunting (agustin, et al., 2017 ). stunting toddlers have become a serious concern for the government. the government through presidential regulation number 72 of 2021 has regulated the acceleration of stunting handling, this has indicated that the problem of stunting is a serious issue that needs to be resolved immediately. the real impact of stunting is not only a matter of physical condition but can reduce intelligence in children, of course, this problem will be detrimental to the country in the next few decades as the nation's next generation (dermawan, et al., 2022; agustin, et al., 2017). activities to manage urban agriculture, manage domestic waste, and manage health, especially stunting cases in the warakas village, need to be carried out (masruroh, 2021). the importance of the relationship between waste management activities carried out at the community level to improve environmental quality (nirmalasari, 2020). humans can produce up to 1 kg of waste every day. according to data from the ministry of environment, the average urban person in indonesia in 1995 generated 0.8 kg/day of waste and continued to increase to 1 kg per person per day in 2000. it is estimated that waste generation in 2020 for each person per day is of 2.1 kg. garbage produces greenhouse gas (ghg) emissions in different ways, while its contribution to the global warming effect reaches 15%. organic waste disposed of in landfills decomposes anaerobically to produce methane gas, which according to the global warming potential index, has an effect 21 times more toxic than carbon dioxide gas. more methane is released into the atmosphere from human activities (anthropogenic) than from natural processes. organic waste treatment can reduce carbon emissions released into the atmosphere when compared to burning organic waste (darusman, 2000). the role of the community can produce empowerment with several benefits, including contributing to efforts to make the maximum use of it, arousing enthusiasm, arousing a spirit of independence and cooperation with the community to reduce government resources and guarantee greater acceptance of everything that is built so that it will generate pride, as well as prevent and accelerate stunting rates (ministry of health, 2018; arthatiani and zulham, 2019). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 40 the management of urban agriculture is based on activities by utilizing narrow land for productive activities that can be carried out anywhere. such as the use of yards for vegetable cultivation, hydroponics, and catfish farming. this activity certainly requires supporting materials such as fertilizers and pellets (palupi, 2015; food security agency, 2012). but its presence in the market at a fairly expensive price can also be a problem. so that the domestic waste management activities that have been carried out by warakas village residents can be utilized for this activity. for example, organic waste is used as fertilizer, and fish meal waste can be used as pellets. but of course, this activity needs training and assistance from the people in warakas so that they can optimize independently for the sustainable development of their area. method to achieve the objectives of this community service activity, several steps are used: 1. lectures the lecture method is used in the delivery of materials on the production of solid and liquid fertilizers, hydroponic planting, and independent production of fish feed. 2. practice the second method used is the practice method. this method takes the form of training and mentoring which directly invites experts from related fields. the program is implemented using a participatory approach and an adult learning system, both in the implementation of training and program assistance. in general, the description of the mentoring activities is as follows, result target group lecturer stakeholders facilitator/student university public program pkm: planning organizing actuating controlling journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 41 the utilization of fish waste resulting from cleaning activities bar screen water intake is processed into fish meal and used as a mixed raw material for making catfish feed. this feed is packaged and distributed to the foster partners (comdev) catfish farming locations (comdev) of pt. indonesia power pro pomu. fish waste can be processed into a fish meal where this fish meal will be used as the main raw material (largest composition) in making fish feed. based on the results of research by lestari, et al., (2013) shows that fish waste that is processed into fish meal has a chemical composition that is in accordance with the quality standards of fish meal as a raw material for fish use. the process of processing fish waste into a fish meal is washing the fish waste, then boiling it for 2 minutes or soaking it in hot temperatures (approximately 80oc) and drying it for 24 hours in the sun. furthermore, the dried fish is cut into small pieces and the last one is ground to become a fish meal. the resulting fish meal is then made into the fish feed which consists of various stages including size reduction, premixing, mixing, and printing activities. figure 1. flow process in fish feed production composition of fish feed every day humans can produce up to 1 kg of waste. according to data from the ministry of environment, the average person in urban areas in indonesia in 1995 produced 0.8 kg/day developing raw materials preparation mixing raw materials mixing palleting drying packing journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 42 of waste and continued to increase to 1 kg per person per day in 2000. it is estimated that the landfill in 2020 for each person per day is 2.1 kg. discarded waste produces greenhouse gas (ghg) emissions in different ways, while its contribution to the global warming effect reaches 15%. the first way is for organic waste that is disposed of in landfills to decompose anaerobically to produce methane gas, which is a greenhouse gas emission that, according to the global warming potential index, has an effect of 21 times more toxic than carbon dioxide gas. meanwhile, darusman (2000) said that more methane released into the atmosphere comes from human activities (anthropogenic) rather than the result of natural processes. processed organic waste can reduce carbon emissions released into the atmosphere when compared to burning organic waste. increased knowledge and understanding of waste management and waste management can reduce the amount of waste transported to landfills. through the integration model, it is hoped that there will be an increase in the economic activity of activity managers, efficiency and effectiveness so that the sustainability and independence of activities can be achieved. output and benefits the benefits that can be provided from the integrated domestic waste management model are: 1. improving the skills of rw 008 residents in developing the skills of making solid and liquid fertilizers, growing hydroponics, and making fish feed. 2. as a forum for exchanging ideas between residents of rw 008 and universities. in other perspective, the residents of rw 08 are more motivated to develop waste management, hydroponics, and yard plant cultivation, as well as catfish farming with the training and tools provided by the kkb program. increased economic activity is expected to have a direct impact on the income of residents managing activities. in addition, the indirect impact of these activities is the intensification of interaction between community members, thus increasing social cohesion and can become an informal forum to explore ideas and find solutions to various problems that arise in society, especially among residents of rw 08. contribution to other sectors in the health sector, fish farming activities are believed to be able to meet the needs of animal protein sources, especially in the stunting prevention action activities. in this case, it can be seen that in stunting prevention the priority is the intake of animal protein. in the environmental sector, waste management activities can support environmental quality improvement by reducing waste generation to end garbage dump. most of the organic waste has been utilized by residents of rw 08 as raw material for making compost and liquid organic fertilizer. apart from that, residents are also developing organic waste treatment using the eco-enzyme method. the existence of a program for making fish feed journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 43 independently has led to more use of organic waste because around 10-16% of the material for making fish feed is taken from organic waste in the form of vegetable scraps. from an environmental perspective, composting organic waste provides many benefits, including: ▪ reducing air pollution from burning waste and releasing methane gas from decomposing organic waste due to methanogenic bacteria in landfills. ▪ reducing the need for land for stockpiling. ▪ improving soil fertility, nutrient retention/availability in the soil, soil water absorption capacity, soil microbial activity, crop quality (taste, nutritional value, and yield quantity), ▪ provide hormones and vitamins for plants, suppress plant growth/disease attacks, and improve soil structure and characteristics. ▪ the role of organic matter on soil physical properties includes stimulating granulation, improving soil aeration, and increasing water holding capacity. the role of organic matter in soil biological properties is to increase the activity of microorganisms which play a role in nitrogen fixation and the transfer of certain nutrients such as n, p, and s. the role of organic matter in soil chemical properties is to increase the cation exchange capacity thereby affecting nutrient uptake by plants. discussion integrated waste management must be accompanied by a follow-up plan in the form of similar activities which should be carried out continuously to increase knowledge and understanding of waste management and wise waste management. thus reducing the amount of waste transported to the landfill. as well as the need for assistance with tools that can be used to increase the economic activity of activity managers, so that the sustainability and independence of activities can be achieved. the warakas community is more motivated to develop waste management activities, hydroponics and yard plant cultivation, as well as catfish farming. increased economic activity is expected to have a direct impact on the income of residents managing activities. in addition, the indirect impact of these activities is the intensification of interaction between community members, thus increasing social cohesion and can become an informal forum to explore ideas and find solutions to various problems that arise in society, especially the warakas community. the social aspect is often the main factor in the composition and growth of development in a region. for example: health and adequate nutrition will increase the productivity of workers and society in general. in various economic activities it is proven that the positive impact of the social aspect can be seen from the productivity among activity managers, related to cooperation and capacity building or skills and insights (budhi, 2012). programs implemented in warakas are related to the management of urban agricultural activities, domestic waste management, and health management, especially stunting cases in the warakas village. there is a program called ketapang kuning which is the pioneer of the movement that deals with stunting by integrating waste management programs, agricultural programs for food self-sufficiency and improved nutrition and catfish farming programs. the existence of a catfish journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 44 farming program is expected to be able to meet the nutritional needs of families, especially children with stunting. various social aspects in warakas have been able to contribute to urban communities based on the principles of trust, mutual support and mutual benefit. these three principles are basically owned by the people of warakas village as social capital. the community has experienced the benefits of the ketapang kuning program, such as: increased insight, experience, harmony, independence, and good cohesiveness or cooperation. in addition, the continuity of the program can be maintained, in addition to establishing good communication between residents, and accommodating community aspirations. overall, through this program, people's welfare also increases. one of the programs that is carried out regularly is training which aims to broaden insight and knowledge, as well as improve skills for program managers in particular and the warakas community in general. as one example, the training conducted was the manufacture of catfish feed by utilizing company waste in the form of fish meal, and residents' organic waste in the form of leftover vegetables. this activity was developed so that managers of catfish farming are not completely dependent on fish feed or pellets on the market, which generally have a relatively expensive price. from the social aspect, the activity of making fish feed independently led to systemic changes in social ties that became higher between program managers, companies and community as a whole. systemic changes that occur with this program include: a. collaboration is established between activity units, such as between waste banks, liquid organic fertilizer and compost production units, catfish farming units, and opinion stalls, as well as stunting management programs. b. development of better institutional management, due to increased management capacity and institutional capacity, which can be seen from the existence of sops and program management flows. c. the realization of a learning society that always tries to find solutions to problems that exist in its environment, including those related to the problem of waste, stunting, and economic activity to increase income. the community involved in the catfish farming program are all members of the farmer group, namely as many as 18 people, which then also involve their families, so that the number of people involved and benefiting from the program is quite a lot. not only is the number of residents involved increasing, but also the intensity of communication is increasing, and the facilities are available to accommodate residents' aspirations, as well as support creative efforts in utilizing existing resources and finding solutions to problems. the trainings aim to broaden insight and knowledge, as well as improve skills for program managers in particular and the warakas community in general. as one example, the training conducted was the manufacture of catfish feed by utilizing company waste in the form of fish meal, and residents' organic waste in the form of leftover vegetables. this activity was developed so that managers of catfish farming are not completely dependent on fish feed or pellets on the market, which generally have a relatively expensive price. from the social journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 45 aspect, the activity of making fish feed independently led to systemic changes that were visible in social ties that became higher between program managers, companies and residents as a whole. systemic changes that occur with this program include: a. there is collaboration between activity units in the ketapang kuning program, such as between waste banks, liquid organic fertilizer and compost production units (herdiyanton, 2015), catfish farming units, and opinion shops, as well as stunting management programs. b. development of better institutional management, due to increased management capacity and institutional capacity, which can be seen from the existence of sops and program management flow. c. the realization of a learning society that always tries to find solutions to problems that exist in its environment, including those related to the problem of waste, stunting, and economic activity to increase income. the people involved in the catfish farming program are all 18 members of the farmer group. of the 18 people, their families were also involved, so that the number of people who were involved and benefited from the program was quite a lot. not only is the number of residents involved increasing, but also the intensity of communication is increasing, and the facilities are available to accommodate community' aspirations, as well as support creative efforts in utilizing existing resources and finding solutions to problems. artificial feed is one of the most important factors in aquaculture activities and should be able to stimulate the growth of catfish. the use of good feed has nutritional content that is in accordance with the needs of the fish that are kept so that it is appropriate in determining the success of feeding activities in aquaculture which is also determined in the selection of local raw materials (kushartono, 2000). artificial feed ingredients are agricultural, fishery, livestock and industrial products which contain nutrients and are suitable for use as feed. several requirements in the selection of feed raw materials include nutritional value adjusted according to needs, easy to digest so that the feed efficiency value is high enough, does not contain poisons that can cause illness or death of fish, these feed ingredients are easy to obtain and should consider the efficiency of the feed to be made by selecting cheaper raw materials (khairuman, ts and k. amri. 2008). selection of raw materials is one of the first steps in the manufacture of feed where the required raw materials are selected and selected with the content, quality and quantity according to the specified content. materials used in the manufacture of feed serve as a source of macronutrients such as protein, carbohydrates and fats, and contain other micronutrient components such as vitamins and minerals. raw materials for standard catfish feed to be used in this study include: fish meal, corn flour, fine bran, tofu dregs, wheat journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 46 flour, fish oil, corn oil, and vitamins. in making artificial feed for fish, the first thing to consider is the raw material requirements for feed, namely: 1. raw materials for feed should not compete with human food ingredients. if humans need it a lot, this raw material should not be given to fish. 2. this raw material must be available for a long time, or its availability must be continuous. raw materials that existed at one time and then disappeared, must be avoided. massproduced rice causes the availability of bran and bran to be abundant. on the other hand, limited production of raw materials will also produce limited materials. 3. prices of raw materials; although it can be used, but if the price is expensive then the use of the material or the role of the raw material as a raw material is already set aside. in fact, cheap or expensive raw materials must be judged by the benefits of these materials, which are a reflection of the quality of these materials. fish meal, for example, is expensive, but when compared with the high protein content and completeness of amino acids, the use of fish meal is cheap. 4. the nutritional quality of raw materials is another important requirement. even though the price is cheap, there are many of them in indonesia, and the availability is continuous, but if the nutritional content is poor, of course this raw material cannot be used. in the manufacture of artificial feed used tools that require an understanding of the function and properties of the tool. the equipment used in the manufacture of household-scale artificial feed, namely: artificial feed storage devices, grinding tools, mixers, pellet molding machines, dryers, packing equipment. community leaders need to know and understand the workings and functions of the tools used in the manufacture of artificial feed. this is done by understanding the workings and functions of each feed making tool to make fish feed perfectly. the introduction of these tools includes the types of tools, knowing their names, understanding the shape, function and workings of these tools. each tool is designed differently from one another and has specific functions, as follows; scales, basin, flour sifter, glass, tablespoon, grinding ingredients, aluminum oil, oven if you have one, where the temperature can be adjusted to 40-500c or drying in the sun, as well as a manual printer. for the health aspect, fish farming activities are believed to be able to meet the needs of animal protein sources, especially in preventing stunting activities. in this case it can be seen that in stunting prevention the priority is intake of animal protein. for the environmental aspect, waste management activities can support environmental quality improvement by reducing the generation that is disposed of to temporary landfills. most of the organic waste has been used as raw material for making compost and liquid organic fertilizer. the community is also developing organic waste treatment using the eco-enzyme method. the existence of a program for making fish feed independently has led to more use of organic waste, because around 10-16% of the ingredients for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 47 making fish feed are taken from organic waste in the form of vegetable scraps. from an environmental perspective, composting organic waste provides many benefits, including: 1. reducing air pollution from burning waste and releasing methane gas from decomposing organic waste due to methanogenic bacteria in landfills 2. reducing the need for land for stockpiling 3. improving soil fertility, nutrient retention/availability in the soil, soil water absorption capacity, soil microbial activity, crop quality (taste, nutritional value, and yield quantity), 4. provide hormones and vitamins for plants, suppress plant growth/disease attacks, and improve soil structure and characteristics 5. the role of organic matter on soil physical properties includes stimulating granulation, improving soil aeration, and increasing water holding capacity. the role of organic matter in soil biological properties is to increase the activity of microorganisms that play a role in nitrogen fixation and the transfer of certain nutrients such as n, p, and s. the role of organic matter in soil chemical properties is to increase cation exchange capacity thereby affecting nutrient uptake by plants (gaur, 1980). integrated waste management must be accompanied by a follow-up plan in the form of similar activities which should be carried out continuously to increase knowledge and understanding of waste management and wise waste management. thus reducing the amount of waste transported to the landfill. as well as the need for assistance with tools that can be used to increase the economic activity of activity managers, so that sustainability and self-sufficiency of activities can be achieved. conclusion waste management integration model with economic and social activities resulted in a change in behavior in the community of rw 08 warakas village from previously only relying on garbage collection services by the city government, also in relation to stunting prevention. now the community is actually actively managing domestic waste, growing vegetables and medicinal plants in their own environment, as well as cultivating fish, to fulfill nutrition, overcome stunting, and increase income. on the urban agricultural activity side, the existence of this program can change the behavior of some farmers from previously using chemical fertilizers for their agricultural needs, now people are starting to use organic fertilizers made by themselves. acknowledgement we would like to thank the ministry of education, culture, research, and technology for funding this program, as well as the universitas nasional for their support in implementing the program. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 48 references agustin, n. l., maranthika, r. l., al azhar, m. i., & ishar, m. 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(2015). ragam mikroorganisme lokal sebagai dekomposter rumput gajah (pennisetum purpureum). ziraa’ah fakultas pertanian universitas mulawarman samarinda volume 40 nomor 2, halaman 124. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 154 united states intervention in cuba during the covid-19 pandemic (economic embargo) suci vajriyati department of international relations faculty of social and political science universitas nasional jakarta, indonesia suci.vajriyati@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : this research aims to find out why the united states still imposes an economic embargo on cuba even though cuba is experiencing an economic crisis and social turmoil that occurred amid the covid-19 pandemic. by using a qualitative method, which places more emphasis on observing the phenomenon and more research into the substance of the meaning of the phenomenon. the data collected comes from literature, scientific journals, and official sources that are accessed via the internet. according to mccusker, k., & gunaydin, s. (2015), this research is a qualitative descriptive analysis. this research combines dependency (dependence), andre gunder frank, and international economic sanction theory. the purpose of this writing is, that the author tries to research and explain based on facts the reasons for the united states still imposing an economic embargo on cuba even though cuba is experiencing an economic crisis and social turmoil that occurred amid the covid-19 pandemic. keywords: economic embargo, intervention, dependencies, united states policy, national interest submission : january, 17st 2022 revision : march 19th 2022 publication : may 28th 2022 introduction the covid-19 pandemic has brought about significant changes in the world. these changes produce new challenges that must be faced by individuals, communities, and the nation-state. cuba is one of the countries that is feeling the economic impact of the pandemic. the state of the cuban economy during the pandemic experienced an economic crisis, in addition to the covid-19 pandemic. in 2020, cuba experienced an economic crisis that resulted in the cuban economy shrinking by 10.9% and gdp per capita falling by 10.8% (reuters, 2020). in early 2021, monetary policy was deliberately issued, namely an increase of 44% as part of the monetary system aimed at increasing salaries by 450% instead causing havoc with the arrival of inflation of 70% in the cuban economy. in addition, the import journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 155 and export sectors fell and services were also down, especially those related to health and tourism activities, which recorded an annual decline of 74.6% (economic survey of latin america and the caribbean, cuba, 2021), causing food shortages. and medicines, rising prices, and the government's lack of handling of the pandemic. as a result, the cuban people carried out anti-government protests in all cities by demanding the cuban government make changes in terms of "freedom" and "dictatorship" carried out by cuban government with communist background (bbc news, 2021). the cuban government admits that intentional monetary policy was a factor in the inflation, but the cuban government also stated that there were external parties who also influenced and worsened the cuban economy during the pandemic (bnn bloomberg, 2021), namely the economic embargo imposed by the united states for more than a decade. more than 60 since former president of the united states, john f. kennedy proclaimed a trade embargo between the united states and cuba, in response to certain actions taken by the cuban government, and directed the united states department of commerce and treasury to implement the embargo, which is still in effect today. . (u.s. department of state). on the other hand, the president of the united states supports the anti-government protests carried out by the cuban people which are seen as an effort to free themselves from the economic downturn and the authoritarian regime of the cuban government. even so, the existence of the united states economic embargo has become one of the biggest factors affecting the cuban economy since the collapse of the soviet union in 1991. in this study, the author finds substantial issues that raise several questions that will be investigated and discussed by the author. these statements are, (1) how did the us economic policies and embargo affect the cuban economy during the pandemic?, (2) how did american president joe biden's foreign policy towards cuba?, (3) why does the united states still impose an economic embargo on cuba? this research combines dependency (dependence), andre gunder frank, and international economic sanction theory. the purpose of this writing is, that the author tries to research and explain based on facts the reasons for the united states still imposing an economic embargo on cuba even though cuba is experiencing an economic crisis and social turmoil that occurred during the covid-19 pandemic. literature review dependency theory according to miriam budiharjo (2017), after imperialism ended, a new form of imperialism emerged, namely in the form of domination from core countries over less developed countries (semi-phery) or third world countries (phery-phery). the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 156 concept of dependency is another form of imperialism under the guise of economic domination by developed countries over underdeveloped countries. andre gunder frank and the theory of international economic sanctions. andre gunder frank in his work entitled capitalism and underdevelopment in latin america (1967) explains the existence of dependency theory as the origin of dependency theory. in his writings, frank (1967) classifies the countries in the world into two groups, namely the central or core countries and the underdeveloped periphery countries. frank also contributed five assumptions about dependency theory. these assumptions are (mochmad arya seta, 2017) (1) the state of dependence applies to all peripheral countries or third world countries. in this case, dependency theory is essentially trying to explain the general nature or characteristics of third world addiction, which has crossed the development of capitalism from the 16th century until now. (2) dependence is considered an "external factor" or condition caused by an external factor. basically, in this case, the most important factor that must be considered as an obstacle to state development is not the problem of lack of capital or lack of manpower and state entrepreneurship, but the state of the political economy. in addition, other external factors that cause subordination come from the historical and cultural heritage of colonialism attached to (3) the existence of dependency problems that exist in a country is or tends to be an economic problem. this is caused by the release of economic surplus from third world countries to developed countries or developed countries. as a result, third world countries overcame difficulties and became addicted, lowering their relative trade exchange rates. (4) dependence is an integral part of the process of regional polarization in the global economic system. the flow of economic surplus from the third world will on the one hand cause a setback, and on the other hand, will be a factor driving the pace of development in developed countries. (5) frank sees dependability as the opposite of development. dependency theory does not allow peripheral development. the slightest progress can occur in the surrounding area, for example with the recession of the global economic system or the world war. dependency theory assumes that autonomous and sustainable development is almost impossible in a situation where the economic surplus is constantly shifting to developed countries (frank, 1967). international economic sanctions sanctions are the primary measure for forcing a change in target's behavior or setting the stage for further action which could be military action. economic sanctions can act as a powerful tool to achieve goals, sanctions in terms of the policy can undermine economic goals in the short term. according to mohammadreza ahang, the objectives of sanctions are as follows (mohammadreza ahang, 2014): journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 157 changing the behavior of the "target" country. reducing the pace of the "target" country to achieve its goals and the instability of the authorities. (2) punishment for wrong policies and punishment for violating sanctions (3) destruction of military power and prevention of multi-government formation in a country. the game of sanction (sender) plays roles like “white chessman”. showing first acts such as forming an international rally against target. this power acts as a deterrent to sanctions, so the shipper first intervenes to enforce the arms trade ban. obviously, after these signs, target collects assets from abroad, so you need to freeze assets after the first step. uncertainty is the most important factor that can destroy the structure of the economy but people will adjust to new conditions after a certain period, therefore the sender must manage his time and utilize various strategies to prevent any conformity to the target. most of the time, sanctions have different stages so that after each stage the sender will assess the target's reaction to correct the error. each type of sanction has specific results so that the optimal combination of various sanctions can be different in different countries. changing regimes or attitudes can occur through two factors: (1) direct pressure on the government and (2) indirect pressure on the government remains through the people. plays roles as "black chessman" sanctions, such as military sanctions, can be seen as a warning, after which the target takes action to mitigate the broader consequences of sanctions. comparative advantage shows the production structure of each country, but because sanctions are in the form of import and export bans, it is a decision-making process when considering a new budget for purchases, but before sanctions become comprehensive targets need to import "new technologic" takes time to introduce new technologies. sanctions are a kind of time-dependent game(indrayani, n.d.). this research combines dependency (dependence), andre gunder frank, and international economic sanction theory. the purpose of this writing is, that the author tries to research and explain based on facts the reasons for the united states still imposing an economic embargo on cuba even though cuba is experiencing an economic crisis and social turmoil that occurred amid the covid-19 pandemic. method the research method used is a qualitative method, which emphasizes the observation of phenomena and examines the substance of the meaning of the phenomenon. the data collected comes from literature, scientific journals, and official sources that are accessed via the internet. according to mccusker, k., & gunaydin, s. (2015), the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 158 selection of the use qualitative methods is related to understanding several aspects of social life and using data for the analysis process. the qualitative method in terms of the research objective is to understand how a community or individuals perceive a particular issue by collecting broader data (k mccusker and s gunaydin, 2014). the analytical method used is descriptive qualitative analysis. according to i made winartha (2006:155), the descriptive qualitative analysis method is to analyze, describe, and summarize various conditions, and situations from various data collected in the form of interviews or observations about the problems studied that occur in the field. result and discussion cuba economy during a pandemic according to the world food program (wfp) before the covid-19 pandemic, cuba was one of the most successful countries in achieving the united nations millennium development goals (mdgs). social programs implemented by the government provide health services, monthly food baskets for the entire population, school feeding programs, and maternal and child health care programs. although effective, these programs rely largely on food imports. 70 to 80% of cuba's food needs come from food imports, and this dependence weighs on the national budget (world food programme, 2021). the continuously inflated national budget, coupled with the economic downturn amid the covid-19 pandemic, has ultimately exacerbated the impact of covid-19 on poverty in cuba. the problem of poverty in cuba is largely due to poor infrastructure, food instability, and the ongoing housing crisis. as mentioned earlier, food imports make up a large portion of the island's food consumption (the borgen project, 2021). table 1. cuba gdp development data 2014-2020 source: the world bank journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 159 in 2020 cuba's economy shrank 10.9% and gdp per capita fell 10.8%. this is the steepest drop in nearly two decades and the third steepest drop since records began. table 2. cuban import data 2012-2020 table 3. cuban export data 2012-2020 source: trading economic imports fell 27% to 7320 in 2020. some of the sharpest declines occurred in beverages and tobacco (-32.2%), transportation machinery and equipment (-29.7%), and chemicals and related products not detailed elsewhere (-21.9%) (economic survey of latin america and the caribbean, cuba, 2021). exports of goods fell 17.4% to 1703. some of the main products of concern were drugs, alcoholic beverages, sugar, and tobacco. services are also down, particularly related to health and tourism activities, recording an annual decline of 74.6%. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 160 table 4. cuba unemployment rate 2012-2020 source: trading economic it can be seen that the unemployment rate soared and even missed far from 2019 at 1.20%. cuba's unemployment rate in 2020 stands at 3.87% in early 2021, monetary policy was deliberately issued, namely an increase of 44% as part of the monetary system aimed at increasing salaries by 450%, it caused havoc with the arrival of 70% inflation in the cuban economy (indopremier.com, 2021). in addition, the import and export sectors fell and services also fell, especially those related to health and tourism activities, recording an annual decline of 74.6% (economic survey of latin america and the caribbean, cuba, 2021). from the data information above, it can be seen that cuba experienced a sharp decline, especially during the covid-19 pandemic, which further exacerbated the situation with the economic crisis. so how did the us economic policies and embargo affect the cuban economy during the pandemic? as a comparison, the following are the united states export-import activities to cuba: table 5. us export-import data to cuba in 2020 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 161 table 6. us export-import data to cuba in 2021 source: united states census bureau. as stated at table 5 above, in 2020 the total us exports to cuba reached 176.8 million us dollars, while in the us import sector to cuba it was 14.9 million us dollars. in 2021 the level of trade is very volatile with total us exports to cuba reaching 294.0 million us dollars and total imports very slipping by 2.9 million us dollars. us export activities to cuba are more dominant than us import activities to cuba, this means that us foreign exchange earnings from cuba are greater and more profitable for the us as a hegemonic country for trade activities of both parties even amid the covid-19 pandemic(umar & indrayani, 2020). cuba's losses do not end there, since the economic embargo was imposed on cuba, the us remains the 5th largest exporter in cuba (central intelligence agency) which implements a cash payment system for all cuban imports because credit is not allowed (bbc news, 2009). as already written above, 70-80% of food needs and other basic needs come from cuban imports, hence cuba's dependence on exporting countries. cuba's monetary policy is deliberate in the community while the amount of goods is fixed as a result there will be an increase in the prices of goods up to 100 percent. this situation is known as inflation that is currently happening in cuba. this can be classified in the form of exploitation activities. based on the principles of dependency theory, this exploitation causes cuba to experience constant poverty due to the influence of us economic and political strategies, and poverty reflects that dependence. joe biden's policy on cuba based on us sanctions imposed since 2017 in the form of (congressional research services): (1) transactions with the cuban military, (2) travel and remittances, (3) targeted human rights sanctions. (4) the term terrorism. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 162 during the 2020 campaign, joe biden promised to lift trump's sanctions that hurt cuban families, especially restrictions on remittances and family travel. once in office, despite repeated promises to restore remittance services, he did nothing, leaving all of trump's sanctions in place. in december, the state department reaffirmed cuba's inclusion on the list of countries sponsors of international terrorism (the white house, 2021). the president of the united states supports the anti-government protests carried out by the cuban people which are considered an effort to free themselves from the economic downturn and the authoritarian regime of the cuban government. following the july protest demonstrations in cuba, the biden administration imposed six new sets of individual sanctions targeting senior officials and units of the interior ministry and the armed forces, national police, and military police for human rights violations, and named cuba a failed state. in june 2021, the united nations general assembly, for the 29th time since 1992, adopted by a vote of 184 to 2, an annual resolution calling for the united states to lift the embargo. the united states chose not to. in its report to the united nations, cuba estimated the cumulative cost of the embargo over six decades at $148 billion (national security archive, 2022). the us conflict with cuba when viewed from a historical perspective: in 1961 after the overthrow of the batista regime in the cuban revolution, the united states and cuba severed diplomatic relations that had existed between the two. the end of diplomatic relations between cuba and america began in 1959, previously cuba was a democratic liberal country that later turned into a communist state under the leadership of fidel castro and cuba strengthened relations with the soviet union. until then, the united states imposed an economic embargo on cuba to impose sanctions on cuba for nationalizing property belonging to american citizens and companies, violating human rights, and refusing to take steps toward a liberal and democratic state. the full embargo imposed by the united states on cuba which then continued for 60 years left the consequences in the form of economic losses suffered by cuba. in 2015, efforts to normalize cuba's diplomatic relations with the us under the leadership of former us president barack obama to ease cuba's economic embargo did not go smoothly. calls to stay in place and tightened travel and trade restrictions during the administrations of donald trump to joe biden. the period of imposition of the political embargo is still ongoing during the covid-19 pandemic. the us is like playing the role of the "white chessman" in the theory of international political economy sanctions (mohammadreza ahang, 2014). first, the us reason is to replace the cuban government, thus, provoking regime change. already in 1964, the deputy secretary of state set four main goals for this program: (1) to reduce the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 163 spread of the revolution to america other states; (2) to establish within the cuban population that their current government cannot meet their needs; (3) to show that there is no room for communism in the west; and (4) making cuba a more expensive “communist outpost” for the soviet union (bola, 1964). the objectives of the us economic embargo on cuba that can be analyzed are as follows: 1. changing the behavior of the “target” country. reducing the pace of the “target” country to achieve its goals and instability of authority. : sanctions are the primary measure for forcing a change in target's behavior or setting the stage for further action which could be military action. during the 61 years that cuba and the united states have been at odds, the united states' efforts to make cuba a liberal-democratic country have been seen since the overthrow of the batista regime which was replaced by communist revolutionary fidel castro, and after the imposition of an economic embargo on cuba and the termination of us relations with cuba. forms such as the bay of pigs invasion, the cuban missile crisis, and even a new style of provocation during the pandemic by supporting anti-government protesters are us efforts to exert pressure both directly on the cuban government, and indirectly on the government. cuba is a latin american country that cannot be completely in the hands of the us. the us as a hegemonic country is trying to change cuba's marxist-leninist ideology to be liberaldemocratic and if cuba surrenders, it will systematically intervene against the cuban government. unfortunately for more than 60 years to this day, fidel castro's innate communist regime has not wavered even once. this means the us has failed to change “target” cuba's behavior regarding its economic sanctions. the imposition of sanctions is used by the united states as a means of pressure against cuba, to make cuba a liberal democratic country through economic isolation. 2. punishment for wrong policies and penalties for violating sanctions: one of the reasons for the us economic embargo on cuba is that it violates human rights. joe biden considers cuba to be a failed state and blames cuba for cuba's policies that have made the people fall into poverty, but in fact, there are several reasons cuba violated human rights. his government, secondly, due to the intentional monetary policy that resulted in an economic crisis and made the people suffer from poverty. but on the second point, the us also intervened in the current cuban economic crisis, by still imposing an economic embargo and expanding us exports to cuba with a cash payment system, this us behavior created pressure and sparked social unrest in cuba. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 164 destruction of military power and prevention of multi-government formation in a country: cuban military strength for the year 2022, cuba is ranked 70th out of 140 countries considered for the gfp review (annual. it holds a pwrindx* score of 1.2246 (a score of 0.0000 is considered 'perfect') (global fire power, 2022) the armed forces have long been the most powerful institution in cuba (brian latell, 2003). the military manages many companies in key economic sectors that represent about 4% of the cuban economy (huffpost, 2017). the military also served as the former first secretary of the cuban communist party, as well as the former president of cuba, the headquarters of raúl castro(carl gershman and orlando gutierrez 2009).in his speeches, raúl castro emphasized the military's role as a "partner of the people". for generations led by the president with a communist ideology, means cuba has made defenses against the military based on its ideology which until now means no not influenced by western countries. conclusion the united states' intervention in the form of an economic embargo on cuba had a very significant impact, especially since the economic sanctions were still ongoing during the pandemic without any easing of sanctions. in cuba's economy, 70 to 80% of cuba's food needs come from food imports, and this dependence reduces the national budget. a constantly strained national budget, coupled with an economy in crisis, has ultimately exacerbated the impact of covid-19 on poverty in cuba. one of them is venezuela limiting the aid it provides and the us economic embargo that is still being tightened by joe biden has an impact on the number of food imports. biden's policy of still maintaining the cuban economic embargo amid the pandemic is nothing but implicit in the interests of the us state. the imposition of sanctions is used by the united states as a means of pressure against cuba, to make cuba a democratic liberal country through economic isolation and the external economic benefits that the united states derives from imposing imports. acknowledgment the research was carried out with a grant from the faculty of social and political sciences, university of muhammadiyah jakarta number: /f.1-umj/ii/2021. references ahang, mohammadreza. 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https://www.google.com/search?q=google+translate&oq=goo&aqs=chrome.1.69i60j69i59l2j46i131i199i433i465i512j0i433i512l3j69i60.4278j0j7&sourceid=chrome&ie=utf-8 https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefingbook/cuba/2022-02-02/cuba-embargoed-us-trade-sanctions-turn-sixty https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefingbook/cuba/2022-02-02/cuba-embargoed-us-trade-sanctions-turn-sixty journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 166 positioning indonesia in the international world through energy transformation v.l. sinta herindrasti international relations study program, faculty of social and political sciences, indonesian christian university. valentina.herindrasti@uki.ac.id., sintaherindrasti22@gmail.com abstract : renewable energy (solar energy, wind, ocean, geothermal, bio-energy) is believed to be a “game-changer” in energy relations between countries and completely change the landscape of international relations. fossil energy – which will soon become extinct – will inevitably be replaced by renewable energy and this energy transition will be an interesting phenomenon from a global geopolitical perspective. fossil energy-producing countries, especially coal, oil, and natural gas, will be displaced by renewable energy-producing countries where the accompanying characteristics will change established patterns of strategy and cooperation. as a vast archipelagic country with enormous renewable energy potential, indonesia – along with other major powers such as the united states, europe, russia, china, japan, india, and opec countries – should be able to undertake utilization and mitigation strategies in this major transition. the emergence of the global energy game that will lead to a renewable energy regime is a big momentum that will shape the future of energy geopolitics. is indonesia in the right direction and strategy in the context of this energy transition? how can indonesia's energy strategy and policies position indonesia internationally and make it a "winner" and not a "loser"? this paper will examine the development of renewable energy in indonesia, indonesia's position in the international world and its potential as an international actor. keyword: international actors, renewable energy, international position, energy transition submission : january, 17st 2022 revision : march 19th 2022 publication : may 28th 2022 introduction energy is fundamental and determines the welfare of the nation. since the industrial revolution, the world's energy needs are inevitable to support industrial development, production, distribution, and economy and are very decisive in the relationship between countries as producers and consumers of energy itself. the industrialization that continues to increase with the use of fossil energy such as oil, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 167 coal, and gas has an unimaginable environmental impact. global warming with all its implications then becomes a global agenda in regional and international meetings. the discovery and use of alternative energy that is cleaner and does not damage the earth (clean energy) is a new trend. new and renewable energy is emerging as the energy that is technologically feasible, economically attractive and sustainable and is considered the answer to meeting the energy needs of many countries, companies, and societies. in other words, the energy transition from conventional energy to renewable energy will sooner or later accelerate. considering that renewable energy will determine the "energy security" and "existence" of a nation, this transition from a geopolitical perspective can be a "lighter" for changing the constellation of power in international relations. each country will mobilize capabilities and resources towards the development of new and renewable energy by the strength of innovation and various dynamic internal factors such as policy making, investment funds, technological innovation, and social and political conditions. leading renewable energy countries such as the united states, china, germany, denmark, norway, japan, and india have shown accelerated innovation and the spread of use and marketing so that the geopolitical and geo-economics map of renewable energy will change according to developments. indonesia as a country with a large potential for renewable energy sources needs to position itself and take advantage of the opportunities that are open through energy transformation. to what extent can the transformation “push” be realized? what are the obstacles faced and how did indonesia overcome them? the study of vakulchuk, et.al (2020) shows that the literature on geopolitics and renewable energy even though it had started in the 1970s and 1980s has continued to increase in the last 10 years. issues that arise related to the global transformation of renewable energy are the increase or decrease in the conflict between countries, the emergence of "winner" or "loser" countries, links to the international system, demand for imported raw materials such as metals, minerals, bauxite-aluminum, cadmium and so on which are needed in the production of renewable energy, development of renewable energy and cyber security. the dualism of energy use and development (conventional vs. renewable) will continue for some time, but this condition will also be influenced by more and more countries realizing the importance of achieving clean energy targets to avoid the impact of global warming; with ongoing losses: weather anomalies, disease, food security, floods, landslides, droughts. the transition to new and renewable energy is only a matter of time and every country will inevitably have to position itself with these global changes. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 168 in sub-findings and discussions, the author will describe the phenomenon of energy transformation, geopolitical impacts, the development of renewable energy in indonesia, and indonesia's position in the international world through the transformation method the research was carried out using a qualitative approach. the research subject is the indonesian government with specifications from the ministry of energy and mineral resources (esdm) while the object of research is policies and strategies in responding to global energy transition trends and challenges faced. the study is also analytical because it explains the causal relationship between variables, namely the problems faced in the domestic energy transition and the opportunities to become international actors. meanwhile, a descriptive approach is used to explain local and global phenomena in the context of energy transformation. data was collected through literature studies and interviews with officials from the directorate of new, renewable energy and conservation of the ministry of energy and mineral resources and the european union ambassadors to indonesia and brunei darussalam. the literature data used are in the form of reports, journal articles, books, daily and weekly newspaper articles as well as research results (dissertation). in the context of this research, geopolitical phenomena about energy have long been the subject of the author's observation, so that the government finds things that need to be of concern to the government, both in terms of new and renewable energy (nre) development and utilization policies, sustainable development policies and other international aspects. interviews were conducted to explore the indonesian government's energy policy and roadmap and whether it will be in line with global trends and indonesia's international position. to strengthen the description and analysis of the study, in addition to using qualitative and quantitative data, the author also uses concepts from other disciplines, namely environmental, energy, and economics to help clarify the phenomenon of energy transformation and indonesia's international position. thus, it is hoped that an understanding of the phenomenon of energy transformation will not only be understood through the perspective of national economics and politics but also about deployment policies by other countries that will have an impact on indonesia's geopolitical position. result and discussion energy transformation: fossil to new renewable energy as an essential commodity for the country's development, the need and demand for energy continue to increase. since the industrial revolution in england, the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 169 development of manufacturing, technology, and transportation has moved very fast and energy needs are met by coal, oil, and gas. however, the use of conventional energy was soon realized and would not last long. massive extraction will deplete the energy sources of coal, oil, gas, and uranium in addition to the impact on the environment in the form of global warming which will destroy the earth. the point is that fossil energy is no longer profitable and even dangerous because it is nonrenewable, depends on price fluctuations and the supplying country, and contributes the most to the increase in greenhouse gases. renewable energy then becomes an alternative because it can always be renewed and will not run out (solar energy, wind, sea, geothermal, bio-energy). since the end of the 20th century, renewable energy has attracted attention again and various countries have begun to issue policies, regulations, and mechanisms to support and expand their use. the character that accompanies the development of renewable energy – environmentally friendly, competitive in terms of price, decentralization, and local management – is also believed to change various relations practices between internal state actors and between state actors. the rapid development and expansion of nre in the long term will have an impact on geopolitical dynamics: power relations, trade, instability, and even conflict (vakuchuk et.al 2020:3-5, global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019:55). how far have countries shifted their orientation to nre development? globally, even though they are in the covid-19 pandemic crisis, g-20 member countries still show commitment in the form of nre contributions (2019) and set nre targets (2020). figure 1. renewable energy contributions and targets for g-20 countries, 2019 and 2020 source: ren21 renewables 2021 global status report https://www.ren21.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/gsr2021_full_report.pdf https://www.ren21.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/gsr2021_full_report.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 170 almost all g-20 countries show a contribution although it varies from the highest in brazil to the lowest such as the russian federation (2017) and saudi arabia (2018). five countries consistently set targets for tfec (total final energy consumption) 2020, namely eu-27, france, germany, italy, and the uk (ren21: 32). figure 2. estimated contribution of renewable energy from total final energy consumption 2009 and 2019 source: ren21 renewables 2021 global status report https://www.ren21.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/gsr2021_full_report.pdf ren21 data (figure 2) shows the contribution of renewable energy from total energy consumption (tfec) which shows an increase of 2.5% during the 2009-2019 period; although the contribution of fossil energy remains dominant, it slightly decreased from 80.3% to 80.2% in the same period (ren21:33). if the implementation of nre is highly dependent on global commitments and national policies, then policy support plays an important role in the adoption and deployment of nre. figure 3 shows that state policy support remains strong in 2020, as many as 145 countries have mandates/incentives for electricity regulation, 65 countries have mandates/incentives for transportation regulations and 22 countries have mandates/incentives for heating and cooling regulations. (ren21: 59). https://www.ren21.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/gsr2021_full_report.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 171 figure 3. number of countries with renewable energy regulatory policies source: ren21 https://www.ren21.net/gsr-2021/chapters/chapter_02/chapter_02/ state support for the “zero-emission” target will also indirectly affect the development of nre. table 1 shows the “zero-emission” and “carbon neutral” targets set by countries/regions (ren21:65) such as eu-27, austria, canada, hungary, jamaica, lao pdr, maldives, mauritius, nepal, united kingdom, the vatican for “zero-emission” target while argentina, barbados, china, japan, kazakhstan, republic of korea, malawi, nauru, slovenia, south africa for “carbon neutral” target. https://www.ren21.net/gsr-2021/chapters/chapter_02/chapter_02/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 172 table 1. “zero emission” and “carbon neutral” country/region 2020 targets source: ren 21 renewables 2021 global status report https://www.ren21.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/gsr2021_full_report.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 173 geopolitical impact of energy transformation the trend of energy transformation from fossil-based energy to nre (figure 4) will certainly change the global energy system and affect almost all countries with broad geopolitical consequences. geopolitics is interpreted simply as a decisive causal relationship between geography and international relations with a focus on permanent rivalry, territorial expansion, and the military strategy of imperial power (vakulchuk et.al 2020:2). while renewable energy according to the international energy agency (iea) definition is intended as "energy that comes from natural processes that can renew themselves constantly such as solar, wind, biomass, geothermal, hydropower, oceans (waves, tides), biofuels, electricity, and hydrogen from renewable sources” (iea 2002). figure 4 clearly shows the projection of increase tendency of renewable development growth that overtake fossil fuel demand on 2050 with continuous tendency up to 2100 according to shell sky scenario (2018). figure 4. framework for the transition of fossil energy to nre source: global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019:17 technological advances and the increasingly competitive price of renewable energy against fossil energy have contributed to the acceleration of growth, especially in the electricity sector. electric vehicles and water heaters (heat pumps) have expanded the use of renewable energy in transportation, industry, and buildings. digital innovation and energy storage are increasingly driving the potential of nre to continue to grow. meanwhile, energy sources, especially solar and wind, are also growing very rapidly. china through the belt and road initiative (bri) scheme developed the largest “clean energy” wind power project in central asia in kazakhstan with a power of 350 gigawatt-hours per year equivalent to the demand of 1 million households (china daily 2021:15). a new geopolitical reality has journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 174 emerged that is fundamentally different from the conventional energy geopolitics that has been going on for a century. the new map formed from renewable energy will be marked by a shift in power from fossil-exporting countries to the main nre developing countries, energy independence will occur because importing countries are no longer dependent on fossil energy supplies, as well as economic development is not at risk of being hampered, fossil energy-exporting countries must adapt while developing coalusing countries must immediately change course. nre is also believed to have an impact on democracy due to the decentralization of supply, empowerment of civil society, and reducing tension and conflict. the energy transformation landscape will be characterized by energy efficiency, renewable energy growth, and electrification (global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 15-16). according to a study by the global geopolitical commission on energy transformation, the rapid transformation of renewable energy is driven by 6 (six) trends, namely (i) decreasing renewable energy prices (ii) pollution and climate change, (iii) renewable energy targets, (iv) technological innovation (v) investor and corporate actions, (vi) public opinion (global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 18-23). meanwhile, the very distinctive character of nre compared to fossil energy will have different geopolitical consequences. table 2 shows the characteristics of renewable energy and its impact technically, socially and politically. table 2. the character of renewable energy renewable energy impact ▪ available in various forms in every country reducing the risk of critical routes in the transportation of global oil supplies ▪ mostly in the form of "flow" no need for stock and storage ▪ can be deployed at various scales and can be decentralized in terms of production and consumption democratization effect ▪ nearly zero cost, partly like wind, diesel saw a nearly 20% cost reduction in every 2x greater capacity increase. support change but require regulatory solutions to ensure the profitability and stability of the energy sector. source: global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019:23 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 175 the energy transition impacts differently from fossil-exporting and fossil-importing countries as well as the region. figure 5 is the impact of the energy transition in several countries and figure 6 is the regional impact of the energy transition (global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 27-29). as shown in figure 5, countries above the boundary line such as china, the united states, japan, india, the european union, and brazil are the countries that have benefited in the transition period, they are importers of fossil energy but have positioned themselves at the forefront of the nre development competition. the y-axis depicts the share of oil, gas, and coal imports in total primary energy consumption in 2017. it situates selected countries, as well as the european union, in the energy economy of today, which is dominated by fossil fuels. the higher the share, the more dependent a country is on fossil fuel imports. net fossil fuel exporting countries have negative shares. the x-axis shows the cumulative number of patents for renewable energy technologies that had been registered by the end of 2016. this indicator provides a way to assess the position of selected countries, and the european union, in the clean energy race. from figure 5 can be observed that the united states is close to energy selfsufficiency, largely due to the shale revolution. it became a net exporter of natural gas in 2017 and is projected to become a net oil exporter early in the 2020s. the us is well positioned in the clean energy race: us companies hold strong positions in new technologies, including robotics, artificial intelligence, and electric vehicles (global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 28). how about china? china will gain from the energy transformation in terms of energy security. it has a leading position in manufacturing, but also in innovation and deployment of renewable energy technologies. it is the biggest location for renewable energy investment, accounting for more than 45% of the global total in 2017. currently, it remains highly dependent on oil imports which have been growing steadily ((global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 28). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 176 figure 5. impact of the energy transition on several countries source: global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 27 meanwhile, figure 6 shows countries/regions with net fossil exports and 2016 gdp percentage (orange) and net fossil energy importers (green) and 2016 gdp percentage and differences within regional groupings. for instance the middle east and north africa, together with russia and other countries in the commonwealth of independent states (cis), are the regions most exposed to a reduction in fossil fuel revenues. on average, these regions have net fossil fuel exports of more than a quarter of their gdp. declining export revenues will adversely affect their economic growth prospects and national budgets. to prevent economic disruption, they will need to adapt their economies and reduce their dependence on fossil fuels (global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 30). otherwise small island developing states (sids) will benefit most of all if they adopt renewable energy sources rather than fossil fuels. the import of fossil fuels now amounts to 8% of their gdp. many sids are also extremely vulnerable to the effects of climate change. sids possess ample renewable energy sources and renewable technologies can meet most of their domestic energy needs. the shift would cut import bills, promote sustainable development, and increase their resilience. international cooperation to support sids’ renewable energy ambitions is growing substantially, and 13 sids have established 60-100% renewable electricity targets (global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 30). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 177 figure 6. regional impacts of the energy transition source: global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 29 the development of renewable energy manufacturing and the acquisition of patents are indicators that cannot be ignored to determine the nre leader country in the future. a study by the global commission on energy transformation geopolitics on figure 7 shows that china can leverage the development of nre technology to position its global influence and achievements. cumulatively (figure 8), china also collects the highest percentage of patients among its competitors (japan, germany, usa, south korea, taiwan, brazil, india, malaysia, canada, mexico, uk). in terms of the percentage of patent acquisition, china is 29%, the us is 18%, the european union is 14%, japan is 14%, south korea is 9%, other countries are 15% (global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 41). figure 7. value-added manufacturing “clean energy” 2014 (us$ billion) source: global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 41 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 178 figure 8. cumulative number of patents 2016 source: global commission on the geopolitics of energy transformation 2019: 41 meanwhile, investment in each type of renewable energy can be seen in the following ren21 report data: table 3. top five countries annual investment/additional net capacity/production 2020 technologies are arranged based on additional total capacity capacity 1 2 3 4 5 solar pv china usa vietnam japan germany wind power china as brazil the netherland spain/germany hydro power china turkey mexico india angola geothermal turkey usa japan concentration of solar thermal china solar water heater china turkey india brazil usa ethanol usa brazil china canada india biodiesel indonesia brazil usa germany france source: ren21 report, p. 41 new renewable energy development in indonesia the iea noted that indonesia is a country with a population of 267.66 million and a gdp of 999.13 billion usd (2015) and is an oil-importing country that has recently been increasing. indonesia is also the fourth-largest coal producer in the world and the largest gas supplier in southeast asia. indonesia is listed as a major producer of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 179 biofuels in the world and is continuously trying to increase the development of renewable energy potential. the importance of indonesia, especially seen from its large population (fourth in the world) and its significant role as a producer and consumer of energy in regional and international markets. as an archipelagic country, the potential of indonesia's renewable energy sources is extraordinarily spread across various islands and needs to be taken into account globally. indonesia has great potential in developing nre, including 950 megawatts of wind energy, 11 gigawatts of solar power, 75 gigawatts of hydropower, and 32 megawatts of biomass energy, 32 megawatts of biofuel, and marine energy potential in the amount of of 60 gigawatts, and geothermal which is estimated to have a potential of 29 gigawatt (jurnal_energi_edisi_2_17112016(1).pdf). however, the utilization of nre is still not maximized. the ministry of energy and mineral resources noted, for example, that the mix of energy source utilization as of 2015 was still dominated by fossil energy. nationally, the use of fossil energy is still the focus of the community at 47%, followed by coal and natural gas with 24% each, the remaining 5% for renewable energy (equivalent to 5 million barrel of oil/year). meanwhile, oil consumption reached 550 million barrels/year with an average increase of 8% per year. the new, renewable energy and energy conservation policy is under the ministry of energy and mineral resources which consists of 4 (four) directorate generals, namely the directorate general of oil and natural gas, the directorate general of electricity, the directorate general of mineral and coal, and the directorate general of new, renewable and conservation energy. the directorate general of new, renewable and conservation energy (ebtk) in charge of (i) secretariat of the directorate general of new, renewable and conservation energy (ii) directorate of geothermal, (iii) directorate of bioenergy, (iv) directorate of various new and renewable energy, (v) directorate of energy conservation, and (vi) directorate of infrastructure planning and development. the vision of the director-general of ebtk is "availability of clean energy to meet national energy needs (efficiently) in the context of sustainable development". meanwhile, the mission to be achieved is (i) maximizing energy conservation, (ii) optimizing the supply and prioritizing the use of new and renewable energy in the context of diversification, (iii) increasing the role of the private sector in large-scale nre development and community participation in small-scale nre development (iv) increase domestic production/local content in support of the development and utilization of ebtk in mission number 1,2,3. (jurnal_energi_edisi_2_17112016(1).pdf). to encourage the use of nre and put a brake on the use of fossil resources, the government issued government regulation number 79/2014 concerning national file:///g:/agenda%20sinta%202020/1st%20isossci%20-%20%20lldikti%203/fix2_jurnal_energi_edisi_2_17112016(1).pdf) file:///g:/agenda%20sinta%202020/1st%20isossci%20-%20%20lldikti%203/fix2_jurnal_energi_edisi_2_17112016(1).pdf) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 180 energy policy. in the policy, the target for the nre mix in 2020 is stated at 17 percent, while in 2025, the utilization of nre is expected to reach 23 percent. with five steps of nre development, such as (i) adding generating capacity for energy production. in the next few years, the construction of hydroelectric power plants (plta) and geothermal power plants (pltp) will be intensified, (ii) increasing the provision of access to modern energy for isolated areas, especially rural energy development with micro-hydro, solar power, biomass, and biogas, (iii) reducing the cost of fuel subsidies, where substitution of diesel-powered power plant with nre can reduce subsidies, (iv) and (v) reducing greenhouse gas emissions and massive energy savings. the achievement of the nre national mix target according to the 2019 performance report of the director-general of ebtk is as follows. table 4. primary energy mix (%) – energy mix no energy source 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020* 1 nre 5.33 4.38 6.47 6.34 8.55 9.15 11.51 2 coal 25.76 27.94 29.85 30.53 32.97 37.15 3 oil 47.06 46.57 41.93 42.52 38.81 33.58 4 natural gas 21.85 21.11 21.75 20.61 19.67 20.12 total 100 100 100 100 100 100 source: 2019 performance report of the directorate general of ebtke, page 30* data table 4 shows the increase in the mix over the last 5 years to 11.51% (2020) where the details of the power plant mix are shown in figure 9. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 181 figure 9. parameters of the 2020 power plant energy mix source: https://drive.esdm.go.id/wl/?id=qn6bqfh4oegrlp8fvj4fg6bcytozyecc the latest performance of the nre 2020 sub-sector states that the primary energy mix based on new and renewable energy (nre) is targeted to increase in 2020 with the addition of a production capacity of 34,406 gwh, of which nre production from water is targeted to reach 18,627 gwh, geothermal 14,774 gwh, and 1,005 gwh other nre. as of may 2020, the production capacity of nre-based power plants has reached 15,805.59 gwh with details of water-based power plants reaching 9,085.89 gwh, geothermal-based power plants reaching 6,494.00 gwh, and other nre-based power plants reaching 225. 70 gwh. (https://ebtke.esdm.go.id/post/2020/07/28/2593/fact.sheet.update.kinerja.subs ektor.ebtke.tahun.2020). the 2019 performance report also mentions various strategies carried out by the government to increase new ones, including encouraging capacity building for existing nre power plant units and ensuring nre projects run according to the electricity supply business plan (ruptl), market creation strategies, such as grounding rooftop pv to at the household level; facilitate access to competitive funding, support policies and improve governance in the context of accelerating nre projects, and mobilize all stakeholders. in addition, other programs developed by the directorate general of ebtke include: energy management, energy audits, increasing the number of energy managers and energy auditors, reducing co2 emissions, socializing energy-saving, and preparing regulations on energy https://drive.esdm.go.id/wl/?id=qn6bqfh4oegrlp8fvj4fg6bcytozyecc journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 182 conservation. this aims to achieve the ruen target where savings of 17% must be achieved by 2025. the government is also developing biofuel energy as an alternative to reducing the use of pure fossil energy with the hope of saving 8% to reduce future fuel needs. the 8% savings are expected to be able to finance nre development projects in each area based on the natural use of each island such as solar, wind, and micro-hydro energy. nre development is considered by the government to be very vital in the national energy scenario. national policy drafts must be synergized with regional policy designs and strengthen the energy industry. at the regional level, there are 10 provinces (figure 10) with the largest nre potential, namely west kalimantan, papua, west java, east java, east kalimantan, north sumatra, west nusa tenggara, south sumatra, central kalimantan, central java with the following potentials and installed capacities: figure 10. potential of renewable energy in indonesia source: esr (2019). indonesia clean energy status report: potential, installed capacity, and renewable energy power plant development plan 2019, page 2 apart from central kalimantan and central java, 8 other provinces have potentials above 20 gw, so that the electricity supply can be adjusted to the local renewable energy potential. however, the planned development of renewable energy plants for 2019-2028 is only in java and sumatra (figure 11): north sumatera, west java, south sumatera, jambi, east java, central java, west sumatera, bengkulu, lampung, aceh. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 183 figure 11. renewable energy plant development plan 2019-2028 source: esr (2019). indonesia's clean energy status report: potential, installed capacity, and renewable energy power plant development plan 2019, page 3 meanwhile, the nre development projection data released by the government in 2020 shows an increasing projection. projection of green booster increases from 10.986.07 (2020) to 22.307,3 (2024) (blue line), total rpjmn (national middle term development planning) increases from 10.744.1 (2020) to 19.350.5 (2024) (dark blue line), ruptl/electricity from 10.744.1 (2020) to 17.106,6 (2024) (brown line) and mix energy from 10.744.2 (2020) to 200.800, 2 (2024) (yellow line). figure 12 projected development of nre source: https://drive.esdm.go.id/wl/?id=qn6bqfh4oegrlp8fvj4fg6bcytozyecc barriers to nre development in indonesia so far, based on various discussions and experiences of developed countries, the most important and determining factor in the development of nre is its policy area. https://drive.esdm.go.id/wl/?id=qn6bqfh4oegrlp8fvj4fg6bcytozyecc journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 184 it is believed that government policies will encourage other sectors such as the private sector and society/consumers to move. however, apart from policy factors, capital factors, expertise, and social situation are no less important because these are obstacles found in the field of the development of nre. the main challenge is related to the economy calculation of nre, which is still more expensive than the price of fossil fuel power plants. this is overcome by the plan of a presidential regulation related to improving the price of rne with the consideration that indonesia's nre market is still small and has not yet entered the scale of the economy such as solar panel prices are still high, the development of nre creates new economic values, the purchase price of electricity from nre does not reflect the economic value that exist reasonable, the need for support from various ministries in optimizing the use of nre, the need for policy instruments that synergize and synchronize policies, and steps from relevant ministries and institutions to support nre. (https://ebtke.esdm.go.id/post/2020/07/28/2593/fact.sheet.update.kinerja.subs ektor.ebtke.tahun.2020). another challenge is the intermittent (unstable) nature of power plants such as solar and wind power plants which require system readiness to maintain a continuous supply of electricity or vice versa nre with low cost and good capacities such as hydro powerplant, minihydro powerplant, and geothermal powerplant located in conservation areas which are far from the load center, so it takes longer to build. for bioenergy, biomass and biogas plants require a guaranteed supply (feedstock) during the operation period. social factors that require attention and an educational approach are related to community rejection. in several locations where geothermal projects will be built, the community refuses on the grounds of the impacts/risks of geothermal exploration by pointing to the lapindo case. (https://katadata.co.id/agustiyanti/ekonomi-hijau/5ec3e93f53436/ganjarpranowo-masih-ada-warga-takut-pada-proyek-pengembangan-ebt) both in central java, pandarincang, banten and other areas. the communication gap occurs because the potential and benefits of nre are not widely known to the public. the diversity of cultures also requires proper socialization. conclusion the transformation of nre from fossil energy on a global level is underway. the transition still takes time, given the various factors involved in this transformation including its geopolitical impact. nre will be a “game-changer” for global geopolitical maps and relations between countries. the main nre players have begun to show themselves with various indicators: nre policies, investment https://ebtke.esdm.go.id/post/2020/07/28/2593/fact.sheet.update.kinerja.subsektor.ebtke.tahun.2020 https://ebtke.esdm.go.id/post/2020/07/28/2593/fact.sheet.update.kinerja.subsektor.ebtke.tahun.2020 https://katadata.co.id/agustiyanti/ekonomi-hijau/5ec3e93f53436/ganjar-pranowo-masih-ada-warga-takut-pada-proyek-pengembangan-ebt https://katadata.co.id/agustiyanti/ekonomi-hijau/5ec3e93f53436/ganjar-pranowo-masih-ada-warga-takut-pada-proyek-pengembangan-ebt journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 185 allocation, increasing nre mix in various sectors (building, transportation, industry), nre innovation, investment, and exports as well as higher private involvement. in terms of potential, indonesia is in line with the main players, especially for the development of solar energy, bioenergy, and geothermal. indonesia's energy consumption is also included in the group of world countries that are growing very fast, even electricity consumption will increase threefold by 2030, including transportation and industry (irena 2017:3). this means that there is a very large market for nre development. from a policy perspective, the government has an ambitious target to increase the use of nre, if it is consistent, it is likely to be achieved two decades sooner. the benefits of developing nre are predicted to outweigh the costs because high uptake will reduce the total cost of the nre system, national energy security will be strengthened, indonesia will also contribute to global projects dealing with climate change, including the long-term “clean energy” impact, expansion of nre will open up opportunities for renewable energy employment and encourage technology transfer. the overall aggregate output of nre will position indonesia in the international world in line with the big players that have emerged such as china, the united states, brazil, and europe, besides of course being "the leading actor in asean". various solutions to increase indonesia's nre are available if indonesia can focus on the greatest potential and the most open opportunities in the most strategic sectors such as industry, buildings, transport, and community needs acknowledgment the research was carried out with a grant from the faculty of social and political sciences, university of muhammadiyah jakarta number: /f.1-umj/ii/2021. references chevalier, jm. eds. 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(2021). renewable 2021 report. global status report santarius, t. et.al. (2016). rethinking climate and energy policies new perspectives on the rebound phenomenon. springer scholten, d. (2018). the geopolitics of renewables. springer international publishing sener, s.e.c. (2017). factors of renewable energy deployment and empirical studies of united states wind energy. dissertation. clemson university. tiger prints. shogren, j. f. (2013). encyclopedia of energy, natural resources, and environmental economics. elsevier. ebook vakulchuck, r. et.al. (2020). renewable energy and geopolitics: a review. renewable and sustainable energy reviews 122 (2020) 109547 https://www.dw.com/id/asia-tenggara-mulai-beralih-ke-energi-surya/a51129285 https://www.irena.org//media/files/irena/agency/publication/2017/mar/irena_remap_indone sia_summary_2017.pdf?la=en&hash=f530e18bafc979c8f1a0254afa77c9 ebc9a0ec44 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 187 http://iesr.or.id/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/iesr_infographic_status-energiterbarukan-indonesia.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 195 cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns: lessons learned from 2016 and for 2020 u.s. presidential election yudha akbar pally department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia 3email: yudhaakbar.pally@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : donald trump's victory over hillary clinton in 2016 us presidential election is one of the most shocking political events of this decade. various controversies and irregularities have been examined and led to alleged russia’s roles in the election results. cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns run by moscow and the weakness of us election security in preventing and mitigating such online intervention further confirm the failure of modern democracy in cyber and social media era. no one can guarantee that russian cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns will not reoccur in us presidential election this year. the us preparedness and capability in dealing with election cyber threats will not only risk the legitimacy of us presidency but also the sustainability of democracy to survive the today’s information technology and social media advancement. keywords: cyberattack, disinformation campaign, social media, election security and democracy submission : may, 09th 2020 revision : june 08th 2020 publication : august 30th 2020 introduction the development of information technology has penetrated almost all aspects of modern human life. from simple things such as buying basic needs online, enjoying the flow of information that is fast and easy to grasp and even strategic matters such as influencing public policies to “intervening” in the process of changing political leadership. in the past, government, as a result of a democratic election process, could dictate the change and information technology advancement to progress rapidly as it is now with policies and regulations flexibility. however, nowadays, the outcome of a democratic process can be influenced by information technology activism or misleading campaign. for example, in april 2018, the us congress summoned mark zuckerberg, founder and ceo of facebook, to attend the congressional hearing to clarify allegations of his company's role in cambridge analytica scandal. facebook has reportedly journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 196 provided access to around 87 million user data to be subject of political interests. the personal data exposed is used to influence political choices or election results. this scandal is not the first nor the last, there are many scandals of misappropriation of information technology used to intervene in election results. russian hackers, for example, are accused of carrying out cyber-attacks and a disinformation campaign to disrupt 2016 us presidential election. many political researchers and even the us intelligence community such as the central intelligence agency (cia), the federal bureau of investigation (fbi) and the national security agency (nsa) claimed russia of being behind the surprising results of 2016 us presidential election. russian agents are considered to have carried out a multipronged influence campaign through cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns with the aim of discrediting and delegitimizing the election results. they targeted hillary clinton, democratic presidential candidate, and damaged her credibility and reputation and ultimately disrupted her electability and potential to become the 45th us president. moreover, the ultimate goal is to undermine public confidence in us presidential election process and its result, us presidency. it would also lead to lacks legitimacy so that in the end, a crisis of us public confidence in democracy will occur. this multipronged influence effort with cyberattacks and disinformation campaign method began at least in 2014 when russian hackers polarizing political perceptions through social media activism to display bias and mainstreaming sensitive issues such racial discrimination, immigration and islamophobia as debated narratives in the election aiming to divide the unity of americans. the campaign was carried out by fake social media accounts run by russia's internet research agency (ira). after mastering the social media activism area, cyberattack targeted information technology infrastructure for us political institutions i.e. democratic national committee (dnc) and democratic congressional campaign committee (dccc), through leaking of hillary’s classified mails and documents. although until now, no one has been able to prove that such information technology intervention and russia's disinformation campaign against the 2016 presidential election had a direct impact on voter manipulation. many argue that this intervention has significantly favored presidential election’s result, donald trump, as a leader of the second largest democracy in the world. this article elaborates on some findings about the election, analyzes and examines the findings whether these cyber-attacks and disinformation campaign have discredited hillary's reputation, influenced voters and ultimately helped donald trump to win the white house? and, has the us incapability to prevent and mitigate cyberattacks and disinformation campaign contributed to the controversial 2016 us presidential election result? literature review cybersecurity has various definitions. the european union defines cybersecurity as “safeguards and actions that can be used to protect cyber domain, both in civilian and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 197 military fields, from those threats that are associated with or that may harm its interdependent networks and information infrastructure”. this definition is in accordance with the reality that one of the barriers to be strengthened to mitigate cyber-attacks is to ensure that the barrier network and information infrastructure cannot be penetrated. furthermore, in addition to these barriers, a comprehensive cybersecurity policy is also needed to analyze, prevent and mitigate all potential risks of cyber-attacks. us policy review, for that, also describes cybersecurity policy with a broader meaning where “cybersecurity policy includes strategy, policy, and standards regarding the security of and operations in cyberspace, and encompasses the full range of threat reduction, vulnerability reduction, deterrence, international engagement, incident response, resiliency, and recovery policies and activities, including computer network operations, information assurance, law enforcement, diplomacy, military, and intelligence missions as they relate to the security and stability of the global information and communications infrastructure. the scope does not include other information and communications policy unrelated to national security or securing the infrastructure.” however, understanding cybersecurity is not easy, maurer and morgus as quoted in nezir akyesilmen's article underlines that “threats in cyberspace are difficult to define as it is hard to identify the source of attacks and the motives that drive them, or even to foresee the course of an attack as it unfolds. the identification of cyber threats is further complicated by the difficulty in defining the boundaries between national, international, public and private interests and actors. because threats in cyberspace are global in nature and involve rapid technological developments, the struggle to meet them is everchanging and increasingly complicated. it requires high-level training, an advanced legal framework, effective organizational co-operation and the allocation of considerable resources.” whereas several types of cyberattacks on election process, essentially in the case of russian intervention in 2016 us presidential election, may include 5 types of information technology intervention, namely: (1) infrastructure exploitation is a form of intervention by conducting surveillance, collecting and modifying data or functions of information technology systems or networks; (2) strategic publication is intervention in the form of releasing illegally obtained data. the data is usually gained through infrastructure exploitation intervention. it is aimed at discrediting a candidate by humiliating or exposing negative attitude of the candidate; (3) false-front engagement is intervention with the aim of communicating or even provoking a certain issue through interaction with other people using a false identity; (4) sentiment amplification is an intervention to increase the spread of certain sentiments as desired, either openly where the actor is clearly identified or covertly, and where the actor is deliberately obscured or exposed by false-front engagement with a false identity; and (5) fabricated content is intervention in the form of disseminating written or broadcast untrue and misleading information of a candidate or a result of an election. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 198 disinformation campaign in election is the spread of false information to the detriment of a candidate, group, institution or the election process itself. disinformation is not a new trick of manipulation. sharing fake and misleading content is an ancient political tactic. however, what distinguishes it now is that the methods and media used are increasingly sophisticated through social media. the use of social media is aimed at reaching a larger audience so that the impact of disinformation campaign will be more massive. furthermore, cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns can be carried out by many parties and often even performed by certain regimes against candidate targets or elections in a country that is opposite to the campaign-host regime. there are at least three models of regime or state involvement in cyberattacks, namely (a) state-directed where the campaign has been approved by state officials, who act in their capacity as a government representative or government leader; (b) state-encouraged where the campaign is not ordered or given a direct signal by a state official, but also does not receive opposition from and is even considered favorable by the state; and, (c) statealigned where the campaign conducted by certain individuals or entities with the aim of supporting certain regime’s goals. method the research elaborated in this article applied a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis to answer aforementioned research questions. in addition, secondary data-based findings were sourced from relevant documents such as books, journals, reports, magazine articles and reviews, which were then evaluated and analyzed to examine the answers to the research questions. discussion these cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns were firstly echoed on 14 june 2016 when dnc reported hacking of their computer network and blamed russian hackers for the hacking. after this incident, several cyberattacks were also frequently targeted at the democratic party. wikileaks also published nearly 20,000 emails and 8,000 attachments belonging to several top dnc officials on 22 july 2016. not only that, hackers continued to leak a large amount of sensitive campaign information in the days leading up to the us presidential election on 7 november 2016. a hacker named guccifer 2.0 claimed responsible for the hack. crowdstrike, a us cyber security company immediately analyzed guccifer’s cyberattacks and released a preliminary report revealing the fact that on 22 july 2016, three days before the democratic national convention began, wikileaks published "part one" of the "new hillary leaks series". the first part consisted of 19,252 emails and 8,034 attachments from senior dnc officials. the e-mails were distributed from january 2015 to may 2016 and contained a number of important conversations. for example, one email correspondence about a discussion of campaign strategy to undermine the reputation journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 199 and integrity of senator bernie sanders, hillary's main contender in the democratic presidential candidate nomination. the e-mails also exposed personal information to hillary's campaign donors including addresses, credit card numbers, and even some passport and social security numbers. in addition, on 6 october 2016, dcleaks published a leaked email belonging to capricia marshall. capricia is former u.s chief protocol under president barack obama and senior advisor to hillary's campaign team. the email leaked sensitive information about the campaign strategy, especially the media strategy and network enhancement. the sequence of emerging cyberattacks, and disinformation campaigns reinforced the signals that there were parties orchestrating to target the credibility of hillary's candidacy. this signal is strengthened by a report issued by us intelligence community publicly disclosing the results of their intelligence work on 7 october 2016 confirming their belief that the russian government was behind the cyberattack against dnc. the intelligence community’s findings have triggered a comprehensive series of assessments with similar results and ultimately upset president barack obama who then on 28 december 2016 issued an executive order aimed at punishing russia for their cyberattacks. the us government blocked five russian entities and four russian individuals from their involvement in businesses in the us and confiscated all their existing assets throughout us. not only that, president obama also instructed us state department to "expel" thirty-five russian diplomats with the label of "persona non grata" and close two russian complexes on us territory. president barack obama believes that russia used the two complexes as a hotbed for russian intelligence activities. russia was furious and publicly condemned the sanctions and has insisted the complex should only be used as a vacation home for their diplomats. russia argues the sanction is provocative and imposed just three weeks before president obama left office, where they believe that a president who will leave office should not adopt a policy that damages bilateral relations between the two countries. furthermore, russian president vladimir putin's spokesperson stated that the executive order is nothing but a function of "a deal a blow on the foreign policy plans of the incoming administration." and, russia is not responsible for any alleged cyberattacks and has promised to avenge against the us retaliation measures. the us accusation that russia had a hand in the cyberattacks and disinformation campaign seems plausible. since the cold war, russia has often carried out intelligence operations targeting us elections, but this has only been limited to gathering foreign intelligence data. for decades, russian and soviet intelligence services have sought to gather insider information in us political parties that could help russian leaders understand the plans and priorities of the us administration's new policies. in the mid1970s, for example, komitet gosudarstvennoy bezopasnosti (kgb), the soviet union’s intelligence agency, recruited a democratic party activist who leaked information about the campaign and foreign policy plans of jimmy carter, who was the democratic party's presidential candidate. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 200 furthermore, in january 2017, the us intelligence community issued a joint report, attributing russia's efforts to undermine the 2016 presidential election, although the report does not make an assessment of the impact of russian activities on 2016 election results. in the summer of 2018, special counsel for the us department of justice, robert mueller, charged 12 gru officials with hacking into the dccc and dnc networks, and releasing documents and emails in an attempt to interfere with us presidential election. in this regard, media coverage initially focused primarily on leaked e-mail content after the dnc hack, particularly on dnc's preference for hillary clinton over rival senator bernie sanders. in the run-up to the elections, the discourse on cyberattacks is increasingly being framed by the disinformation campaign machine as a national security issue, although media responses vary depending on political trends. the us right-wing media tends to deny or question the effects of hacking, while the left-wing media claims it is an attack on us democracy and institutions. they further assess that russian intelligence services have carried out intelligence work to establish the narrative war against us influential agencies such as think tanks and lobby groups which they consider having the ability to determine the direction of us future policies. the us intelligence community believes that the gru uses the persona of guccifer 2.0, dcleaks.com, and wikileaks to release classified us data obtained in cyber operations and then publicly and exclusively to media outlets. guccifer 2.0 covers his identity by claiming to be an independent romanian hacker and making false claims about their russian identity. media reporting indicates more than one person has identified themselves as guccifer 2.0. furthermore, the us intelligence community claims that guccifer 2.0 conveyed narrative obtained dnc and senior democrat officials to wikileaks. wikileaks is used as a funnel for information leakage due to its reputation for the authenticity of its reports. the us public is considered to have a high degree of trust in wikileaks’ information. to link wikileaks' ties to this disinformation campaign, the us intelligence community states that rt (formerly russia today) chief editor visited wikileaks founder, julian assange, at ecuadorian embassy in london in august 2013, where they discussed renewing his broadcast contract with rt. russian media later announced that rt had become "the only russian media company" partnered with wikileaks and had received access to "a new leak of classified information." rt routinely provides a "pulpit" for assange to attack the us with his leaked data. the prolonged orchestra of cyberattacks and disinformation campaign has proven their results. in november 2016, 139 million americans elected their president under the shadow of russia's cyber operations and massive disinformation campaign designed to undermine the confidence of americans in their democracy. russia is spreading disinformation to american voters through youtube videos, tweets and facebook posts viewed by an estimated 126 million people on the facebook platform alone. russia also targets cyberattacks and a disinformation campaign of at least 21 states and seeks to infiltrate networks of voting infrastructure vendors and political parties. an unprecedented and successful information technology intervention exposing serious national security vulnerabilities in us election infrastructure. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 201 discussion as the us is currently preparing to convene 2020 presidential election. us might be very well prepared so that russian cyberattacks and disinformation campaign in 2016 will not reoccur. in 2016, russia had unprecedented opportunity and resources to carry out their intervention. the ira activities, a troll distribution center based in st. petersburg founded by kremlin to spread disinformation during us elections, cost an estimated $ 1.25 million a month. it is just a cheap price for a cyber coup against another country. it is noncomparable to the election of a us president who "appears to be pro-russia,” a shocking and embarrassing defeat for hillary clinton, and, most importantly, an opportunity to expose us democracy as a dysfunctional old value. to make things even worse, us democratic infrastructure is unprepared and unresponsive to russian cyber operation risks and seems incapable of mitigating such cyber incidents. the us has failed. after four years, the emerging world problems and re-focusing of national interests have made the 2016 cyber tricks seem unworkable. the covid-19 pandemic has required tremendous resources of all countries, including russia, and decreasing oil prices have also hit the russian economy. as a result, the level of domestic popularity of president vladimir putin has dropped dramatically. in the past, russian presidents have taken foreign policy "dividends", namely the 2014 invasion of crimea and years of intervention in syria, to maintain political support at home. now, russian economy tends to be stagnant, the majority of russians want their government to carefully focus on economic and domestic issues. foreign policy activism is seen unattractive. in addition to domestic obstacles, if russia still insists on intervening in the us presidential election this year, moscow will need to work harder to manipulate us voters especially where social media companies are also becoming more aggressive in protecting their platforms by removing fake networks of accounts and bots. they have even dared to go head-to-head with the state in order to maintain the integrity of their platforms. social media companies have actually attempted to create policies to respond to disinformation campaign challenges. for instance, twitter has banned all political advertising including limiting the visibility of some of trump's tweets for violating his policy of abusive posts and behavior. nonetheless, us first amendment guarantees freedom of speech adding another set of complexities where social media company is often confronted with freedom of speech and access to information requirements. meanwhile, google is fully committed to privacy of its users. google always strives to comply with the applicable data protection laws where they operate. apart from having qualified technical expertise and a well-trained cybersecurity team, google cybersecurity system is also assessed by an independent auditor. meanwhile, facebook views that false news will damage trust and hinders flow of accurate information. therefore, facebook applies several strategies to combat disinformation campaigns including users-supported false news identification, third-party fact checking mechanism, strict policy enforcement of ads on buying to prevent false news posts, fraud and inauthentic spam accounts response and sustainable updated fake accounts detection capability. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 202 having learned that as remains incapable of preventing and mitigating russian cyberattacks and disinformation campaign, us needs to develop election cybersecurity initiatives and strategies covering, among others, identification and assessment of election cyber security risks which can provide a complete picture of us election cyber security capabilities and weaknesses. then, the white house and capitol hill need to compromise to create a set of principles or norms and a national action plan based on the election cybersecurity risk assessment. us government should also create an agency that specifically handles election cybersecurity and has authority to collect and manage cyber resources both nationally and internationally. it also needs to own expertise in establishing relationships with global cyber actors due to transnational and borderless nature of cyberspace. this agency should work in a high level of agility in order to manage complexity of election cyber threats in the most effective and efficient way considering that cyberattacks can occur in a fast, consecutive and massive fashion. it should also perform lobbying capabilities to convince stakeholders, such as the police, military, foreign ministry, defense ministry and other relevant counterparts, and gain their buy-in in the design and execution of election cybersecurity policies. technically speaking, u.s. congress, in its report entitled congressional task force on election security: final report, released in 2018, explained their findings and warned the government to carry out strategies on how us should make self-improvement. the report elaborates the need for (1) us intelligence community to carry out pre-election threat assessments before the actual elections are held; (2) federal fund is prepared to replace outdated voting machines and rejuvenate it infrastructure, including the sophisticated voter registration database system; (3) each state conducts post-election audits; (4) parties or vendors shall have capability to secure the voting system and collaborate with local officials to create a response system when a cyberattack occurs; (5) federal government develops a national strategy and cybersecurity reforms to tackle cyberattacks and weaken attempts against us democratic institutions, including increased cybersecurity training; (6) making election infrastructure a critical infrastructure so that the security system and resource support are improved; (7) create and improve the capabilities of channels for sharing threat and intelligence information with election officials. apart from increasing cyber capacity at home, us must end its isolationism approach. us should lead international collaborations to intensify global cyber cooperation. facts on the ground show that not all countries have adequate cyber capabilities and shared cybersecurity-based national interests. it unfortunately results in the lack of quality of international collaboration. pre-existing suspicion over the intended use of cyber capabilities has also contributed to the reluctance of international cooperation enhancement. most countries are more inward-looking, nationalist and protective and see “international agreement” as an arena that focuses more on competition rather than collaboration. this condition inevitably fosters the practice of cyber arms race by several countries including the united states, european union member states, iran, israel, china, and russia. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 203 russia's attempt to intervene in 2016 us presidential election is “a new recipe in old menu” for moscow and washington continued competition. it is undeniable that moscow has always had desire to "disrupt" us democracy. moscow wants to show its leadership in cyber arms race and is currently seen as capable of performing the type, level of activity and scope of its "online" attacks, compared to the "offline" antidemocratic operations organized by the soviet union or russia decades earlier. russia has activated cyberattacks to undermine public confidence in the us democratic process, destroy hillary clinton's credibility and reputation, and simultaneously damage the electability and potential of her presidency. russia also "has chosen" donald trump as president of the united states to replace president barack obama. even if hillary was elected, a russian cyber strategy was prepared to focus on challenging the election result legitimacy and disrupting hillary’s administration. in fact, a report produced by the us intelligence community underscores russia's strategy prior to 2016 presidential election, russian diplomats publicly criticized the election process and prepared to publicly question the result validity. judging from their social media activities, pro-kremlin bloggers have set up a twitter campaign, #democracyrip, on election night in anticipation of hillary 's victory. this is russian open propaganda campaign. successive cyberattacks carried out by russian-run propaganda machines include its domestic media equipment, outlets targeting global audiences such as rt and sputnik, and quasi-government troll networks have contributed to the campaign of influence by serving as a platform for kremlin messaging to russian audience and internationally. russian-owned media made positive comments about president-elect trump while consistently echoing negative coverage of hillary clinton. rt's coverage of hillary during presidential campaign has persistently focused on leaked emails accusing her of corruption, poor physical and mental health, and her links to islamic groups. in fact, the narrative was also formed to convince the public that if hillary clinton was elected, the potential for war between the united states and russia would be even greater. would potential russian cyberattack, and its actualization be well comprehended by us state election officials in the us? yes, it would, but us lacks the resources to protect their election infrastructure. in most states, lawmakers are reluctant to increase their electoral security budgets. some governors also do not take strategic steps to improve the preventive and mitigation capacity of election security in their authorities. congress fails to step in. in fact, the majority of state election officials surveyed by politico at the end of 2017 indicated that they needed additional funding from the federal government to replace outdated electoral systems and technology that were vulnerable to cyberattacks from anywhere. the dire state of us cyber capability is contrary to the readiness of russia's resources and strategies. alina polyakova in her recent article in foreign affairs magazine outlines the chronology of ira’s cyberattacks. initially and the most important first step is building an audience. in early 2014, ira created fake social media accounts purportedly belonging to ordinary americans. using these accounts, they made general online content, not divisive or even political ones but is only designed to attract attention. after that, between 2015 and 2017, ira purchased a total of more than 3,500 online advertisements for about $ 100,000 to promote its accounts. the second step is to make journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 204 a strategy change. after ira-run account gained a few followers, it suddenly began publishing divisive campaigns using racial, immigration and intolerance issues. many accounts began publishing anti-hillary clinton content in 2015 and campaigning protrump messages. the third step is to make it real. later, fake ira accounts sent private messages to their real-life followers, urging americans to organize. ira was able to reach millions of its social media followers. on facebook alone, they have at least 126 million followers and around 1.4 million followers on twitter. ira's publication of thousands of hillary campaign emails has also dominated headlines for months, tarnishing democratic party's image and eroding public support for her presidential campaign. unfortunately, just few weeks heading to2020 presidential election, us remains illequipped to potentially deal with russian repetitive attacks. since 2016, us congress has not passed substantive laws targeting perpetrators of disinformation campaign in addition to limited sanctions against russian officials and entities, nor does it oblige social media companies to take action on negative campaigns against us democracy. in fact, it is unclear which institution in the us government has a duty to deter cyberattacks against us presidential election. us global engagement center is actually tasked with combatting state-sponsored disinformation; however, the center is only part of the state department and does not have domestic jurisdiction. several government agencies have published guidelines on how the federal government should warn the american public about foreign interference, but the guidelines are not very specific. the good news is, the cybersecurity and infrastructure security agency, which is one of the agencies formed by the department of homeland security, has been working to secure the physical machines of elections, update and replace electronic voting machines and strengthen security around voter data storage. it has also tried to improve information sharing among federal, state, and local authorities. these are important steps against cyberattacks and election hacks, but they cannot deal with foreign disinformation campaign operations. things even get worse when president trump continuously obscures facts and undermines us intelligence agencies making us and its people insecure and highly vulnerable to repeated cyberattacks. us democracy is indeed in a very fragile position. conclusion during the twentieth century, democracy has confronted fascism, communism and other ideologies, and repeatedly proved itself a winner because of values that the world community considers more acceptable. democracy determines the faith that everyone has the right to choose their leaders who can best regulate and meet their political needs. however, almost all over the world, the impact of social and economic inequality generated by globalization has led to widespread discontent and a rise in populism, the opponents have shown a clear intention to manipulate these unfortunate facts to discredit democracy. the emergence and advancement of social media and information technology, and their intersection with the political and social life is very encouraging and gives people ability to influence political decision-making processes and decide their future leaders. yet, information technology and social media have also created new journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 205 vulnerabilities such as exploitation of social issues by interested parties to undermine public trust in democratic institutions, exacerbate social problems and widen the gap through disinformation campaigns. russian hacking activism and disinformation campaigns have shown how information technology and social media become important actors in modern democratic process. if democracy does not heal its wounds, especially in modernizing its infrastructure, it is not impossible that democracy will collapse due to the loss of public trust in democracy itself. the question remains, if russia will re-activate cyberattacks and disinformation campaign for this year us presidential election essentially when putin has positioned himself as russia's lifelong leader and, of course, determined to undermine public confidence in democracy. this call will always be a menu of foreign policy attractive to moscow. at the same time, us heated domestic politics is hampering national collaboration to face russia. dictions of social issues revolving around racism, immigration and intolerance still dominates divisive atmosphere in the us. references adam mosseri (2017). working to stop misinformation and false news. retrieved 25 august 2020, from facebook website: https://www.facebook.com/facebookmedia/blog/working-to-stopmisinformation-and-false-news. adrian shahbaz (2018). the rise of digital authoritarianism. washington d.c: freedom house. alina polyakova (2020). the kremlin’s plot against democracy: how russia updated its 2016 playbook for 2020. foreign affairs magazine 99 (5), p. 140-149. caroline rossini and natalia green (2015). cybersecurity and human rights. gccs 2015 – webinar series training summaries (pp. 9-17). christina lam (2018). a slap on the wrist: combatting russia’s cyber attack on the 2016 u.s. presidential election. boston college law review, 59 (6), p. 21672201. google (2020). we are committed to complying with applicable data protection laws. retrieved 25 august 2020, from google website: https://privacy.google.com/businesses/compliance/. laura galante and shaun ee (2018). defining russian election interference: an analysis of select 2014 to 2018 cyber enabled incidents. washington d.c: the scowcroft center for strategy and security, atlantic centre. lisa reppell and erica shein (2019). disinformation campaigns and hate speech: exploring the relationship and programming interventions. arlington, va: international foundation for electoral systems. nezir akyesilmen (2016). cybersecurity and human rights: need for a paradigm shift? cyberpolitik journal, 1 (1), 38-61. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 206 office of the director of national intelligence council (2017). assessing russian activities and intentions in recent us elections (2017). ica 2017-01d. u.s. congress (2018). congressional task force on election security: final report. washington d.c. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 322 ajeng's personal branding was waited as indika fm radio anniversary through tiktok social media syarifah nadila, djudjur luciana rajagukguk* communication science department faculty of social and political sciences universitas nasional jakarta ¹nadilasyarifah63@gmail.com ² djudjurluciana01@gmail.com* * corresponding author abstract: this study aims to determine the application of ajeng dinanti's personal branding as an indika fm radio announcer through tiktok social media. the theory used in this study is peter montoya's theory, namely 8 laws of personal branding or 8 concepts for the formation of great personal branding consisting of specialization, leadership, personality, difference, appearance, unity, firmness, and good name. this research method is qualitative with a descriptive approach, where the researcher explains in detail how the application of ajeng dinanti's personal branding as an indika fm radio announcer through tiktok social media, with 3 informants selected purposively, namely 1 key informant, namely ajeng dinanti's tiktok account follower, abdu, then 2 informants, namely ajeng dinanti herself as the person who applies personal branding and listeners from indika fm in the indika sewing program, namely dwi septianingsih. the findings of this study show that the fulfillment of specialization is reflected in ajeng's personal branding as a radio announcer. personality is reflected in the way ajeng stays true to herself in implementing her personal branding. then on the difference, it is very visible that ajeng has a different way of implementing her personal branding with other broadcasters. then there is an appearance, it is clear that ajeng did this personal branding so that the public could see that ajeng is an indika fm radio announcer. then the unity, personal branding that ajeng does hopes that she can become the audience's top of mind. then there is determination, in carrying out his personal branding, ajeng is consistent in sharing content on her tiktok social media. then finally there is a good name, by doing this personal branding, finally many people know that ajeng is an announcer from indika fm radio. then, when viewed from the side of the researcher, the concept of specialization dominates. it can be concluded that the application of ajeng dinanti's personal branding as an indika fm radio announcer through tiktok social media has been successful, although there is one element that is not fulfilled.. keywords: personal branding, radio, social media, tiktok. submission : may, 23rd 2022 revision : june 19th 2022 publication : august 30th 2022 mailto:nadilasyarifah63@gmail.com mailto:djudjurluciana01@gmail.com* journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 323 introduction entering the 21st century, personal branding is very important to form one's identity. a person's personal branding visually such as how he dresses, behaves and interacts with other people is something that needs to be considered. self-image as personal branding, the formation of a reflection of one's identity which is often associated with using the quality of one's professional abilities and capabilities. in the current development of news technology and communication media today, imagery can occur in real time and space as well as in virtual representation spaces such as social media. the rapid sophistication of today's technology has resulted in various patterns of community communication, starting with the emergence of many new media in the midst of society. one of the new media that has emerged in indonesia is the internet. in the past, the emergence of the internet was very easily accepted by the public, marked by evidence that internet media users in indonesia were the largest users in the world. the ease of accessing information through the internet today has made the internet a prima donna for the community. the internet makes a big contribution to people's lives with all the benefits that we get such as saving space, time and even costs in the process of supporting communication. the internet is currently emerging as a new media where the internet offers various and diverse platforms that can be chosen according to the needs and desires of its users. currently, social media has become a form of new media (new media) and has now become a space that is freely translated by its users. as stated by flew (2002) that new media give rise to virtual reality. this virtual reality is a reality that often arises because new media allows users to use the widest possible space, expand the network as wide as possible and show other proofs of themselves by being owned by these users in the real world. although it is not impossible, that the user's selfidentity in cyberspace is a representation of his real identity in the real world. the benefits of new media are used as a source of information and distribute content. it also concerns the notion of 'benefits', namely about profit and loss, so that the new media used also has advantages and disadvantages. the use of utilization as a word to describe the use of new media in its function to convey digital communication messages so that the use of the word that researchers use here is to examine the usefulness or benefits of new media types. the increase in internet use in indonesia is dominated by people who access social media. social media has various types, marked by the emergence of friendster, multiply, twitter, instagram and the rise of one application that is widely downloaded by the indonesian people and the world, namely tiktok. tiktok is a social media platform which is developing the fastest in indonesia and in the world. tiktok pampers its users with a wide selection of videos with a duration of 15 seconds – 3 minutes and also users can create their own short videos accompanied by music, filters and several other interesting features. creative video sharing social media, tiktok now has 732 million active users as of october 2020. tiktok in indonesia has its own history and dynamics. when entering indonesia in 2017, tiktok was considered "tacky" and even rejected by some people. at its peak, tiktok was blocked by the indonesian ministry of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 324 communication and information in july 2018 (hasiholan, pratami & wahid, 2020). but now, tiktok's popularity has skyrocketed & has been downloaded by 2 billion in 2020 & experienced a surge in downloads during the covid-19 pandemic (annur, 2020). in this millennial era, where everyone is required to be creative, that is the reason why tiktok is very popular, especially by young people. because apart from being active, millennial youth also have creative and innovative characteristics. because of this similarity, millennials will use many ways to express their ideas and creativity in producing content. in addition, the short time limit on this tiktok application also challenges them. in that limited time, those who want to produce content on tiktok feel challenged to provide interesting video content so that many others like it. this phenomenon can occur because millennials tend to have the characteristics of liking challenges. therefore, many surveys show that of the many tiktok users, millennials are the most dominant. in this free era, everyone is competing to introduce themselves so that they can exist, be known, and gain recognition from the surrounding environment. this can be done because when someone gets recognition from others it will make it easier for someone to do something according to that person's will. it's the same as doing a personal branding, this activity is carried out in order to influence the level of trust from the audience towards a person. every human being has their own uniqueness that has been owned since birth. this can come from anywhere, can be from name, face, nature, character, talent and others. along with its development, the uniqueness can develop into the skills possessed. some people are aware that their uniqueness is not merely a difference between one person and another, but must be a prominent achievement or advantage considering that in this era, competition between individuals is getting wider and there are more and more opportunities visible in front of the eyes. therefore, personal branding is one of the many ways to increase the value or selling point of someone. personal branding is a process of marketing one's career as a brand. it is a process of maintaining and developing the reputation and impression of an individual, group or organization. personal branding has indirectly been built by an individual from a job or profession he does. when branding and personal branding are linked in our daily lives, we will find many people who have brand strengths according to their respective fields. the presence of the tiktok application has another role, besides being able to build a brand, tiktok also has a role to build a personal branding for its users. currently, many people rely on the media social tiktok as a means of personal branding by presenting content according to their expertise. personal branding can be said as one type of activity to express self-actuality so that it can form a self-image (image) or appeal in accordance with his wishes. ajeng dinanti is one of the many radio broadcasters who have used their social media to carve their skills or expertise in the world of radio broadcasting and also voice over. where today many young people and young adults are interested in the world of radio broadcasting. ajeng dinanti is an indika fm radio announcer who actively shares knowledge about the world of radio broadcasting through her journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 325 creative content on the tiktok application. currently, ajeng dinanti already has more than 300 thousand followers on tiktok, the account was formed from scratch because of ajeng's desire to share info about the world of radio, voice over, and occasionally ajeng also shares behind-the-scenes videos considering that there are so many curious people behind the broadcast. the success of radio broadcasters in bringing their broadcast content. the tiktok app has a lot in common with instagram. the difference is that instagram is more focused on posting photos, while tiktok focuses on posting creative videos. ajeng dinanti chose tiktok to build personal branding, namely because it follows the current trend where there are so many tiktok users in indonesia which makes ajeng dinanti want to focus on creating content about the broadcasting world through tiktok. judging from the pura pura traffic update content uploaded by ajeng dinanti, it can be watched up to 7.9 million impressions, this shows that the level of engagement that ajeng dinanti has on tiktok is quite high as a radio broadcaster who is active on tiktok social media. each of his uploads often gets so many likes that it can be identified that the content has a high level of interest in the eyes of the audience. ajeng's personal branding is anticipated on the tiktok application because researchers see that tiktok itself has a high frequency. where there are many tiktok users in indonesia. ajeng dinanti's active tiktok followers currently reach 589 thousand followers and with the most views, namely 19.5 million views. method according to sugiyono (2007:1), qualitative research methods are research used to examine natural objects where the researcher is the key, and the data collection technique is done by triangulation (combined), the data analysis is inductive, and the results of the research emphasize more on meaning. than generalizations. through this qualitative approach, the researcher tried to get as much data as possible regarding the application of ajeng dinanti's personal branding as a radio announcer through tiktok social media. in this section it is stated that, in qualitative research, the primary data collection techniques are non-participant observation, in-depth interviews, documentation, and a mixture of the three. it needs to be disclosed if the data collection uses the observation method, it is necessary to state what will be observed, if the interview, it must be influenced by who will conduct the interview. the data collection technique carried out by the researcher is participant observation. observation is an observation method that includes all activities of focusing attention on an object using all senses. in this study, the researcher uses the non-participant observation method where the researcher only conducts research or observes without being involved in the activity. the researcher made personal observations at the location of the research object in order to collect as much data as possible or personally affiliated information using the problem studied, namely regarding the application of ajeng dinanti's personal branding as an indika fm radio announcer through tiktok social media. the second is in-depth interviews. in addition to observation, researchers will also conduct interviews to obtain news, facts, as well as data on the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 326 field. where the process is face to face with the resource person. researchers conducted interviews with indika fm radio announcer ajeng dinanti and conducted interviews about the application of personal branding as a radio announcer through social media tiktok. this study uses a personal interview technique, namely interviews conducted by 1 researcher with 1 resource person whose questions are gradual and develop from the direction of research into research problems. this technique was chosen because in this study it only required 1 resource person to obtain data. this interview technique also makes it easier for researchers to find out how to apply ajeng dinanti's personal branding as a radio announcer through tiktok social media. the last documentation, documentation is a record of events that have passed. documents in various forms, can be in the form of writing such as diaries, life histories, stories, biographies, regulations, and policies. if the document is in the form of images such as photos, live images, sketches, and others. then documents can also be in the form of works such as works of art, which can be in the form of sculptures, pictures, films and others. documentation studies are complementary to the use of observation and interview methods in qualitative research. this method is also included in order to obtain several documents or data such as some documentation of when ajeng dinanti is doing her personal branding on social media and data about what content will be created to continue developing content ideas results and discussion entering an era where everything is controlled by technology in social networks, some people consider the presence of social networks as a momentary phenomenon or will disappear one day. however, daily social networking in the midst of society deserves appreciation because it is part of the advancement of information technology that is capable of making fantastic breakthroughs. one of the social networks that is currently being used is the tiktok application. in carrying out the process of implementing personal branding, ajeng dinanti herself has her own reasons for choosing the tiktok platform to carry out personal branding activities. indeed, initially using tiktok was an accident, but seeing the opportunities and trends that currently the tiktok application is being loved by the public, made ajeng dinanti serious about doing this personal branding on the tiktok platform. starting with creating content about the world of broadcasting, vo, and mc, which turned out to be unexpected, a lot of people liked the video, which made ajeng dinanti better known and eagerly awaited for content on tiktok, which is indeed a lot of audiences who are interested in getting into the world of radio broadcasting. . when ajeng dinanti found out that many audiences still wanted to know about the world of radio broadcasting, ajeng dinanti continued to create content about the world of radio broadcasting so that finally many people knew about it. plus, ajeng dinanti's video is now widely distributed in almost all social media platforms, not only on tiktok. that's what finally made ajeng dinanti increasingly known as an indika fm radio announcer. then, ajeng dinanti also explained how to apply her personal branding to tiktok. ajeng dinanti explained that ajeng usually makes short video content about the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 327 world of radio broadcasting. one of the content that is currently liked and liked by the audience is the video challenge. one of the challenge content created by ajeng dinanti and much liked by the audience is the "pretend traffic update" content. because with the content "pretending traffic update" his followers can try the challenge of being an "amateur broadcaster" by way of a duet with a video that ajeng dinanti has made as if they were broadcasting together. this traffic update content is actually one of the segments in indika fm, so ajeng dinanti has the idea to make this traffic update as content, where later followers who follow the challenge can feel as if they are a real radio broadcaster. currently, ajeng dinanti is also developing radio broadcast content by inserting poetry in the style of young people, which is a trend for millennials. this also shows that ajeng continues to follow the existing trends in developing content on her tiktok so that her followers feel that ajeng is still following the existing trends in creating or producing content on her tiktok social media. this makes ajeng dinanti continue to create content around the world of radio broadcasting but still keep abreast of existing trends. in implementing personal branding, a strategy or special skill is also needed if it can make a strength as a radio announcer. then ajeng dinanti explained that in carrying out her personal branding, the strategy used was to create content about the world of radio broadcasting in the studio or broadcast room, according to her, this was done so that the public could immediately know and it was clear that ajeng dinanti was indeed a commercial radio broadcaster. according to her, there are no specific special skills possessed, because indeed personal branding is a profession, so ajeng dinanti feels that there are no difficulties or need a specific strategy in carrying out her personal branding. ajeng dinanti also does personal branding, it doesn't always run smoothly or easily. ajeng dinanti often finds it difficult to think about what content to create next that can be useful for her tiktok account followers. doing personal branding should also reveal all aspects that are inside someone who does personal branding activities. in another sense, not only showing expertise but also showing or showing shortcomings in an ajeng dinanti. ajeng dinanti said that in carrying out her personal branding, she not only displays her skills, but also shows her weaknesses. like when you're broadcasting, you suddenly forget or get confused about what you want to talk about. ajeng dinanti explained that when this happens, ajeng usually does some tricks to make it look like she's not forgetting or confused about what she wants to convey when she's broadcasting. so in doing this personal branding, it's okay when you show your shortcomings so that they can be used as lessons for their tiktok followers. because actually doing personal branding is how one can redesign for self-image, namely by doing something that has unique and special values which other people don't have. then in doing personal branding, it is necessary to also conduct an assessment of yourself, whether the personal branding that is carried out and built is worthy of being promoted and marketed. because the need for personal branding will last a lifetime. in this activity of applying personal branding, of course someone who carries out these activities will feel the influence or changes that are experienced. likewise with ajeng dinanti, ajeng explained the changes or influences felt. when carrying out this personal branding activity, more and more people became acquainted with ajeng journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 328 dinanti as an indika fm radio announcer, of course. then ajeng also explained the influence or other changes that were felt, namely becoming more offers to become speakers at an event related to the radio world or being an mc at various events. this influence or change does not only affect ajeng dinanti personally, this change and influence also has a positive impact on the company where ajeng works, namely indika fm radio. because usually when ajeng's followers or followers are awaited on tiktok, they usually also follow ajeng's other social media, one of which is instagram. so that in the end these several social media platforms collaborated between tiktok and this personal from ajeng dinanti herself. then in doing personal branding, a response or audience response is also needed regarding the personal branding that is formed. this was also conveyed by ajeng dinanti. in doing personal branding, ajeng dinanti received many positive comments from many audiences. especially from audiences who are very interested in the world of radio broadcasts. the enthusiasm of the audience with the content that ajeng dinanti created on tiktok made ajeng increasingly known as an announcer of radio indika fm. remembering that when ajeng created this content, almost every content was made in a broadcast studio, so people were more sensitive and believed that ajeng dinanti was really an indika fm radio announcer. then in doing personal branding, of course it has a purpose. ajeng dinanti did this personal branding in order to make the audience become top of mind. when the public wants to organize an event or need an mc for various events, ajeng hopes that the audience will remember this ajeng dinanti. that way, indirectly the personal branding that has been done has been successful. the process of forming personal branding according to montoya itself consists of 8 concepts, namely specialization, leadership, personality, difference, visibility, unity, constancy, and good name. and this concept is used as a reference or a strong foundation in personal branding: a. specialization (the law of specialization), most of the uploads on ajeng's tiktok account. dinanti, ajeng often says that in the world of radio broadcasting, in order for the voice to sound pleasant to listen to, a smiling voice is needed. this is one of the techniques in broadcasting so that the sound can be more "rounded" when issued. this means that in performing radio broadcasting techniques, techniques or specializations are needed to be able to obtain sound results that meet the criteria of a radio announcer; b. leadership (the law of leadership), considering that this personal branding activity is a necessity for herself, so that only ajeng dinanti really understands what she wants to show to the public so that the public does not doubt herself as a commercial radio broadcaster. also, this radio broadcast is a profession that ajeng dinanti is pursuing so that ajeng dinanti does not find it difficult to carry out her personal branding activities considering that this radio broadcast is ajeng dinanti's main profession; c. personality (the law of personality), in one of ajeng dinanti's tiktok video uploads, one of her followers once asked whether ajeng dinanti likes to experience difficulties in broadcasting or are there any obstacles she feels while broadcasting. ajeng immediately gave an answer in the form of a short video where ajeng explained that of course ajeng had felt this way. one of them is when ajeng suddenly doesn't remember what she is saying when broadcasting. ajeng added that it was journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 329 natural for this to happen as an announcer and that it was one of her weaknesses. however, ajeng has a trick when it happens so that listeners don't notice; d. difference (the law of distinctiveness), every broadcaster must have characteristics from each other, this is the same as ajeng dinanti. many people do personal branding on tiktok besides ajeng dinanti, but ajeng dares to be different on social media so that the audience can remember. one thing that makes ajeng dinanti different from other broadcasters is that ajeng has challenge content on her tiktok account and that is a special attraction for followers of her tiktok account. the challenge that ajeng gave on her tiktok account was successfully accepted by the public, which was marked by the large number of followers of her tiktok account who took part in the challenge. given that there are still many audiences who are interested in the specific broadcast world in the field of radio broadcasting; e. visible (the law of visibility), in carrying out personal branding, consistency is needed in these activities and is carried out continuously until this personal branding can be recognized by the public. in order to be seen by someone, it is necessary to promote yourself and use every opportunity to finally see your personal branding activities. ajeng dinanti has more than hundreds of thousands of followers on tiktok accounts, making ajeng dinanti known as an indika fm radio announcer. in addition, ajeng dinanti also often fills events as speakers and as mc. this proves that the personal branding that ajeng dinanti has built can be seen by the public so that the audience does not doubt himself as a radio announcer; f. unity (the law of unity), ajeng dinanti who is a radio announcer since 2016 makes what ajeng shares on her tiktok social media or in various events when ajeng becomes a speaker, it is relevant or in accordance with what she is currently living. ajeng teaches what she has experienced and shares solutions to solve existing problems. ajeng dinanti's personal life is also not much different from the personal branding that was built. ajeng explained that ajeng often shares her activities to her tiktok account because ajeng likes to share what she is doing on a daily basis, for example when she is taking voice over for several projects, ajeng often shares these moments on her tiktok account; g. firmness (the law of persistence), personal branding is formed requires a process in it, not instantaneously. the process of personal branding takes time and determination to witness its growth. during the process, it is important to always pay attention to the growth and development of the prevailing trend. in the results of the study, it has been explained that ajeng dinanti since 2016 has been in the radio world. since 2016 it was the first time for ajeng to be able to go directly as a commercial radio broadcaster. initially, ajeng dinanti was an economics student who had an interest in radio broadcasting; h. good name (the law of goodwill), by having a positive outlook, a brand will last a long time and will produce the best results. the person must be associated with values and ideas that are generally recognized as positive and useful. that way the personal branding that is built can be said to be successful. based on the explanation above, it can be concluded that ajeng dinanti has had a positive influence on many people. it can be seen from the many audiences who are enthusiastic about the content created. not only enthusiastic, the audience also participated in the challenge that ajeng dinanti made as if it was broadcasting together. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 330 conclusion ajeng's personal branding application awaited as an indika fm radio broadcaster through tiktok social media, it can be concluded that to answer the problem formulation there are 8 ways to apply personal branding itself. in the elaboration of montoya's theory of 8 main concepts for great personal branding, it turns out that based on the data obtained, from these 8 concepts, ajeng dinanti only fulfills 7 concepts that he displays in the application of his personal branding in tiktok, namely specialization, personality, differences, appearance, unity, constancy, and reputation. one concept that ajeng dinanti did not fulfill was leadership. because the data in the field shows that ajeng dinanti makes content alone without being helped by others. this is what makes ajeng invisible in the concept of leadership.. references vian, n. p. 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(2020). personal branding digital natives di era komunikasi media baru (analisis personal branding di media sosial instagram). business economic, communication, and social sciences (becoss) journal, 2(1) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 331 setiadi, a. (2016). pemanfaatan media sosial untuk efektivitas komunikasi.cakrawala-jurnal humaniora journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 207 the role of political development in national development: indonesia sulistyani eka lestari fak hukum universitas sunan bonang jawa timur , indonesia, email: sulis_usb@yahoo.com abstract : political development in indonesia with pancasila democracy has experienced many challenges and obstacles. indonesian culture which is strongly influenced by ethnic and religious interests must continue to adapt to the pancasila democracy which is a nationalism nationalism. this condition since independence until now has experienced many positive changes, starting from the issue of central and regional conflicts and building the strength of national unity. the founders of the indonesian people put them together in the form of unity in diversity as the ideological power of the nation. with a very large population, a big national problem, it requires political development in indonesia that is directed, fair and wise. keywords: politics, building democracy, national values submission : may, 09th 2020 revision : june 08th 2020 publication : august 30th 2020 introduction the indonesian political system is currently undergoing a process of democratization that brings various consequences not only to the dynamics of national political life, but also to the dynamics of other systems that support the implementation of state life. the development of a democratic political system is directed to be able to maintain the territorial integrity of the republic of indonesia and further strengthen the unity and integrity of indonesia which will provide wider space for the realization of social justice and equitable prosperity for all indonesian people. the success of democratic political development is not only influenced by the situation that is developing at home, but it can also be influenced by the current international political situation. in addition, the successful development of a democratic political system needs to be supported by professional state officials who are free from corrupt, collusion and nepotism (kkn) practices and can make optimal use of various forms of mass media and broadcasting and various information networks within and abroad. with regard to relations and foreign policy, the main problem faced is indonesia's unpreparedness in anticipating various excesses of political and economic globalization; and the weak bargaining position of indonesia in the international arena. in addition, indonesia has not been able to optimally utilize information and communication journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 208 technology advancements to strengthen competitiveness in facing global challenges and in efforts to educate the nation's life and increase people's political awareness literature review development may not be an exact word other than development which is used to show the large number of people in many cities in the world today (kim 1973, p. 462). development implies progress, growth and change. this concerns the transition of culture, countries, and society from a less advanced level to a more advanced social level. similar to industralization, modernization and urbanization have been used to expand the term development. the term development is roughly a synonym for progress. in this context, development means social transformation in regulating the distribution of social potential to all people such as education, health services, public housing, community participation in political decision making, and other dimensions of human life opportunities. siagian (1994) in harjanto (2011) provides an understanding of development as "a business or series of efforts for growth and change that are planned and carried out consciously by a nation, state and government, towards modernity in the context of fostering the nation (nation building)". whereas ginanjar kartasasmita (1994) in harlen deny setiawan (2018) provides a simpler understanding, namely as "a process of change for the better through planned efforts". at the beginning of thinking about development, there is often a thought that identifies development with development, development with modernization and industrialization, even development with westernization. all of these ideas are based on aspects of change, where development, development, and modernization and industrialization, as a whole contain elements of change. however, these four things have quite different principles, because each has a different background, principles and nature as well as different principles of continuity, although all of them are forms that reflect change (riyadi and deddy supriyadi bratakusumah, 2005). development (development) is a process of change that covers all social systems, such as politics, economy, infrastructure, defense, education and technology, institutions, and culture (alexander 1994). portes (1976) defines development as an economic, social and cultural transformation. development is a process of change that is planned to improve various aspects of people's lives. according to deddy t. tikson (2005) in rusdiyananta (2018) that national development can also be interpreted as a deliberate economic, social and cultural transformation through policies and strategies in the desired direction. transformations in the economic structure, for example, can be seen through the increase or rapid growth of production in the industrial and service sectors, so that its contribution to national income is greater. conversely, the contribution of the agricultural sector will be smaller and inversely proportional to the growth of industrialization and economic modernization. social transformation can be seen through the distribution of prosperity through equitable access to socio-economic resources, such as education, health, housing, clean water, recreational facilities, and participation in the political decisionmaking process. while cultural transformation is often associated, among others, with the rise of the spirit of nationalism and nationalism, in addition to changes in values and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 209 norms adopted by society, such as changes and spiritualism to materialism / secularism. the shift from high valuation to material mastery, from traditional institutions to modern and rational organizations. thus, the development process occurs in all aspects of community life, economic, social, cultural, political, which takes place at the macro (national) and micro (community / group) levels. the important meaning of development is the progress / improvement (progress), growth and diversification. political development political expert lucien w. pye (aspects of political development, on promoting democracy to prevent disintegration, a discourse on political development by nicolaus budi harjanto) provides the dimensions / elements of political development as follows: “ political development as: increasing equality between individuals in relation to the political system, increasing the capacity of the political system in relation to the environment, and increasing the differentiation and specialization of institutions and structures in the political system. these three dimensions are always at the "bottom and heart of the development process". according to pye, the equality dimension in political development is related to the problem of people's participation and involvement in political activities, both democratically and totalitarianly mobilized. in this element / dimension the universal implementation of law is demanded, whereby all people must obey the same law, and are required for skills and achievements and not status considerations based on a traditional social system. in the development process, this dimension is closely related to political culture, legitimacy and attachment to the system. while the capacity dimension is intended as the ability of a political system that can be seen from the output produced and the amount of influence that can be given to other systems such as social and economic systems. this dimension is closely related to the achievements of the government that has official authority, which reflects the scope and level of political and governmental achievement, effectiveness and efficiency in the implementation of general policies and rationality in administration and policy orientation. while the dimensions of differentiation and specialization (differentiation and specialization), indicate the existence of government institutions and their structures and their functions, which are contained in the political system. with differentiation means also increasing specialization or function specialization of several political roles in the system. in addition, differentiation also involves the problem of integration of complex processes and structures (specialization based on the feeling of integration as a whole). the importance of political development the common thread of political development is sovereignty in the hands of the people. in developing countries political instability often arises. one of the instability of politics in a country is due to civil / military extremism which can hamper development. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 210 political development objectives as for some of the goals of political development, namely: 1. increase national commitment to prioritize national interests 2. develop a national development program that is free from political interests 3. ensuring the absence of a constitutional institution that is too dominant, through a mechanism of "checks and balances" 4. prevent the emergence of a political party 5. there is opposition that builds healthy politics 6. increase creativity and innovation in politics to accelerate national development 7. improving political education through parties, leading to the selection of political aspirations that are in accordance with the wishes of the people. phases of political development organsky explains the stages of political development, namely through four stages: the political stage of primitive unification organsky explained the stages of political development, namely, the stages of primitive unification politics, industrialization politics, national welfare politics and abundant politics. nations that grew first in european and north american countries generally experienced this stage of growth step by step. so it can be said that organsky's theory of stages of political development occurs in almost all countries. in western europe and north america it is clear that the stage of development of the country began from the stage of primitive unification, organsky said that developments in western europe began to occur in the 16th century, also in other parts of the world, the origin of the country was marked by the emergence of european colonies. of course, with various different uniqueness of a country. the politics of industrialization at this stage, the state begins to build and try to strengthen the economy with industrialization, the pattern of development through industrialization is an ideal choice that must be taken, especially by developed countries such as countries in western europe. this development was marked by the process of industrialization in britain. the 18th century was a point of progress in the industrialization process in england where various innovations were found, especially technological innovations that led to the discovery of industrial machinery for factories. the choice to industrialize is the best because the comparative advantage of western countries lies in industrial products and technology. the politics of industrialization is implicitly still occurring in indonesia, where the process of industrialization and construction of supporting infrastructure continues to be carried out, especially the crisis that hit indonesia in 1998 made indonesia last longer in this phase. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 211 politics of national welfare politics of national welfare is the politics of industrial nations completely, according to organsky this stage is the stage where there has been interdependence between the people and the government which subsequently becomes complete. state power depends on the ability of ordinary people to work and struggle, and the people together with the industrial authorities, depend on the national government to protect them against poverty due to depression and destruction from war. abundant politics. the final stage according to organsky is the political abundance stage (politics of abundance) or automation, organsky said that no country in the world entered this stage but the united states and some of the most advanced european countries have entered the gates of the abundant political stage. this stage is marked by the advancement of technology, computers and automatic life, so that industrial machines run automatically which has an impact on unemployment because workers are excluded by the ability of machines. society at this stage has the characteristics of concentration of economic power, the use of very expensive machinery and efficiency of factory production, this feature has occurred in several developed countries, where large companies have grown to monopolize the economy which is a global economic power or known as the company multi-national which operates in many countries in the world. method the research on foreign policy indonesia in era pandemik covid 19 was conducted in february to may 2020. the research method was done through a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis. data collection methods, includes first, documentary studies. this technique was carried out to obtain secondary data by collecting data sourced from archives and relevant documents such as books, journal and magazine articles, encyclopedias, dictionaries, handbooks, periodical indexes, and reviews. second, fgd (focus group discussion). fgd is a process of gathering information about a particular problem that is very specific to the interview of a small group of people. the purpose of the fgd itself is to obtain input or information about specific and local issues. resolution of this problem is determined by other parties after the information has been successfully collected and analyzed result and discussion the strategic role of politics in education can be seen from several educational channels. namely as follows: 1. formal education in formal education can be seen from the subjects of citizenship education which began to be applied at the elementary school level. this is the basis for students to understand themselves as citizens of a democratic indonesia. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 212 2. non-formal education in non-formal education students are directed in an organization for example counseling about political science to students. at the tertiary level, political science training will be done to support the level of awareness of the importance of politics in development in indonesia. 3. informal education this can be applied in a family environment, for example when a father is watching news about politics. indirectly, the father has applied political science to his child. discussion the direction of indonesian political policy according to the guidelines of state policy 1999-2004, the direction of political development policy is: domestic politics 1. strengthening the existence and continuity of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia based on unity in unity. 2. perfecting the 1945 constitution in line with the development of the nation's needs, dynamics and demands for reform, while maintaining the unity and integrity of the nation, and in accordance with the soul and spirit of the preamble of the 1945 constitution. 3. increase the role of the people's consultative assembly, the house of representatives, and other high state institutions by emphasizing the functions, powers and responsibilities that refer to the principle of separation of powers and clear relations between executive, legislative and judicial bodies 4. develop a national political system that is sovereign of the people, democratic and open, develops a party life that respects the diversity of political aspirations, and develops a system and administration of democratic elections by perfecting various laws and regulations in the political field.increase the independence of political parties, especially in fighting for the aspirations and interests of the people and develop an effective oversight function on the performance of state institutions and increase the effectiveness, function and participation of social organizations, professional groups, and non-governmental organizations in state life. 5. increasing political education intensively and comprehensively to the public to develop a democratic political culture, respecting the diversity of aspirations, and upholding the supremacy of law and human rights based on pancasila and the 1945 constitution. 6. promote and apply the principles of equality and anti-discrimination in the life of society, nation and state. 7. organize higher quality elections with the widest possible participation of the people on the basis of democratic, direct, general, free, secret, honest, fair and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 213 civilized principles carried out by independent and non-partisan organizing bodies no later than 2004. 8. building a nation and nation character (nation and character building) towards a nation that is developed, united, harmonious, peaceful, democratic, dynamic, tolerant, prosperous, just and prosperous. 9. following up on the new paradigm of the indonesian national army by consistently asserting the repositioning and redefinition of the indonesian national army as an instrument of the state by correcting the political role of the indonesian national army in national life. foreign relations (foreign policy) 1. affirming the direction of indonesia's foreign policy which is free and active and oriented to national interests, emphasizes solidarity between developing countries, supports the struggle for independence of nations, rejects colonialism in all forms, and increases national independence and international cooperation for the welfare of the people. 2. in entering into international agreements and cooperation concerning the interests and livelihoods of many people, they must be approved by the people's representative institutions. 3. improve the quality and performance of foreign apparatuses to be able to carry out pro-active diplomacy in all fields to build a positive image of indonesia in the international world, provide protection and defense for citizens and interests of indonesia, and take advantage of every positive opportunity for national interests. 4. improve the quality of diplomacy to accelerate economic recovery and national development, through regional and international economic cooperation in the context of stability, cooperation, and regional development. 5. increase indonesia's readiness in all fields to deal with free trade, especially in welcoming the implementation of afta, apec, and wto. 6. expanding extradition treaties with friendly countries and expediting diplomatic procedures in the effort to carry out extradition for the settlement of criminal cases. 7. enhancing cooperation in all fields with neighboring countries that have direct borders and cooperation in the asean region to maintain stability, development and prosperity. indonesian political problems since the new order under soeharto was no longer at its peak, many political observers considered that indonesia was now entering a new era in the national political system. namely the occurrence of the implementation of a democratic system that replaces the previous system which is widely blamed as an authoritarian system, even though the previous system was also labeled democracy in this case pancasila democracy. the system change is intended to re-search for new formats to realize the ideals in the nation and state. however, these changes certainly do not necessarily run smoothly, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 214 various obstacles are still often found in their implementation, both social and cultural in nature and other obstacles. the choice of the new order government to prioritize economic development rather than political development turned out to have its own problems for the people of indonesia. as a result of this choice, the people of indonesia were forced to come under the political confinement applied, in order to create political stability in order to launch the economic development program that had been declared. although political development cannot be separated from development in the economic field, but if we want to establish a democratic line between the two, of course it is not an easy matter, because both of them are important (urgent). in the midst of these conditions, the community is then immediately confronted with a new system that requires the community to be more pro-actively involved in it. these problems do not only occur to the general public, but also to the government bureaucracy which is the spearhead in implementing policies. therefore, its application is not as easy as turning the palm of the hand, so in making it happen there needs to be steps that must be done in stages. increasing public political awareness and instilling values should not be ignored, this is what is desired in the process of political development. the role of education in politics education and politics are two important elements in the socio-political system in each country, both of which are inseparable because they are working together in the process of forming the characteristics of the people in a country. educational institutions and processes play an important role in shaping the political behavior of the people in the country. vice versa, political institutions and processes in a country have a big impact on the characteristics of education in the country. according to plato in his book allan bloom demonstrates that in helenic culture, school is one aspect of life that is related to political institutions. he explained that each culture maintains control over education in the hands of elite groups who continually control political, economic, religious and educational power. plato also described the dynamic relationship between educational activities and political activities. both of them seemed to be two sides of one coin, no and could not be separated. the relationship between politics and education takes various forms, according to the characteristics of the socio-political setting in which the relationship takes place. the form of the relationship varies from one community to another. in one society the relationship could be very strong and real, but it could also be the opposite. in more primitive societies, for example, based on tribal-based societies, for example, it is common for parents of a tribe to play two roles, as political leaders and as educators. they make important decisions and ensure that those decisions are implemented and implemented, they also teach young people about beliefs, values and traditions, and prepare them to play a political role. whereas in more modern societies in general, education is a very important political commodity. educational processes and institutions have many political aspects and faces, and have several important functions that have an impact on the political system, stability and daily practice. public education is political because it is controlled by the government and influences the government's journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 215 credibility. because of the large political nuances of educational policies, various political factors that have nothing to do with education also influence how control of education and how education policies are made. according to oteng sutisna in his book education and development (1977), education has a role, namely (1) political socialization tools; (2) as a means of political mobilization; and (3) as a tool for political integration. education as a tool for political socialization the idea of political socialization refers to the process by which people acquire dispositions of behavior that are compatible with political groups, the political system, and the political process. or in the words of almond, "political socialization is a process of induction into political culture." all political socialization involves elements of affective-loyalty, love, respect, and pride in the country, nation and culture. the ability to adjust easily and the progress of society depends in part on the availability of effective communication networks between people, groups and institutions. one possible use of political communication by the government is to induce young people into political culture, namely by transferring and maintaining ideas, knowledge, and practices that influence and train young people for active participation in the political sector in the national system. in this case, formal education plays an important role as a tool for political socialization to citizens. because at this time the education process is mostly carried out in schools, the school has become a strategic place as a socialization institution. this can be done on the provision of learning materials provided at schools, namely civics education, history lessons, and school activities such as flag ceremonies, singing national songs and activities that commemorate national events. in addition, education in universities such as majoring in law, social sciences and others. education as a political recruitment tool education is an important tool in training and screening leaders of government and political officials. in education, which plays an important role as a distributor of education that interacts directly with many people is the teaching staff. matters concerning politics and nationalism can be transferred from the government as the main politicians to the people at large is through educators who prepare children and young people for certain roles in the political system. they are a vital link between the government and the people. education as a tool of political integration schools are very important for the purposes of political integration, because about half of indonesia's population under the age of 20 is mostly still in school which means that it will later advance the national unity with the community, because it guarantees that a diverse population is equipped with knowledge, attitudes , niai modern and same skills. this means that many people are indirectly brought into the reach of government doctrination. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 216 in addition, an important process for political integration is acculturation, which points to changes by other cultural influences. in this context, it can be linked primarily to cultural exchanges and the contact that occurs between various ethnic, religious and social groups in the education system with the process of nationalization or "homogynization" of young people. political considerations related to education and culture are national languages. the use of indonesian after independence as the official language of the government and the language of instruction at all levels of education proved to be a very influential tool in the process of political integration. today, indonesian is an acculturation tool among various ethnic groups, and thus reduces social conflicts and problems of political communication. so the education system has become the most influential institution in uniting traditional local cultures into a growing modern indonesian culture. in the century of formal education nationalism was also burdened with universal culture. at the same time education must foster and develop a genuine, actual or potential national culture, and advance national life. conclusion an analysis of the role of education in political development might be summarized as follows. procurement of education at all levels is a necessary condition for political stability. only with well-educated human resources can the needs of the community be met by the government and its bureaucracy. and only residents who have been prepared and trained to carry out their responsibilities can participate in the nation building process with understanding and awareness. in the new order, economic development was more enhanced than political development. this causes the community is not aware of the importance of politics. when the pancasila democration system was held, the people of indonesia needed adaptation. so in realizing it needs to be held steps that must be done in stages. education has a role, namely (1) political socialization tools; (2) as a means of political mobilization; and (3) as a tool for political integration. the strategic role of politics in education can be seen from several educational channels. namely as formal education, non-formal education, informal education references abe, alexander. (1994). perencanaan daerah partisi patif. yogyakarta: pusat jogja mandiri al e ja nd ro, p o rte s. ( 1976) . “ on t he s oc i o l o gy of n a ti o na l d e ve l op m e nt : theories and issues”. american journal of sociology. harjanto, i.(2011). teori pembangunan. malang: universitas brawijaya press. harjanto, nicolaus teguh budi. (1997). advancing democracy preventing disintegration; a discourse on political development. yogyakarta: pt tiara wacana yogya. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 217 http://file.upi.edu/directory/a%20%20fip/jur.%20pend.%20luar%20sekolah/mustofa%20kamil/unders tanding%20pembangunan.pdf http://profsyamsiah.wordpress.com/2009/03/19/peng understanding-development / http://www.ireyogya.org/sutoro/p empowerment_dan_transformasi_politik.pdf muhaimin, yahya. drs. (1981). problems of political development. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. sudarson o, juwono. (1981). polit ical devel opment an d p olitica l chan ge. jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama. o r g a n s k i , a . f . k . ( 1 9 8 5 ) . t a h a p t a h a p p e r k e m b a n g a n p o l i t i k . j a k a r t a : akademika pressindo portes. (2015). sociology of development. california: university of california pers. riyadi, deddy supriadi bratakusumah. (2005). perencanaan pembangunan daerah (strategi menggali potensi dalam mewujudkan otonomi daerah). jakarta: pt gramadia pustaka utama rusdiyananta. (2018). asymmetric policy of borde r area development in indonesia (jokowidodo-jusuf kalla government period). international journal of pure and applied mathematics volume 117 no. 15 2017, 945-954 s e t i a wa n , h a rl e n d e n y. ( 2 01 8 ) . e ffo rt o f p o ve rt y al l e vi a t e t h ro u gh t h e empowerment of women labor in the district of rokan hulu. american journal of economics 2018, 8(1): 23-30 sutisna, oteng. (1977). pendidikan dan pembangunan. bandung: ganaco http://file.upi.edu/directory/a%20-%20fip/jur.%20pend.%20luar%20sekolah/mustofa%20kamil/understanding%20pembangunan.pdf http://file.upi.edu/directory/a%20-%20fip/jur.%20pend.%20luar%20sekolah/mustofa%20kamil/understanding%20pembangunan.pdf http://file.upi.edu/directory/a%20-%20fip/jur.%20pend.%20luar%20sekolah/mustofa%20kamil/understanding%20pembangunan.pdf http://profsyamsiah.wordpress.com/2009/03/19/peng%20understanding-development%20/ http://www.ireyogya.org/sutoro/p%20empowerment_dan_transformasi_politik.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 232 human values in the international criminal court (icc) albert mcbell ninepence ashesi university college, business administration, la-accra ghana email : aninepence@yahoo.com abstract : the quintessence of the icc in situ is to efficiently and fairly adjudicate war crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity and crimes of aggression. innumerable people across the globe have advocated for justice to succor in curtailing the animosity and nefarious acts plagued on vulnerable and affected populations. hence, the icc was birthed in 2002 to campaign for justice and peace to victims of violence and crimes. irrespective of icc surreptitiously accepting the jurisdiction of the prosecution of crimes, the icc has attracted intense criticisms in recent times. this paper contends the icc and all forms of humanitarian actions are compatible in theory than in practice. the paper examined the relationship between right-based approaches, dunantist or other forms of new humanitarianism and justice. furthermore, major key elements such as legitimacy, credibility, realistic expectations and pacification through justice of the icc has been has been highlighted as factors militating against the icc’s practical compatibility with humanitarian action. keyword : human values, international criminal court, icc submission : august, 25th 2020 revision : sept 13th 2020 publication : nov 30th 2020 introduction “ the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole must not go unpunished ” preamble to the rome statute of the international criminal court the international criminal court (icc) began functioning on 1st july, 2012 with a mandate to prosecute war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. in recent times, the activities of the icc has come under critical criticisms questioning the icc’s compatibility mailto:aninepence@yahoo.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 233 with humanitarian action. the debates in the literature are mixed as mills (2015) posits that there are tensions between icc and r2p but there could be a significant cooperation between these two approaches to address atrocities, bloomfield (2016) maintained that international systems of justice presents a dilemma for humanitarian actors. also, the international committee on red cross has presented the need for non-cooperation with the icc to promote impartiality which however has been refuted by majority of ngos preferring case-by-case bases with icc to combat impunity (weissman,2009). this paper therefore argues that the icc and all forms of humanitarian action are compatible in theory than in practice. firstly, the paper will draw on the relationship between right-based approaches(rba),dunantist or other forms of new humanitarianism and justice. secondly, the paper overviews legitimacy, credibility, realistic expectation of icc to underscore the icc’s compatibility in theory than practice, and finally presents concluding remarks. literature review in the process of creating peace, rba tend to involve long-transitional processes which engenders challenges in ensuring rights and justice(philippson,1999).for instance in sierra leone, though transitional justice fuelled by international cooperation led to the trial of charles taylor, nevertheless, there have been little emphasis on the need for reparations for conflict survivors(flannery,2014). as part of the reconciliation process, survivors do not only have the right to reparations, but also it is critical to creating lasting peace. also, the genocide of rwanda exposed the weaknesses of rba in administering justice. it was recognized that the problems in rwanda were both common to both rights and conflict concerns mainly bad governanace,exclusion and direct violence. the feature of rba to achieve justice and expunge exclusion and violence led to the adoption of the “do no harm” tool for conflict sentivity(gostelow,1999).while urvin(2004) contend that justice is mostly compromised using rba and explores the linkages between the field of rights and conflict sentivity, gostelow(1999) maintained the difficulty of links between protection and rights and valjo(1996) accentuating that there are tensions between peace and justice in the transitional context with rba and justice in the transitional context with rba, citing the weaknesses of rba.with the use of rba often invites backlash from people who lose power due to challenges of power relations.hence in maintaining rights, justice could create increased conflicts as observed in the syrian crisis where defense of rights has facilitated conflicts(petrasek,2005). duffield(2004) underscored neutrality obstacles in dunantist approach to maintaining justice as gassmann(2009) asserts that complexities to humanitarian principles offsets journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 234 efficient justice. as dunantist approach follows the traditional humanitarian principles, in administering justice, it becomes difficult to be neutral and independent for parties in a conflict since humanitarians have to deal and negotiate with powerful groups sometimes. consequently, this does not only lead to compromising humanitarian principles but also security threats of humanitarians on the ground. for instance, after the 9/11, president bush stated “either you are with us or with the terrorists”. this left little space for neutral and independent posture in administering justice(brauman,2006).the dunantist approach is confined to work outside conflicts rather “in” or “on” conflict. hence, the geopolitical shifts around the cold war led to the emergence of new humanitarianism based on compassion, change and containment(walker,2009).the new form of humanitarianism however fails to guarantee access and further a permanent concerns on the nature and content of humanitarianism due to lack of representation of humanitarian principles.the new form of humanitarianism is also likely to run into the interest of social or political groups making the maintaining of neutrality and independence difficult in achieving justice. due to the complexities and unpredictable humanitarian operational action, new humanitarianism run a risk of creating a moral hierarchy of assistance to victims who deserve or no not deserve assistance leading to principles compromised as in the bosnia crisis(armino,2002:32) result and discussion why humanitarian action and icc are compatible in theory than in practice: legitimacy the legitimacy of the icc makes it compatible with dunantist humanitarian action in theory than in practice. the legitimacy of the icc consists of the mandate to investigate cases without interference, the power to issue arrest warrants and the right to prosecute crimes by following the principles of a due process. the selective prosecution of the icc has undermined its legitimacy in practice. the icc is dependent on power states for financial support, and intelligence gathering of information in conflict zones. as the icc depends on these supports, this impedes its ability to carry out investigations or prosecutions independently without these assistance. also, member and non-member states tend to offer support to the icc with their vested interests or interests of allies. the us for instance, offered support to the icc for the prosecutor’s indictment of president charles taylor, president basheer of sudan and kony of uganda (zwier,2013). prosecutors mostly tend to be plagued with significant agitations that in the event of no support from one of the major powers, there will be little or no hope in collecting evidence from prosecution(lamont,2016). this has created a situation of inherent bias in the court in the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 235 process of investigations which tend to undermine the humanitarian principles of neutrality and impartiality. for instance, the icc failed to investigate president bush for the iraq invasion in 2003, though iraq voted against the rome statue in july,1998(stewart,2015).in recent times, the icc has been criticized as being a political process and neo-colonialist tool to interfere in powerless countries by the african human rights court(kariuki,2015).the icc tend to investigate parties which are not major world powers even though they are not parties to the treaty. it is in no doubt that the impartiality of the court in administering justice has been questioned as it tends to focus on crimes in africa and fails to act against the us (allen, 2006). furthermore, the people of uganda in 2009 at the outreach unit of the icc, questioned the icc concerning why the us, russia and china are excluded from the rome statue and whether the icc is a tool for western imperialism in africa (icc report, 2009). icc’s credibility moreover, the icc’s credibility makes it incompatible with pragmatic rba humanitarian action. the icc’s ability to perform its functions effectively while adhering to its legal framework and statutes has been subjected to vehement debates. the establishment of the icc by means of a treaty of an international community and its capacity to apply the laws of that community has been tagged as “political tool”. in line with this, major powers like the us, have not ratified the treaty and are not subject to the jurisdiction of the court unless they commit crimes in the territories of member countries, making us citizens immune to potential indictments. some of these powers which have not ratified the treaty have engaged in in aggressive crimes or there exists warrants for their investigations but the icc has failed to investigate or prosecute some of these crimes which in turn is a setback to the realization of proportionate equality. an example is when us invaded iraq in march 2003 causing mass atrocities (abdulai, 2010).also, the international community actions with the icc seem to indicate that it has major interests in the crimes the icc pursues which tend to undermine the independence and interferences with the courts operations. in line with the jurisdiction of the icc, the security council can refer matters to the icc. these cases which are referred to the icc sometimes tend to occur in the territories of non-states parties and may be against the nationals of such states. furthermore, the principles of complementarity, gives states the right of duty to prosecute most international crimes and the icc could step in only if states fail in their duties. however, the icc has undermined its credibility by interfering with prosecutions of non-states which challenges principles of impartiality. this can be examined in march 31, 2005 during the security council resolution 1593 where the situation in darfur was referred to the prosecutor in icc journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 236 (resolutions& decisions of security council, 2005:131-132).also, if states prosecute crimes, the icc cannot preside over such crimes, but up to date uganda, drc and central african republic which are parties to the rome statute have referred cases on their territory to the icc (waddel et at, 2008). the realistic expectations of the icc the realistic expectations of the icc has also precipitated the courts incompatibility with new forms of humanitarianism. the icc advocates for the creation of a universal moral and judicial community by depending on ngos and victims to subject states to the rule of law (koskenniemi, 2002). the court is thus envisioned to b e a world governing body to promote justice in humanitarian law and human rights. however, the adoption of the rome statutes in july, 1988 fall short of these expectations as the icc’s jurisdiction tend not to be universal. the icc tend to initiate proceedings in only situations when the crimes committed is found on the territory of states that have committed is found on the territory of states that have committed to the rome statutes. also, in some cases the icc can only engage in inquiries only when the security council has passed a resolution. the icc’s autonomy was compromised when the security council imposed the court’s jurisdiction which was evident in the 2005 darfur situation being referred to the icc(peskin,2008). the security council has the authority to suspend ongoing proceedings of the icc for one year only to be renewed indefinitely. the icc’s relationship with states governments as well as the security council in pursuit of justice has obstructed its ability to execute justice that is devoid of impartiality and independence.the libya,2011 case referrals to the icc by the security council for instance without financial support led to undermine icc’s independence(bromhall,2004). furthermore, the expectations of the icc is high not only with relevant local populations but with the international community. the icc has outlined its visions and purposes but have not been communicated blatantly and consistently. in view of this, states and the international community tend to have in some cases unrealistic demands. where these expectations are inadequately addressed, the perceptions of the icc tend to be ravaged as a panacea to future problems. the icc is “caught up between an idealistic vision of a global court designed to prosecute cases that domestic jurisdictions cannot or will not prosecute and the pragmatic concerns of a new institution seeking judicial results to secure its legitimacy”(clark,2010). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 237 pacification through justice pacification through justice is another direction through which the icc becomes practically incompatible with new forms of humanitarianism. first, the icc is a super power court that has few checks and balances. in line with this, the icc sometimes exercises its mandates to interfere with states sovereignty which undermine states capacity thereby impugning principles of impartiality and neutrality.for instance in march, 2005 the un security council referred the darfur crisis to the icc and in 2007, the icc indicted two government ministers of sudan using pressure though there was non-cooperation by sudan’s government(dewaal,2008). coupled with the icc’s super power, the icc’s expression of “no peace without justice” does not work in reality. the icc’s theory of peace through justice sometimes tends to be a theory of war. the icc in some circumstances have considered certain leaders as not parties for peace which in effect means they suggest waging war with them. a clear case is when the icc activists promised mr.bashir the same fate as charles taylor or slobodan milosevic. the icc succeeded in bringing charles taylor and milosevic before the court only through the assistance of military operations which drove them power. hence, the peace through justice can tend to be war in reality (jezequel, 2004).also, during wartime, the icc exercise of justice has high tendency to exacerbate conflicts than pacify them. this can be said to be the case when the icc designated president bashir as an “enemy of humanity” justifying the intransigence of the armed opposition to negotiate or sign a peace deal with mr. bashir. in an attempt to dispense justice, the icc with its advocates are authorized to designate which political leaders should be considered partners of peace and which ones should be fought with weapons and condemned as enemies of peace. this in effect weakens principles of neutrality and impartiality (goldstone, 1998). conclusion the icc has been viewed as a beacon of international justice through which crimes can be prosecuted. in the icc’s pursuit of justice, the court’s statutes, purpose and principles has been severely criticized by active stakeholders. also, in the icc quest to execute justice brings into its confrontation with some humanitarian actions and principles. this paper has argued the icc and all forms of humanitarian actions are compatible in theory than in practice. the paper examined the relationship between right-based approaches, dunantist or other forms of new humanitarianism and justice. furthermore, major key elements such as legitimacy, credibility, realistic expectations and pacification through justice of the icc has been has been highlighted as factors challenging the icc’s practical compatibility with humanitarian action. the icc therefore needs to rectify and update its statutes to be in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 238 tandem with humanitarian principles while being wary that its activities in practice does not conflict humanitarian principles. given the icc as a global force to curbing humanitarian crisis, the existence of the icc has also triggered new quandaries in the field. the icc is plagued with fundamental challenges not only in its structure but its punitive measures it has adopted. there should be justice and transparency education of the icc to conscientize people on icc adjudication procedures. in view of this, the icc with its carte blanche to administer justice, it is germane to consolidate its institutions and relations to bolster humanitarian action. it will also be compos mentis for the icc to encompass protection and environmental support into its legal action procedures to humanitarian needs. references abduklai, e.s.(2010)looking to kampala: the challenges of international justice in africa, oxford transition justice research, university of oxford allen, t. trail justice:the international court and the lord’s resistance army amino, n.(2002). imposing aid : emergency assistance to refugees. oxford; new york: oxford university press. bangerter, o.(2011). reasons why armed groups choose to respect international humanitarian law or not:international review of the red cross volume 93:no.882 bloomfield, l.(2016). the internationalization of post –conflict justice:working paper series no.9 brauman, r.( 2006). from philanthropy to humanitarianism:remarks and an interview. south atlantic quarterly 103 (2/3): 397–417 broomhall, b. (2004) international justice and the international criminal court. oxford: oxford university press. clark, ‘j.(2010). the icc, uganda and the lra: re-framing the debate’, 69 african studies dewaal, a.(2008). “the humanitarian comedy:a celebrity vogue”, world affairs 171.2:4356 dubrulle, c. (1999) humanitarianism and international criminal justice. humanitarian exchange. issue 19: 17–18. duffield, m.( 2004). global governance and the new wars: the merging of development and security.new york: zed press. flannery, h., (2014). donorcentrics internet giving benchmarking analysis. charleston: target analytics. gassmann, p.(2009). “rethinking humanitarian security”, humanitarian exchange magazine journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 239 goldstone, r. (1998) bringing war criminals to justice during an ongoing war. in j. moore (eds),hard choices,moral dilemmas in humanitarian intervention. rowman and littlefield publishers. gostelow, l. (1999). the sphere project: the implications of making humanitarian principles and codes work. disasters 23 (4): 316–25. international criminal court (icc) outreach report,( 2009). international judicial institutions: the architecture of international justice at home and abroad. oxon, routledge, 2009. jézéquel, j.h. (2004) liberia: orchestrated chaos. in weissman, f. (eds) in the shadow of just wars :violence, politics and humanitarian action. c. hurst & co., london karuiki,h.(2015)preparing for peace: conflict transformation across cultures. syracuse, new york: syracuse university press koskenniemi, m. (2002) between impunity and show trials . max planck yearbook of united nations law. vol. 6.pp. 1-35. lamont, c. k. (2016). hyperlink "http://www.rug.nl/research/portal/publications/contested-governance(bcfca3a9a3e8-48e1-ba14-3aaeb36decef).html" contested governance: understanding justice interventions in post-qaddafi libya. hyperlink "http://www.rug.nl/research/portal/journals/journal-of-intervention-and-statebuilding(519c3810-eec7-4bf2-8dec-95222b19142e).html" journal of intervention and state building, 10(3), 382-399. leebaw, b.(2011). justice, charity or alibi? humanitarianism, human rights and humanitarian law:new york: oxford u. press. mills, k.(2015). r2p and icc: at odds or in sync? criminal law forum, 26(1)pp.73-99 patrasek, d.(2005).‘vive la différence? humanitarian and political approaches to engaging armed groups’, accord, no. 16 peskin, v. (2008).international justice in rwanda and the balkans:virtual trials and the struggle for state cooperation. cambridge: cambridge university press philipson, l.(1999), breaking recurring themes in the cycles of war and peace in sri lanka occasional paper downloaded from hyperlink "http://www.c-r.org/" \t "_blank" \o "www.c-r.org" www.c-r.org website of conciliation resources london uk resolutions and decisions of the securitycouncil. new york: united nations smith, d.(2010). the terminator lives in luxury while peace keeping look on stewart, s.(2015).conflict resolution: a foundation guide:winchester, waterside press urving r.2(004). measuring the impact of humanitarian aid: a review of current practice. hpg research report 17 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 240 valjo, g.(1996). different approaches to peace and conflict research. boulder/london:lynne rienner publishers walker,p.(2009). shaping the humanitarian world, routledge, new york and london, waddel, n. and clark, j.(2011). peace, justice and the international criminal court:limitations and possibilities, journal of international criminal justice p:521545 weissman.f.(2009).humanitarian aid and the humanitarian criminal court: grounds for divorce zwier,p.(2013). the humanitarian enterprise: dilemmas and discoveries bloomfield: kumarian press journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 188 socialization strategy of disaster mitigation about flash flood news in east nusa tenggara province (case study on the use of twitter national disaster management agency @bnpb_indonesia) ari kurnia, salsabila fitri, chania humayrha, citra wulandani communication science departement, faculty of economics and social sciences bakrie university, jakarta, indonesia ari.kurnia@bakrie.ac.id abstract: this research has the significance of how bnpb as a disaster management institution is able to utilize verified social media to provide information disclosure. socialization delivered by mass media to social media has the same goal, as a tool to convey various disaster efforts that are equipped with data and guidelines. one of the social media used as an effort to socialize disaster mitigation is twitter @bnpb_indonesia which aims to convey information about disaster mitigation facilities in order to reduce the adverse effects caused by disasters that occur. the purpose of this study is to find out how the disaster mitigation strategy of bnpb through twitter manages information disclosure. this study uses a qualitative approach with the case study method on the object of research on the official twitter account of bnpb, through observation of data on information shared on bnpb's twitter during the flash flood disaster in april 2021, which is studied with media consumption theory. the conclusion of this research is twitter @bnpb_indonesia has implemented a flash flood disaster mitigation strategy in nusa tenggara timur province properly and transparently, reinforced by various data and guidelines in the buku saku hadapi banjir that published by bnpb in 2019. keywords: disaster mitigation, twitter, socialization strategy, flash flood. submission : january, 17st 2022 revision : march 19th 2022 publication : may 28th 2022 introduction indonesia is one of the countries in the world that is prone to various types of natural disasters such as volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, tsunamis, landslides and floods. national disaster management agency or bnpb stated that this was due to the geological conditions of the indonesian territory which is a meeting between two series of young mountain paths, namely the pacific circum and the mediterranean https://gtk.sziu.hu/en https://gtk.sziu.hu/en mailto:ari.kurnia@bakrie.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 189 circum and in its own geographical condition, the indonesian territory is in a cross position, are between the australian continent and the asian continent which is also squeezed by two oceans, there are indian ocean and the pacific ocean. this has resulted in the indonesian region being prone to various kinds of natural disasters (bnpb, 2018). technological developments occur in all fields, one of which is the field of communication. this is as one of the main factors that encourage the era of globalization. the era of globalization has made individuals seem without boundaries or without distance, this has resulted in the faster exchange of information that occurs and makes the formation of modern individuals. social media is a sign of technological development that can be accessed using internet services. one of the social media kind is twitter. twitter has interactive and participatory characteristics, this shows that twitter users can interact with each other. the motive for using twitter is very varied, including as a means of disseminating information, as a means of socializing, to as a means of entertainment. not only various walks of life have twitter accounts. however, government agencies also have twitter accounts to provide news and data quickly and accurately. one of the government agencies that has a twitter account is the national disaster management agency (bnpb) with the twitter account @bnpb_indonesia. the twitter account @bnpb_indonesia is used by the government to establish communication with the public as well as channel transparency of disaster data that occurred in indonesia. in addition, the twitter account @bnpb_indonesia can also be a means of disaster mitigation in order to reduce the adverse effects caused by disasters that occur. disaster is a series of events that threaten and disrupt people's lives and livelihoods caused by natural, non-natural and human factors. as a result, this disaster caused casualties, environmental damage, property losses and psychological impacts. meanwhile, mitigation is a series of efforts to reduce the risk (possibility of adverse events) due to a disaster. the scope of its activities includes identifying phenomena that accompany event estimation/prediction, making krb maps, infrastructure development, regional planning, preparing early warning tools, providing counseling and increasing awareness of people living in earthquake-prone areas, etc. (law no. 24/2007). based on this understanding, disaster mitigation is a form of effort made to reduce the impact caused by disasters on communities in disaster-prone areas, such as natural disasters, disasters caused by humans or disasters caused by a combination of the two in a country or society. in carrying out disaster mitigation there are four things that need to be considered, namely the availability of information and maps of disaster-prone areas for each disaster category, socialization in increasing public understanding and awareness in dealing with disasters, knowing what needs to be done and avoided and how to save everyone if it occurs during a disaster. the time and steps for regulating and structuring disaster-prone areas to reduce disaster threats. the purpose of disaster mitigation consists of several form to reduce the impact and losses caused, especially those that occur to the population, as a form of foundation journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 190 or guideline in development planning, and to increase public knowledge in dealing with and reducing disaster risk, so that people can live and work. with safe. the mass media have their respective roles for various information purposes. the form, which is now divided into various kinds, certainly makes it easier for people to manage and receive this information. one part of mass media is social media. social media is a part of media digital. it is depend on the internet network can make it easier for the public to access it. social media as one of the media that is easier to be touched by the public has a more important role. social media is divided into various platforms that can be downloaded and used directly without having to do a search first, such as internet media, google, websites, and others. on social media, the information obtained is faster and does not take much time. one of the social media platforms that is widely used is twitter. its role as social media provides convenience for the community. in social media, you only need to write down the account you want to go to to find the information you want to get. in addition to being easy to use by the public, the information obtained is focused and not based on general explanations. based on data from the bnpb, natural disasters in indonesia from january to april 2021 recorded a total of 1,125 disasters. based on bnpb data, the most frequent natural disasters in indonesia are floods. reported from kompas.com with the article title "throughout 2021, a total of 1,125 natural disasters occurred in the country", that data from the bnpb shows, there were 476 flood disasters that occurred during that period. one of them is the flash flood that occurred in east nusa tenggara (nusa tenggara timur or ntt) which occurred on sunday 4 april 2021, which was mentioned by bnpb as the worst flood and caused the biggest impact in the last 10 years in the province. according to bnpb data, previous major floods were recorded on november 3, 2010 and april 11, 2011. reporting from kompas.com the flash flood that occurred in east nusa tenggara was caused by the tropical cyclone seroja and the high intensity of rainfall which resulted in 10 districts and one city being hit by floods. . the areas affected by the floods are east flores regency (flash floods), central malacca regency, lembata regency, ngada regency, alor regency, rote ndao regency, east sumba regency, south central timor regency, ende regency, sabu raijua regency and kupang city. based on bnpb data as of april 9, 2021, the number of victims of the flash flood disaster in east nusa tenggara, there were 165 victims died and 45 victims were missing. then as many as 14,034 housing units were affected by floods and landslides in the area. of the number mentioned, as many as 2,786 houses were severely damaged, 213 were moderately damaged, and 6,185 were lightly damaged. socialization can be said as a learning process, basically human nature is never satisfied to learn about something that is not yet known. in addition, in the socialization process there is also interaction between individuals and other individuals. mass media also has an important role related to socialization, because mass media is used as a tool to convey various information. in addition to mass media, the use of social media, especially twitter, is widely used by government agencies such as the bnpb indonesia account which uses twitter as journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 191 a medium for disseminating information related to disasters, education and disaster mitigation to the community in building community preparedness for a natural disaster. dissemination of information through social media is considered to make it easier for the public to get information more quickly related to information, especially natural disasters. bnpb via twitter will inform about post-natural disaster management, the impact of the natural disaster, such as whether there were fatalities, how many victims died and were injured, as well as damage caused by the disaster, such as damage to houses. residents, to public facilities and infrastructure. literature review mass media consumption theory the first research was from suzy azeharie (2019) about analysis of the use of twitter as a communication media for celebrities in jakarta. this is the one of the studies that discusses about twitter as a communication medium. the results of the research is how use of twitter is considered very effective because the celebrities can convey all the information they want to convey to the people, especially their fans, in a wide range of deployment messages with easy and fast. and for this research, twitter is the link between communities who are ready to face disasters based on disaster mitigation provided by bnpb through twitter. people used to use various kinds of media to get the information they wanted to know, such as through electronic media (television and radio) as well as through print media (newspapers, tabloids, magazines, and so on). along with the development of the era, internet media has become one of the fastest sources of information compared to other media such as electronic media and print media. various kinds of information can be found on the internet. this causes people to start switching to using the internet media. on the internet, people can find whatever they need, including social media. according to kris budiman (2002: 122) consumption is defined narrowly as the process of buying and owning goods and is related to consumption-mediated communication which is commensurate with the act of reading (reading) and supervision as proposed by hall and pierre bourdieu. according to featherstone (1992) quoted by kris budiman (2003: 23), the consumption media approach holds that there are similarities and differences in cultural consumption in society. by focusing on cultural consumption, this approach directs its attention to the experience and use of cultural objects with an emphasis on actual consumption practices. in this case, media consumption is a step from the community in using various mass media ranging from print to electronic, which will later be used to meet their individual needs. this need will also provide satisfaction for each individual. using media consumers rank media sources by the anticipated rate of utility gain, flexible time to access, including media consumption, can occur simultaneously to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 192 structured activities without distorting the utility from the structured activities. and twitter using the social network site as a new communication channel to reach customers and examine other possible uses for twitter in a industri context, namely bnpb. socialization theory the second research was from aqdas malik, cassandra heyman-schrum, and aditya johri (2019) is about use of twitter across educational settings: a review of the literature. the result of this research is analysis how the students, teachers, and other stakeholders use it as a pedagogical tool to gain information, interact and engage with each other, participate in their respective communities of interests, and share their insights about specific topics. twitter is considered as advocates for carrying out further empirical studies focusing on digital trace data and inference, particularly in the developing countries. while this study looks at how the audience is the community ready to respond to disasters based on data from bnpb on twitter. and the following is an explanation of socialization theory: a. definition of socialization according to charles r wright quoted by sutaryo (2004: 156), socialization is a process when individuals acquire the culture of their group and internalize to a certain degree their social norms, thus guiding the person to take into account the expectations of others. meanwhile, according to sutaryo (2004: 230), socialization is a process of how to introduce a system to someone and how that person determines their responses and reactions. he continued that socialization is also determined by the social, economic and cultural environment in which the individual is located, besides that it is also determined by the interaction of his experiences and personality. b. socialization agent according to fuller and jacobs (1973) quoted by sunarto in his book (2004), the socialization agents include: 1) family the family is the institution that has the most important influence on the socialization process. this is possible due to various family conditions. first, the family is a primary group that is always face to face among its members, so that it can always follow the development of its members. second, parents have a high condition for educating their children, giving rise to an emotional connection that this relationship really requires a socialization process. third, the existence of fixed social relationships, then by itself parents have an important role in the process of socialization to children. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 193 2) playgroup playgroups (friends) were first obtained by humans when they were able to travel outside the home. initially, playmates were intended as a recreational group, but they can also have an influence on the socialization process after the family. the peak influence of playmates is in adolescence. play groups play more of a role in shaping the personality of an individual. 3) mass media: a. print media; posters, leaflets, billboards, banners, banners, x banners, gimmicks, newspapers, magazines and tabloids. b. audio visual media; television, radio, film and advertising. c. internet media; social network, website or blog. the process of socialization through information and messages conveyed by socialization agents is very valuable and cannot be equated with one another, for example, what is taught by the family may be different and may conflict with what is taught by other socialization agents, but the person who receives the information can learn freely from peers or mass media. so the learning process is not only obtained by one social agent, the individual can learn from other socialization agents in a system. disaster mitigation theory the third research was from by muhammad fedryansyah, herijanto bekti, ramadhan pancasilawan is about the implementation of disaster mitigation plan through structural functional approach (2020). the results showed that there were barriers in the system of functional structural approaches to disaster mitigation in the area of the pagerwangi village of the four aspects namely integration, adaptation, latency and goal attaintment. these obstacles occur from one aspect, which affects other aspects. they research analyzed how disaster mitigation was implemented through a functional structural approach or social balance theory from talcott parsons, and didn’t pay attention to the significance of publications as disaster mitigation education as this research was conducted. flood disaster is an event that occurs due to the debut of the river flow which is relatively larger than the normal flow in general, this occurs due to continuous rainfall that causes river water to overflow because it is not sufficient to accommodate the rainwater puddles. in law no. 24 of 2007 concerning disaster management article 44 letter c, that is, mitigation is to reduce disaster risk for people who are prone to disasters. disaster mitigation is a term used to indicate an action to reduce the impact of a disaster, which can later be carried out before the disaster occurs and at the same time reduce risks in the long term. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 194 in carrying out various disaster management, a proactive strategy must be carried out. this is useful for making preparations to anticipate the possibility of a disaster. various forms of action that can be taken in anticipating disasters by establishing an early warning system, identifying needs and available resources, preparing budgets and alternative actions, to coordinating with parties working in monitoring natural changes. communities who live and live close to disasterprone areas or who live outside have a very large role, therefore awareness and concern for the natural environment are needed as well as the existing regulations and norms to regulate environmental discipline. of course this is useful, so that people feel more concerned about the environment so as to reduce the possibility of disasters. disaster mitigation is divided into 2 types, there are: 1. structural mitigation structural mitigation is an effort to minimize disasters by building various physical infrastructure using technology. this physical infrastructure can be done by building funds that are made specifically to prevent flooding. it was built by making a disaster-resistant engineering building and water-resistant infrastructure. it is hoped that it will not have a major impact in the event of a disaster. 2. non-structural mitigation non-structural mitigation is an effort to reduce the impact of disasters through policies and regulations. in this effort can be done in the form of regional planning and an insurance. this form of mitigation is expected to allow for very advanced technological developments. the strongest reason why choosing disaster mitigation socialization how mitigation activities there are things that need to be done, including: introduction and monitoring of disaster risk; participatory planning for disaster management; development of a disaster awareness culture; implementation of physical, nonphysical efforts, and disaster management arrangements; identification and recognition of the source of disaster hazard or threat; monitoring of natural resource management; monitoring of the use of high technology; supervision of the implementation of spatial planning and environmental management. flood disaster the last research of this kind by clarissa david, jonathan corpus ong, and erika fille t. legara (2016) is about tweeting supertyphoon haiyan: evolving functions of twitter during and after a disaster event. this research take information about the typhoon or its damage, and disaster relief activities. there are differences in types of content between the most retweeted messages and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 195 posts that are original tweets. this two research using the same media but different types of disasters, where researchers focus on mitigation while their research focuses on explaining types of disasters. disasters are events or series of events that threaten and disrupt people's lives and livelihoods caused by natural and/or non-natural factors as well as human factors, resulting in human casualties, environmental damage, property losses, and psychological impacts (ramli, 2010: 17). meanwhile, according to ramli (2010: 18) there are three types of disasters, it is natural disasters originating from natural phenomena such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, meteors, global warming, floods, typhoons and tsunamis. a series of non-natural events, among others, in the form of technological failures, modernization failures, epidemics and disease outbreaks, and the third is social disasters, namely disasters caused by events or series of events caused by humans which include social conflicts between groups or between communities. meanwhile, flooding is where an area is inundated by large amounts of water (ramli, 2010:98). floods usually occur because of an increase in the volume of water in a body of water such as rivers and lakes, thereby breaking dams or water out of its natural boundaries so that it submerges the land. the type of flood that occurred in east nusa tengga in april 2021 was a flash flood, which is a flood in low-lying areas due to continuous rain. flash floods appear suddenly due to the large amount of water in one place. flash floods occur due to the saturation of water in the area which takes place rapidly, so that the soil is no longer able to absorb water. the following steps are needed in flood mitigation: a) before flood is watershed arrangement; development of flood monitoring and warning systems; do not build buildings on the banks of the river; dispose of garbage in the trash; river dredging; upstream reforestation. b) during flood is turn off the power; evacuate to a safe area; do not walk near waterways; contact agencies related to disaster management. c) and after the flood is clean the house; prepare clean water to avoid diarrhea; be on the lookout for venomous animals or possible spreaders of disease; always be on the lookout for aftershocks. based on data from head of the bnpb disaster data, information and communication center, raditya jati at suara.com said this was the worst in the last 10 years.,flash flood in east nusa tenggara on april 2021 was the worst flood in 10 years. major floods were previously recorded on november 3, 2010 and april 11, 2011. since 2019 twitter user data increase, and bnpb shares a lot of information on twitter so this is considered helpful in disaster mitigation. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 196 methods the research method used in this study is the case study method, with a qualitative approach. the case study method is included in the research carried out focused on a particular case in order to analyze it thoroughly. the data collection technique used for the analysis of this research is through in-depth interviews. the informants that the researchers used were dr. mohammad ihsan, st., mt., m.sc., an academic and disaster mitigation expert. the second informant is adrian arditiar, m.i.kom., a practitioner in the field of social media strategist who will talk about how social media functions in the publication of disaster information to complement the information published by the mass media. the second informant will also explain how bnpb's twitter carries out a content strategy as a medium of information, especially in disaster mitigation socialization activities. this research uses descriptive qualitative with the aim of describing a phenomenon in order to test or prove a theory. (harrison, 2009) result and discussion bnpb profile on twitter @bnpb_indonesia twitter is one of the social media that is still widely used by people in indonesia. this is evident from the data reported on beritasatu.com that twitter ranks fifth in the most popular social media in indonesia in 2020-2021 and has beaten tiktok, line and linkedin which are similar social media applications. in addition, twitter is a social media that attracts the attention of internet users because of its easy use to exchange information, as a result, each individual can be connected to each other (madcoms, 2010:121). in the data reported from databoks.com regarding the android-based news and magazine application with the highest rating in 2019, twitter ranks number one in the data, this proves that many people get information through twitter social media. as part of the government of the republic of indonesia, bnpb has several accounts on various social media platforms such as facebook, youtube, instagram and twitter. as the official government account, twitter owned by bnpb has been verified with a blue tick with the username @bnpb_indonesia. quoted from the help center on twitter, the blue verified badge on twitter is the real account. on his official twitter, @bnpb_indonesia started joining twitter in august 2011 and has more than 450 thousand followers until april 2022. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 197 figure 1. twitter account profile @bnpb_indonesia source: bnpb twitter audience in media consumption media that is accessed for consumption is one way to explore media that is accessed by the audience to read the news. mass media consists of three categories, namely conventional media such as electronic media, other conventional media such as print media and new media. in this case, audiences who use twitter as a reference for disaster news will use new media in the form of twitter social media. based on data from globalwebindex, the use of conventional media in indonesia is decreasing from the first semester of 2019 to the first semester of 2020. audiences who are transforming into a digital society, especially in seeking information on social media twitter, are mentioned in widiastuti's research (2014) that the use of networking sites twitter is very helpful as an alternative media to distribute information to a large audience. based on the previous similar research above, the media has its own way to be effective in conveying information, and focuses on the use of twitter which is increasingly being used as a reference for information other than online media. the result how the audience using twitter as media consumption how the news items tweeted by bnpb news tweets, act as a distribution channel for the news that is spread by social media reading and sharing, it's in the upload on the picture about twitter users discussing or asking for information via bnpb official twitter. there are having re-tweets and likes as the data stored also has a lot of responses. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 198 figure 2. display of twitter users respons source: bnpb twitter figure 3. display of assistance information by bnpb source: bnpb twitter from the information on twitter above, how twitter users are also expected to not only carry out any activities by bnpb in flood prevention, but also what assistance bnpb provides to victims and shared on twitter as data transparency. social media functions as an open medium to share current and correct information. what has been done by bnpb as a disaster management agency has maximally provided to update data such as assistance in the form of funds, temporary shelter or evacuation, food assistance, clothing, and financial assistance. and this can allow anyone who reads this information on bnpb's twitter to participate in helping both prayerfully and materially. besides that, it can be connecting for family or friends who are also in the disaster situation. the study of media consumption as well as content consumption relates to the way audiences choose to consume various types of media and/or various types of media journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 199 content that are considered to best satisfy their social and psychological needs (katz in yuan, 2011, p. 1001). and researchers agree, in relation to the use of twitter as a reference for the latest disaster news, the audience, who is also an active audience, adopts a news consumption pattern that reflects their habit of using various types of mass media to social media to meet their information needs in the form of news. publication of disaster information content on twitter in each of the latest uploads regarding the east nusa tenggara flash floods, twitter @bnpb_indonesia often shares information about the data on volunteers who have been deployed, the atmosphere at the scene, the delivery of aid, and the president's response. the information displayed on twitter bnpb is how to describe of disaster relief or mitigation activities to the latest data from flash floods is that bnpb's efforts are to provide as much data as the community ot twitter user needs. figure 4. display of some information on bnpb's twitter source: bnpb twitter disaster mitigation efforts in each region differ in the way they are communicated. according to a disaster mitigation expert informant, mohammad ihsan, "disaster journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 200 mitigation efforts must be carried out, the form is different in each region because nature shapes itself. so we communicate it will be different in every place.” based on this statement, the researcher concludes that the disaster mitigation carried out in each region is different. the strategy in disaster mitigation to communicate it of course also differs in each region and depends on the disaster faced. furthermore, the pocket book on flash floods published by bnpb in 2019, explains that the pocket book does not guarantee the safety of readers but provides general guidelines for preparedness. the exercise is a real effort to improve disaster preparedness. based on the theory of media consumption, social media users or in this case are audiences, how are audiences driven to use social media and the goal is to use the media for needs that are not only related to themselves but also their relatives. the selection of the media made by the audience is adjusted to the needs and motives. as a social media that contains many sources of information, @bnpb_indonesia as the official government account must of course make various efforts to mitigate disaster strategies when a disaster occurs. given that a good function of social media is to expand human social interaction using internet technology, the end of which is to produce dialogic communication between audiences. the function of social media was also explained by resource person adrian arditiar, he revealed that "the function of social media must be able to expand human social interaction by using this technology so that in the sense that it is affordable, can be widely accessed, it can be seen from any corner, and the purpose of social media should be reachable. by anyone, everyone can, see the information, the platform”. in relation to the socialization process, bnpb twitter often publishes content in the form of weather information infographics to responses from other twitter users. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 201 figure 5. display of socialization infographics on bnpb twitter source: bnpb twitter journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 202 figure 6. display of media use references from bnpb source: bnpb twitter from the publication of the content above, the process of socializing the volunteer team in helping victims of the banjir bandang disaster is shown in the form of data distribution by region. it is like introducing a system to a person and how that person determines his or her responses and reactions. according to adrian, socialization is also determined by the social, economic and cultural environment in which the individual is located, besides that, it is also determined by the interaction of experiences and personalities, which also concerns their family relationships affected by the disaster. the advent of social media, especially twitter enable users (people) to freely communicate their opinions and disperse information regarding current events including natural disasters. however, based on some information shared on bnpb's twitter, its never show any missing amateur videos or information shared by citizen journalism. bnpb always uses the original data from the field data that get themselves. on the other hand, the data shared on bnpb's twitter is widely used by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 203 online media as a data reference which can be seen in the figure 6. it is very appropriate if the media uses the bnpb’s twitter reference as the main data, as long as the media always cyber media guidelines (pedoman media siber) and always writes down the data source. socialization strategy of disaster mitigation at twitter @bnpb_indonesia based on the statements that have been put forward, the functions of social media are very diverse, such as expanding interactions and getting various information, because in other media there is a lot of exposure to information that sometimes makes people hesitate, then social media can be a means to get valid information even more if the information is obtained from an accurate or verified source. in the theory of media consumption, the transition of people using information media from the previous electronic media such as television and radio, or print media such as newspapers, magazines, tabloids and so on, has now switched to using social media along with the times. people can easily find information because currently social media can be accessed in one smartphone grip. currently, social media is also one of the fastest information media because anything can be seen through social media if you have an internet network. informant adrian explained the role of social media, "social media's role is to disseminate information, promote media, then become a mouthpiece for establishing personal relationships, or various kinds of relationships can be obtained through the role of social media". based on this statement, the role in social media has many forms. social media can act as a means of disseminating information, then it can be a means of promotion, and can also be used to establish relationships between individuals and individuals or individuals with certain groups. in other words, social media has an important role in human life, because people often need social media to get various information they want to know. overall, the content in the form of disaster information on bnpb's twitter has been played neatly, up-to-date and transparently. many contain data to the latest visuals, especially on 9 and 19 april 2021. since before the flash flood disaster in east nusa tenggara province until after the disaster starting from april 2021 to may 2021, it is known that bnpb on its twitter has provided more than 20 tweet mostly displays a series of humanitarian disaster mitigation in the form of distributing aid from the government and the community. this transparency makes bnpb's twitter up-to-date and carries out its social responsibilities. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 204 figure 7. shares information about ntt logistics assistance source: bnpb twitter it is known in the bnpb tweet, it has implemented a good strategy as an effort to mitigate the flash flood disaster in east nusa tenggara province in april 2021. in this tweet, bnpb has informed various logistical assistances that have been sent to victims of the banjir bandang disaster, so that with this information the public can find out the various aids they will receive. the information in this twitter account can of course be seen by various kinds of people who have twitter accounts, therefore the twitter account @bnpb_indonesia can be said to be the official government account by carrying out the functions and roles of social media properly. the twitter account @bnpb_indonesia has communicated well by disseminating information needed by flood-affected communities, especially regarding banjir bandang disaster mitigation strategies. on its twitter account, bnpb also disseminates this information quickly so that the public can access information easily, especially through official government accounts. in addition, this proves that bnpb is very open about data and facts that occurred during the flash flood in east nusa tenggara province. as a resource person, adrian arditiar explained that the importance of disseminating information "is information that must be informed to the public, so it becomes very important, especially if it is a disaster". journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 205 figure 8. shares information about ntt logistics assistance source: bnpb twitter regarding adrian arditiar's opinion, the researcher concludes that all information becomes important to be disseminated if the information can have an impact on many people, including information about disasters. this is evidenced by the twitter account @bnpb_indonesia, which always provides information about various things related to disasters and this has a great influence on the community for the dissemination of information. bnpb also share seminar information as an effort to build the resilience of the indonesian people in facing every threat of danger that can lead to disaster. this resilience is realized through various approaches, one of which is increasing disaster literacy through various seminars. literacy was carried out in conjunction with the flash flood disaster in east nusa tenggara province on april 2021. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 206 figure 9. shares information about disaster mitigation’s seminar source: bnpb twitter in addition to needing information about disaster mitigation, of course, people usually ask questions about disaster victims and losses from disasters that occur. so the researcher asked this to resource person adrian arditiar regarding data transparency related to disaster mitigation, "actually it is an addition for the bnpb to attach additional information about data transparency, but on twitter, usually people only need text content, but infographics or images can be added. , that's fine, in my opinion even if later bnpb would add it as an official account, of course it would be great." says the source, adrian. figure 10. infographics regarding banjir bandang disaster mitigation in ntt source: bnpb twitter journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 207 in reality, this has been done by the twitter social media account @bnpb_indonesia, with data transparency in the event of a disaster. bnpb continues to strive to share the latest data on victims affected by flash floods during the disaster in east nusa tenggara province. these various things have proven that the banjir bandang disaster mitigation strategy in the province of east nusa tenggara in twitter @bnpb_indonesia is very effective and efficient in disseminating the information needed by the community. the communication that exists between bnpb and the community also goes in two directions because the community can reply to bnpb's tweets and several times it has also been found that bnpb replies to community tweets so that this is very helpful for the community in finding well-verified information. from the publication of the content above, the process of socializing the volunteer team in helping victims of the flash flood disaster is shown in the form of data distribution by region. it is like introducing a system to a person and how that person determines his or her responses and reactions. according to adrian, socialization is also determined by the social, economic and cultural environment in which the individual is located, besides that, it is also determined by the interaction of experiences and personalities, which also concerns their family relationships affected by the disaster. in pasal 1 ayat 6 peraturan pemerintah nomor 21 tahun 2008 concerning the implementation of disaster management, mitigation is a series of efforts to reduce disaster risk, both through physical development as well as awareness and capacity building in dealing with disaster threats. in the information shared, bnpb often collaborates with schools, universities and industry to understand how to implement disaster mitigation, and also shared on twitter, although the execution is more published about disaster mitigation on instagram bnpb. conclusion the disaster mitigation strategy by bnpb's official twitter for publication of information on flash floods in east nusa tenggara province in april 2021 has implemented the principle of consumption on mass media, this is evident from the large number of messages from the message and data as information-giving activities in the perspective of media dependency theory. most of what bnp's official twitter does is provide information and education, such as providing various information on mitigation and transparent data on flood victims. in accordance with the results of documentation and observations during the discussion, the official twitter of bnpb also includes a lot of graphic data and flood mitigation guidelines, flood relief activities and a number of flood countermeasures that are shared continuously and up-to-date. the content shared are original photos of activities that take place in disaster mitigation. various information about disaster mitigation that occurred when flash floods hit ntt province were very emergency response, such as determining disaster status and always updating it if there was latest information. this makes the disaster mitigation strategy carried out by bnpb into good communication in the community. from all the information about east nusa tenggara province found 20 tweets explaining disaster mitigation. in this research, disaster mitigation is not a phenomenology, but a disaster management effort. in the information published on bnpb's twitter, there has been no activity or journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 208 information that involves the community in sharing experiences 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(2011). news consumption across multiple media platforms. information, communication & society, 14(7). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 168 multi-track diplomacy as indonesia's strategy in mitigating the covid-19 pandemic aos yuli firdaus 1 department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, email: aosyulifirdaus@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : at this time, every country, especially since the beginning of 2020, struggles to face the global pandemic, namely covid-19. each country has its ways, methods, and strategies for dealing with this pandemic. indonesia is implementing multi-track diplomacy in its struggle to face covid-19. the aim of the multi-track diplomacy carried out by the indonesian government is to increase the medical equipment needed by the indonesian people and primarily to obtain vaccines for the health of the indonesian population. diplomacy in getting this vaccine will be an important issue that continues because all countries will also need the vaccine in the face of this covid-19 pandemic, which is likely to end for a long time. keywords: multi-track diplomacy, strategy, covid-19 submission : april, 11th 2020 revision : june 17th 2020 publication : august 30th 2020 introduction since the second world war ended, the world has again faced severe problems due to the emergence of the coronavirus disease (covid-19) caused by the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2 (sars-cov-2) virus. the coronavirus causes sufferers to have difficulty breathing, high fever, and cough. in more severe cases, infection with this virus causes pneumonia, severe acute respiratory syndrome, kidney failure, and death. standard recommendations for preventing transmission are frequent handwashing with soap, wearing a face mask, and covering your mouth when coughing and sneezing, and keeping your distance when in crowds. this virus was first discovered in wuhan, china, in december 2019. this virus spreads quickly throughout the world until now, covid-19 has become the most influential humanitarian disaster socially and economically, so who declared it a global pandemic(umar & indrayani, 2020; wajdi, kuswandi, et al., 2020; wajdi, ubaidillah, et al., 2020). covid-19 cases have been confirmed to reach 4,347,935, with the world death toll reaching 297,241 worldwide. countries in the world that experience the highest covid-19 cases include the united states with a total of 1.3 million cases, russia with a total of 262 thousand cases, england with 233 thousand cases, spain with 229 thousand cases, italy with 223 thousand cases, brazil with 188 thousand cases, germany with 173 thousand cases, turkey with a total of 155 thousand cases, france with a total of 139 thousand cases, iran with a total of 116 thousand cases, china with a total of 84 thousand cases, and india with a total of 81 thousand cases. meanwhile, in indonesia alone, the mailto:aosyulifirdaus@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 169 covid-19 cases were confirmed to have reached 16,496 with the total number of deaths reaching 1,076. (www.who.org) the unexpected and rapid spread of the virus has overwhelmed many countries in dealing with covid-19. until now, the efforts of countries in the world to reduce, limit, and inhibit the spread of the virus are by implementing social distancing policies and “lockdown.” this effort has been successfully carried out in china as well as in south korea. however, not all countries can enforce these policies and have the same social, economic, and political systems, so that success varies from one country to another. the need for quick action in overcoming covid-19 encourages the government to aggressively carry out international cooperation to overcome this global covid-19 pandemic. international collaboration is carried out to ensure access and availability of medical supplies such as medicines and medical devices to deal with covid-19, considering that indonesia has limited health resources. this is evidenced by the recognition of the expert council of the indonesian public health expert association and the association of indonesian hospitals, hermawan saputra, that the average hospital in indonesia is not ready to handle covid-19 cases (liputan6 : 2020). international cooperation is the only way to deal with this situations, and carrying out diplomacy between countries is one of the critical points. multi-track diplomacy: conceptual approach diplomacy is generally defined as an official relationship between two or more countries for various reasons: economic, socio-cultural, political, and security. diplomacy can play a role in 1) establishing relationships between individuals (people to people contact), 2) strengthening processes that build harmony, 3) providing forums for designing and implementing international policies, 4) business cooperation and international trade. and 5) health and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 170 disaster management. the role of diplomacy in handling covid-19 is implementing the fifth function, namely health and disaster management. multi-track diplomacy is a diplomacy concept that describes the process of world peace in the international system through a combination of government channel diplomacy, group channel diplomacy, and individual channel diplomacy. the main goal is to create world peace to integrated peacebuilding using soft power(notter & diamond, 1996). the multi-track system emerged due to the purely inefficient mediation of the government. furthermore, the escalation of intrastate conflict in the 1990s confirmed that "track one diplomacy" was not an effective method for securing international cooperation or resolving disputes. instead, there is a need for an interpersonal approach in addition to government mediation. for this reason, former diplomat joseph montville created track two diplomacy to engage citizens with diversity and expertise in the mediation process. but the complexity and breadth of this unofficial diplomacy are not covered by two-track diplomatic activities. louise diamond then coined the term multi-lane diplomacy to involve all aspects of mediation from the grassroots level of society to high-level meetings of heads of state. multi-line diplomacy makes use of all levels of an organization to determine needs and facilitate communication between all societies. this multi-track design is interrelated and equally important in diplomatic efforts. each pathway has its resources, values, and approaches, and because they are interlinked, they can work more strongly when coordinated. there are nine lines in a multi-lane diplomacy system. first, the government, or peace efforts through diplomacy. second, non-government / professional, or peace efforts through conflict resolution. third, business, or peace efforts through trade. fourth, ordinary citizens, or peace efforts through personal involvement. fifth, research, training and education, or peace efforts through learning. sixth, activism, or peace efforts through advocacy. seventh, religion, or peace efforts through faith. eighth, funding, or peace efforts through the provision of resources and funds. ninth, communication and media, or peace efforts through information(mcdonald, 2012). image 1 9 diplomacy track source: john w. mcdonald, “the institute for multi-track diplomacy,” dalam us journal of conflictology, volume 3, issue 2, 2012. in facing the global covid-19 pandemic, the indonesian government needs to carry out this multi-lane diplomacy. because relying on formal diplomacy alone will not be enough. therefore, the indonesian government encourages not only the foreign ministry and the health ministry to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 171 deal with the covid-19 pandemic, but also other ministries or official agencies such as esdm, the coordinating minister for the economy, and the ministry of bumn and bkpm. method the type of qualitative research used in this research is a case study that will allow the researcher to explore a single phenomenon in the form of a case under study, which is limited by time and activity (program, event, process, institution, or social group). the selection of a qualitative approach in this study is based on creswell's opinion (creswell, 2002) regarding qualitative research characteristics, which include: 1. the concept is inmature due to the lack of theory and previous research, 2. the view that existing theories may be inaccurate, inadequate, incorrect, or ambiguous, 3. the need to explore and explain a phenomenon and to develop theories, or 4. the nature of the phenomenon may not match quantitative measures. the qualitative approach has research characteristics: constructing the reality of socio-cultural meaning, examining the interaction of events and processes, involving complex and challenging to measure variables, having a close relationship with the context, involving the researcher as fully as having a natural background, using purposive samples, applying inductive analysis, prioritizing "meaning" behind reality, and ask the question "why" (why), not "what" (what). this data collection using a literature study. this method is a data collection technique that is carried out by reading, studying, and studying books, scientific magazines, mass media, internet sites, and other related sources. to gain knowledge of the critical theories, terms, and definitions. result and discussion as a strategy to overcome covid-19, participation, and diplomacy from all parties is needed to obtain medicines and medical devices because indonesia has to compete with big countries such as europe and the united states. the government has strongly encouraged the private sector's involvement, which has been given the convenience of business and investment. the results can be seen when south korea only provides coronavirus test kits to indonesia and the united states. india, as a producer of chloroquine raw materials, only provides its raw materials to indonesia. meanwhile, china, apart from assisting iran and italy, also offered assistance to indonesia. this happened at the encouragement of bpkm and the ministry of soe. this proves that indonesia's multi-line diplomacy through business channels or the private sector is significant. this also proves that apart from the government, the private sector can move in large numbers to tackle covid-19, such as distributing medical equipment and others. the indonesian minister of foreign affairs, retno marsudi, in a virtual meeting of the ministerial coordination group on covid 19 (mcgc) emphasized the importance of international cooperation with an innovative approach and involving multiple stakeholders, especially the private sector, in overcoming the global pandemic situation. covid-19. the private sector makes it possible to share information about each other's capacities and resources, thus opening up opportunities for combining each company's comparative advantages in producing and distributing supplies of medical equipment needed to deal with the covid-19 pandemic. apart from reflecting multi-line business or private sector diplomacy, this is also closely related to communication channels and media diplomacy. international cooperation emphasized by foreign minister retno utilizes an information media platform to share and collaborate to provide medical equipment supplies to overcome the covid-19 pandemic. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 172 since the emergence of covid-19, communication, and information media have played a vital role in handling covid-19 cases. communication and information media provide essential information related to the spread of covid-19 to common protocols and policies to implement social distancing to prevent the spread of covid-19. almost all countries in the world use the media to monitor the spread of the virus and observe their people in obeying the rules to prevent the spread of this virus. diplomacy is an essential tool in the implementation of a nation's foreign policy. the development of diplomacy has also reached a system that is not only centered on the state as the leading implementer. the world is known for its multi-track diplomacy. this multi-track system emerged due to the inefficiency of purely government mediation. furthermore, the escalation of intranational conflict in the 1990s confirmed that "track one diplomacy" was not an effective method of securing international cooperation or resolving disputes. instead, there is a need for an interpersonal approach in addition to government mediation. for this reason, former diplomat joseph montville created track two diplomacy to engage citizens with diversity and expertise in the mediation process. but the complexity and breadth of this unofficial diplomacy are not covered by two-track diplomatic activities. louise diamond then coined the term multi-lane diplomacy to involve all aspects of mediation from the grassroots level of society to high-level meetings of heads of state. multi-line diplomacy makes use of all levels of an organization to determine needs and facilitate communication between all communities. all parties' participation and diplomacy are needed to obtain medicines and medical devices because indonesia has to compete with big countries such as europe and the united states. the government has strongly encouraged the private sector's involvement, which has been given the convenience of business and investment. the results can be seen when south korea only provides coronavirus test kits to indonesia and the united states. india, as a producer of chloroquine raw materials, only provides its raw materials to indonesia. meanwhile, china, apart from assisting iran and italy, also offered assistance to indonesia. this happened at the encouragement of bpkm and the ministry of soe. in practice, this crisis has pushed countries to prioritize their interests, giving rise to competition rather than cooperation. one example is the disputes between european union countries. as cases of covid-19 surged in italy, the government asked neighbors for medical supplies. however, germany and france have even banned the export of products that fall into this category. when china offered mask assistance to european countries, the netherlands, austria, and finland publicly rejected the plan. simultaneously, spain, france, belgium, greece, ireland, portugal, slovenia, and luxembourg supported the aid scheme. this further shows the divisions among the members of the european union(detik, 2020). the chaos of world politics amid a pandemic must certainly make indonesia careful not to make the wrong move. indonesia's primary interest today is the safety of its citizens. various assistance from other countries is urgently needed by indonesia so that this country can immediately cope with the pandemic. collaborative efforts have been made, for example, between asean and the united states. in a video conference discussing developments and cooperation that can be done to tackle the covid-19 pandemic on april 1, 2020, officials from the ministry of foreign affairs, ministry of health, ministry of transportation, immigration officials from asean member countries, and top us officials from the ministry of foreign affairs, ministry of health, center for disease control and prevention (cdc), us agency for international development (usaid) and national security council (nsc). while journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 173 indonesia was represented by the permanent representative of the republic of indonesia to asean, the ministry of health and the ministry of foreign affairs produced an agreement to increase cooperation in handling the covid-19 pandemic. indonesia expresses its support for increasing collaboration between asean and the united states in dealing with covid-19, significantly expanding access to capacity building for asean medical personnel through cdc and special health scholarships through usaid. indonesia also conveyed the importance of collective efforts to maintain economic stability and ensure that the goods' supply chain is not disrupted amid the current global situation. foreign minister retno also emphasized that the multilateral system must be able to facilitate the movement and flow of goods in order to continue to sustain global trade and supply chains. this virtual meeting resulted in a declaration of "we need strong global cooperation and solidarity to fight covid-19" which contained various elements related to the challenges of health, economy, finance and the prevention of the covid-19 pandemic, including the dimensions of disinformation which often increase the risk of disease spread and have the potential to inhibit effective and efficient global health response. the cooperation forum of countries that are members of the international coordination group on covid-19 (icgc) continues to move forward. on april 28, 2020, the indonesian foreign minister again participated in the teleconference meeting with (eleven) foreign ministers of icgc member countries. other foreign ministers who participated were from south africa, australia, brazil, england, germany, morocco, france, peru, singapore, turkey, and canada. on april 28, 2020, the meeting took the big theme of strengthening multilateral cooperation in handling covid-19. at the meeting, the indonesian foreign minister emphasized that "the world community's trust in the principles of multilateralism will only be realized if multilateral cooperation can bring concrete benefits to the world's population." therefore, in concrete terms, foreign minister retno conveyed indonesia's proposal to establish a joint platform to share information about the production capacity of companies in the medical device sector. indonesia proposed a concept entitled 'recommendations for compilation of a list of companies with the potential to participate in the provision of medical devices for covid-19 handling' ('recommendation to develop a list of potential companies to participate in the supplies of medical goods for covid-19'). this platform is expected to enable companies from various countries to increase the production capacity of medical devices and medicines for handling covid-19, including through joint production schemes. furthermore, the indonesian foreign minister again called for the importance of medication for managing covid-19 to be evenly available and at affordable prices, especially for developing countries. the presence of the icgc, a cross-regional cooperation group that aims to strengthen international coordination for handling the covid-19 pandemic and manage the social, economic impact that is generated quite effectively as a medium for multilateral diplomacy on a global scale. indonesia's steps are undoubtedly crucial because previously, on april 2, 2020, for the first time, indonesia, together with ghana, liechtenstein, norway, singapore, and switzerland, passed a un general assembly resolution entitled "global solidarity to fight covid-19," which was decided by acclamation in united nations headquarters in new york this resolution is the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 174 first product produced by the united nations regarding covid 19 since the announcement of the global pandemic status by who on march 11, 2020. this resolution emphasizes a political message about the importance of unity, solidarity, and international cooperation in efforts to mitigate the pandemic global covid-19. the absence of a single country is immune to the coronavirus, and the high death rate in many countries makes international unity, solidarity, and cooperation necessary. indonesia's resolution conveyed a message to the international community that the united nations, as a universal organization, has a central role in coordinating global responses. the un must also be able to give hope to the international community that with cooperation, solidarity, and the right policies, every country can overcome this crisis. the role of the united nations is reflected in the resolution, such as requesting cooperation from countries to curb the spread of the virus, mitigating impacts through information exchange, collaboration with scientists' knowledge, and acceptable practices from each country. the resolution also affirms the world health organization (who) 's a central role in the vanguard of coordination with all international community elements. in particular, the solution also gives appreciation to all workers in the health sector, the medical profession, and researchers who continue to work under challenging conditions. according to who data taken on april 3, 2020, globally, there are more than 900,000 total cases of covid-19 with a death rate of more than 45,693 people. indonesia is one of the un member countries that is quite active in the field of health diplomacy. indonesia is currently the chair of the foreign policy and global health initiative. this forum discusses and initiates health issues and multilateral political policies, consisting of brazil, norway, france, senegal, thailand, and indonesia. also, indonesia is currently a member of the who executive board. this who executive body discusses and decides on the direction of policies and the world health agency's work plan (kemlu, 2020). apart from the government's active role in forging international cooperation in overcoming the pandemic, the private sector's role cannot be overlooked. getting medical aid and personal protective equipment from friendly countries is an achievement in which the private sector cannot be understated. participation and diplomacy from all parties in obtaining drugs and medical devices amid competition with big countries such as europe and the united states are needed. the private sector's involvement in the implementation of multi-lane diplomacy is inseparable from the facilities they have received so far. so far, the private sector has been given business and investment facilities by the indonesian government. when south korea is committed to providing coronavirus test kits to indonesia and america, or india, as a producer of chloroquine raw materials, it only provides its raw materials to indonesia; this is a successful implementation of indonesia's multi-track diplomacy. apart from assisting iran and italy, china also offered assistance to indonesia, based on encouragement from the bpkm and the ministry of soe. vaccinne diplomacy each country will continue to seek ways to tackle covid-19 by providing vaccines to ward off viruses and infectious diseases. as explained by a doctor from the alodokter.com website, the most fundamental benefit of vaccines is an effort to prevent infectious diseases. this is because vaccines can provide your body with defense and protection from many dangerous contagious diseases. vaccines are substances or compounds that function to form endurance. almost all countries in the world already have cases of covid-19 infection, and the urgency to reduce the spread rate will make countries compete to get the vaccine. as soon as every country needs to have and provide vaccines, the indonesian government should immediately increase vaccine diplomacy related to the handling of covid-19, which is journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 175 expected to be completed next year. concerns that there will be efforts by several/many countries to compete for vaccines when they are produced and distributed will create the potential for a competition that will lead to conflict between countries. countries that will find it challenging to obtain vaccines are developing countries which, nota bene, do not have the financial strength to buy vaccines in large quantities compared to developed countries and are financially strong. for this reason, diplomacy in developing countries is needed for at least two things, firstly, so that vaccine acquisition is according to the demand of developing countries and secondly so that the costs incurred to obtain the covid-19 vaccine are not burdensome and affordable for developing countries, especially indonesia. for this purpose, the government of indonesia is establishing international cooperation with many parties to gain the fastest access to the covid-19 vaccine, where the vaccine is the starting point for recovery from the covid-19 pandemic. the indonesian government's move is part of several countries in the world to obtain the same rights to get vaccines to ensure their citizens' safety. the seriousness of indonesia's diplomacy efforts was conveyed by the minister of foreign affairs of the republic of indonesia, retno marsudi, who explained the developments regarding the diplomacy of the corona covid-19 virus vaccine. the foreign minister emphasized that vaccines are a game-changer that will be the starting point for recovering from the covid 19 pandemic. consistently, indonesian diplomacy moves quickly to meet the needs of medical devices, medicines, and vaccines. just like many countries in the world. indonesia continues to strive as soon as possible to obtain the right and safe vaccines in sufficient quantities to overcome domestic covid-19. various attempts have been made to procure vaccines at home and by cooperating with various parties abroad. as soon as it is crucial to fulfilling the need for vaccines to tackle covid 19, the indonesian government through minister of foreign affairs retno marsudi, mentioned several companies from various countries that are currently collaborating with indonesia in developing vaccines, including bio farma with sinovac from china for the type of virus inactivation, then kalbe farma with genexine from south korea for the dna vaccine type, and the third is bio farma with cepi. the form of multi-track and multilateral diplomacy, especially in the health sector, is reflected in the collaboration between bio farma and sinovac, kalbe farma with genexine, and farma with cepi (coalition for epidemic preparedness innovations) based in norway. one of the steps taken is to collaborate with several countries currently conducting clinical trials in an intensive manner. president joko widodo (jokowi) said that indonesia's vaccine diplomacy was the most advanced and prosperous. at least three major countries have committed substantial assistance, namely china, the united arab emirates, and the united kingdom. as part of the short-term steps in procuring the covid-19 vaccine, by the end of 2020, 20 million to 30 million doses of the covid-19 vaccine from sinovac and sinopharm will arrive in the country. this will continue in early 2021 with a total of 340 million doses of vaccine. president jokowi stated that the grant from the united arab emirates was one of indonesia's diplomacy efforts. according to jokowi, indonesia's vaccine diplomacy is the most advanced. furthermore, jokowi also explained that this vaccine from china is to weaken. this is different from the vaccines developed in indonesia by domestic parties. red and white vaccine is a recombinant protein process. this program is a long-term program that will be ready for clinical trials in january 2021 for ten months. a total of 350 million doses of the red and white vaccine will be prepared by the end of 2021. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 176 conclusion multi-track diplomacy emphasizes not only the practice of inter-government diplomacy but also the roles of various parties for the success of diplomacy. the case of the covid19 pandemic shows the importance of indonesia's multi-lane diplomacy. although, until now, the pandemic has not yet passed, indonesia has managed to obtain medical equipment and medical aid through the practice of multi-line diplomacy. the government's efforts through the ministry of foreign affairs in carrying out indonesian diplomacy related to the accessibility and affordability of vaccines and encouraging the importance of access and affordability of covid-19 medicines and vaccines for indonesia in particular and other countries should be appreciated. even though there are still weaknesses in indonesia's efforts where the covid-19 diplomacy model that is being implemented has not been able to bring the form and pattern of handling the pandemic in indonesia to the international world, at that level, indonesia is still following the big countries. there is no belief yet about a pandemic handling model that can be brought onto the international stage. although many cooperative relationships are bilateral, regional, and multilateral, indonesia must also focus on its national interests in dealing with the covid-19 pandemic. this is based on the idea that, after covid-19, the handling will be more focused on each country. what is crucial in the future is diplomacy in obtaining vaccines for the prevention, control, and treatment of indonesian citizens so that indonesia's interests in ensuring citizens' health can be fulfilled through continuous multi-line diplomacy efforts. references https://www.ayobandung.com/read/2020/04/01/84523/wabah-corona-dan-politikluar-negeri-indonesia https://www.brilio.net/creator/begini-gambaran-masa-depan-teori-dan-praktikdiplomasi-kontemporer-5a374a.html http://www.dpr.go.id/berita/detail/id/26764/t/respon+tantangan+global%2c+bks ap+aktif+lakukan+diplomasi https://news.detik.com/bbc-world/d-4973437/saat-pandemi-virus-corona-picuketegangan-diplomatik-dunia https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1158/berita/indonesia-tawarkan-bumn-pt-biofarma-terlibat-dalam-kerja-sama-asean-as-tanggulangi-covid-19 https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1212/view/menlu-retno-dorong-sistemmultilateral-perkuat-tata-kelola-kesehatan-global https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1254/berita/ministerial-teleconference-meetingof-the-international-coordination-group-on-covid-19-icgc-menlu-ri-dorong-kerjasama-konkrit-internasional-untuk-tingkatkan-kapasitas-produksi-perangkatmedis-dan-obat-obatan https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1160/berita/indonesia-sukses-loloskan-resolusijournal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 177 pbb-perdana-tentang-solidaritas-global-atasi-covid-19 mcdonald, j. w. (2012). the institute for multi-track diplomacy. journal of conflictology, 3(2). https://doi.org/10.7238/joc.v3i2.1629 notter, j., & diamond, l. (1996). building peace and transforming conflict: multi-track diplomacy in practice. institute for multi-track diplomacy. umar, h., & indrayani, i. (2020). foreign and domestic policy, diplomacy and cooperation, international political dynamics). journal of social political sciences, 1(2), 102–116. wajdi, m. b. n., kuswandi, i., al faruq, u., zulhijra, z., khairudin, k., & khoiriyah, k. (2020). education policy overcome coronavirus, a study of indonesians. edutec: journal of education and technology, 3(2), 96–106. wajdi, m. b. n., ubaidillah, m. b., mulyani, s., anwar, k., istiqomah, l., rahmawati, f., hikmawati, s. a., ningsih, d. r., & rizal, h. s. (2020). pendampingan redesign pembelajaran masa pandemi covid-19 bagi tenaga pendidik di lembaga pendidikan berbasis pesantren di jawa timur. engagement: jurnal pengabdian kepada masyarakat, 4(1), 266–277. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 356 from parochialism to universalism: a sociological analysis of bajau semporna political culture of sabah malaysia zaini othman1, md saffie abdul rahim2, eko prayitno joko3 1assoc prof & senior research fellow at institute of ethnic study (kita) national university of malaysia (ukm) 2senior lecturer at history program, faculty of social sciences & humanity university malaysia sabah (ums) 3lecturer at history program, faculty of social sciences & humanity university malaysia sabah (ums). he can be contacted at the following email add: znothman@ukm.edu.my abstract : in the context of the study of sabah's political development, the contribution of semporna and its community cannot be denied or dismissed. in fact, it is not an exaggeration to stated that semporna has an interesting scientific dimension to be used as a corpus of knowledge in analyzing and digesting the political development of sabah in general and semporna in particular. semporna in the geo-social context of sabah is very synonymous with the bajau community, the majority ethnic group that inhabits the area (semporna). in the demographic context of sabah, the bajau community in semporna is authoritatively known as "east coast bajau or bajau semporna". based on field data collected semi-longitudinally (2018-2022), this article aims to analyze the political behavior of the bajau semporna community in a "parochial" cultural-political framework. is the political culture still strong among the bajau semporna community? is "parochial" political culture being the main basis in the process of making political decisions among bajau-semporna? to what extent does the modernization process affect or contest (contest) the "parochial" political culture? based on the finding and data discussion, it is crystal clear that the premise underlies in this study suggest that modernization and socioeconomic development bring changes in values, norms and consciousness from parochialism to universal consciousness as per suggested by robertson (1992), giddens (1990) and ohmae (1996). keywords: modernization, values, political behaviour, political development, ge15 submission : auguts, 23rd 2022 revision : september 19th 2022 publication : november 30th 2022 introduction in the context of the study of sabah's political development, the contribution of semporna and its community cannot be denied or dismissed. in fact, it is not an exaggeration to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 357 stated that semporna has an interesting scientific dimension to be used as a corpus of knowledge in analyzing and digesting the political development of sabah in general and semporna in particular(doolittle, 2001; osman, 2017). semporna in the geo-social context of sabah is very synonymous with the bajau community, the majority ethnic group that inhabits the area (semporna). in the socio demographic sense, the bajau community in semporna is authoritatively known as "east coast bajau or bajau semporna"(brown & warren, 1983). maps of malaysia maps of malaysia showing sabah state source: http://wwwflowering.blogspot.com/2011/08/part-1-intro-to-tawau-sabah.html maps of sabah showing the district of semporna source: source: http://wwwflowering.blogspot.com/2011/08/part-1-intro-to-tawau-sabah.html meanwhile, in the geo-political context of sabah, semporna is an area known as a "bajau political stronghold" for the state of sabah(hossin, 2018; ismail, 2010; sather, 2001). if we look at the development of sabah politics starting from 1960 until now (2022), parties that were founded on the basis of "parochial", often received a strong support and votes from the local community(“chapter 13. kota marudu and keningau, sabah: personality, http://wwwflowering.blogspot.com/2011/08/part-1-intro-to-tawau-sabah.html journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 358 patronage and parochial politics,” 2018). for example, the united sabah national organization (usno)---even though experienced a leadership crisis in 1975 & 1976 and later suffered a defeat in the sabah state election in 1976---still received an overwhelming support and managed to secured seats in semporna. during the era of parti bersatu sabah (pbs) administration (1985-1990), the pbs found it difficult to penetrate and secure a support from the bajau semporna community(whelan, 1970). this situation (parochialism), is often associated with the political culture of bajau semporna, often labeled as very "exprit-de-corp", that is "high sense of belonging" which is very strong among the community. even in the context of the "everyday-defined", the impression or perception of the majority sabahan towards the bajau-semporna community stands out to be an "extreme" image of "parochial & primordial". the victory of warisan political party in the 14th general election for the state of sabah in 2018, particularly the untouchable and challenging victory of datuk seri shafie apdal in semporna parliamentary constituent is strongly linked to the element of "exprit-de-corp" as mentioned above(hashim et al., 2012). based on field data collected semi-longitudinally (2018-2022), this article aims to analyze the political behavior of the bajau semporna community in a "parochial" cultural-political framework. is the political culture still strong among the bajau semporna community? is "parochial" political culture being the main basis in the process of making political decisions among bajau-semporna? to what extent does the modernization process affect or contest (contest) the "parochial" political culture? this effort is made in line with the development of the current wave of globalization that is affecting the world community today. more interestingly, as emphasized by robertson (1992), giddens (1990) and ohmae (1996), the current wave of globalization sweeping the world today not only contains universal values that transcend geopolitical boundaries, but also create what they called as world community's thinking across various sociocultural background. method the study was conducted gradually between april 2018 up until december 2018 in semporna sabah malaysia, then continue between july 2019 until its was force to stop on february 2020 when the corona virus pandemic has reached malaysia compound. the movement control order (mco) activate by the malaysia authority has in one way another effected the fieldwork activities and scheduled in semporna. however, the unexpected even of sabah state election in september 26, 2020, has gave us some room and space to continue our study and fieldwork until malaysia state come into its 15 general election on 19 november 2022. result and discussion journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 359 bajau semporna political culture: parochial or universal? undeniably the bajau semporna community after the formation of malaysia in september 16, 1963, especially its young generation, is already synonymous or symbiosis, in fact very much familiar with western and modernization philosophical thinking as their main socio-mechanism in achieving social development. for example, in the context of bajausemporna, the philosophy of western modernization, was driven by local political leadership figures, as early as 1960s and 1970s, and then spread widely through educational process among and within the community until to date. it is not an exaggeration to state that semporna after the formation of malaysia has begun to be strongly bound to this philosophy. this can be witnessed especially since the mid-1990s, when most malaysian modernization policies based on the free market, industrialization, privatization, malaysia incorporation, and corporatization had its "tangible" effect in the semporna district (interview with abdullah, 2022). as a result, the socio dichotomy of bajau semporna community also changed physically: they no longer physically lived on the island; there is migration on a significant scale from the island to the semporna mainland. although the process of industrialization, privatization and corporatization in semporna exists in a "slow but impactful", it has indirectly produced a form of cross-culturally physical movement of bajau-semporna community. strong evidence indicates that the bajau-semporna migration movement not only confined in semporna main-land, but also beyond sabah socio-political boundaries. this phenomenon has unknowingly expanded socio parameter of social interaction among the bajau-semporna itself (interview with hindi, 2022). these changes, consciously or vice-versa, contribute towards the formation of a stable bajau-semporna middle class society that has its own pattern of values and norms. studies of the middle class in sabah so far have shown the same findings, namely that sabah society today is a pluralistic group of middle-class people. from a sociological point of view, the formation of a middle-class society is not only a social indicator of economic development, but also abstractly a manifestation of the existence of values, norms and also a common world-view among the members of the society regardless of their primordial differences (interview with hamzah, 2022). in relation to that, this article further examines the interaction of "parochial" political culture and universality (global awareness) based on empirical data collected since 2018 under the larger context on the continuous study of electoral process in malaysia and sabah state, inter-alia, the study of the 2022 malaysia general election (ge15); to gauge empirically what is the form and pattern of bajau-semporna political culture within the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 360 broader context of malaysia's political culture, vis-à-vis, new phase of malaysia political development. parochial and universality: empirical evidence of the semporna ge15 based on the questionnaire that was distributed to 2440 respondents, several questions that are closely related to aspects of national awareness were asked to the respondents. among them are, first, the political party that will be their choice; and second, electoral issues that affect the political beliefs of respondents. as stated at the beginning of this article, the process of modernization and capitalist values have changed the form of consciousness (nationalism) among the many facets of malaysia plural societies including the bajau-semporna of sabah. the said premise coincides with the findings of the questionnaire which shows that universal issues appear as the main issue in determining which political party will be their preferred choice. table 1 shows that 43.2% of respondents stated that they would vote a party that fights for the issue of universality. on the other hand, issues of group consciousness such as race, racial and even local or regional awareness remain firmly rooted in the intellectual minds of the bajausemporna; however, those awareness (primordial sense) have begun to received gradual challenges by norms and awareness of universal consciousness. table 1 political party to be voted based issues fought issues political party number of respondents % of total valid compliance % of total respondents universalism 1 038 43.2 42.5 kaum/nationalism 377 15.7 15.5 race 385 16.0 15.8 regionalism/localisme 323 13.4 13.2 not sure 281 11.7 11.5 number of valid insight 2 404 100.0 98.5 compliance dropped 36 1.5 number of respondents 2 440 100.0 source: questionnaire 2022. the change in political behavior among respondents/voters is more pronounced and can be seen clearly in relation to the question underlying their political beliefs. from the statistical data collected and analysis on the said question, almost 72% of respondents/voter’s plump for aspects of justice, transparency, freedom and accountability as the main social basis of their political beliefs. this finding is clearly in line with the attitude and behavior of respondents/voters who in favor of political parties that fight for the issue of universality. the change in the attitude and behavior of the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 361 respondents/voters clearly reflects changes that parallel with the process of modernization through which majority of the bajau-semporna community has under gone even since the formation of malaysia federation. table 2 issues of justice, transparency, freedom, accountability influence political beliefs yes/no number % total valid compliance % total respondents yes 1 739 72.2 71.3 no 668 27.8 27.4 total valid compliance 2 407 100.0 98.6 compliance dropped 33 1.4 total respondents 2 440 100.0 source: questionnaire, 2022 this change in political behavior is clearly a form of behavior change that is 'genuine' and not a cliché. for example, regarding the issue of corruption, cronyism and nepotism, 61.5% of respondents/voters consciously feel that the said issue involves social values that are contrary to the aspects of good government and society that are fair, transparent and responsible (table 3). thus, the issue of the dismissal of datuk seri saffiee apdal (dssa) from umno (united malay national organizations) is viewed in these contexts and was regards to be closely related as the main catalyst for change in the political behavior of the bajau-semporna community. table 3 corruption, cronism, nepotism pru15 yes/no number % total valid compliance % total respondents yes 1 469 61.5 60.2 no 918 38.5 37.6 number valid compliance 2 387 100.0 97.8 compliance dropped 53 2.2 total respondents 2 440 100.0 source: questionnaire 2022. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 362 table 4 hot issues discussed in constituents issues number % total valid compliance % total respondents economic crisis 537 22.4 22.0 dismissal of dssa 725 30.3 29.7 religion 394 16.5 16.1 political stability 707 29.5 29.0 election process 32 1.3 1.3 total valid compliance 2 395 100.0 98.2 compliance dropped 45 1.8 total respondents 2 440 100.0 source: questionnaire 2022. however, as per-mentioned earlier, the elements that lead to change have been gradually embedded through the process of modernization and in lieu with socioeconomic development as well as the presence of new values amidst the process of globalization. to examine this thesis, a cross-examination analysis was done in relation to the focus question for the respondents/voters, namely 'political party to be voted”. table 5 choice of political party according to respondent’s age party to be voted (issues) age universalism nationalism race local not sure total 21-40 409 43.9 145 15.6 150 16.1 132 14.2 96 10.3 932 100.0 41-55 471 43.1 189 17.3 165 15.1 154 14.1 115 10.5 1.094 100.0 56 + 156 42.3 42 11.4 69 18.7 33 8.9 69 18.7 369 100.0 overall 1,036 43.3 376 15.7 384 16.0 319 13.3 280 11.7 2.395 100.0 numbers in italics are percentages of the total source: questionnaire 2022. table 5 shows that political parties that fight for the issue of universality become the main choice with a uniform percentage for each age category. this reflects that universal issues have taken place in the political calculations of all age groups of voters in semporna. this study also shows that the political awareness and change in the political behavior of the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 363 bajau-semporna community is comprehensive, that is across the age group of 21 years and above. likewise, on the categories of men and women, this study once again shows that both groups, choose political parties that fight for the issue of universality as their preferred choice (table 6). among the reasons that contribute towards this change is the modern education system and the development of information telecommunications technology found in semporna itself. the question that arises is to what extent the issue of universality that is across age groups can be linked to the process of globalization? however, it has become clear to us that today's telecommunication technology is so advanced compared to two decades ago. universal values and aspirations that come with the globalization process have been accelerated by the current technological advancement and have 'captured' all corners of the region and district in semporna. the findings of this study also show that the issue of universality cuts across and transcends urban and rural strata. table 7 shows that overall, political parties that fight for the issue of universalism are the main choice (43.2%) followed by race issues (16.0%), nationalism (15.7%), and local/regional issues (13.4%). table 6 preferred political party based on sex group party to be voted (issues) age universalism nationalism race local not sure total male 742 42.6 282 16.2 252 14.5 277 15.9 189 10.8 1 742 100.0 female 296 44.7 95 14.4 133 20.1 46 6.9 92 13.9 662 100.0 total 1 036 43.2 377 15.7 385 16.0 323 13.4 281 11.7 2 404 110.0 numbers in italics are percentages of the total source: questionnaire 2022. table 7 preferred political party based on urban & rural status party to be voted (issues) status universalism nationalism race local not sure total urban 617 43.5 221 15.6 218 15.4 180 12.7 184 13.0 1 420 100.0 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 364 rural 421 42.8 156 15.9 167 17.0 143 14.5 97 9.9 984 100.0 total 1 038 43.2 377 15.7 385 16.0 323 13.4 281 11.7 2 404 110.0 numbers in italics are percentages of the total source: questionnaire 2022. however, one of the aspects that can be classified as an interesting finding is on the issue of nationalism. the findings show that there is no significant difference between urban and rural areas on the issue of nationalism, on the contrary, race issues and local/regional issues receive more attention in rural areas. this means that even though the issue of universality affects the voting pattern, there is a strong tendency outside the city (rural areas) that race and local issues are still dominance and as compare to the urban areas. in other words, the situation reflects the dialectical nature of the universalization process itself, in which the elements of universality also invite resistance from the local. what can be explained is that even though the current wave of universality rise rapidly with the spread of information and universal aspirations is fast contagious, reaching and permeating throughout semporna district, there is a belief, especially in the islanders of semporna, that the interests and integrity of the nation and the locality must be defended. however, it should be emphasized that with almost the same percentage of respondents who choose a party that fights for universal issues; the distinction between urban and rural has become fussy. a clear conclusion from the said data analysis is that educational level is aligned with universality issue (table 8). table 8 preferred political party based on education background party to be voted (issues) education universalism nationalism race local not sure total primary 235 38.8 71 11.7 99 16.4 119 19.7 81 13.4 605 100.0 secondary 607 44.6 239 17.5 224 16.4 163 12.0 129 9.5 1 362 100.0 university 169 56.1 56 18.6 37 12.3 22 7.3 17 5.6 301 100.0 unofficialy educated 26 20.0 11 8.5 24 18.5 16 12.3 53 40.8 130 100.0 total 1 037 43.2 377 15.7 384 16.0 320 13.3 280 11.7 2 398 100.0 numbers in italics are percentages of the total. source: questionnaire 2022 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 365 it is interesting to highlight that research on other issues also supports the above conclusions. in other words, level of education received by an individual will definitely change a person's behavior towards he/her traditional values or system. the evidence is clear in table 8, that strongly suggest and shows to us the symbiosis relation between level of education and the issue of universality, and vice-versa the issue of nationalism, which is also positively related to the level of education. the opposite situation occurs regarding race and local/regional issues. this finding indirectly supports the premise that underlies the discussion in this article that modernization and socioeconomic development bring changes in values, norms and consciousness from parochialism to universal consciousness. conclusion the discussion in this article attempts to establish the premises that semporna and its community members (bajau) are part of the malaysian social system as a whole. logically, whatever the development project taking place (be it from political, economic or social aspects) at the national and global level, it also affects the system, thinking, values and norms of semporna society. in this regard, the process of globalization has had a direct impact on the form and nature of semporna society's thinking—specifically "parochialism"—and led to the emergence of a form of political culture that contains thoughts and values that go beyond the limits of parochialism, namely universal consciousness. this universal awareness 'budded' and 'bloomed' in parallel with the formation of the middle class in semporna as a result of the modernization process especially through the rapid industrialization developed by the government. acknowledgement we would like to express our gratitude for the research funds provided both by national university of malaysia (ukm) and university malaysia sabah (ums) for making the study possible. references brown, d. e., & warren, j. f. (1983). the sulu zone 1768-1898: the dynamics of external trade, slavery, and ethnicity in the transformation of a southeast asian maritime state. man. https://doi.org/10.2307/2801806 chapter 13. kota marudu and keningau, sabah: personality, patronage and parochial politics. (2018). in electoral dynamics in malaysia. https://doi.org/10.1355/9789814519120-017 doolittle, a. a. (2001). “are they making fun of us?” the politics of development in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 366 sabah, malaysia. moussons. https://doi.org/10.4000/moussons.3454 hashim, i., abang let, a. m. e. s., wan mohdsalleh, s. m., & marzuki, m. (2012). esprit de corp/iqbaal hakim bin sariee@ sariai…[et. al.]. hossin, a. (2018). hubungan interpersonal sebagai pengukuhan jaringan sosial dalam kalangan komuniti bajau laut di semporna, sabah. jurnal komunikasi borneo (jkob). https://doi.org/10.51200/jkob.v0i0.1576 ismail, a. (2010). pembudayaan lepa dan sambulayang dalam kalangan suku kaum bajau di semporna , sabah , malaysia : satu penelitian semula. sosiohumanika. osman, m. n. m. (2017). a transitioning sabah in a changing malaysia. kajian malaysia. https://doi.org/10.21315/km2017.35.1.2 sather, c. (2001). bajau laut boat-building in semporna. techniques & culture. https://doi.org/10.4000/tc.288 whelan, f. g. (1970). a history of sabah. macmillan. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 210 strengthening indonesia's diplomacy in economic recovery and mitigating budget management in developing countries through the g20 dialogue forum hilmi rahman ibrahim international relations department faculty of social and political sciences, universitas nasional, jakarta hilmi.rahman@civitas.unas.ac.id abstraction : the g20's role as the main international economic forum is bolstered by developing countries' economic recovery agendas during the pandemic. indonesia's presidency of the g20 in 2022 will be a critical opportunity for the government to strengthen partnerships between developing and developed countries in delivering economic recovery and closing the global inequality gap. through indonesia's chairmanship approach and initiatives in making other developing countries more equal to developed countries, indonesia's role in delivering a productive, resilient, and equitable economic recovery reflects the benefits of the g20 forum by promoting cooperation and partnerships. indonesia's leadership in previous international forums, such as asem (asia-europe meeting), apec (asian-pacific economic cooperation), and the g7 (which later became the government twenty g20), has been demonstrated with extraordinary achievements. indonesia's dependability in international forums, as evidenced by its ability to engage in global and regional economic diplomacy by leveraging its strategic position in various international meetings, including encouraging domestic and foreign climate, demonstrates that indonesia can be a rake on developing countries' interests, particularly those related to financial issues, postcovid economic recovery and budget mitigation agendas, and the impact of economic stability. concerns about the russian-ukrainian conflict have reached a global level. keywords: diplomacy, economic recovery, budget mitigation, g.20 dialogue forum partnership submission : january, 17st 2022 revision : march 19th 2022 publication : may 28th 2022 mailto:hilmi.rahman@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 211 introduction through the concepts of geo-economy and geo-strategic, this paper focuses on strengthening indonesia's diplomacy by utilizing the chairmanship position as the presidency in the g20 forum. indonesia is expected to be able to develop and fight for the agenda of developing countries' interests in the post-covid 19 economic recoveries, as well as a shortand long-term impact on conflicts, based on its experience in various global and regional forums within the framework of economic and investment mulitilateral cooperation. russia and ukraine are two countries that share a border. indonesia's role in the g20 is crucial, especially since it has held the presidency of the group since december 2021. the intergovernmental forum, which was established in 1999, demonstrates that indonesia can be accepted by other g20 developed countries. this exclusive group serves as a prestigious international forum for indonesia to advocate for its national interests as well as the interests of other developing countries. indonesia can seize opportunities to symbolically strengthen international sympathy while also gaining the trust and solidity of other developing countries. it is expected that, under the leadership of the g20 presidency, it will increase its commitment and influence in international cooperation, as it did in various international forums from the 1960s to the 1990s. the g20 forum provides an opportunity and potential that is very strategic for indonesia's international interests, as well as for encouraging global partnerships that can fight for the interests of other developing countries. indonesia's strategic role as a developing country with relatively stable economic growth and development progress in a variety of sectors can serve as a driving force and a representative of developing countries. this position can be used to strengthen economic diplomacy based on equality and to improve economic access for other developing countries. as a g-20 member, indonesia can benefit from early access to information and knowledge about global economic developments and potential risks posed by other countries, particularly developed countries. based on this data, indonesia can develop the best and most appropriate economic policies as soon as possible, including developing other developing country ui forums. the struggle for indonesia's national interests through this forum is regarded as credible enough to yield results, as evidenced by the recognition of various international organizations and forums. the finance track agenda at the g20 meeting focused on two key issues: fiscal, monetary, investment, and infrastructure policies, financial regulation, financial inclusion, and international taxation. while the sherpa track group focuses on journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 212 current issues such as geopolitics, anti-corruption, development, trade, climate change, energy, and gender equality, indonesia's ability to propose several initiatives through the g20 forum has demonstrated its involvement. the global expenditure support fund (gesf) is a program that assists developing countries in securing their national budgets during difficult times. liquidity; the global infrastructure connectivity alliance (connectivity support through the same kerjasama and knowledge exchange, as well as the initiation of the inclusive digital economy accelerator (ideahub), which is an organization for the forum where unicorns from all g-20 countries gather to brainstorm ideas and information. literature review the teori realism approach proposed by william c. wohlforth in realism and foreign policy will be used in this paper (2012:35). this theory emphasizes the importance of fostering cooperation among sovereign states, including developing countries, in order to achieve global peace. this theory also emphasizes the importance of identity and group cohesion, which is better known as the concept of nationalism, where a nation's group can be built on the same interests based on real conditions in both the economic and political dimensions. this identity has been a driving force for indonesia in the fight for an economic recovery agenda and efforts to strengthen budget mitigation for developing countries at the g20 global forum, in order to avoid economic failures such as debt repayments, which are currently threatening several developing countries. method this research uses qualitative methods with narrative analysis, referring to case studies of some of indonesia's successes in multilateral cooperation forums, by collecting secondary data fromvarious other sources, both national and international journals and from official documents from governments, literature books as well as news sources that have strong evidence. result and discussion indonesia should be concerned about fiscal risks for developing countries, especially given its history as one of the developing countries with the best budget management practices. they can also serve as an institutional tool for enhancing g20 membership dialogue. indonesia needs to improve three things in order to strengthen its position as a developing country in the g20 forum: raising awareness among all stakeholders; increasing fiscal responsibility; and achieving journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 213 fiscal sustainability. with the launch of the debt service suspension initiative (dssi) and an increasing number of countries facing debt default, the imf predicts that debt restructuring will become more common in the future, necessitating more complex coordination among states due to the growing diversity of creditor landscape. bishop (2019) stated that people were unable to fully cope with the crisis that had befallen them, that capital stagnation, increasing inequality, and poverty are all problems that developing countries face. meanwhile, jessop (2016) stated that the momentum of the global crisis of 2008-2009, the agenda for post-covid 19 economic recoveries, and the russianukrainian war all require significant attention in the g20 financial agenda discussion forum in the context of developing country interests. even though the challenges and pressures facing indonesia with developed countries in the g20 the cost of membership is not insignificant, this agenda must be changed. it is necessary for some g20 members, which are industrialized countries with better economic performance, to maintain their leadership and performance as developed countries. at the g20, as in the neoliberal order, there is a strong commitment to multilateralism among member states and institutions who work together in a broader circle to support global economic governance while also considering the economic sustainability of other developing countries. indonesia's strategic chairmanship in the forum g 20th since the covid-19 pandemic hit the world, the global economy has decreased, as has the long-term impact of the russian and ukrainian wars, which have not shown any peaceful efforts, causing the estimated impact of the war to hit the world economy, both developed and developing countries. as a result, the sri lanka effect, which is a phenomenon of powerlessness in developing countries facing debt default, can also occur in other developing countries whose economic stability and recovery remain hampered. as a result, it should be one of the strategic forces that must be built and maintained in order to ensure the continuity of relations between developed and developing countries, in keeping with the spirit of international cooperation. the support of developed countries to developing countries in the form of policies to defer foreign debt to developing countries exemplifies this. during the covid-19 pandemic that has swept the globe, the g.20 has aided developing countries by deferring repayment of foreign debt and restructuring foreign debt owed to poor and developing countries in order to increase capacity in dealing with the pandemic while improving debt management capacity to support long-term economic recovery. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 214 international financial institutions support the initiative by facilitating the provision of trust funds to assist poor and developing countries. the forum will continue to promote concrete and transparent results from the indonesian presidency's legacy in terms of encouraging poor and developing countries to settle their debts through the adoption of a common framework. in line with this, the covid-19 pandemic has no effect on international trade or financial supply chains. to address this, indonesia's g20 presidency will discuss multi-currency in trade and financing, with the benefits and costs balanced. the g20 is also committed to strengthening the global financial safety net to help countries cope with global economic turmoil. according to the global financial report 2021, indonesia is the world's 6th most indebted developing country (list without china). indonesia, in particular, has a debt that grows every year. according to the report's table, indonesia had a foreign debt of usd 179.4 billion in 2009. in 2015, the amount was increased by usd 307.74 billion. the amount then increased to usd 318.94 billion in 2016. indonesia's debt increased from usd 353.56 billion in 2017 to usd 379.58 billion in 2018, and usd 402.08 billion in 2019. long-term debt accounted for the most debt in 2019, with a total value of usd 354.5 billion, the highest since 2009. meanwhile, short-term debt totaled usd 44.799 billion in 2019. brazil, india, russia, mexico, and turkey are the five countries with the highest foreign debt, followed by indonesia. the following are the debt positions of the ten low-medium countries with the highest debt, excluding china: 1. brazil usd 569.39 billion 2. india usd 560.03 billion 3. russia usd 490.72 billion 4. mexico us$ 469.72 billion 5. turkey usd 440.78 billion 6. indonesia usd 402.08 billion 7. argentina usd 279.30 billion 8. south africa usd 188.10 billion 9. thailand usd 180.23 billion 10. venezuela usd 168,704 billion the experience of indonesia, which faced a monetary crisis in 1997, has at least established best practices, indicating that debt settlement is not an easy task. "those serious problems and the various hurdles to successfully resolving the debt crisis are still ongoing," nicholas f brady said at the bretton woods committee's annual meeting on march 10, 1989, and the strategies in place must be strengthened. brady used the term "debt reduction" for the first time to encourage journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 215 commercial banks to work with debtor countries to develop broader alternatives to financial assistance, such as tougher efforts to achieve debt reduction and repayment reductions, as well as the provision of new loans toward greater creditworthiness, and a path back to the market for any creditor who needs debt reduction. brady went even further, urging the imf and the world bank to set aside funds for specific debt reduction plans, saying that "creditor governments should consider ways to reduce regulatory, reporting, or tax barriers to debt reduction."" "debt for nature swaps were first established in the 1980s in an attempt to solve two problems with one agreement: (1) minimize the negative impact of debt on developing countries; (2) minimize the environmental destruction that developing countries frequently cause." some examples of how debt-for-nature swaps have evolved in third world countries (hinsa siahaan, 2006)the experience of indonesia, which faced a monetary crisis in 1997, has at least established best practices, indicating that debt settlement is not an easy task. "those serious problems and the various hurdles to successfully resolving the debt crisis are still ongoing," nicholas f brady said at the bretton woods committee's annual meeting on march 10, 1989, and the strategies in place must be strengthened. brady used the term "debt reduction" for the first time to encourage commercial banks to work with debtor countries to develop broader alternatives to financial assistance, such as tougher efforts to achieve debt reduction and repayment reductions, as well as the provision of new loans toward greater creditworthiness, and a path back to the market for any creditor who needs debt reduction. brady went even further, recommending that the imf and the world bank set aside funds for specific debt reduction plans, stating that "creditor governments should consider ways to reduce regulatory, reporting, or tax barriers to debt reduction." "debt for nature swaps were first established in the 1980s in an attempt to solve two problems with one agreement: (1) minimize the negative impact of debt on developing countries; (2) minimize the environmental destruction that developing countries frequently cause." some examples of how debt-for-nature swaps have evolved in third world countries (hinsa siahaan, 2006): 1. ecuador. first in 1989. “world wildlife pioneered debt-for nature-swap and successfully executed its first swap in ecuador in 1989. since then, wwf has played a vital role in implementing debt-for-nature wap around the world.” 2. bolivia. given the size of indonesia’s foreign debt and the rate of forest destruction, “debt-for-nature swaps” seems an obvious solution. in these schemes, a portion of a nation’s public debt is bought by a third party at a substantial discount. the debt then is cancelled. the country promises to protect several l million hectares of forests in return. large conservation organizations like the us-based conservation international, rainforest alliance and wwf have journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 216 actively promoted such transactions. the first “debt for nature” swap took place in 1987 in bolivia. since then, similar deals have been done in twenty countries, including costa rica, ecuador, the philippines and madagascar (the ecologist may-june 1992). 3. panama. ambassador linda e. watt announced on april 8, 2003 that panama had qualified for a u.s. government debt-for-nature program that will make at least $5.6 million available to conserve the chagre national park. according to hinsa (2006), the government must undertake "a debt-fornature debt." the ministry of finance first inventoried all external debts, calculating their total value, maturity date, creditor country, and whether the creditor country's law justifies and allows "a debt-for-nature debt" or not. it does not justify the existence of "a debt for nature debt," as do the laws in japan. the decision to exchange third-world debt for only promises to protect the environment to the creditor country is likely to be rejected by the creditor country's parliament. the indonesian government, for example, has taken the following steps: cq the ministry of finance must prepare a negotiator (team of negotiators) to approach parliaments, such as the japanese parliament, to persuade japan to abolish or at the very least reduce indonesia's debt, which has been sufficiently repaid or exchanged for only the indonesian government's promise (commitment) to always preserve and maintain indonesia's natural environment. the negotiator team in this case took a unique approach to the issue of millennium development goals (mdg). swaps eliminate the need for the government to spend money to reduce the country's foreign debt. the money set aside to pay off the foreign debt can be used to purchase investment equipment. as a result, the government will allocate state revenues more flexibly to productive capital goods expenditures, which are expected to produce goods or services and create jobs that are critical to improving the indonesian people's long-term well-being. the policy mix towards carbon neutrality and net zero emissions includes joint efforts and collaborations, including in terms of mechanisms and incentives carbon pricing, while providing targeted support to achieving the goals of the united nations framework convention on climate change (unfccc) and the paris agreement, as well as implementing the commitments of the un climate change conference of the parties (cop26). to discuss related technical issues, the g20 finance track dialogue policy catalogue on macroeconomic and fiscal impacts related to climate change policy can be used. the green economy is discussed here for sustainable finance. as a result, the g20 encourages policy discussions or a policy mix aimed at achieving journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 217 carbon neutrality and net zero emissions by the paris agreement's deadline. mitigation policies for foreign capital flows and budget management there is a rule in a good international monetary policy structure that can maximize global trade flows, increase international investment, and global interdependence, as well as create a pattern of trade "benefits" distribution that is relatively evenly distributed among all parties or countries involved. three main criteria can be used to assess the quality of an international monetary system: first, there are adjustment criteria, which refer to the facilities, procedures, processes, or ease of correction mechanisms for each system's balance of payments imbalance. a good international monetary system must also be capable of minimizing costs and allowing for the necessary time for such adjustments. second, the liquidity criterion refers to a number of international reserve assets that can be used to address a variety of temporary balance-of-payments imbalances. based on these criteria, a good international monetary system is one that can freely use it to correct a balance of payments deficit or surplus without disrupting the domestic economy, which could lead to inflationary pressure on other countries. third, there are the criteria for trustworthiness. this criterion refers to how well the international community understands and trusts the mechanisms for adjusting and preparing international reserves in order to solve a system's various international payment issues. a global monetary system is good if the world community has enough faith in it, according to this criterion. in order for the system to be most beneficial to a country, it usually tries to align its national monetary system with an international monetary system that reflects the economic and political interests of major countries. under these circumstances, the international monetary system may become a battleground for countries vying for national interests. this phenomenon explains why international politics and the existence of an international monetary system are inextricably linked. the international monetary system has always been linked to the status of the international political order. countries with a disproportionate amount of power in international politics have long sought to influence the characteristics and rules of the international monetary system. on the other hand, the hegemonic state's economic and political strength will have a significant impact on the international monetary system's stability. (indrayani, 2014:4293; indrayani, 2014:4293; indrayani, 2014:42 meanwhile, according to international political analysis published in the compass on march 22, 2022, russia's invasion of ukraine has harmed the global economy's journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 218 performance. because russia is one of the world's largest producers and exporters of fossil fuels, there will be at least three broad influences and impacts on the security situation in the former union country, including: rising commodity prices, followed by rising oil and gas prices due to supply concerns. rising oil prices have prompted governments around the world to take steps to help their citizens overcome financial difficulties. similarly, because ukraine is one of the countries that produces a lot of major parts, the price of increasing supporting materials in developed countries such as nickel and aluminum, which directly affects the automotive industry's supply chain, faces a problem. the food threat, according to un secretary-general ban ki-moon, could have far-reaching consequences, including hunger and the destruction of the global food system. russia and ukraine are two of the world's most important food barn production centers, accounting for 30% of global wheat exports. cereals, vegetables, and cooking oil have all seen significant price increases. according to the un, the impact of the russia-ukraine conflict is expected to increase the number of malnourished people by 8 to 13 million by 2022, according to a review of the world food organization and agriculture report. similarly, the russia-ukraine conflict shook the stock market, causing volatility in the russian market by putting the country at risk of default for the first time in decades. the economy is expected to slow down. as a result, the russian-ukrainian conflict has hampered global economic recovery following the covid-19 pandemic. according to the oecd and the international monetary fund, the conflict could result in a 1% drop in global economic growth in 2022. putting foreign policy into action the theory of foreign policy is at the intersection of the domestic and international aspects of a country's life, according to henry kissinger, "foreign policy begins when domestic policy ends." the indonesian presidency can carry out a foreign policy with strategies or actions in making policies to achieve specific national goals in the terminology of national interest, with the goal of achieving bilateral, trilateral, regional, and multilateral cooperation, so that indonesia can play a free and active foreign policy as a mediator for russia and the united states to gain a national interest. indonesia, as a country with an active free foreign policy, must be consistent in cooperating freely with any country and not siding with one of the blocs. this is in accordance with article 3 of law no. 37 of 1999, which states that "free to be active" refers to a foreign policy that is not essentially neutral, but rather one that is free to determine attitudes and wisdom toward international issues and is not bound a priori to one world power. as a result, indonesia does not ally with or support any country. in addition, indonesia actively contributes to the realization of a world order based on independence, lasting peace, and social justice, both journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 219 through thought and active participation in resolving conflicts, disputes, and other global problems. this consistency also explains why indonesia voted in favor of two resolutions at the united nations (un) general assembly. this demonstrates that indonesia voted yes on the march 2, 2022 resolution of aggression against ukraine and the march 24, 2022 resolution of humanitarian consequences of the aggression against ukraine. it is untrue that russia has invaded ukraine. however, many parties, including russia, the west, and ukraine's leaders, are to blame for the war that has claimed so many lives. "one of the parties, russia, is the one most responsible for the attack. however, it turns out that many other parties, including ukraine and its leaders, were also involved in the conflict." in response to evi's viewpoint, "ukraine, nato members, and the united states gave russian president vladimir putin the justification he needed to carry out the attack. as a result, the international system must be capable of preventing major countries like russia and the united states from launching attacks. as a result, a more transparent global security system or global architecture is required, so that war-mongers do not use it as an excuse to justify their actions, both in terms of their own security and global stability." (fisip user interface webinar, 2022) russia's decision to pursue a military strategy in ukraine had a significant impact. there was speculation at the g20 forum that the leaders of western countries did not want to sit at the same table with putin. if russia succeeds in conquering ukraine in the coming weeks or months, the russian-western rivalry will intensify. even if ukraine is peaceful, the conflict between the west and russia will persist because it has evolved into a strategic and systemic conflict. meanwhile, at the 2022 us-asean summit in washington, indonesian secretary of state susilo bambang yudhoyono explained to secretary of state antony blinken indonesia's position that it believes in "respecting a country's territorial integrity and sovereignty over another. we want to see the war in ukraine come to an end as soon as possible, and we want to see a peaceful solution prevail." (2022, beritasatu) indonesia must also maintain close ties with the g20's middle powers, namely south africa, south korea, saudi arabia, turkey, australia, brazil, argentina, mexico, and china, which make up the g20's largest informal groups. the g2 presidency and indonesian diplomacy0 due to the conflict in russia-ukraine, global economic growth will slow. according to one, a poverty alleviation organization, the impact of the russian-ukrainian conflict is expected to result in 30 countries potentially facing debt defaults, 23 of which are on the african continent. currently, 59 percent of african countries that are considered bankrupt or at high risk have difficulty paying debt. according to a report released by the international monetary fund (imf) in april journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 220 2022, state lending has increased from 28 percent to 256 percent of gdp, with the government sector accounting for about half of the increase and non-financial companies and households accounting for the rest. meanwhile, public debt accounts for 40% of global gdp, the highest level in six decades. if the above projections come true, it is estimated that 20 billion people around the world will be at risk of falling into extreme poverty. if the 16 countries most at risk of defaulting on their debts default in 2022, they will have a debt of 64 million us dollars. as a result, the suspension of g20 debt services must be a source of strength for indonesia in its fight for developing countries. even though the dssi program is no longer active, indonesia's position in the debt management sector can be strengthened through g20 dialogue cooperation. as the g20 presidency, indonesia must encourage and lead global action by calling for a collective agenda for peace and saving people from the effects of war through the g20. the indonesian government, through the g20, must prevent the deepest human collapse into extreme poverty and suffering. the covid-19 pandemic, which has ravaged the world in the last two years, has depleted many developing country reserve funds, necessitating the creation of savings schemes and global policies to mitigate the threat of economic crises and debt defaults, as well as rising extreme poverty, which continues to be a shadow of global threats. this is where the indonesian government's role as g20 chairmanship and presence needs to be pursued and voiced. conclusion indonesia's strategic position as one of the well-calculated developing countries with experience in various global forum cooperation based on geoeconomic and geopolitical approaches is very likely to voice and fight for the recovery agenda and saving the economy and finance of developing countries, particularly in the context of economic and financial resilience both in the context of economic recovery after covid 19, as well as short-term and long-term impacts on the russian and ukrainian wars. indonesia's real geopolitical and geoeconomic strength as a result of geopolitical trends and national strength, which includes an agenda of economic strengthening through the g20 forum. indonesia's affirmation of developing countries in the g20 forum cannot be achieved alone; it is necessary to invite india and arab countries that share a common asian spirit and a strong sense of nationalism to join the g20 forum as developing countries and to strengthen the agenda of developing countries' economic interests. as a result, indonesia's position must be strengthened through increased support as part of an effort to strengthen developing countries' economies through the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 221 chairmanship position of indonesia's ideas in the g20 forum, through the formulation of a cooperation platform with a heavy focus on policy integration and security, and through the spirit of cooperation among developing countries in the g20 forum. references badan keahlian dpr-ri, (2020) jurnal apbn, menakar potensi risiki pembiayaan utang cindy larasati, (2017), peran indonesia di g20: peluang dan tantangan , jurnal hubungan internasional, upn jakarta https://indonesia.go.id/g20/kategori/kabar-terkini-g20/4301/ini-enam-isuprioritas-utama-yang-dibahas-di-fmcbg-meeting?lang=1 indrayani, irma, (2014 )international monetary fund (imf) dan penanggulangan krisis moneter di indonesia, jurnal ilmu budaya vol 38/38kascsis : germany – indonesia strategic dialogue: road to indonesia’sg20 presidency, 2021, csis kementerian keuangan, (2018), analis risiko fiskal dalam nota keuangan 2018, jakarta laporan akhir, kementerian perdagangan r.i, 2020, analisisi pemanfaatan presidensi g20 indonesia pada tahun 2023 di sektor perdagangan, jakarta nugroho riant, dr, (2021), foreign policy: menuju kebijakan luar negeri level 4, jakarta, kompas gramedia siahaan, hinsa, analisis a debt for nature swap sebagai alternatif mengurangi utang indonesia pada luar negeri, 2006, journal the winners, vol. 7 no. 1 siaran pers bersama bank indonesia-kementerian keuangan usai pertemuan tingkat menteri keuangan dan gubernur bank sentral negara g20 pada jumat (18/2/2022). susanto ab. (2021), diplomasi ekonomi: untuk meningkatkan daya saing bangsa, jakarta, kompas gramedia wihana kirana jaya, (2021): ekonomi kelembagaan,jakarta, kompas gramedia wiwik rukmi dwi astuti, (2020) diplomasi ekonomi indonesia didalam rezim ekonomi g20 pada masa pemerintahan joko widodo, jurnal hubungan internasional, upn jakarta journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 93 corruption sociology ‘ mohammad roesli faculty of law universitas merdeka,surabaya, indonesia, email: roesli.unmer@gmail.com abstract: corruption shows a serious challenge to development. in the world of politics, corruption complicates democracy and good governance by destroying the formal process. corruption in elections and in the legislature reduces accountability and representation in policy making; corruption in the court system stops law order; and corruption in public government results in an imbalance in community service. in general, corruption erodes the institutional capacity of the government, due to the neglect of procedures, suctioning of resources, and officials appointed or elevated positions not because of achievement. at the same time, corruption complicates the legitimacy of government and democratic values such as trust and tolerance. it takes the existence of local wisdom and religious values to minimize corruption. keyword : corruption, sociology, universal social problems submission : feb, 08th 2020 revision : april 07th 2020 publication : may 30th 2020 introduction anyone who tries to conduct a sociological analysis of corruption, will inevitably be confronted with a methodological problem(heidenheimer, 1978). recognized and commonly applied methods of social research such as interviews, questionnaires and statistical analysis cannot be applied here as long as corruption is seen as a dishonest transaction. what most sociologists can do is observe the phenomenon and its effects and gather as much confidential information as possible. even disclosure of corruption in general, as can lead to the collapse of a regime, does not reveal as much as it should(joseph et al., 2016). sociologists who study the phenomenon of corruption must really know history, culture, language, and things from at least one complex and rich example that enables it to develop data and test its hypotheses. without this background knowledge, it is almost impossible to propose useful insights beyond what is already known to the public. likewise, without a continual observation of the phenomenon, it is almost impossible to examine the validity of certain generalizations about the meaning and function of corruption(sater, 2009; mailto:roesli.unmer@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 94 sivakumar, 2014; villaroman (3rd edition) (february 15, 2010). n. villaroman, laws and jurisprudence on graft and corruption, 3rd edition, , 2010. available at ssrn:, 2001). literature review definition of corruption according to kbbi (kamus besar bahasa indonesia) corruption is the misappropriation or misuse of state money (companies, etc.) for personal or other people's benefit(kebudayaan, 2016). definition of corruption according to experts syed hussein alatas, "the core of corruption is the abuse of trust for personal gain". syed hussein atalas said that there are three phenomena covered by the term corruption, namely bribery, extortion and nepotism(khondker, 2006). these three things are not the same but there is a common thread that connects the three types, namely the placement of public interests under personal goals with violations of norms of duty and prosperity, which are accompanied by confidentiality, betrayal, deception and cruel neglect of each consequence suffered by the public. 1. robert c. brooks, the formulation of corruption proposed by brooks is "deliberately making a mistake or neglecting a task known as an obligation, or without the right to use power with the aim of gaining a more or less personal advantage"(brooks, 1909). 2. transparency international, "corruption is embracing the behavior of officials in the public sector, whether politicians or public servants, where they improperly and unlawfully enrich themselves or other parties close to them, by abusing the publi c authority entrusted to them"(transparency international, 2010a, 2010b, 2013). understanding the sociological, basically corruption is formed by the behavior of crimes relating to the administration of public services and work relationships that bring financial resources. corruption occurs through weaknesses in the bureaucratic system of public administration and weaknesses of the control system in work relationships that bring financial resources by utilizing certain situations of the country's growth cycle, the development of social systems and the harmony of government structures. the meaning of corruption between previous and present studies on corruption in asia, no continuous development of theory and analysis was found. moreover, the sociology of corruption in general has received relatively little attention from social science experts. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 95 in some instances, many works on corruption do not try to do conceptual or causal analysis. nor did they try to clarify the types and degree of corruption. before we proceed further, we must explain the term corruption. "according to the general use of the term 'corruption' officials, we call it corrupt if a public servant receives a gift offered by a private party with the intention of influencing to pay special attention to the interests of the giver(ehrlich & francis, 1999; isaksson & kotsadam, 2018; pellegrini & gerlagh, 2004; persson et al., 2010). sometimes the act of offering such a gift or another tempting gift is also included in the concept. extortion, ie requests for gifts or gifts in the performance of public duties, can also be seen as 'corruption'. in fact, the term backward also applies to officials who use the public funds that they manage for their own benefit; in other words, those who are guilty of embezzlement above the price paid by the public ". another phenomenon that can be seen as corruption is the appointment of relatives, friends or political associates in public positions regardless of their services or consequences for public welfare. we call this nepotism(jaskiewicz et al., 2013; robertson-snape, 1999; wenneras & wold, 1997). characteristics of corruption syed hussein alatas in his book "corruption sociology (an exploration with contemporary data)", wrote down the characteristics of corruption as follows(khondker, 2006): 1. corruption always involves more than one person; 2. corruption generally involves secrecy, except where it is so rampant and deeply ingrained that ruling individuals or those in their cover are not tempted to hide their actions. but even so, the motive for corruption is kept confidential; 3. corruption involves elements of mutual obligations and benefits. obligations or benefits are not always in the form of money; 4. those who practice methods of corruption usually try to cover up their actions by taking cover behind legal justification; 5. those involved in corruption are those who want decisive decisions and those who are able to influence those decisions; 6. every act of corruption contains fraud, usually with a public body or the general public; 7. every form of corruption is a betrayal of trust; 8. every form of corruption involves a contradictory dual function of those who carry out the act; 9. an act of corruption violates the norms of duty and responsibility in the public order. based on intentional intentions to place the public interest under special interests. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 96 the role and effects of corruption in the underdeveloped countries of asia and africa depictions of corruption are not intended to provide an assessment. terms such as "betrayal", "fraud" and "lawlessness" are used as neutral notions, without punishing whether such acts are good or bad for the community concerned. it is generally acknowledged that corruption is an age-old problem of all human societies, except for very primitive to varying degrees, which is infected by corruption. it has been rightly stated that the survival and development of a political, social, cultural or economic order does not need to be wasted or impeded by mere outbreaks of corruption. some observers go further and acknowledge that in some instances corruption has helped to improve economic development and efficiency. now in developing countries, bureaucratic corruption is also seen as rampant, or as close as it takes place (as) in the form of traditional gifts to those who hold positions or hold certain powers. in some regions, delays in administrative adjustments and the perpetuation of old (previous) views have exacerbated the problem of corruption. the patrimonial bureaucratic substructure still influences other parts of society, while traditional family ties continue to clash with modern concepts of morality on public matters. even in 1957 in several government offices in west sumatra, it was observed that there was one particular office where all the employees were members of the same family group; namely the head office's family. and while traditional gift giving can be distinguished from bribes of money, it is very clear that from the perspective of the giver someone has taken refuge in someone else, so even though the practice has a new meaning. corruption function theoretically (syed hussein alatas formulation), "not all acts that benefit officials above the price of the people's losses are corrupt, if not necessarily the term will include all tax collection by an absolute monarchy to provide the luxury that is used in the royal family. , all the costs and payments paid by peasant slaves to their landlords, all the sacrifices and gifts shown to the priestly class in theocracy. actions that are indeed illegal and benefit officials are clearly corrupt. but neither the question of formal legality nor the question of the patience of the masses is an essential question of the concept. where time is the best morality of opinion and politics, which assesses the intent and framework of the act, views an act as a public sacrifice for its personal gain, it must be viewed as corrupt ”. syed hussein alatas cites conclusions about the meaning of corruption, "the losses caused by corruption far exceed the amount of individual profit that comes from it, because bribes journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 97 actually damage the entire economic system. important decisions are made with ulterior motives and anti-social regardless of the consequences on society ". broadly speaking, we can distinguish corruption into the following three stages: 1. the stage in which corruption is relatively limited, without affecting the broad areas of social life. 2. the second stage is the stage where corruption has run rampant and penetrates all life. 3. the third stage of corruption is when corruption destroys itself which destroys community buildings(aidt, 2009; fisman & miguel, 2007; mo, 2001; wei, 2000; you & khagram, 2005). it was also stated that corruption could act as a fence against bad wisdom. even if the government of a developing country actively and cleverly promotes growth, there is no guarantee that to achieve its objectives its policies will be well understood. as a result, he could take a strong step in the wrong direction. corruption can reduce losses from such mistakes, because while the government is carrying out a policy, entrepreneurs with their sabotage carry out other policies. like all insurance, it costs money if government policy is correct. many countries in asia and africa have experiences in concocting corruption, inefficiency, and poor planning. as far as national development is concerned, improvements occur among all these slumps(morse & morse, 2019). suggesting obtaining or stimulating corruption will impede development. but the inevitable corruption may be in the context of certain actions. the need to overcome bureaucratic obstacles and a large number of similar regulations noted by weiner, does not imply a positive function of corruption. it must be seen as an extension of corruption because to a certain extent, corruption helps to increase rules and massive delays, and lighthouse projects that will benefit the winners of corrupt powers. we must also remember that an administration's inability to apply efficiently, the number of regulations increased, partly due to corruption. while administrative slowness in the reverse implementation also contributes to the corruption mentioned in the examples of weiner and others. in many developing countries, we can pay attention to the simultaneous occurrence of three trends, namely the expansion of civil service, improved governance, and the decline in reserve income. all three at a certain level can be determined by the need to carry out development projects. however, it was already in the initial stages even before the projects were declared and approved, corruption had spread in a form that affected income, with or not multiplied rules. from whatever angle we see it, it does not contribute positively to development, because some government funds are constantly being drained for negative purposes. in the last description, the function of corruption can be compared to an illness; journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 98 (which) if controlled properly (will have an impact) is less dangerous, if not precisely (will) turn off. causes of corruption corruption occurs due to the following factors: 1. absence or weakness of leadership in key positions capable of inspiring and influencing behavior that tames corruption; 2. weaknesses in religious and ethical teachings; 3. colonialism; 4. lack of education; 5. poverty; 6. lack of legal action; 7. scarcity of a fertile environment for anti-corruption behavior; 8. government structure; 9. radical change; 10. state of society(tanzi, 1998; treisman, 2000). an expression of forms of corruption shows that corruption, like parasitic plants, will spread to meet every suitable environment that provides for its needs, and the most obvious giftgiving habit is among the enabling environments. gift giving is a major indirect cause of the growth of corruption in developing regions. gift giving is a common practice, that there is no meaningful causal relationship between gift giving and (with) corruption. it appears that gift giving was part of the colonial administration, but the phenomenon had a sharp difference from corruption: 1. it does not have to be confidential; 2. it is not a violation of duties or public rights; 3. it is a form of revenue where the government benefits; 4. it is not embezzlement of government funds or public blackmail. it is not difficult to imagine how corruption is pervasive, but we must examine the meaning of gift giving as a source of arbitrariness in the causal network of corruption given the fact that many other practices agreed upon by the community have been plagued by corruption. in a society dominated by a corrupt regime, every traditional institution that can be misused will undoubtedly be invaded by corruption, especially by the type of extortion. the most important factor in the dynamics of corruption is the moral and intellectual circumstances of community leaders. the moral and intellectual circumstances of the leaders become decisive and important in the configuration of other conditions. here, what journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 99 is important for us is to determine the pattern of relationships between the various factors that constitute corruption, and get the position and function of leadership into that pattern. given the government's influence on the spread of corruption, the following factors clearly help: 1. when the government allows large contract contacts containing conditions that can benefit the contractors; 2. when the government collects very large taxes and therefore offers the temptation of bribes in return for tax deductions; 3. when it sets tariffs for certain industries such as railroad, electricity and gas, as well as a large number of commodity prices, this encourages dominant companies to try to control tariffs and prices; 4. when the government uses power to choose who can enter an industry; 5. when he provides loans or tax exemptions for factories or equipment for a short period; 6. when he has the power to allocate raw materials; 7. when government subsidies are paid, both openly and quietly. corruption prevention we can note the following conditions which tame corruption, even though we cannot eradicate them: 1. a positive attachment to governance and spiritual involvement in the task of national and bureaucratic progress; 2. efficient administration and (more) appropriate structural adjustments of government machinery and rules so as to avoid creating sources of corruption; 3. favorable historical and sociological conditions; 4. the functioning of an anti-corruption value system; 5. influential group leadership with high moral and intellectual standards; 6. an educated public with sufficient intelligence to assess and follow the behavior of events. conclusion the vanguard of the opponents of corruption are people imbued with idealism, courage, deep hatred of injustice, a critical attitude to the existing order, optimism in success, and confidence in the ability of reasoning and justice. changes in historical and sociological contexts that minimize corruption can be translated into a living force only if there are effective and influential individuals to act as catalyst agents. because of the lag of such groups, corruption will clearly flourish. how to guarantee a steady supply of these individuals for society and to provide facilities for their emergence in vital positions is always a vital journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 100 problem. sociological and political studies of leadership, although bearing fruit in other aspects are not enough to investigate the area of corruption within the ruling groups. individuals inspired by honesty motives will be very different for a country if a small number of brave, efficient, and honest individuals occupy positions of power. especially if the country is in a situation prone to massive corruption, and if a strong, real and aggressive public opinion against corruption has not yet been crystallized.. references aidt, t. s. (2009). corruption, institutions, and economic development. oxford review of economic policy. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxrep/grp012 brooks, r. c. (1909). the nature of political corruption. political science quarterly. https://doi.org/10.2307/2141078 ehrlich, i., & francis, t. l. (1999). bureaucratic corruption and endogenous economic growth. journal of political economy. https://doi.org/10.1086/250111 fisman, r., & miguel, e. (2007). corruption, norms, and legal enforcement: evidence from diplomatic parking tickets. journal of political economy. https://doi.org/10.1086/527495 heidenheimer, a. j. (1978). political corruption : readings in comparative analysis. in political science : international studies. isaksson, a. s., & kotsadam, a. (2018). chinese aid and local corruption. journal of public economics. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2018.01.002 jaskiewicz, p., uhlenbruck, k., balkin, d. b., & reay, t. 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(1998). corruption around the world: causes, consequences, scope, and cures. imf staff papers. https://doi.org/10.5089/9781451848397.001 transparency international. (2010a). corruption perceptions iindex 2010. iraq. transparency international. (2010b). preventing corruption in humanitarian operations. handbook of good practices. transparency international. (2013). global corruption barometer 2010. in beyond gdp. https://doi.org/isbn: 978-3-935711-64-7 treisman, d. (2000). the causes of corruption: a cross-national study. journal of public economics. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0047-2727(99)00092-4 villaroman (3rd edition) (february 15, 2010). n. villaroman, laws and jurisprudence on graft and corruption, 3rd edition, , 2010. available at ssrn:, n. g. (2001). laws and jurisprudence on graft and corruption . in third edition. wei, s. j. (2000). how taxing is corruption on international investors? review of economics and statistics. https://doi.org/10.1162/003465300558533 wenneras, c., & wold, a. (1997). nepotism and sexism in peer-review. in nature. https://doi.org/10.1038/387341a0 you, j. s., & khagram, s. (2005). a comparative study of inequality and corruption. american sociological review. https://doi.org/10.1177/000312240507000309 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 401 community-based water resource management in maladuk village klamono and klasafet district, sorong west papua indonesia hariyanto1, panji b surata azis 1, nonon saribanon2* 1pt pertamina ep regional indonesia timur zona 14, 2school of graduate studies universitas nasional *nonon.saribanon@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: citizens of maladuk village only use the water from the klasafet’s river for their daily needs. however, the river is not suitable for hygiene and health standards. as a solution and corresponding with corporate social responsibility, the csr program from pt pertamina ep papua field in collaboration with the ministry of pupr succeeded in improving the water quality of the klasafet’s river through the communal biosand water filter innovation. this tool helps the maladuk community obtain water that can be used for bathing, washing, latrines, and industrial needs. with the filtering method, raw water from the river can be processed up to 59,000 liters/day to be clearer. up to now, the beneficiaries of clean water from the klasafe’s river have reached 1,808 families or around 6,000, people. keywords: community development, institutional capacity building, biosand water filter submission : august, 13rd 2022 revision : september 24th 2022 publication : november 30th 2022 introduction based on law no. 40 of 2007, every company that is a legal entity is required to carry out corporate social responsibility. pt pertamina ep papua field as one of the state companies participates in carrying out social responsibility, especially for the community around the company pt pertamina ep papua field has implemented social responsibility programs in the ring i area which include infrastructure, capacity building, charity, and community empowerment. the empowerment program is one of the efforts that can be done to overcome poverty and help improve community welfare based on the potential that exists in the community around. the social and environmental responsibility program in the field of community empowerment is quite important because the empowerment program emphasizes the active participation of the community to improve their welfare and independence. thus, the company should participate in poverty reduction efforts through corporate social responsibility (csr) activities. mailto:nonon.saribanon@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 402 pt pertamina ep papua field has proven its commitment to the implementation of csr programs whose main base is community empowerment and environmental sustainability. one of the ongoing programs is the community empowerment-based clean water facility improvement program in the klasafet district. this program starts in 2021 in maladuk village, klasafet district. the benefits are felt by the community both economically and socially and in the environment . method the method of the study uses the semi participatory rural appraisal (pra) approach, wherein the implementation of the program most of the emphasis is on community involvement. the study of the impact program using a qualitative approach, through fgds and in-depth interviews, also observation in the field, and desk study on secondary data (iswanto, 2021). the location of the research are in klamono and klasafet districts, sorong, west papua province, as seen below. source: klamono district government data (2020) the map above is the boundaries of the villages in the klasafet district. maladuk village has an area of 89.264 hectares, with a population of 158 people and 45 families. result and discussion west papua province is one of the concerns by the central government in efforts to achieve 100% clean water (usman, 2018). this is in line with the 2019 west papua province in figures book which states that the population is spread out in every district with physiography ranging from coastal to mountainous areas show that they do not have access to clean water, which one is the klasafet district. therefore, the majority of klasafet district people still use groundwater such as dug well water, during the rainy journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 403 season they use rainwater storage and consume it and during the dry season, people buy clean water for rp. 3,240,000/year (usman, 2018). the klasafet river is one of the water resources for the people of the klasafet district, so it greatly affects the lives of the people of the maladuk village. the klasafet river water is used directly by the community for daily needs such as washing clothes, bathing, and washing toilets even consumed. based on a study from pt sky pacific indonesia in 2022, following the quality standard of pp no. 22 of 2021, regarding the implementation of environmental protection and management, the klasafet river has a total suspended solids parameter (tss) of 14 mg/l with a quality standard of 100 mg/l. this indicates that the klasafet’s river has a low level of turbidity factor so the tss value is still below the quality standard and the klasafet river has tidal currents every 6 hours. with this level of turbidity, the community continues to use the klasafet river water directly so that many people in maladuk village are affected by diseases such as diarrhea, skin diseases, and intestinal worms. to overcome these problems, pt pertamina ep papua field collaborates with the ministry of public works for people's works (pupr) to improve clean water facilities based on community empowerment, trying to meet the needs of clean and healthy water. creating an innovation that was first implemented in sorong regency, west papua province in the form of a communal biosand water filter (kartitiani, 2021). the tool was created to answer the needs and overcome the problems of the people of the klasafet district, namely the availability of clean water that is suitable for use by being able to manage raw water as much as 59,000 liters/day. in this program, there is a core competency or knowledge transfer from the company through the reliability, availability, and maintenance (ram) function in applying a filtering method that utilizes river water that is more environmentally friendly with the communal biosand water filter. purpose and program objectives include: (1) improving public health levels in the klasafet district, (2) increasing clean water services in the klasafet district, (3) fulfill the needs of clean water, (4) making a pilot for clean water independence in the klasafet district, ( 5) obtain a license to operate from the ring 1 company community. program strategy to realize this, the following strategies are needed in program implementation: social mapping needs assesment strategic plan and year plan implement ation monitoring and evaluation journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 404 the program strategic plan 2020 initiation 2021 development 2022 stabilization 2023 reinforcement 2024 autonomy • social mapping & need assessment • socialization of communitybased development program • institutional formation • survey of watershed points to be used as raw water sources • accompaniment • institutional capacity building • making clean water treatment facilities with the innovation of communal bio-sand water filters • raw water capacity • creating a water distribution system • expansion of the water distribution system • replication of activities in other districts • exit program: 100% of the people of klasafet district have access to clean water program execution and implementation are: foccus group discussion joint survey of watershed points facilities and infrastructure institutional and training inovation • socialization of the clean water program work plan in the klasafet district • preparation of 5year strategic plan and annual plan together with klasafet district and maladuk village • determination of watershed points that will be used as raw water sources in the klasafet river. • determination the location of the processing equipment for raw water sources into clean water within 12 meters from the watershed point • preparation of clean water treatment facilities in the form of 2 units of raw water storage tanks, 6 bio-sand water filters, 1 unit of clean water storage tanks, and 1 clean water distribution tank. • installation of distribution networks to 1,770 households • create the workflows for • establishment of a clean water management institution. a total of 10 people • establishment of a village-owned business entity (bumkam) as a forum for the village business unit. a total of 21 people • training about clean water treatment and equipment maintenance which was attended by 10 people • the design of communal biosand water filter tube design is made of frp (fiberglass reinforced platic) with a diameter of 10 inches, with a length of 1.25 meters. the composition of the filter media consists of 25 cm thick manganese, 25 cm thick charcoal, 15 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 405 foccus group discussion joint survey of watershed points facilities and infrastructure institutional and training inovation the processing and distribution of clean water • training on measuring acid levels in the water which was attended by 10 people cm thick sand, and 10 cm thick gravel stone. a total of 6 units can manage 59,000 liters of raw water/per day discussion the results and impacts occured during program implementation are divided into 4 points including: • impacts on the environment: (1) controlling the use of groundwater by 64,605 m2 in 2021, (2) reducing water pollution by 51,586 m3/year, (3) changes in water ph from 8.9 to 8.1 and turbidity by 410 mg/year l to 104 mg/l. • economic impact: (1) cost savings (efficiency) in purchasing clean water by rp. 3,240,000/year to rp. 600,000/year, (2) an increase in the income of the people of klasafet district by rp. 31,000,000/year to rp. 37,800. 000/year, (3) bumdes income from rp. 5,960,000/year to rp. 11,920,000. • impacts on community welfare: (1) changes in people's behavior that previously did not care about clean rivers, now understand the importance of protecting rivers as raw sources, (2) reducing unemployment by 5 people, (3) forming community groups managing clean water under bumdes klasafet with 5 members. • impact on the social life of the community: (1) bundes members who manage clean water have increased from 3 to 5 people, (2) beneficiaries are 50 families, (3) ikm with an index value of 3.3 in the very good category, (3) the first to use a communal water filter system in sorong regency, (4) sroi with a value of 12.64. the financial value of the program outcome is idr 5,567,657,163 and the financial value of the income program is idr 440,400,000. the elements of novelty and uniqueness (innovation) of the program are: the novelty element in this innovation is: this is the the only innovation on river water management by applying the river water filtering method with the communal bio-sand water filter system (redesign system)(malik, 2021). the application of this system has changed the way river water is used by filtering it in an environmentally friendly manner with the reduction of water pollution. the clean water treatment system using a communal bio-sand water filter is a modification in overcoming water quality problems. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 406 from this innovation, the people of maladuk village, klasafet district, depend on river water directly which has a cloudy color, now it can be filtered with this device so that it becomes clearer and fit for consumption (bakri et al., 2020). one communal bio-sand water filter device is capable of processing 59,000 liters of raw water/day that is not suitable for consumption to be filtered to be suitable for consumption, then the water is channeled into a holding tank with a capacity of 168,000 m3 before being distributed and this tool can reduce the level of ph, ph river before being filtered by 8.9 to 8.1. figure 1 mechanism of clean water flow the design of the river water filter tube is made of frp (fiberglass reinforced plastic) with a diameter of 10 inches and a length of 1.25 meters. the composition of the filter media consists of; (1) manganese 25cm thick, (2) activated carbon 25cm thick, (3) silica sand 15cm thick, and (4) gravel stone 10cm thick. village owned enterprises (bumdes) klasafet the clean water facility improvement program has a community empowerment base, the manager of this program is the klasafet bumdes which has been legalized by the klasafet district head under law no. 23 of 2004 on regional government. the members include; chairman : markus kondologit exchequer : spenyer momot members : dodi : yuliana kowa : yohannes the achievement of the sustainability development goals (sdgs) from the empowered peri program is 2 points, namely; description: = klasafet river = pump = chlorinator = fiber = torren = end torren = filter tube = water flow journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 407 1. point 6 (clean water and adequate sanitation): ensure the availability and sustainable management of clean water and sanitation for all. 2. point 11 (sustainable cities and human settlements): build inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable settlements. existence of springs and origin of water sources for drinking, bathing, and washing by village/output in klasafet district, 2019 villages water springs existence source for drink for bath/wash maladuk no rainwater draw well klamono olie no rainwater drilling well/pump baros yes, not managed rainwater draw well tiligum no rainwater draw well kwawlibe no rainwater draw well source: bps sorong regency klasafet district geographical location and boundary, 2019 • north : distrik klamono • south : distrik bangun • east : distrik sayosa, konhir dan bangun • west : distrik malabotom source: bps sorong regency regional topography by village/kelurahan in klasafet district, 2019 villages topografi wilayah downhill top plain maladuk ● klamono olie ● baros ● tiligum ● kwawlibe ● source: bps sorong regency journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 408 pt pertamina papua field in carrying out community empowerment obligations through the peri berdaya program (improvement of clean water facilities based on community empowerment) in klamono district and klasafet district (malik, 2021). this program utilizes raw water sources from the klasafet river watershed (das), with management using a water treatment plant system which was initiated in 2018. the peri berdaya program is currently showing significant development with an increase in the number of beneficiaries and bumkam income. in addition, a new institution was formed, namely the banana and guava farmer group. in the program to improve clean water facilities based on community empowerment in the klamono district and klasafet district, there are 5 indicators, such as environmental, and social problems, the number of beneficiaries, the amount of increased income, and the number of new institutions formed (wahyudin, 2004). pt pertamina ep papua field innovated in the peri berdaya program by providing public access to clean water through the application of river water filtering methods with biternal innovation (communal biosand water filter and sedimentation tank (redesign system)) (brata, 2021). the application of this system has changed the way river water is used with a filtering process that aims to improve water quality. the clean water treatment system using a sedimentation tank and a communal bio-sand water filter is the first and only modification to overcome water quality problems (evidence attached) in sorong regency, west papua. the background of this innovation is that the people of the klamono district and the klasafet district, which rely heavily on river water which is muddy and has poor content, but now be filtered with this innovation so that it becomes clearer (evidence attached), so based on the lab test it is feasible to use this innovation. consumed. one communal biosand water filter device can process 14,400 liters of raw water/hour that is not suitable for consumption to be filtered to suitable for consumption, then the water is channeled into a storage tank with a capacity of 64,400 liters before being distributed to the people of klamono district and klasafet district with a total number of beneficiaries. as many as 1,808 families or about 6,000 people. 6 5 4 3 7 1 2 information: 1. klasafet river 2. coagulation tub 3. flocculation tub 4. initial sedimentation tank 5. final sedimentation tub 6. filter tank 7. reservoir journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 409 environmental impact *indirect impacts such as reducing ground water use, reducing the rate of groundwater subsidence, attachments in the form of scientific journals or research (not lab test results) value added scheme for communal biosand water filter technology innovation addition of service quality the product resulting from the use of the communal biosand water filter, as a river water filter is to reduce water pollution from the amount of household waste (liquid) making the klamono river raw water quality in the category of suitable for use. in addition, pond waste water from freshwater fish farming is also used as an environmentally friendly liquid organic fertilizer. communal biosand water filters have been utilized by beneficiaries in klamono district and klasafet district. the use of this technology has the effect of reducing costs (efficiency) incurred by the community to buy water. the cost for the community to buy water has decreased to rp/year. previously, each family had to spend an average of rp. 270,000/month or equivalent to rp. 98,550,000,-/year to obtain clean water. behavior changed in the community. the formation of awareness of the importance of clean water for health. this makes people start to stop using and consuming river water directly and start to use water from a filtered bio-sand water filter (day, 2009). it can also indirectly improve public health, especially children, and can reduce the number of diseases such as diarrhea and vomiting. the production of umkm marketed by bumkam also benefits from the communal biosand water filter technology by getting the water that is suitable for use and reducing the cost of water use (fonataba et al., 2018) . figure: communal filter process schematic journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 410 no program indicator indicator descriptio n unit 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 (august) 1 communi ty empower mentbased clean water facilities improve ment program in klamono district budget (20182022) = rp.833.20 0.000, environm ental problems that can be solved reducing groundwat er use meter ³ 50.43 3 m³ 53.87 4 m³ 59.29 2 m³ 64.60 5 m³ 69.918 m³ social problems that can be solved reducing limited public access to clean water numbe r of houses number of beneficiar ies clean water beneficiari es numbe r of family card 1.380 1.476 1.620 1.770 1.808 total income increase bumkam revenue rupiah per month 7.45 juta 8.94 juta 10.43 juta 11.92 juta 13.41 juta number of new institutio ns formed group total groups 1 1 1 1 (crystal guava group) budget 100.0 00.00 0 150.0 00.00 0 72.00 0.000 58.40 0.000 452.800.00 0 conclusion there is a change in the value chain. the integration of community empowerment programs carried out by companies that have a positive impact, thus creating linkages between programs. the bumkam group has a clean water treatment business unit and marketing of umkm products. the activities of the bumkam group in terms of water treatment, apart from being used as a source of clean water for the community, are also used as raw water for freshwater fish cultivation and umkm production activities. freshwater fish farming activities carried out by the freshwater fish group in addition to producing fish harvests also produce pond waste water which is routinely disposed of at 5%-10% of the total water every day. furthermore, the wastewater is used as additional nutrients for liquid fertilizer by a group of banana farmers in klamono olie village. the banana farmer group produces bananas which are used as raw materials for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 411 processing banana chips and banana peel crackers by the mace klamono group in klamono olie village. the results of the mace klamono group in the form of banana chips and banana peel crackers were supplied to the bumkam group to be marketed. this innovation forms a zero-waste and low-budget program. acknowledgement this community empowerment program was initiated by pt pertamina ep papua field through the csr program. we thank the community leaders and the local government klamono and klasafet districts, west papua province for providing the necessary sources of information. references bakri, b., selintung, m., usman, f., ihsan, m., arai, y., & mangarengi, n. a. p. (2020). determining water rate of the hippam system. iop conference series: earth and environmental science, 419(1). https://doi.org/10.1088/17551315/419/1/012114 budiarti s, meillany dan santoso tri raharjo. 2014. corporate social responsibility (csr) dari sudut pandang perusahaan. share: social work journal. 13-29. brata, h. (2021). anggota dpr ri apresiasi peri berdaya pertamina ep papua. jatimpos.com. https://beritajatim.com/berita-migas/anggota-dpr-ri-apresiasi-periberdaya-pertamina-ep-papua/ carroll, “managing ethically and global stakeholders: a present and future challenge,” academy of management executive, may 2004, p. 116. chen, j., liu, j., & qin, j. (2019). corporate social responsibility and capacity selection. transformation in business & economics, 18(3c (48c)). 530-545. day, s. j. (2009). community based water resources management. waterlines, 28(1), 47– 62. https://doi.org/10.3362/1756-3488.2009.005 dusep malik, m. y. p. (2021). bantu air bersih warga sorong, pertamina ep ciptakan peri berdaya. viva.co.id. https://www.viva.co.id/berita/bisnis/1432973-bantu-airbersih-warga-sorong-pertamina-ep-ciptakan-peri-berdaya fonataba, y., aipassa, m. i., simarangkir, b. d. a. s., . s., manusawai, j., manusawai, v. f., & sinery, a. s. (2018). community participation in the management of sorong nature tourism park, sorong city. energy and environment research, 8(1), 48. https://doi.org/10.5539/eer.v8n1p48 iswanto, g. d. v. p. i. h. p. b. i. l. (2021). for the special autonomy fund 2011-2041. in policy brief (vol. 103, issue 12). https://doi.org/10.2169/naika.103.2883 kartitiani, t. (2021). keajaiban peri berdaya, mimpi air bersih yang menjadi nyata. pilar.id. https://www.pilar.id/keajaiban-peri-berdaya-mimpi-air-bersih-yangmenjadi-nyata/ umar, sidiq dan moh. miftachul choiri. 2019. metode penelitian kualitatif di bidang pendidikan. ponorogo: cv. nata karya. undang-undang republik indonesia nomor 40 tahun 2007 tentang perseroan terbatas. usman, f. (2018). penentuan tarif air bersih di kabupaten sorong [universitas journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 412 hasanuddin]. in universitas hasanuddin (vol. 66). https://www.fairportlibrary.org/images/files/renovationproject/concept_cost_es timate_accepted_031914.pdf wahyudin, y. (2004). “community based management (cbm) pengelolaan berbasis masyarakat (pbm)". september, 1–17. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 413 indonesian cooperation and asean intergovernmental commission on human rights in overcoming human trafficking in indonesia 2018 – 2020 agung budi prastyo, hendra maujana saragih international relations department faculty of social and political science universitas nasional hendramaujanasaragih@civitas.unas.ac.id* (corresponding author) abstract : human trafficking that occurs in indonesia every year has increased significantly, this is influenced by various factors in its development. indonesia is assisted by the regional human rights institution, namely aichr, trying to overcome these problems by establishing regional cooperation. in addition, the role of the government internally also determines the policies made in overcoming the problem of human trafficking in indonesia. the research entitled "indonesian cooperation and asean intergovernmental commission on human rights in overcoming human trafficking in indonesia 2018-2020" has a problem formulation of how the cooperation between the government of indonesia and aichr is carried out in overcoming human trafficking in indonesia, and what is the role of the government of indonesia itself in overcoming human trafficking in his country. this study aims to find out what collaborations are carried out by indonesia and aichr and how the indonesian government is trying to tackle human trafficking. this study uses a qualitative approach and literature study in collecting data related to this matter. the theories or concepts used to help analyze this research are the concept of human trafficking, the concept of transnational crime, the theory of institutionalism liberalism and the theory of international organizations. based on the data analysis carried out, it was concluded that indonesia in cooperation with aichr resulted in several agreements that were useful for indonesia in overcoming human trafficking for both victims and perpetrators. the government's role has also resulted in several policies that assist in the process of prosecuting traffickers. keyword : human trafficking, aichr, convention submission : august, 13rd 2022 revision : september 24th 2022 publication : november 30th 2022 introduction human trafficking or commonly known as human trafficking is a type of crime that violates human rights and is categorized as a gross violation of human rights. human trafficking is a consciously planned violation that violates human rights and tarnishes the value of humanity itself for personal or group gain. in practice, human trafficking mailto:hendramaujanasaragih@civitas.unas.ac.id* journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 414 generally targets weak or vulnerable groups such as women and children and in most cases reported in agrarian countries where the population between men and women is not balanced. often the notion of trafficking in persons refers to an explanation adapted from un negotiations aimed at preventing, reducing and providing a deterrent effect to traffickers, especially children and women. in the agreement, human trafficking generally includes recruitment, transportation, transfer, concealment through threats and pressure ranging from using force, kidnapping, fraud with the aim of exploitation. quoting from reporting on slavery practices globally, they give an opinion that around 403 million people are victims of human trafficking practices and 71% of them are vulnerable groups. southeast asia is a region with alarming levels of human trafficking. the southeast asian region makes a large contribution to human trafficking because its territory is a place of transit, as well as the country of origin of the practice (soesilowatti, 2020). one of the countries that are the most originating and sending countries in the southeast asia region is indonesia, which occupies the position after thailand. even though the government has established regulations or laws that oversee it, it still keeps happening. the indonesian migrant workers advocacy consortium (kopbumi) explains that there are at least 1.4 million to 2.1 million female migrant workers currently residing abroad, although not all indonesian migrant workers experience "trafficking" but there are many indications that shows that the fate of these migrant workers is very vulnerable. with the population of indonesian migrant workers which is quite large, the potential for trafficking cases will be very large (david, 2020). indonesia is one of the second largest labor supply countries after the philippines for almost a decade. around 72% of workers are women. 90% of the workers from indonesia work as domestic helpers in singapore, taiwan, hong kong to malaysia and the middle east (sinaga, 2011). indonesia is not only a supplying country, but also a stopover and destination for human trafficking. unicef estimates that 10,000 women and children are trafficked for exploitation. the causes are very diverse, such as the birth rate and population density which are the main problems in indonesia. there are up to 60% of children aged 5 years and under do not have proof or birth certificates and some have not been registered, this is a trigger for human trafficking in indonesia (david, 2020). according to a report compiled by the witness and victim protection agency or lembaga perlindungan saksi dan korban (lpsk), the number of applications for the protection of victims of human trafficking in indonesia is increasing every year (hidayati, 2021), as shown in the following table: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 415 table 1. number of cases of applications for protection of victims of human trafficking in indonesia no tahun jumlah pemohonan 1 2015 46 2 2017 117 3 2019 176 4 2020 120 source : lpsk there are around 704 applicants or victims of tip who reported and expected protection from lpsk from 2015 to june 2020. on average, the victims were 438 women and 266 men. most of the victims were children, of which 126 of the 147 children who were victims were women. the reasons for some indonesian citizens to become indonesian migrant workers (pmi) are due to the lack of employment opportunities in indonesia, as well as higher wages when working abroad (hidayati n. , 2021). in addition to economic problems, the absence of a comprehensive law regulating human trafficking has made this problem more and more widespread from year to year and eventually becomes a major challenge and problem that must be faced by the government. human trafficking that occurs in indonesia is increasingly complex to discuss, because there are many indonesian citizens who are the main targets in this human trafficking case, so efforts and roles from all relevant parties are needed, especially the government and international organizations that oversee it. (hidayati m. n., 2012). there are several regional institutions in the asean region that work together to promote the issue of human trafficking, one of which is the asean intergovernmental commission on human rights or better known as aichr which is an implementation of the mandate of article 14 of the asean charter regarding asean human rights bodies at the asean summit. 15 in cha hua hin, thailand on october 23, 2009. according to data published by the aichr (asean intergovermental commission on human rights) about 85% of cases of human trafficking in the southeast asia region go through legal channels. traffickers deceive the public and their victims and have written consent from the victims to be transferred to other areas. with the existence of aichr, this is a step forward for the implementation of human rights enforcement in the southeast asia region, especially in addressing the issue of human trafficking, the establishment of this institution indicates that there will be a political compromise by policy makers in southeast asia in upholding human rights. countries are starting to realize that it is important to get international recognition in improving themselves as a form of legal entity's efforts to uphold human rights. referring to the terms of reference (tor) of aichr, aichr has the mandate and responsibility to promote and protect human rights within asean, one of which is journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 416 indonesia which has cases of human trafficking with a fairly high rating. it is hoped that the problem of human trafficking that is increasingly spreading in indonesia can be overcome with cooperation between the government and related international institutions because the protection of citizens is very essential and absolute for humanity and is the right of every individual and the obligation of the state to ensure their safety. in conducting research, of course, requires guidelines in order to produce goals that can provide an objective picture of the phenomenon raised. likewise, this research has several objectives, such as: 1. explain the collaboration between the government of indonesia and aichr in overcoming the problem of human trafficking in indonesia. 2. knowing the efforts made by the government of indonesia in preventing human trafficking in their country. literature review many thinkers talk about the cooperation carried out by aichr and other organizations in relation to overcoming human trafficking in the southeast asian region such as indonesia. research conducted by naufal fikri khairi which was published in the journal of the university of muhammadiyah palangkaraya published in april 2021 entitled "asean's efforts in dealing with the problem of human trafficking in southeast asia" provides an overview of how asean's efforts and steps have been taken to overcome cases of human trafficking. in southeast asia through various declarations, policies and conventions carried out by member countries. researchers see that policy makers only pay attention to the security sector but not to the welfare sector of the community, this point is also a trigger for the rampant human trafficking in the southeast asia region. furthermore, ghani wal arif in "the role of the international organization for migration (iom) in overcoming human trafficking in indonesia in 2010-2014" which was published in the university of riau online student journal vol.3 no.1 explained the collaboration carried out by iom with the indonesian government in overcoming human trafficking problem. the focus of this research is on the collaboration between iom and indonesia to make regulations or rules with the indonesian government. iom seeks to assist the indonesian government in an effort to formulate legal instruments related to human trafficking, besides that iom also cooperates with the indonesian national police in helping to deal with the problem of human trafficking in indonesia. in this paper, the author uses the concept of human trafficking as a basis or benchmark in knowing the rules of human trafficking. trafficking in persons also often refers to the definition set out in article 3 of the united nations protocol which means recruitment, promotion, transfer, and accommodation where traffickers accept victims using threats that harm the victim and force the victim to give consent to exploitation. the exploitation in question consists at least of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual activity such as labour, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or organ harvesting. in addition, the concept of transnational crime is used to examine human trafficking which is included in transnational crime. in its article, the united nations office on drugs journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 417 and crime provides information that transnational crime, which includes drug trafficking, migrant smuggling, human trafficking, money laundering, trafficking in firearms, counterfeit goods, wildlife to cultural assets, threatens peace and humanity as well as security that causes human rights are violated and undermine the economic, social, cultural, political and civil development of societies around the world. the theory of institutionalism liberalism is used to examine the cooperation between indonesia and aichr in the case of human trafficking. the theory that was born from the thoughts of joseph nye and robert keohane has the view that the cause and effect of the birth of institutional liberalism is to assist countries in building cooperation and providing security protection and running international institutions. this school also states that international institutions or institutions can have an impact that advances cooperation between countries where the thinking is taken from previous thoughts about the effects of international benefits. this school also explains that an institution must provide information flow and negotiation opportunities, as well as increase the role and ability of the government in monitoring the capabilities of other countries and putting their commitments into practice. (ikbar, 2014). this theory has a very important role in increasing international cooperation. the cooperation carried out is an effort to prioritize peace in every problem faced in international crossroads. because of this, this school has a focus on the very complex idea of dependence as a result of cooperation that is forged with the aim of mutual trust and commitment. the theory of international organizations used as a basis for describing international organizations is aichr. an international organization is a form of forum between countries that are indirectly bound by an agreement with a common goal (mas'oed, 1990). often, international organizations are formed with the aim of being a forum for cooperation and preventing conflicts between regions or countries. international organizations were also formed to produce several mutually beneficial agreements among their members. method in this study, the research approach used is a qualitative research approach. a qualitative approach is a type of research that emphasizes social phenomena obtained from observations and research on these phenomena. attention in qualitative research focuses more on human elements, objects, institutions and the relationship between these elements in an effort to understand an event or phenomenon (majid, 2010). qualitative approaches are commonly used in studying matters concerning history, behavior, community life, social activities and others. this method is expected to produce a comprehensive description and research on writing, speech or behavior resulting from personal, group or institutional observations that are studied from a comprehensive and holistic perspective. in addition, the authors also use internet-based methods or eresearch using information and communication technology facilities. e-research is a research activity that uses information and communication technology facilities in searching for data or materials related to the research being raised. result and discussion journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 418 human trafficking as a form of transnational crime human trafficking is a problem that is rapidly developing in the era of globalization because its scope has occurred in various countries, one of which is indonesia. historically, human trafficking has occurred since the days of slavery in ancient egypt and has grown to this day which is basically due to a lack of employment opportunities and very minimal wages and a quality of life that can be considered poor, but that does not mean that human trafficking does not affect people from the middle class. to the top. in its definition, organized crime is a criminal act committed across countries or regions. it was first introduced publicly in the 1990s through the eight united nations congress on the prevention of crime and the treatment of offenders (r.wagley, 2006) which was previously organized crime. the united nations also stated that this transnational crime is an act that is categorized as a criminal offense on a fairly large scale which is carried out by individuals and groups and is carried out in a very organized manner. in addition, the united nations also regulates human trafficking in the united nation convention against transnational organized crime (uncatoc) or the palermo convention in 2000. in the agreement there are five types of classification of crimes that are included in the practice of organized transnational trafficking, including: 1) money laundering; 2) coruption; 3) human trafficking; 4) illegal firearms trade (r.wagley, 2006). the indonesian government itself stipulates law number 5 of 2009 regarding the submission of the united nations convention against transnational organized crime. the indonesian government is also aware that the impact of globalization has had such a large effect on the development of transnational crimes that can become a threat to the state. human trafficking is one of the transnational criminal practices that has become a focus in many countries. along with the development of technology, the cases are increasing every year. previously, there have been several conventions or agreements declaring war on this act of human trafficking, in addition to having a very detrimental effect on the country, the impact is also large for the victims. these international agreements include: 1) international convention for the suppression of traffic in women and children in 1921; 2) international convention for the suppression of white slave traffic in 1921; 3) international convention for the suppression of traffic in women of full age in 1933; 4) convention on the elimination of all form of discrimination against women, cedaw in 1979 (hatta, 2012). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 419 there are several aspects to crimes that can fall into the category of transnational crimes, including: 1) crimes committed not only in one country, but in more than one country; 2) done in one country, but planning, preparation, materials and supervision is done in another country; 3) organized.; 4) give serious effects to a country involved (hatta, 2012). human trafficking is a crime with a serious classification that violates human rights. in addition, in the process of human trafficking there is also a violation of the physical and human dignity itself by discriminating against people who are victims. in practice, human trafficking often involves violence, rape, slavery or the like. the existence of this makes human trafficking a crime that violates human rights. characteristics of human trafficking in indonesia victims of human trafficking in indonesia have various characteristics because they adapt to the form of exploitation carried out. traffickers divide them according to age, for example, victims of forced labor usually range from 31 to 52 years old (azman, 2015). then for the purpose of sexual exploitation usually under 30 years old (wismayanti, 2015). another characteristic is having a relatively low level of education which causes victims to have a lack of access to information and lack of understanding of procedures or rules for migrant workers in a country which causes victims to be easily tricked into exploitation. (data, 2011). however, education is also not a determinant of traffickers in ensnaring their victims, because the victims will be employed in sectors that sometimes do not require high education and adequate skills. (satriani, 2013). the fact is that some of the victims are lured in by light work with a fairly high salary, this of course makes the victim immediately have a desire and is easily tempted by the promises of traffickers. this often happens because the victim comes from a poor family, this factor makes a victim very easily influenced to be exploited because at first the victim had hopes of improving the social status of his family. (makhfudz, 2013). data published by the department of state, united state of america in 2019 regarding human trafficking that occurred in indonesia explained that indonesia was in tier or ranked second in the case of human trafficking. indonesia is considered not to be able to meet the standards in fulfilling the eradication of human trafficking that occurs. the indonesian government has also formed a task force to combat the problem of human trafficking. the government has also provided counseling to oblige the government in each region to do the same thing, namely eradicating human trafficking as a priority in ensuring the human rights of its citizens. however, the indonesian government is still unable to meet the standards set in the goal of eradicating human trafficking (azman, 2015). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 420 indonesia as a transit country for human trafficking indonesia is a country that has an area with geographically wide characteristics and is surrounded by waters (junef, 2020). indonesia is a country that is often used as a destination, transit and source of the flow of human trafficking due to geographical factors and its people who are easy to mobilize in utilizing the economy around the border. indonesia also has many islands that are close to other countries which make these islands the headquarters in carrying out their actions. there are several routes in indonesia that are often used as routes for carrying out these transnational crimes, such as santolo and jayanti beaches in west java, batam, surabaya, and rote island. (dewi, 2020). the criminal investigation unit of the polri explained that they found several modes of operation of human trafficking that occurred in indonesia because countries in asean were not only destination countries, but had become transit countries during 2018. there are several forms of this crime, including ordered brides whose data is increasing and expanding in the provinces of west kalimantan, west java, central java, east java and banten. traffickers use social media as a tool in carrying out their operations (laporan sekretariat gugus tugas tppo, 2018). the increase and expansion in human trafficking in indonesia is of course related to several supporting aspects. indonesia is a transit country and the origin of human trafficking which is ideal where this condition is supported by the fact that indonesia has a large population, in addition to the limitations in employment and poverty are also one of the factors supporting indonesia to become a transit country in human trafficking. human trafficking is a serious problem in indonesia. indonesia is no longer a sending country but as a transit point and also a destination country for perpetrators or traffickers to carry out or trade their victims who are obtained from outside indonesia. although the economy in indonesia continues to experience improvement, the increase that occurs is only in certain sectors and the benefits are not felt directly. human trafficking that occurs in indonesia begins with a series of processes that start with recruiting victims in their area of origin, then moving the victim to another location using transportation, after that there is a transaction process or a change of hands, which in the end usually the victim is given a false identity. (kementrian koordinator kesejahteraan rakyat). on the other hand, indonesia's very strategic geographical location in the indian and pacific oceans as well as the asian and australian continents makes the region very vulnerable with many opportunities to enter indonesian territory in committing human trafficking crimes as a destination and transit. traffickers certainly can easily carry out their actions because there are so many border routes to send and receive victims of human trafficking. the coordinating ministry for people's welfare provides a report regarding the recruitment of victims of human trafficking in indonesia, in general traffickers carry out their actions in several cities and regencies on the islands of west java, central java, east java, ntt, bali, south sulawesi and south kalimantan. meanwhile, cities that often become transit points for traffickers journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 421 are medan, jakarta, batam, surabaya, pare-pare, pontianak, balikpapan and nunukan and their destination countries include malaysia, singapore, brunei darussalam, taiwan, japan, hong kong, south korea, saudi arabia. arabia, united arab emirates, watar, bahrain, oman, egypt, kuwait, united kingdom, europe and united states of america (kementrian koordinator kesejahteraan rakyat). of the many countries in the asian region, indonesia is one of the centers of activity in transit and human trafficking destinations both domestically and abroad. therefore, human trafficking in indonesia is a very diverse fact and includes local and international networks in carrying out its actions which are neatly structured and very confidential. with globalization it also makes it easier for traffickers to find victims in various regions. aichr as a regional human rights institution as a region that has various entities, the southeast asia region has problems that can be considered quite general and almost similar to other regions, namely regarding human rights. human rights issues in the southeast asian region can be said to be quite high for groups who are the main targets such as children and women in cases of violence to human trafficking. on the other hand, issues related to gender, minorities and border areas also take part in coloring problems in the southeast asian region. in an effort to deal with human rights issues, asean as a community in the southeast asia region decided to form a human rights-based organization or agency in the asean region. initially, the establishment of the asean human rights agency was the implementation of the asean charter which was adapted on december 15, 2008 which in article 14 of the charter contained an order for asean to establish a human rights commission in the asean body. therefore, aichr is one part of the implementation of the asean charter (wahyudi djadar, 2014). as an international organization in the region, aichr was formed with the aim of being a forum for collaborating with members and sectoral bodies within asean. aichr is also formed in order to produce several conventions or treaties that will be used or ratified as the implementation of agreements between its member countries. aichr stands for the asean intergovernmental commission on human rights and was formed as an answer to the existing human rights problems in the south east asian region. established on 23 october 2009, in accordance with the provisions of the asean charter article 14 concerning human rights bodies (aichr, 25), and carry out their duties and functions in accordance with the previously established terms of reference. the tor contains the objectives, functions and mandates that aichr must carry out as a regional human rights organization such as: 1) promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms in the region; 2) improving peace, welfare and dignity through rights granted by regional communities; journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 422 3) strive for member countries in the asean region to ratify international instruments as an effort to protect human rights and promote them; 4) increase public or regional community awareness regarding human rights through research and education (aichr, 25). aichr is also present as an intermediary for countries or governments as well as an integral part in the structure of the asean organization. to fulfill this, this institution has the mandate to establish the asean human rights declaration and legal instruments related to human rights; increase public awareness related to human rights; strengthening norms in the enforcement of human rights; and encourage cooperation among member countries in the asean region (ri, n.d.). the asean charter which was adopted by 10 member countries namely indonesia, cambodia, brunei darussalam, laos, malaysia, myanmar, philippines, thailand, singapore, and vietnam on december 15, 2008 became the guideline for the establishment of this aichr. article 14 of the charter contains an order to establish a human rights body in the asean region. with the protection in human rights that forms the basis of the aichr, victims of human trafficking are given a platform to seek resolution of cases at the regional level. aichr must also be able to answer the challenges and security threats that occur by clarifying how to solve them, the practical objectives needed, as well as a description of what conditions all asean member countries must provide. (saputri, n.d.). aichr as the only human rights body in asean was established based on asean principles and the provisions of article 14 of the asean charter. in the aichr's own tor, this organization has a mandate and responsibility in pursuing the advancement and protection of human rights in the asean region. the establishment of the aichr is one of the achievements in the development of human rights issues in the southeast asia region. the establishment of the asean human rights body is also asean's effort to promote and protect human rights in the region. strengthening cooperation as a form of prevention of human trafficking aichr is one of the human rights bodies in asean that has a vital role in promoting and ensuring the protection of the human rights of the people of asean member countries because aichr itself is a very important pillar for asean in developing and protecting human rights. (indrasari, 2015). aichr works based on the mandate given in the tor in article 4 from points 1.1 to 1.14. in addition, aichr is also tasked with conducting research, capacity building and assisting sectoral bodies by holding regular meetings (prastyo, 2021). along with the improvement and enforcement of democratic values and human rights at the domestic political level, indonesia has also implemented a strategy known as journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 423 outward-looking as a form of realizing indonesia as a good international citizen (agussalim, 2013). indonesia is also a country that has submitted a mechanism for appointing representatives to aichr in a transparent and accessible manner to the public. indonesia in the aichr is also the only country that has a commitment to open up and invite civil society to participate in building human rights institutions in the southeast asia region as indicated by the appointment of the director of the human rights working group, rafendi djamin as indonesia's representative at aichr (ralf, 2014). there are several achievements achieved by indonesia with aichr such as acting as a laboratory and a "testbed" in human rights dialogues conducted by aichr, one of which includes responding to human rights cases such as human trafficking at the national level (yembise, 2021). aichr in the human rights body under asean also strives in various ways to prevent and deal with the problem of human trafficking. in every country, in dealing with the issue of human trafficking, there is a taskforce or task force that collaborates with aichr in dealing with the issue because the issue of human trafficking cannot be handled by one institution considering that human trafficking involves various activities in practice and cannot be categorized as pure human rights. in indonesia itself, there are several task forces that collaborate with aichr which include the police, the ministry of social affairs and the ministry of women and children. the task force in indonesia is also mandated by the tip law or the criminal act of trafficking in persons, namely law no. 21 of 2007. what aichr does is conduct meetings or coordinate with each ministry or institution because they have full authority in human trafficking issues. in indonesia. asean took the first step in fighting against the issue of human trafficking in the southeast asia region which was clearly seen in the asean declaration against human trafficking in persons especially women and children which was implemented in 2004. this step was carried out with the aim of being a form of asean's commitment to preventing human trafficking (yembise, 2021). asean and aichr also updated the asean declaration against human trafficking in persons especially women and children in 2015 at the 27th asean summit routine meeting and established the asean convention against trafficking in persons especially women and children or actip as a form of next step. in preventing human trafficking. furthermore, actip also established the apa or asean plan of action against trafficking in persons, especially women and children, which is a plan to deal with the issue of human trafficking. apa is also a policy planner contained in the actip idea which will later become an action in the laws and policies of member countries (yembise, 2021). in 2017, the indonesian government has also ratified actip with law number 12 of 2017 and issued law number 18 of 2017 concerning the protection of migrant workers in indonesia. the law also complements law no. 21 of 2007 regarding human trafficking. the enactment of the law is a form of the indonesian government's commitment to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 424 guaranteeing the safety of indonesian workers from the problem of human trafficking, because this problem cannot be resolved only at the national level, it is necessary to cooperate with other parties in eliminating the space for perpetrators to move (asean s. n., n.d.). the efforts made by aichr in eradicating human trafficking are contained in the bohol tip work plan for 2017 – 2020. the bohol tip work plan is a multi sectoral plan where it is not only aichr that seeks to deal with human trafficking. focusing on preventing and mitigating human trafficking cases, the 2017-2020 bohol tip work plan covers areas such as public awareness raising, research and publications, exchange of information and data, capacity building, promotion of collaboration with external partners and areas beyond, law enforcement such as access to health services and social support and engagement with civil society organizations and the private sector (asean, 2022). the bohol tip work plan is expected to encourage cooperation between asean and sectoral bodies, one of which is the aichr on human trafficking that occurs in the southeast asian region. the indonesian representative to aichr has continued to encourage cooperation since 2016 so that all parties who have an interest and have a mandate in eradicating trafficking in persons in indonesia can take advantage of the ways of cooperation developed in asean. aichr cooperates with law enforcement officials in asean such as the senior official meeting on transnational crime (somtc) in indonesia represented by the criminal investigation police, the senior official meeting on health development (somhd) indonesia represented by the health authority of the ministry of health, senior official meeting on social welfare development ( somswd) represented by the welfare authority of the ministry of social affairs, the provincial tip prevention and handling task force represented by the international organization on migration (iom) in promoting and disseminating asean and aichr commitments through local government and non-government stakeholders (asean s. n., n.d.). aichr is also active in organizing various activities to increase awareness of human rights for stakeholders in the region as well as capacity building for various professional groups such as lecturers, journalists, law enforcers with the aim of including the human rights dimension in the implementation of their respective professions. (asean, pilar politik dan keamanan asean, n.d.). until now, indonesia continues to be committed to initiating a human rights dialogue with aichr as the implementation of the universal periodical review concept adapted from the human rights reporting system to the united nations. indonesia is also actively involved and will always increase its contribution as an effort to advance democratic values and the protection of human rights in the region through the promotion and protection of human rights in the southeast asian region. indonesia consistently encourages aichr to always optimize its work as an asean overarching body to mainstream human rights on the pillars of asean (asean, pilar politik dan keamanan asean, n.d.). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 425 benefits of cooperation for indonesia some of the benefits for indonesia from its collaboration with aichr are the formation of several agendas resulting from aichr's meeting with several stakeholders or supporting institutions related to this issue. in addition, aichr is also open, both at the national and regional levels, in conveying what aichr is doing to the media, the public and other parties. this can be seen in the framework that aichr has compiled with a validity period of the next five years and can be accessed on the official aichr page. in accordance with the theory of institutionalist liberalism, the birth of the aichr is one of the efforts to help countries build cooperation and provide security protection. the presence of aichr has an impact that can advance cooperation among member countries, in this case, indonesia is trying to overcome human trafficking through cooperation that is forged with the aim of celebrating and forming a joint commitment in alleviating problems or conflicts through the cooperation carried out. aichr's collaboration with the indonesian government provides a very important platform in eradicating the problem of human trafficking in indonesia through cooperation channels that can be developed in asean as an effort to improve the condition of the country. aichr also often provides training related to efforts to prevent human trafficking as an implementation of the asean convention against the crime of trafficking in persons. this was done by aichr as a form to minimize and eliminate the space for the perpetrators of the criminal act of trafficking in persons in indonesia. in addition, the benefit of the cooperation between aichr and indonesia is the implementation of a human rights-based approach in combating the crime of trafficking in persons. what is meant by a human rights-based approach is that the community departs with concern and concern for what is happening to victims, potential victims and the community itself and sees it from the perspective of the victim, including the apparatus, when dealing with this problem. indonesia has also benefited from the ratification of actip as a legal basis for protecting victims of human trafficking. through actip, law enforcement is given the convenience of carrying out various activities such as exchanging data and information as an effort to prevent and enforce the rules against the criminal act of trafficking in persons because actip is the basis for law makers in indonesia to be more effective in carrying out cooperation between countries related to cases of human trafficking. . in this way, efforts to prevent and combat international crimes against human trafficking can run efficiently and effectively (utami, 2017). in addition to law enforcement, victims also receive benefits from the ratification of actip, such as the fulfillment of the victim's right to obtain restitution from the confiscation of the perpetrator's assets located abroad as well as the victim's right to material value that is not provided by the perpetrator or trafficker from the recruitment area, shelter to other countries. become a place for victim exploitation that can be more effectively carried out across countries (utami, 2017). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 426 the ratification of actip is also a form of the indonesian government's efforts to strengthen its national legislation and seek progress in the eradication of human trafficking and the protection of its victims by ensuring fair punishment for traffickers considering the targets to be achieved with the ratification of actip by the indonesian government through its cooperation with the aichr, namely protection prevention, prosecution, and the establishment of cooperation. achievements of the indonesian government in overcoming trafficking in persons in solving these problems, the indonesian government has made various anticipations and set various policies as an effort to prevent human trafficking in indonesia. indonesia also ratified the palermo declaration as a form of policy taken by the indonesian government and implemented it into national law (pratiwi, 2020). the form of implementation of the indonesian government's efforts to tackle human trafficking can be seen from indonesia's enactment of law no. 21 of 2007. the indonesian government is also trying to tackle human trafficking by establishing a national change action plan for human rights which was implemented in 2004-2009. this plan has the aim of protecting children's rights and activities aimed at tackling human trafficking and protecting them from sexual exploitation (pratiwi, 2020). the indonesian government has also established a task force for the prevention and handling of trafficking in persons as a form of the government's commitment and seriousness in overcoming human trafficking. at the international level, indonesia has also made efforts to prevent human trafficking by ratifying as stated in the cooperation between indonesia and aichr, namely the asean convention against trafficking in persons, especially women and children or actip by enacting law number 12 of 2017 regarding the ratification of actip. the. indonesia sees the importance of establishing legal instruments at the regional level as an effort to bind the foundation in increasing cooperation related to efforts to prevent human trafficking in the region. in the implementation of actip, there is a work plan or action that has been signed by asean member countries, namely the asean plan of action or commonly known as apa (pratiwi, 2020). the witness and victim protection agency also provided a protection program for 314 people who reported cases of human trafficking they experienced. 153 protected people have received the protection program from 2019 to 2020, and the remaining 161 were awarded in 2020. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 427 source : lpsk conclusion indonesia cannot solve the problem of human trafficking on its own because indonesia sees human trafficking as a form of transnational crime or cross-country crime where an important role or contribution from international organizations is needed in this regard. indonesia feels that human trafficking is a problem that threatens the sovereignty of the country, therefore, its handling must involve cooperation with both the state and the state as well as the state and related organizations. the role of other parties is one form of assistance in overcoming the problem of human trafficking without feeling disturbed by threats from other countries. indonesia in collaboration with aichr established the asean convention against trafficking in persons, especially women and children as a form of cooperation and legal basis for dealing with human trafficking in southeast asia. indonesia has also ratified the actip convention through law number 12 of 2017 concerning the ratification of actip. in implementing the asean convention against trafficking in persons, especially women and children, asean and its sectoral bodies formulate a framework or work design related to the handling of trafficking in persons or tip with the aim of implementing a more targeted and planned implementation. bohol tip workplan 20172020 which contains 4 elements such as prevention, victim protection, law enforcement and cooperation with external parties. indonesia through its aichr representatives has always actively sought and encouraged the realization of a human rights-based approach as an effort to deal with victims of human trafficking, whose practice includes providing assistance to victims without discrimination in responding to victims at the national, regional and international levels in accordance with applicable human rights instruments. . picture 1. victim protection program in 2018 2020 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 428 indonesia is a country that has a fairly high rating in the southeast asian region in terms of human trafficking. with a large population and a large area, indonesia has high potential in the rapid development of human trafficking. the indonesian government made various efforts to overcome these problems considering that indonesia itself is a country that is used as a destination and transit in this case. the indonesian government itself stipulates law number 5 of 2009 regarding the submission of the united nations convention against transnational organized crime. the indonesian government is also aware that the impact of globalization has had such a great effect on the development of transnational crimes that can become a threat to the state. through the tppo task force, indonesia has succeeded in advancing its ranking in overcoming human trafficking according to the standards for handling victims of trafficking in persons internationally set by the department of state, united state of america in 2019. the government of indonesia has also approached through community organizations that have a 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(2020). peran asean mengatasi perdagangan perempuan dan anak. diakses pada 18 mei 2021, dari http://news.unair.ac.id/2020/07/14/peranasean-mengatasiperdagangan-perempuan-dan-anak/ utami, putri. 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on human rights (aichr). diakses pada 4 januari 2022, dari dari https://www.kemenpppa.go.id/lib/uploads/list/6e178-pointers-aseanintergovermental-commision-on-hhumas-right.pdf https://www.kemenpppa.go.id/lib/uploads/list/6e178-pointers-asean-intergovermental-commision-on-hhumas-right.pdf https://www.kemenpppa.go.id/lib/uploads/list/6e178-pointers-asean-intergovermental-commision-on-hhumas-right.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 223 the united nations human rights council’s 2017 report on financialization of housing albert mcbell ninepence ashesi university college, business administration, la-accra ghana aninepence@yahoo.com abstraction : financialization of housing has attracted plenitude of divergent reviews and discussions on the subject matter. the term financialization of housing has been associated with reduced housing affordability in recent debates. irrespective of financialization of housing cementing a springboard to augment growth of the financial and housing markets, enhanced employments and deepened international trade and relations, it has also created its own setbacks. the financialization of housing has been reviewed to trigger excessive demerits of capital gains exceptions, rent seeking and disregard to upholding and defense of human rights tenets, provisions and conventions. in support of these demerits, the united nations human rights council’s 2017 report on the financialization of housing underscore financialization of housing creating an overall negative impact. the un reports posits that the financialization of housing is now a means to secure and accumulate wealth. housing is now dehumanized and sold as a commodity on global markets and hence has lost its currency as a universal human right. the copious reviews and contention on the financialization of housing warrants further inquiry into the compendious scholarship. this paper therefore examined and argued in favour of the un standpoints though making counter perspectives on the discourse of financialization of housing. keywords: financial markets, housing, real estate, united nations, states, financial institutions, international aid submission : may, 17st 2022 revision : june19th 2022 publication : august 30th 2022 introduction the united nations human rights council’s 2017 report on the financialization of housing outlines financialization of housing and its implication for the right to adequate housing. the term “financialization of housing” is mailto:aninepence@yahoo.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 224 believed to be changes that occur in the housing and financial markets that has triggered the treatment of housing as a commodity. this in effect has led some schools of thought to suggest that financialization is linked to reduced housing affordability. in spite of financialization of housing expanding the choices of people, creating competitive housing markets and catalyzing the flow of funds to countries and industries, it has triggered its own demerits. financialization of housing has precipitated restrictive mortgage financing, negative gearing, abnormal capital gains exceptions, exclusion of primary home from pension calculations, tenancy policies that favour property owners among others. the canvas on financialization of housing has warranted copious divergent perspectives driving a further deconstruction and lucid expounding on the scholarship. in this essay, i agree by making counter perspectives to the united nations human rights council’s 2017 report on the financialization of housing by arguing that financialization of housing undermines democratic governance and community accountability, exacerbates inequality and social exclusion and finally detaches housing from its connection to communities and to human dignity and security that are at the core of all human rights. literature review financialization of housing only demerits? firstly, financialization of housing has undermined democratic governance and community accountability. most states across the world operate a market system that is based on the free market. consequently, the states avoid market interferences and fail to regulate and engage with private market and financial actors. the financial market is therefore left in the hands of private entities and individuals who engage in market activities with a central focus of maximizing their profitability. the activities of private entities and individuals triggers market failures and creates a situation where actors actions tend to be inconsistent to market expectations. by creating a liberal market system , such market system fails to provide effective standards, principles and accountability measures. hence, market actors take turns to provide housing that are mostly catered for the wealthy to make abnormal profit since there are no formal rules to regulate their market operations. actors within the markets also tend to hold formal decision roles within the government and contribute to policies that create housing deficits often ignoring affordable housing to all sectors of society. also, governments contracts with foreign creditors and institutions mandates them to account to their foreign benefactors and creditors which interferes with the democratic tenets and rule of law. through government activities with foreign entities, they shift their attention to global finance and tend journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 225 to provide schemes and policies that tend to be in tandem with the prerequisites of creditors and donors. therefore, governments are entangled to mostly to ignore human rights obligations to provide affordable and secure housing to their citizens. through governments focusing on global finance, the flow of funds to recipient countries sometimes engenders over dependence by these governments and in times where shocks arise within the scope global finance, the budgets and plans of recipient governments are detrimentally relapsed. in most cases, the human rights of the poor are infringed upon from insecure housing , poor security and education including right to public information. also, exchanges between governments and financial institutions and donors mostly tend to create predatory ambience within developing countries. sometimes financial institutions and donors numerous activities incite subtle state capture and issue direct instructions to recipients of funds. this method permeates adherence to donors and financial institutions systems and mechanisms than acceding to their own governments systems. in such dimension, a plenitude of paternalism and neopatrimonialism has become endemic creating low human right incentives. the un 2017 report on housing pontificate that housing has undermined democratic and community accountability. nevertheless, financialization of housing also leads to the situation where there are direct inflows of financial resources into both developed and developing countries. governments engagements with financial institutions and donors also drives capital to recipient nations. these inflows to domestic economy augments investments within nations and helps curbs fiscal deficits and balance of payments misfortunes. also, through governments or policy makers roles in creating opportunities in the housing markets, this had lured private investors and donors (both inward and outward of countries) creating an amount of mammoth private equity with tend to boost the housing markets. this triggers the case where the imbalances within the housing markets are absorbed by this private equities and donor funds. also, in some areas where the economic purchasing power of the populate are low, investors are moved to provide housing to the needs and tastes of geographic locations of the people. such investors have been able to provide affordable housing to poor people with certain regions. moreover, in line with governments exchanges with financial institutions and donors, recipients countries are sometimes entrapped with strings of financial packages. some of these strings of capital, grants and loans also compels recipients of financial resources to provide affordable housing to people within certain geographic locations within their countries. also, some journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 226 financial institutions, donor and investors directly invest to provide affordable housing to ameliorate the lives of the poor in both developing and developed countries. moreover, through relations of governments with financial institution, donors and investors, not all the engagements are done in disregard to human rights provisions. some of the exchanges between governments, donors and investors are delivered upon stringent human rights reviews and there are monitoring and third party agencies who could be tasked to ensure that various governments relations with other investors, donors and financial institutions does not compromise human rights standards and accountability structures. in addition , financialization of housing exacerbates inequality and social exclusion. since most governments operate a free housing market , the wealthy ones tend to create plethora of wealth while the destitute languish with the vicious cycle of deprivation and hence the poor tend to being unable to secure and afford housing. within the housing market, lenders and investors tend to provide financial instruments , financing and credit to institutions and individuals who have huge liquidity or lower risk of default. this create the situation where only wealthy institutions and individuals exchange financial resources to the detriment of the poor who cannot access funding or capital to provide quality and secure housing. the economic exchanges among actors precipitates rent seeking and predatory subprime borrowers who engage in short-term speculation to make profit, turning housing into a commodity market. the housing market attracts short-term money and increased liquidity due to arbitrage opportunity creating supply and demand imbalances in major cities and communities. this leads to many developing countries financial market outgrowing the real economy’s output driving skyrocketing inflation. increasing prices draw many people to leverage their financial position by investing savings into real estate. this also leads to asset reconstructions and foreclosures on small income holders and marginalized groups creating inequalities and unaffordable housing for many poor people. also, knowledge and education of numerous group of people within countries are low due to governments and policy makers inability to provide comprehensive education and training on the financial markets and housing market systems. such groups of people do not comprehend the systems of financial markets and the housing markets and as such many individual invest in areas where inflation erodes their capital and funds. this drives many poor people to lose their housing or become unable to afford housing rents. with low level of knowledge on housing and financial markets of the poor, property owners are able to inscribe codes and contracts that are unfavourable to the poor and at journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 227 instances tending to create loss of housing and homelessness for the indigent. in addition to this, the low level of knowledge and training for many in countries also create unfettered gigantic capital gains with the housing markets since some actors within the markets exploit the ignorance of other counterparts. this undue advantage with the housing markest tends to drive housing bubbles and economic depressions. also, some government and financial institutions policies provide poor mortgage financing for the impoverished. since the poor lacks adequate knowledge and training, they tend to be deprived of mortgage financing . in most cases, the poor cannot access the documentations and collateral to access mortgages. most financial institutions are thereby driven to underwrite primary home from pension calculations since they are motivated by the bottom line and in line with this naïve recessive knowledge of the poor, housing affordability becomes a choice than a necessity. in spite of the un report ascribing financialization of housing to exacerbate inequality and social exclusion, the inequities and social exclusions do not necessarily exist in low income areas but tends to be ubiquitous in high income zones. in high income areas, investors and real estate developers focus is on investing to reap skyrocketing bottom lines. such high income areas provide huge short-term speculations to make abnormal profits and hence investors, developers and financial institutions are driven to provide luxurious housing that will enable them reap huge arbitrage. poor people living in rich cities and neighbourhoods will not attract affordable housing from investors or donors since the perception is that people residing in rich neighbourhoods or cities can match up and afford the kinds of housing provided . in such communities the inequalities and exclusions tend to be escalating. however, in low income areas and communities, financialization of housing does not foment inequalities and social exclusion. in the housing markets where investors and developers tend to make huge short term arbitrage, the supply and demand disequilibrium in the markets also drives investors and developers to provide low cost secure housing to people in low income neighbourhoods or communities. also, some factitious donors, ngos and some institutions as part of their social responsibilities tend to invest in both low and high income communities and neighbourhoods to provide affordable housing to the needs of the impoverished. there are also some institutions who are tasked into providing primary homes, insurance and pensions mortgages to poor people. all these packages are created to help attenuate housing bubbles and alleviate the disparities between the haves and the have-nots. furthermore, financialization detaches housing from its connection to communities and to the human dignity and security that are at the core of all journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 228 human rights. states who operate market systems that is laissez-faire, enable housing markets to be hijacked and exploited by market actors with huge economic means and purchasing power. since, there are no effective legislative measures and regulatory frameworks, it is difficult to enforce the law to market operators who act against market requirements. hence, in the housing market, real estate gurus and entities tend to act to grow their wealth without being held accountable to human rights activities. furthermore, there are no human rights surveillance and checks and balances over markets activities. these promotes the condition where those actors in the markets who are cognizant of human right laws and tenets are driven to undermine the rules due to the focal vision of making constant or new colossal profits. this has further aggravated rapacious and acquisitive attitude of market actors engaging in market activities. human rights position in such a market is only viewed as a tool rather for exploitation and amassing of wealth rather than establishing the dignity of humanity and market creeds. also, states tend to foreign creditors, donors and investors to finance home projects and social interventions. states tend to be obligated to defend the interests of financial institutions irrespective of human rights. consequently, this leads states to discard provision of social goods like affordable housing for the poor. the foreign financial creditors and donors often fail to conduct proper asset quality checks and default risk of states. this leads to augmented states debts demanding bailouts from donors which triggers austerity measures like taxes and unemployment which are often borne by the poor. this also leads to housing market distortions, loss , declining life-long savings and undermining the human dignity of the poor. in addition to this, the conduct of governments engagements and businesses with foreign entities and donors also lacks a proper human rights accountability. the standards and frameworks for assessment of human rights activities during international engagements are lacking and in areas where it exists, the enforcement methodologies and structures tend to be ineffective especially in developing countries. the weak standards and poor human rights enforcement mechanisms has created a platform for both governments and foreign entities to exploit international business engagements and networks to either augment wealth or establish a particular social infrastructure or interventions. in most cases, coordinating and cooperating with human rights structures tend to be low and the dignity of the destitute in most developing countries are hampered. according to the un report, it posits the financialization of housing detaches housing from its connection to communities and the human dignity and security that are at the core of all human rights. despite this angle of proposition journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 229 from the un, some neo-liberal states have effective infrastructures and systems that provide effective monitoring to actors within the markets. hence, in the event that actors falter and violate human rights codes and provisions, the culprits are held liable and prosecuted accordingly. there are also human rights tenets and standards scribbled in the contracts of market actors. those nonconformists who may advertently or inadvertently infringe on human rights establishments are revoked of their titles, licenses, patents, positions in an attempt to protect the dignity of market creeds and human rights. when housing is traded and marketed as a speculative instruments or commodity, housing does not necessarily become dehumanized. within mous, contracts and concords signed by global financial investors, financial institutions and donors with other governments or entities in different countries, there are some binding codes and standards enshrined to protect human rights. in view of this, there are also structures within the housing markets which can help trace nameless corporate entities or multi-billion dollar funds who sign some contracts to purchase some type of housing. should there be setbacks to the provisions of human rights in such nameless contracts, the culprits could be driven to pay compensations to address human rights violations. also there are third-part agencies and special auditors who conduct thorough examinations to ensure that established contracts endorsed between parties not become deleterious to human rights. the needs of existing residents or the kinds of housing they need are sometimes the concern of global financial investors and financial institutions. there are also some group of financial investors and financial entities who invest or donate funds to institutions or funds that are involved with the provision of certain class of housing to the needs people irrespective of the capital gains or profits that will be made. these group of investors invests to provide the needs of the particular housings that people in some areas, communities or countries will be of concern to. sometimes these investments are to canvass for political votes or to garner support to help establish a particular intervention. furthermore, through governments or local institutions engagements with financial institutions and donors, it may not always be the condition that governments or local institutions are moved to accede to the strings of financial institutions and donors. within recipient countries of governments or local institutions, there are radical and robust groups who are adequately resourced and tend to mostly pressure governments and local institutions to provide and defend the needs of their countries. consequently, irrespective of the strings that governments or local institutions tend to be bounded by, pressure groups ensure that some form of the needs of the local journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 230 people are provided and their human rights conventions are protected . therefore, though states may tend to defend the interests of financial institutions or donors due to strings they are tied with, the pressures from civil societies tend to compel them to provide some form of social goods to the local people (which encompasses secure affordable housing) or the pressures from social groups will coerce governments or institutions to abrogate certain contracts with financial institutions or donors. sometimes these pressures from civil societies has triggered series of fierce expostulations and civil disobedience across nations and in some cases precipitating take-overs of governments who may not enforce or violate human rights tenets.. recommendations to governments and policy makers the short term opportunity within the housing market enable and allures speculators to engage in the market who invest huge amount of liquidity to reap off gigantic profits. in view of this, the housing market tend to be financialized and valued as a commodity as a means to accumulate wealth. housing has now become a choice than a necessity where the housing needs of some people tend to be neglected especially those in developing countries or low income groups. across global markets, housing tend to be traded more as a security to make arbitrage. also, across the global markets of housing the trading of housing has triggered the undermining of human rights and sparkling critical questions on why housing in recent times has palliated human dignity. it is indispensable for governments and policy makers to undertake measures to curb the housing markets exigent challenges to ameliorate the human rights provisions and expectations. governments and policy makers needs to provide an effective monitoring and accountability structures within the housing markets. this is to ensure that actors within the markers adhere to human rights conventions during trading of housing. human rights codes and conventions needs to be written within the contracts, projects and undertaking of the housing markets. there should also be enforces who quarterly visits institutions with the housing markets to ensure that human rights provisions are adhered to. also, states and policy makers need to take effective measures to address the imbalances within the housing sectors. the states and policy makers should ensure that there are regulations to some of the financial instruments within the markets. there should be regulations to ensure that some financial products offered on the markets should be delivered to those who have the capacity to afford them. financial institutions and lenders should also hold a fixed percentage of their financial assets on their portfolios to help rectify predatory journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 231 lending practices that could hold them into financial distress. the states and policy makers should provide a technological tool that can help calculate the credit rating for citizens. this is intended to ensure that financial institutions, lenders and donors are able to readily access credit worthiness of clients before dispensing financial packages. there should also be provisions to ensure that financial institutions, donors and lenders provide a percentage of their finance to provide affordable housing for the poor as part of their social responsibilities. financial institutions and lenders should also write off on their statement of financial position part of their financial assets to provide primary affordable housing and insurance for the poor. states and policy makers should also restructure and redesign laws and policies of foreclosures and that foreclosures should only be utilized as a last resort. furthermore, the fiscal policies of governments can also assist to fix the housing market setbacks. governments can increase taxes to institutions which fail to provide for affordable housing within the housing sectors. however, taxes should be reduced for investors, lenders and financial institutions which provide secure affordable housing to the needs of people. fiscal policies should be structured in a way that foreign investors and lenders provide affordable housing for some communities within states. taxation structures should be aligned in a way that capital flights of foreign investors, lenders and financial institutions are declined. capital gains taxes should also be structured in accordance to the holding periods of assets. there should be proper taxations structures for offshore institutions and investors to help protect infant domestic housing markets and local investors .governments and policy makers governments and policy makers should set up autonomous institutions and committees within their respective countries. these committees and institutions should be established to ensure that governments and policy makers activities with international financial institutions, lenders and donors does not compromise human rights conventions and procedures. these structures should also uphold the accountability of governments and policy makers on human rights. recommendations to the united nations the un contends that housing has lost its currency as a universal human right and that financial instruments have been designed in a way that it has created a culture where people view housing as a desire than as a right in accordance with ones capabilities. the un setting the sdgs on housing for all goals is not sufficient enough to accomplish those goals as there should be methodologies and effective measure to attain those goals. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 232 there should be formations of un special ambassadors on housing across all nations who will work under un ambassadors to countries to ensure that housing for all goals and other goals of the sdgs are systematically and strategically accomplished. the un special ambassadors on housing should work in communities and areas with high inequalities to find ways to work with governments to provide affordable housing for people. they should also work with refugees, displaced people and marginalized groups to renovate buildings and provide shelters to the people. the engagements of states with financial institutions, donors and lenders triggers the platform where states are obliged to defend the interests of financial institutions and donors where human rights provisions and conventions are neglected or compromised. special ambassadors on housing formed across states are to also act as enforcers of human rights to ensure contracts and conventions endorsed by states do not repress human rights of the people. special ambassadors should work to monitor international activities with states to ensure that housing needs of the people are not expunged. red flags should be marked on international institutions who underwrite efforts of human rights. moreover, the un should work with states across the world to establish housing and real estate ministries across states. the un should consult and deliberate with states annually to deliberate on the housing needs of states and align the housing needs of states with the goals of the sdgs on housing as a way of ensuring sdgs goals stays relevant. the housing ministries should be established with the focus of curtailing the housing deficits within states and streamline predatory lending cultures that could trigger bubbles within states thereby demanding international bailouts which also could aggravate the economic woes of states. housing and real estate ministries should be tasked to provide a percentage of affordable housing annually to areas and communities with hopeless inequities. in addition to this, though the un has set up sdgs on housing for all goals, there should be infrastructures, systems and committees to gauge out the systematic efforts made by states to achieve sdg goals on housing and other goals. the un should design its own technology to measure how states will or are achieving the sdgs. there should be technologies to measure human rights on all activities of states and institutions across the world. also, the un should setup its own independent systems and infrastructures that provide ratings, grades and standard points to states and institutions across the world. these ratings can be used by financial institutions, lenders and donors across journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 233 the world before considerations for aid, contracts and credits conclusion in conclusion, financialization of housing is accentuated as changes that do occur in the financial and housing markets that has led to the treatment of housing as a commodity. in spite of financialization of housing engendering large inflows and capitals to countries, growth of the housing and financial markets, employments and international relations, the financialization of housing has created a system of bourgeoisies who profit from copious amount of wealth from liberal market systems. the trading of housing as a commodity has precipitated undermining human rights due to the difficulty of human rights accountability. also, the financialization of housing has led to housing to be sold and traded on the global market as a security for financial instruments. the global housing markets today is bedevilled with plethora of speculative instruments and financial products leading to excess liquidity due to short term arbitrage and short selling opportunities. the skyrocketing growth of the financial markets has compared to low real output of economies has precipitated inflationary management canker, where states are sometimes compelled to implore bailouts from international financial institutions and donors and further degenerating into stringent austerity policies. states relations with other financial institutions, lenders and donors has driven states to defend the interests of benefactors to the neglects of the local populace needs. the unethical trading practices of housing has triggered strains in the market and inflation leading to erosion of savings of the poor. the trading of housing as a commodity has also led to foreclosures on small income holders and exacerbating inequalities in society. therefore, housing has lost its currency as a fundamental and universal human right. in this essay, though i argued to agree, counter standpoints has been made to the united nations human rights council’s 2017 report on the financialization of housing by outlining that financialization of housing undermines democratic governance and community accountability, exacerbates inequality and social exclusion and finally detaches housing from its connection to communities and to human dignity and security that are at the core of all human rights. in view of this, states and policy makers needs to provide an effective regulatory frameworks, monitoring and accountability structures within the housing markets the accountability structures and infrastructures should also be adequately resourced and tasked to measure and account for human rights. states and policy makers should also use fiscal policies to create balances in the financial and housing market. also states and policy makers should provide incentives for the financial markets and housing markets to provide mortgage journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 234 credits and insurance policies to the poor. moreover, the role of the un will be germane to help tame constraints to upholding human rights provisions and conventions across global markets where housing tends to be traded more as a commodity. the un should create special ambassadors who should work under un ambassadors in all states across the world to ensure that the un sdgs housing for all goals are achieved by directly and indirectly working with refugees, displaced people and marginalized groups to renovate buildings and provide shelters to the people. also, the un should work and consult with states to establish housing ministries to curb housing deficits within states. the un architecture should moreover set up its own autonomous systems, infrastructure and technologies (including ratings, grades and standard points) to measure and account for human rights within all world states. references cescr, general comment no. 7(1997). the right to adequate housing (article 11(1) of the covenant): forced evictions (e/1998/22, 20 may 1997) corelogic,(2019) ‘special report: investor home buying’ , corelogic. farha, l.(2017) financialization of housing and the right to adequate housing. special rapporteur, ohchr. hohmann,j (2013) the right to housing: law, concepts and possibilities ,hart publishing leijten, i and bel, k.(2020) facing financialization in the housing sector : a human right to adequate housing for all. manuel a. (2017). ‘the variegated financialization of housing’ 41(4) international journal of urban and regional research 542. marcuse, p. and madden, d. (2016). in defense of housing . verso books rolnik, r (2013). ‘late neoliberalism: the financialization of homeownership and housing rights’ 37(3) international journal of urban and regional research 1058. forrest, r (2015).‘the ongoing financialisation of home ownership – new times, new contexts’ 15(1) international journal of housing policy 1. un general assembly,(2012). report of the special rapporteur on adequate housing as a component of the right to an adequate standard of living, and on the right to non-discrimination in this context (a/67/286, 10 august 2012). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 304 political participation in traditional society (case study of 2009 legislative election in kanekes village) enny suryanjari¹, suhanto² ¹ jakarta institute of social and political sciences, indonesia, ² international relations, faculty of social and political sciences, national university, jakarta indonesia, enny.suryanjari@iisip.ac.id , suhanto@civitas.unas.ac.id* * corresponding author abstract: this study examines the political participation of the baduy community in the form of voting in the 2009 legislative election. according to their belief, the baduy are not assigned to participate in the general election. to respect government regulations, they participated in elections 3 times with few participants (3%). in 2009 the baduy community participated in the general election with the number of participants reaching 21% of the permanent voters list. this study aims to determine the factors causing the increase in voter turnout. qualitative research methods. data collection techniques through in-depth interviews, observations, and literature searches. research results: the increase in political participation in the form of voting in the 2009 general election in kanekes village was caused by persuasion by the golkar party legislative candidate, h. kasmin, to the customary government. persuasion is done using traditional communication, namely face to face, the communicator is a person who is well known so that the communicant believes in the content of the message received. finally, the traditional leaders agreed to hold the general election in kanekes village. after the election was approved by traditional leaders, the golkar party's success team consisting of baduy people conducted a campaign to the citizens by utilizing primordial ties, namely ethnic ties. keywords: local bossism, traditional communication, political participation. submission : may, 23rd 2022 revision : june 19th 2022 publication : august 30th 2022 introduction this study discusses local elites' influence on traditional communities' political behavior by taking the case of the baduy people who live in kanekes village. like the characteristics of traditional communities in general, the baduy people live in a somewhat remote area, using simple equipment, depending on forest products, the social system is kinship, and the legal system is customary law. the existence of customary law that applies in traditional societies is sometimes contrary to the mailto:enny.suryanjari@iisip.ac.id mailto:suhanto@civitas.unas.ac.id* journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 305 interests of the state. in this case, the state's interest in holding the general election is to elect the legislative and executive leaders. political parties as organizations participating in the general elections have prepared themselves as well as possible. among them is conducting recruitment to prepare superior candidates who will be included in the general election. political parties also arrange winning strategies according to the targets that have been set. from the perspective of political parties, there is a base area and an unoccupied one. kanekes can be said to be a no man's land because it is inhabited by baduy people who have their customs regulations and do not participate in activities outside their customs. the baduy community is included in the customary community according to the definition of the 1999 congress of the indigenous peoples of the archipelago which stated that "indigenous peoples are communities that live based on hereditary origins on an indigenous territory, which has sovereignty over land and natural resources, and socio-cultural life regulated by customary law and customary institutions that manage the sustainability of community life”. the essence of the baduy philosophy of life is 'without change' which is formulated as follows: ‘lojor teu meunang dipotong, pendek teu meunang disambung, gunung teu meunang dilebur, lebak teu meunang dirakrak, mun ngadek kudu saclekna mun neukteuk kudu sateukna mun nilas kudu sapasna, nu lain dilainkeun nu enya dienyakeun ulah gorok ulah linyok’. meaning: "the length cannot be cut, the short cannot be joined, the mountain cannot be destroyed, the valley cannot be damaged, if it is slashed or cut it must be appropriate, if it is cut it must be according to its size if it is peeling it must be just right, what is wrong is declared wrong." what is true is declared true must not deceive and lie'. the philosophy of 'without change' is stated in the pikukuh karuhun (doctrine of the ancestral mandate) requiring the baduy community to be imprisoned, namely refraining from destroying nature to maintain a balance of functions and benefits for the welfare and harmony of the lives of all humans. to carry out pikukuh karuhun, the baduy must distance themselves from modern life. they live by relying on natural resources. the belief and value system adopted is to reject modernization, including technological progress. baduy people do not use electricity, do not listen to the radio, do not watch television, do not use telephones and the inner baduy do not use motorized vehicles and do not use footwear. they eat from their fields and self-made clothes. by their belief of 'wiwitan', the lifestyle of the baduy community adheres to a pattern of simplicity by being 'earth ascetics'. they perform this role obediently. this tradition makes them isolated from the outside world. baduy residents do not know formal education (school) because they are afraid that it will damage traditional values. they try to live independently and refuse outside help. in general, it can be said that the baduy community is closed to things that come from outside their community, including closing themselves off from the dynamics of political life in indonesia. however, this does not mean that the baduy people do not recognize the national (state) government. the baduy customary government system has a structure journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 306 related to the state. the baduy government system uses two structures which are combined into a baduy government system. the firis st, the structure that refers to the baduy customary government, and the second, is the structure that refers to the village government. the customary government structure is called the kapuunan system. puun is the highest leader who controls customary law and the order of people's lives and who adheres to the teachings of sunda wiwitan. puun consists of three people, namely puun cibeo, puun cikartawarna, and puun cikeusik. neither of them can leave their territory. they have the authority as decision makers and determine customary law that applies based on the results of consultations with customary institutions and at the same time guarantees the continuity of the implementation of customary law in the baduy community. they are often called tangtu tilu. (kurnia & sihabudin: 2010). meanwhile, the structure that refers to the national government is in jaro pamarentah. in the village government structure, jaro pamarentah is called the village head. by law no. 32 of 2004 concerning regional government and law no. 33 of 2004 concerning financial balance between the central and regional governments, the kanekes village government structure also underwent changechanged with village government in general, kanekes village was led by a village head. the thing that distinguishes kanekes village from other villages is that in kanekes village there is no village representative body (bpd) because there is already a traditional institution. jaro pamarentah is a balancing system between the state and the baduy customary system. administratively, jaro pamarentah is responsible to the national government above him, namely the sub-district head, while traditionally he is responsible to the highest customary leader, namely the puun. jaro pamarentah has a strategic position because it must accommodate the interests of customs and the interests of the state. one of the interests of the state raised in this research is holding general elections to elect representatives of the people and government leaders. general election is a state program that must be followed by every citizen who has met the requirements. the indonesian government urges every citizen who has met the requirements to exercise their right to vote. thus, abstaining (not voting) is highly discouraged. however, the baduy customary government does not advise its citizens to vote in the general election because it is not by customary regulations as conveyed by ayah mursid, a traditional baduy figure.: ‘please do not equate and force the same in terms of election activities, because baduy is not entrusted with/obligated to interfere in enlivening the country, but we must guide and advise leaders, if baduy citizens participate in voting or support political parties, it means we are no longer obedient to confirm the mandate of wiwitan. the risk of togetherness and unity of the baduy people will be destroyed'. (destroyedihabudin: 2010) in a democratic system, the issue of voting or not voting (often called the white group or golput) is an individual right. golput is part of human rights or basic human rights that need to be respected and protected. everyone can follow his conscience journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 307 not to vote for certain reasons related to the quality of political parties, legislative candidates as well as presidential or vice-presidential candidates who nominate in the general elections market. however, golput has never been recommended, even some political parties have criticized the existence of golput. this is different from the baduy community in kanekes village. their not voting does not mean that they voted for golput. even though the baduy community is part of indonesian citizens and has the right to vote, because the baduy community is bound by the customs that they have adhered to for many years, it is difficult for anyone, including election organizers, to intervene and force baduy people to vote. the task of socializing election activities is not only the task of the general elections commission (kpu) but also carried out by political parties. political parties as an organization that aims to seize or maintain power have four functions, namely the function of political socialization, political communication, political recruitment, and conflict management. the golkar party recruited kasmin, a native baduy who had left the baduy village so that he was no longer bound by customary regulations. after living outside baduy kasmin converted to islam, then entered formal school while continuing his work as a trader selling products produced by baduy people such as palm sugar, durian, honey, and other agricultural products. almost every farmer comes to kasmin to sell his wares. therefore, his name is very well known by the baduy people. in 1997 kasmin received an award as the ‘pioneering youth' for his services in marketing baduy products. in 1999 with the approval of the kapu'uan, kasmin served as a member of the mpr as a group representative representing isolated communities. since then, kasmin is very well known in the lebak area. in 2004 kasmin was prepared by the golkar party to run as a legislative candidate and was realized in the 2009 legislative election. the debate about participation in the general election in kanekes village started in 1984, but the customary government still asked residents to pray for who won or their term lunang is short for milu kanu meunang (follow who wins). the elections held in kanekes village in 2004 only fulfilled the requirements, because there were no more than 150 participants for the entire village with a population of approximately 10 thousand people. according to gabriel a. almond, as quoted by mas'oed and macandrews (2001), one of the conventional forms of political participation is voting. even though in an undemocratic political system, general elections are not held to provide opportunities for the people to influence government policies, but rather to provide support to the political system and the ruling elite. whatever the goal of the general election, what is emphasized here is that voting activities can be referred to as political participation activities. the phenomenon emerged in the 2009 election when kasmin became one of the legislative candidates. there has been a significant increase in the number of baduy people exercising their right to vote. if in the 2004 election there were less than 150 voters, in the banten province election 400 people exercised their right to vote, then in the 2009 election, the situation changed drastically. from about 6,322 people registered in the dpt (permanent voters list), there are approximately 1272 outer baduy residents who come to tps (polling stations). inner baduy residents do not give their voting rights when the general election is held because it coincides with journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 308 the kawalu ceremony, which is a ritual that must be carried out by the baduy indigenous people. based on the problems that have been formulated above, the following research questions are asked: 1). why is there an increase in political participation in the form of voting in the 2009 legislative election in kanekes village? 2). what is the role of legislative candidate h. kasmin in winning the general election in kanekes village? traditional societies are always interesting to be studied by many researchers. this is because in traditional societies there are many unique things found in their sociocultural life and beliefs. traditional people who are indigenous people often receive more attention from the government in the sense of receiving guidance so that they can live like modern societies. research on the attitudes and behavior of indigenous peoples in election activities has been written by several researchers. among them, yance arizona (2010) wrote about the noken system in elections in papua. in yahukimo regency, papua province, in the 2009 general election, the election was carried out using a traditional mechanism. the voting ballots are represented by the tribal chiefs. put in a typical papuan bag called “noken.” before voting, they first consulted about which party and who would be elected. the mechanism of the noken model emphasizes the role of adat in building democracy. this system has been in use since the 1971 general election. novia rahmat (2016) examined the influence of the kuncen (customary head) in the traditional community of kampung naga, neglasari village, salawu district, tasikmalaya regency in the 2014 presidential election. kuncen directs and recommends candidates nominated in the presidential election (pilpres) to indigenous peoples. although the kuncen verbally does not instruct its citizens to vote for one candidate, the kuncen's choice of one candidate tends to be followed by its citizens. indigenous people consider the choice of kuncen to be the best choice that will lead indonesia and ensure a better life for the people in the future. this is due to the charisma factor of the kuncen which makes the indigenous people feel reluctant, to trust and obey the kuncen. munadi (2011) wrote about the samin community (sedulur sikep) who live in mbombong hamlet, baturejo village, sukolilo district, pati regency, central java province. they live in groups that separate themselves formally from the general cultural order. not in school, not involved with the dynamics of modern life. if there are election activities, they vote but only to fulfill their obligations as citizens. this study finds that the political culture of the samin community is parochial. the author examines the influence of local elites on the political behavior of traditional communities by taking the case of the baduy community living in kanekes village on the political participation of the baduy community. this research was appointed because the baduy people have their customs which refers to their belief that they do not need to be involved in activities outside baduy including general election activities. the phenomenon that occurs is that there is an increase in election participants in traditional villages that have customary regulations that are not following government regulations. legislative candidates try to get votes from the villagers by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 309 cooperating with village officials, persuading traditional leaders, and ordering residents to vote for this legislative candidate. thus, the concepts used to analyze the above phenomena are local bossism from john t sidel (2005). sidel builds the concept of local bossism, namely a person or group of people who control economic, social, and political life. sidel said that local bosses are power brokers who have a monopoly on the economy and resources of violence in their jurisdiction. economic resources are obtained not from hereditary wealth but are obtained after holding power. wealth is earned by manipulating the state. this means that they use the state to fulfill their interests at the local level. the second concept is traditional society from harold crouch (1982) who says that the characteristics of the traditional society include people taking things for granted. it is static and hardly changes. if there is a change, it is evolutionary, unable to carry out social mobility, is obedient to his beliefs/religion, and has strong kinship ties. the political communication model used in traditional society is done face-to-face. according to lazarsfeld as quoted by maswadi rauf (1993, p. 24) face-to-face contact is the most important factor in changing voters' choices. furthermore, maswadi explained that a close relationship with fellow members of the community who are well known and trusted is a guarantee that the information conveyed by the figure is worth following. the nature of direct face-to-face relationships allows the communicant to get more information from opinion leaders. in this case, traditional communication is used to convey messages to the local community to carry out the simplest political participation, namely voting in elections. in a traditional society where political recruitment is carried out with a patronage pattern, the form of community political participation contains more or fewer elements of mobilization. mobilized political participation is described by huntington and nelson (1994). while the traditional tool used as the reason for the election of legislative candidates is the primordial bond. this bond is a spiritual factor that glues the origin of lineage, ethnicity, culture, and religion. according to clifford geertz, primordial bonds are closely related to the idea of 'overpowering'. the essence of primordiality is affection. method this research uses a qualitative and a case study approach, namely exploring phenomena (cases) that are limited by time and activity. primary data collection techniques are carried out by in-depth interviews while secondary data is obtained from documents. the phenomenon that will be generalized is the change in the political behavior of the baduy community in kanekes village, leuwidamar district, lebak regency, banten province. results and discussion the baduy community is divided into two major groups, namely the inner baduy group and the outer baduy group. the baduy dalam group is called 'urang tangtu'1 1 pasal 1 ayat (48) peraturan desa kanekes no. 01 tahun 2007 tentang saba budaya dan perlindungan masyarakat adat tatar kanekes (baduy) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 310 who obey customary law and are strong in carrying out the mandate of their ancestors. while the outer baduy group is called 'urang panamping'2 which means companion because they live outside the baduy area and accompany the inner baduy community. the characteristics of the inner baduy (urang tangtu) and outer baduy (urang panamping) can be seen in the way they dress. the male urang tangtu wears a white kutung (shirt without buttons), under the aros, which is a kind of short cloth that is tied with a cloth like a shawl. aros is dark in color. besides that, urang tangtu wears a white headband. for men panamping, wear a black shirt, black shorts and a blue or black headband with a batik pattern. the baduy community is a traditional society with strong customary law. they adhere to a belief called sunda wiwitan, namely the teaching of maintaining natural harmony using asceticism (simple living and staying away from worldly activities). as indigenous peoples, they have their government structure called kapuunan. puun is the highest leader who controls customary law and the order of people's lives. kapuunan are in the inner baduy which consists of cibeo kapuunan, cikartawarna kapuunan and cikeusik kapuunan. each kapuunan has different duties and authorities but refers to one guideline, namely pikukuh karuhun. pikukuh karuhun is the embodiment of the sunda wiwitan teachings. the implementation of the kepuunan customary government is carried out by the jaro. jaro as a puun mandate has the authority to regulate the implementation of the life of the baduy community, starting from social relations with the community, scheduling traditional ceremonies, disseminating customary law to baduy residents to maintaining security and order. jaro who oversees bridging state affairs with indigenous peoples is called jaro pamarentah. administratively, jaro pamarentah (village head) is responsible to the national government above him, namely the subdistrict head, while traditionally he is responsible to the highest customary leader, namely the puun. this customary government system is only implemented in the baduy area and binds all baduy residents. the government system does not involve the indonesian political system, so the baduy are not oriented to the national political system. although the national political system is not involved, it does not mean that the baduy customary government system is disconnected from the national political system. there is a customary institution that connects the national government called jaro pamarentah. as the village head of jaro pamarentah, he must submit to state policies, including carrying out general elections (pemilu). however, the customary government does not recommend the baduy community participate in the general election because it is not by customs regulations. if there is an election activity, then the baduy traditional leader will remind the community that the baduy people do not participate in voting but pray that the leader elected in the election will be able to carry out the people's mandate. 2 pasal 1 ayat (49) peraturan desa kanekes no. 01 tahun 2007 tentang saba budaya dan perlindungan masyarakat adat tatar kanekes (baduy) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 311 with a population of about 10 thousand people, the baduy community is the target of many political parties. however, everything is hampered by customary regulations. nevertheless, there is a political party that can break through the customary regulations, namely the golkar party. this party applies a different strategy, namely a cadre of baduy people who have come out of customary regulations. in this case, the party installed h. kasmin, a native baduy son, as a legislative candidate. h. kasmin lives outside baduy and works as an entrepreneur. one of its efforts is to accommodate and market local baduy products. so even though it's out of tradition, it still maintains a good relationship. even h. kasmin has a special place in the eyes of baduy residents because of his role as a trader who markets baduy products. it should be noted that the livelihood of the baduy people is farming with the main product of fruits such as bananas, durians, rambutans, and petai, which are perishable, therefore they must be sold immediately. if farmers market their produce, it will take a long time, especially for farmers from the inner baduy, who are not allowed to use vehicles but only walk. to overcome this, farmers need a pool that can accommodate fruits quickly. h. kasmin accommodates most of the produce of the baduy population. in addition to buying agricultural products, h. kasmin also buys home industry items such as palm sugar, honey, and handicrafts, and he even collects the results of logging the expensive albizia wood. h. kasmin's persistence in marketing agricultural products and developing the handicrafts of the baduy community was awarded by president soeharto as the national youth pioneer in 1997. what h. kasmin has done for baduy reflects one of the characteristics of local bosses. his career in politics began when h. kasmin became acquainted with many businessmen, most of whom were cadres of the golkar party. not long after that he joined and began working in the golkar party. initially, the golkar party was formed by the new order regime as a political machine to gain votes during the general election. in the banten area, in addition to the golkar party, the new order regime also created the pppsbbi (banten martial arts and cultural arts association) to maintain regional political stability. pppsbii members are the banten champions. h. kasmin's career increased when he entered the pppsbbi network and in 2004 served as chairman of the lebak regency pppsbbi. most of the pppsbbi members are businessmen, and it is under this pppsbbi link that h. kasmin has obtained many government projects, especially in the construction sector. since then, h. kasmin has been trusted to serve as chairman of gapeksindo (indonesian national construction company association) in the lebak district. a year later, in 2005, h. kasmin served as treasurer of the dpd golkar party in the lebak district. in 2009 he served as chairman of the dpd golkar party in the lebak district. as a golkar party cadre, h. kasmin was nominated as a member of the banten provincial dprd. one of the targeted voices is kanekes village, which is inhabited by the baduy community. one of the strategies adopted is to create a wammby (wadah musyawarah baduy community) to obtain government programs and social assistance from the government to meet the needs of the kanekes community. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 312 during his tenure as chairman of wammby, many things have been done for the welfare of kanekes, including maintaining subsistence security, including in the legal field, namely fighting for the customary rights of the baduy region; in the economic field, it is carried out by accommodating agricultural products and seeking access for baduy traders, as well as participating in government programs in preserving the environment with economically valuable plants, and in education by involving baduy residents in functional literacy activities. and social assistance from the ministry of social affairs which aims to meet the needs of the baduy community these efforts are then explained one by one. in the field of subsistence security, h. kasmin seeks to support the struggle to obtain customary rights to baduy land as stipulated by regional regulation no. 32/2001 concerning the protection of the ulayat rights of the baduy community. this regional regulation is very important because the baduy community in dealing with their territory is regulated and limited to their ulayat area, so it needs to be protected. protection, in this case, is explained in article 1 paragraph 3 which reads: 'protection is a series of activities carried out by the regional government and the community in protecting the baduy community structure from disturbing/destructive efforts originating from outside the baduy community'. with this regional regulation, most of the problems in the baduy area have been resolved, namely the problem of land grabbing. before the local regulation was issued, many residents from outside baduy cultivated crops in the area. they also released their livestock in baduy farmers' fields which caused damage to crops, and some even stole wood in the baduy forest. with this regional regulation, arable lands taken by residents outside baduy must be handed back to the baduy community. kasmin's role as chairman of wammby is very meaningful to approaching the national government and customary government levels. another characteristic of local bosses is that they are government brokers, namely looking for government programs that suit the needs of the baduy community. an example is involving the baduy community in the gnrl program (national movement for forest and land rehabilitation), which is a government program that aims to restore, maintain and improve the function of forests and land so that the area can function as watershed protection (das), preventing floods, landslides, erosion and at the same time supporting the productivity of forest and land resources and conserving biodiversity. this program is expected to reduce the amount of degraded forest area. one of the activities is planting various trees to maintain biodiversity. wammby as a forum to accommodate the aspirations of the baduy people whose main livelihood is farmers tries to create a program to improve the welfare of the baduy community where the program is in line with government programs. wammby took the initiative to partner with the ministry of forestry to carry out tree planting in the citarum-ciliwung watershed. the proposal from the baduy farmer group is to plant commodity trees that are in demand by the market such as albizia trees, sugar palms, durians, petai, and rambutans. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 313 this partnership was realized by providing 32,800 albaziah seeds to be planted in an area of 29.8 ha and 8,400 rubber seeds to be planted in an area of 21 ha. so, the total area of land planted with albizia and rubber seedlings is 50.8 ha with a total number of 41,200 seedlings. (wammby 2008 document). the provision of these seeds is quite significant for the welfare of baduy farmers. another activity carried out by wammby is improving the education sector. as a baduy person who cares about education, h. kasmin wants the baduy community to advance in education. kasmin's main reason for leaving baduy customs was to get a formal education. the development of the era requires that someone must have the ability to read and write. this is a basic need for baduy residents to carry out various transactions, both simple and modern transactions. this demand is felt by the young generation of baduy who have the desire to be able to communicate effectively. kasmin through wammby seeks to include baduy residents in a government program called functional literacy. functional literacy is related to pure illiteracy, namely people who cannot read, write, and count at all with any literacy system. the aim is to increase knowledge of reading, writing, and arithmetic, as well as functional skills to improve their standard of living. h. kasmin as the head of wammby proposed a functional literacy program to increase the potential and skills of the baduy community, considering that traditional leaders forbade baduy residents to attend formal schools. h. kasmin tried to approach the kokolot that basic education was needed as a provision for baduy children to face the challenges of the times. therefore, routine activities are needed to equip the baduy community with reading, writing, and arithmetic skills. this teaching can be carried out formally in a container of activities called functional literacy. h.kasmin's approach has resulted in the approval of functional literacy activities on the condition that they do not interfere with customary activities. (h. kasmin interview 2015) in the end, the socialization and technical guidance of the functional literacy tutor in kanekes (baduy) village were inaugurated on november 25, 2007, at sdn bojongmenteng iii. the socialization was attended by the head of leuwidamar subdistrict, koramil, polsek, other government officials, teachers, inner baduy figures, and journalists. the journalists were deliberately invited to report that in baduy there was already a teaching and learning process. according to h. kasmin, this is to dispel the notion that the baduy are an underdeveloped tribe that does not follow the flow of modernization. as the organizer of functional literacy (kf) activities, wammby formed a team to organize the kf program in kanekes village. this activity is divided into 25 groups based on the region (village), each group has a leader and tutor. (wammby 2008 document). from the many activities above, it can be concluded that what h. kasmin has done for baduy reflects one of the characters of the local boss. the implementation of the legislative general election in kanekes village in 2009 was inseparable from the role of h. kasmin who took part in wammby and as a native baduy who was well known and trusted by traditional leaders so that he could negotiate with the customary leaders. all activities carried out by h. kasmin on behalf of the golkar party are called political linkage. in 2009 the population of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 314 baduy reached about 11 thousand people with the number of adults around 6 thousand people. from the perspective of political parties, this data is read as 6 thousand votes that have not been occupied. thus, there is an opportunity to get those votes in the nearest general election. the golkar party has a target to get these votes. the strategy implemented is to recruit baduy natives to become party cadres and when they are ready, they will be proposed as election contestants. the reason for preparing a cadre of native baduy people is based on the character of the traditional baduy community which closes itself off from the outside world. in matters of a principal nature, they only want to talk to people who are well known and trusted. people who are well known and trusted can be foreigners or baduy people who have come out of customary regulations but still establish friendships at home. h. kasmin managed to form a strong kinship bond because, despite his busy schedule, he still made time to visit baduy villages, both outer baduy and inner baduy villages, at least once a month. (h. kasmin interview). negotiations conveyed persuasively are the best way for the baduy community. to carry out the socialization of the legislative election in kanekes village, persuasion communication is needed first considering the nature of the people who reject the general election. in campaign management, venus (2007) quotes parrot (1993): 'campaigns are inherently persuasive communication activitiesactivitieson is at the heart of the campaign. thus, every campaign action in principle is an act of persuasion. pace, peterson, and burnett (1979) define persuasion as an act of communication that aims to make the communicant accept the communicator's view of something or take a certain action. while johnson (1994) a more specific definition is a transactional process between two or more people where there is an attempt to reconstruct reality through the exchange of symbolic meanings which then results in voluntary changes in beliefs, attitudes, and or behavior. (venus, 2007). the persuasion to socialize the 2009 legislative election in kanekes village was carried out by two parties, namely the state through the kpud and the political party golkar through h. kasmin. other political parties could not campaign in kanekes village because it was forbidden by the traditional leaders. thus, it can be concluded that the factors that caused h. kasmin to negotiate with traditional leaders were primordial factors based on kinship ties. h. kasmin managed to form a strong kinship bond because, despite his busy schedule, he still made time to visit baduy villages, both outer baduy and inner baduy villages, at least once a month. (h. kasmin interview). h. kasmin's efforts to influence the mindset of baduy traditional leaders can be classified as cultural brokers. according to hiroko horikoshi (1987), cultural brokers function as agents of change, inspiration, and mediators in society. as a motor of change that moves from the cultural elite. hiroko added that to enter the political space requires two social capitals, namely authority, and charisma. in this case, h. kasmin entered the political space with the social capital of charisma. meanwhile, geertz (1960) provides a similar definition of a cultural broker but with a more specific goal, namely, to bridge two groups or persons who have different cultural systems, to reduce conflict or create change. (refer to 'bridging, linking or journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 315 mediating between groups or persons of differing cultural systems to reduce conflict or produce change'). h. kasmin as a legislative candidate has an interest in the implementation of the general election in kanekes village because it requires votes from baduy residents. therefore, the h.kasmin success team tried to lobby the adat government to allow its citizens to vote. lobbying in essence is an attempt to maximize the use of communication techniques to influence other parties who initially tend to refuse, to agree, or gain support. lobbying is an informal and persuasive effort carried out by one party who has certain interests to attract support from parties who are considered to have influence or authority so that the desired target is achieved. in this case, the target to be achieved is to influence customary government policies and gain support, to win the general election. the method used by the h. kasmin team is to build traditional communication in the form of face-to-face and persuasion. in the political field, persuasion is interpreted as an invitation, persuasion, and seduction in a non-violent form carried out by political communicators to the community as communicants. the goal is to create a feeling of responsiveness in other people (the voting public). persuasion is done by using traditional political communication. effective political communication is done face-to-face. according to lazarsfeld as quoted by maswadi rauf (1993, p.24), face-to-face contact is the most important factor in changing voters' choices. furthermore, maswadi explained that a close relationship with fellow members of the community who are well known and trusted is a guarantee that the information conveyed by the figure is worth following. the nature of direct face-to-face relationships allows the communicant to get more information from opinion leaders. this is by the condition of the baduy community who do not use any communication media except face-to-face. the above concept is applied in political communication in baduy where the communicators are figures who are well known by the customary government, namely h. kasmin, and jaro dainah as jaro pamarentah (village head). they carry out persuasion by making direct contact with baduy traditional leaders. baduy people's obedience to their leader is very hibywith the character of the baduy community which has a high level of conformity. this is evidenced by the prohibition of participating in elections with the low level of participation of baduy citizens in elections. when in the 2009 legislative election there was one of the original baduy sons who became a legislative candidate for the banten provincial dprd, namely h. kasmin., the baduy community was asked to participate. as previously explained, h. kasmin is an influential baduy figure among the baduy elite as well as the layman. as community leaders/local bosses who hold important positions such as the chairman of the lebak district pppsbbi, the chairman of the golkar party dpd in the lebak district, the chairman of gapekindo, and a former member of the indonesian people's consultative assembly, the traditional leaders feel reluctant to refuse his wishes. meanwhile, in the eyes of the baduy community, they get a good impression because their role in helping baduy farmers is very significant, starting from collecting field products, seeking market access, protecting the baduy area by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 316 fighting for the rights to baduy communal land, as well as protecting the baduy community. h. kasmin's contribution to the baduy community has been recognized by residents as well as by the baduy elite. the community assesses that what h. kasmin has done so far has been enjoyed by the baduy community, including the elite (baduy figures). as stated by jaro daenah, the point is that the public can accept h. kasmin as a legislature not only because of fellow baduy people but more than that, the public can judge what h. kasmin's actions are. (jaro pamarentah interview). the success of the negotiations and persuasion carried out by h. kasmin and jaro pamarentah resulted in an agreement to hold the legislative election in kanekes village. the general election was attended by 44 political parties with 113 permanent candidates consisting of 76 men and 37 women. (document of kpud lebak 2008). legislative elections took place simultaneously on april 9, 2009. if in other areas there are many pictures of political parties and photos of legislative candidates, this is not the case with kanekes village. in this baduy village, there are no posters or attributes of the parties participating in the election. the election atmosphere was only found in dainah's jaro house in the form of a poster containing 44 picture signs and the number of participants in the 2009 election and a banner that read 'success of the election'. these posters and banners were given by the kpu. before the general election took place, the event was opened with remarks from jaro pamarentah (village head), namely jaro dainah. in his speech, jaro dainah, who is part of the h.kasmin success team, inserts the vote: "relax, the calm chooses, and the most important thing is right on target. adjust according to the customary agreement, choose the one that is close,". what is meant by 'choose close' is h. kasmin. the language used is also a mixture of the indonesian and sundanese dialects of baduy. language shows a primordial bond. after finishing the speech from jaro dainah, the event continued with the direction of the chairperson of the sapin voting organizing group (kpps), who is also the secretary of kanekes village. h.sapin is one of the successful teams of h.kasmin. in this briefing, sapin reminded baduy residents about how to vote, starting from taking ballots, how to check, to putting ballots into the ballot box. customary regulations that prohibit legislative candidates from campaigning in baduy villages mean that almost all baduy residents do not know many candidates for legislative members. the only legislative candidate they knew was h. kasmin. overall, the election in kanekes village took place in an orderly and safe manner. in principle, the baduy choose 'lunang' which stands for milu (join) who wins, meaning that whoever wins the baduy will admit it. the baduy must pray for the victorious leader so that he can carry out his duties well. of the 6,322 permanent voter lists who came to cast their votes, 1272 (document ppk leuwidamar district). when compared with the results of the previous general election in 2004, the 2009 general election experienced a significant increase. in 2004 the permanent voter list was approximately 6000, but only 150 voted. the increase in political participation of baduy citizens in 2009 reached 750%. after completing the voting process, the committee immediately started counting the votes. the results of the vote count of parties and members of the banten journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 317 provincial dprd obtained from the leuwidamar sub-district show that h. kasmin received the most votes in kanekes village reaching 3803. when viewed from the golkar party contestants, h. kasmin was the most superior with 3803 votes, followed by h. suparman, sh, m.si as many as 896, h. rudi e. suherman, s.e as many as 490, kh. salman alfarisy received 146. other candidates received less than 30 votes, and some even received no votes at all. this shows the success of the h.kasmin success team that won votes not only in kanekes village but also at the sub-district level. the results of the 2009 legislative elections in kanekes village showed an increase in the political participation of the baduy community in the form of voting for candidate h. kasmin. if we look at the characteristics of the traditional baduy community who are not familiar with the concept of general election, it can be assumed that the political participation carried out by baduy residents is not one hundred percent autonomous. huntington and nelson distinguish political participation into two types, namely autonomous political participation and mobilized political participation. autonomous political participation is the selfawareness to influence government decision-making, while mobilized political participation occurs if there are other people outside the actors who influence government decision-making. the differences in the types of political participation are not dichotomous and can be sharply distinguished from one another. therefore huntington (1994) tends to say 'the two are one spectrum. the point in the spectrum that separates mobilized participation from autonomous participation is arbitrary. in a traditional society where political recruitment is carried out with a patronage pattern, the form of community political participation contains more or fewer elements of mobilization. mobilized political participation is described by huntington and nelson (1994) as follows: “mobilized participants are stimulated to behave in ways that aim to influence the government, without them taking an interest in, or even having to be aware of, the impact their actions have on the government. they act on instructions, and they are to a large extent or wholly driven by loyalty, love, respect, or fear, towards a leader, or by a desire to obtain benefits for which they believe the leader's opinion is given”. huntington's theory can be used to answer the problem of increasing political participation in baduy residents which has an impact on h. kasmin's victory as a candidate for the banten provincial dprd. conclusion baduy people are indigenous people who live on baduy ulayat land in kanekes village. as indigenous peoples, they have their government structure called kapuunan. puun is the highest leader who controls customary law and the order of people's lives. the implementation of the kepuunan customary government is carried out by the jaro. jaro as a puun mandate has the authority to regulate the implementation of the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 318 life of the baduy community, starting from social relations with the community, scheduling traditional ceremonies, disseminating customary law to baduy residents to maintaining security and order. jaro who is in charge of bridging state affairs with indigenous peoples is called jaro pamarentah. administratively, jaro pamarentah (village head) is responsible to the national government above him, namely the subdistrict head, while traditionally he is responsible to the highest customary leader, namely the puun. this customary government system is only implemented in the baduy area and binds all baduy residents. the government system does not involve the indonesian political system so the baduy are not oriented to the national political system. although the national political system is not involved, it does not mean that the baduy customary government system is disconnected from the national political system. there is a customary institution that connects the national government called jaro pamarentah. as the village head of jaro pamarentah, he must submit to state policies, including carrying out general elections (pemilu). however, the customary government does not recommend the baduy community participate in the general election because it is not by customary regulations. one of the election participants named h. kasmin is a baduy who has broken away from customary regulations. living outside baduy as a businessman and being a member of the golkar party. it is estimated that the number of votes that can be obtained in kanekes village is around six thousand. therefore, h. kasmin tried to persuade traditional leaders to allow their citizens to participate in the general election. as a local boss, the strategy taken by h. kasmin is to use the wammby institution (wadah musyawarah baduy community) to seek government programs and social assistance from the government to meet the needs of the kanekes community, including providing legal power over the customary land inhabited by baduy residents, involving residents in the gnrhl project (national movement for forest and land rehabilitation), involving residents in the functional literacy program. the role of h. kasmin as the chairman of wammby can be accepted by the baduy community. this has become one of the considerations for the customary government to accept h. kasmin's proposal for citizens to participate in election activities. in the end, the traditional leader allowed the election in kanekes village. the number of dpt (permanent voters list) is 6322, while the number of those who cast their votes is 1272. when compared with the results of the previous election in 2004, the 2009 general election experienced a significant increase. in 2004 the permanent voter list was approximately 6000, but only 150 voted. the increase in political participation of baduy citizens in 2009 reached 750%. the type of political participation carried out by the residents of kanekes village is more or less a mobilization element considering that the residents in this village do not access information about the 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(1996). case study: design and method. jakarta: raja garfindo persada. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 49 the influence of environmental performance and company characteristics on corporate social responsibility disclosures arifatul aini, tita djuitaningsih accounting program, faculty of economics and social sciences, bakrie university arifatulaini85@gmail.com, djuitaningsih@gmail.com* abstract: this study aims to examine the effect of environmental performance and company characteristics on corporate social responsibility (csr) disclosure. the characteristics of the companies in this study are proxied by company size, profitability, leverage, and public ownership. the population of this study is manufacturing companies listed on the indonesia stock exchange for the 2016-2019 period, totaling 182 companies. the sampling technique used is the purposive sampling method. based on this method, a sample size of 148 was obtained. the data analysis method used was the multiple linear regression method. the results show that environmental performance and leverage have a positive effect on csr disclosure. while profitability has a negative effect on csr disclosure. meanwhile, company size and public share ownership have no effect on csr disclosure. keywords: company characteristics, csr disclosure, environmental performance, leverage, and profitability. submission : september, 13rd 2022 revision : november 24th 2022 publication : february 28th 2023 introduction the company was founded with the main objective of providing prosperity to the shareholders. but apart from that, the company must also have a commitment to the business it operates. the world business council for sustainable development (2000) states that corporate social responsibility (csr) is a business commitment to contribute to sustainable economic development through collaboration with employees, company representatives, local communities, and the general public to improve the quality of life. in a way that is beneficial for the company's business continuity as well as for development. according to gray, owen, and maunders (1987), csr disclosure is the process of communicating the social, ethical, and environmental impacts of a company's economic actions on certain stakeholder groups in society. mailto:arifatulaini85@gmail.com mailto:djuitaningsih@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 50 companies in indonesia disclose csr information based on government regulation number 47 of 2012 concerning the social and environmental responsibility of limited liability companies. disclosure of corporate social responsibility is also contained in the financial services authority regulation number 51/pojk.03/2017 concerning the implementation of sustainable finance for financial services institutions, issuers, and public companies. when carrying out csr programs, the company does not only realize its obligations to bondholders or stakeholders but also to the government and society. not all csr disclosures are presented clearly and in detail. this is because there are no standard standards to be obeyed by every company. one of the standards used as a guide for corporate csr assessment indicators is the global reporting initiative (gri). the most recent gri standard is gri-g4 which was released on 22 may 2013, but its application is reserved for reports published after 31 december 2015 (global reporting initiative, 2013). gri-g4 has 91 indicators which are divided into three categories of disclosure including economic (ec) consisting of 9 items, environmental (en) consisting of 34 items, and social consisting of 16 labor practices (la) items, 12 human rights items ( hr), 11 items of society (so), and 9 items of product responsibility (pr) (global reporting initiative, 2013). the reality that is currently happening is that there are still many companies that have not disclosed csr in detail and in full, especially in the manufacturing sector in indonesia. this was reinforced by a statement from the ministry of environment and forestry (klhk) which assessed that the compliance of the manufacturing sector in 2019 in managing corporate social and environmental responsibility was still low (https://ekonomi.bisnis.com/). the following is csr disclosure data using the gri-g4 indicator for manufacturing companies listed on the indonesia stock exchange (idx) in 2019. figure 1. level of csr disclosure based-on the gri-g4 indicator of manufacturing companies listed on the idx in 2019 figure 1.1 shows that 45 companies from 182 manufacturing sector companies listed on the indonesia stock exchange in 2019 did not fully disclose csr to the public. this causes social and environmental responsibilities to the public not to be fulfilled optimally, so that the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 51 public's assessment of the company decreases and it is feared that it will threaten the company's sustainability (sabatini & sudana, 2019). based on this phenomenon, research on csr disclosure in manufacturing companies listed on the bei is interesting to study. research on the factors that influence csr disclosure has been carried out by several previous researchers, including purnasiwi and sudarno (2011); arthana (2012); permana and raharja (2012); wijaya (2012); putri, sari, and sari (2013); sirait and wake (2013); yusrianti and himawan (2013); oktariani and neem (2014); rahayu and anisyukurlillah (2015); saputra (2016); yanti and budiasih (2016); sumaryono and fun (2017); david (2018); ruroh and latifah (2018); agustiani and brahmayanti (2019); ramadan (2019); hitipeuw, kuntari, and triani (2020). based on previous research, there are several factors that influence csr disclosure, namely environmental performance, company size, profitability, leverage, and public share ownership. this study replicates the research that has been done previously by yusrianti and himawan (2013) entitled the effect of company characteristics on disclosure of corporate social responsibility. the difference between this study and the research of yusrianti and himawan (2013) is the addition of independent variables on environmental performance and public share ownership. then, another difference is that this study uses the gri-g4 index to measure csr disclosure, while yusrianti and himawan (2013) research uses iso 26000. based on the description above, the purpose of this study is to empirically test the effect of environmental performance and company characteristics on csr disclosure. company characteristics in this study are proxied by company size, profitability, leverage, and public share ownership. the influence of company size on the disclosure of corporate social responsibility (csr). literature review agency theory referring to the agency theory of jensen and meckling (1976), agency conflicts between principals and agents are caused by the existence of information asymmetry between the two. according to banghoj and plenborg (2008), disclosure of corporate information is used as a means to reduce information asymmetry between agents and principals, so that principals demand agents to produce relevant company information. efforts that can be made by agents are to increase the quantity and quality of disclosure as a form of response to the supervision of the principal (huang & zhang, 2012). one of the information disclosures that can be done by agents is the disclosure of csr information. corporate social responsibility disclosure csr disclosure according to gray, owen, and maunders (1987) is the process of communicating the social, ethical, and environmental impacts of a company's economic actions on certain stakeholder groups in society and on society as a whole. according to gray, kouhy, and lavers (1995), csr disclosure is the provision of information by entities relating to policies, aspirations, and activities towards communities, customers, the environment, and employees. one of the standards used as a guide for corporate csr assessment indicators is the global reporting initiative (gri). the most recent gri standard journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 52 is gri-g4 which was released on 22 may 2013, but its application is reserved for reports published after 31 december 2015 (global reporting initiative, 2013). gri-g4 has 91 indicators which are divided into three categories of disclosure including economic (ec) consisting of 9 items, environmental (en) consisting of 34 items, and social consisting of 16 labor practices (la) items, 12 human rights items ( hr), 11 items of society (so), and 9 items of product responsibility (pr) (global reporting initiative, 2013). environmental performance environmental performance is an outcome that can be measured through an environmental management system related to environmental controls and aspects (iso 14004 in fitria & wibowo, 2015). environmental performance can be measured through the company performance rating program in environmental management (proper) referring to the regulation of the minister of the environment of the republic of indonesia number 03 of 2014 issued by the ministry of environment (klh). measurement of environmental performance in this study was carried out by looking at the company's achievements in participating in the proper program. the assessment is carried out with a ranking that includes five colors namely gold, green, blue, red, and black and is given a successive score with the highest score of 5 for gold, 4 for green, 3 for blue, 2 for red, and the lowest value. 1 for black (haholongan, 2016). company characteristics the characteristics of the company are the incentive variables attached to the company during a certain time (shehu, 2012 in yadiati & mubarok (2017), p. 129). each entity has different characteristics from one another. according to naser et al. (2002), company characteristics are divided into 4 categories, namely market variables, performance variables, ownership variables, and structural variables. the characteristics of the companies in this study that are thought to influence csr disclosure are company size, profitability, leverage, and public share ownership. company size is the size of a company that can be measured using total assets, total sales, average sales levels, and average total assets (wati, 2019, p. 31). firm size is measured using total assets using the natural logarithm value (ln) of the total assets with the aim of simplifying the total value of assets without changing the proportion of the actual total assets (supriadi, 2020, p. 129). in addition, company size can be measured using the natural logarithm of total sales to determine wealth and resources as reflected in the scale of sales (putranto & darmawan, 2018). company size can also be measured using the average total net sales and the average total assets for the year concerned until several years later (brigham & houston, 2011, p. 234 in rahayu, 2019). the size of the company in this study uses the natural logarithm (ln) of the company's total assets. measurement of company size journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 53 natural logarithm (ln) of total company assets was chosen because the total asset value is relatively more stable than the total sales value (sudarmadji & sularto, 2007). profitability. profitability is the company's ability to earn profits (sugiono & untung, 2016, p. 54). kasmir (2016, p. 117) similarly states that profitability is a measure of the level of effectiveness of the company's management which is shown through profits generated from sales and investment income. hery (2017, p. 192) states that if the company's profitability is good, then the stakeholders consisting of creditors, suppliers, and also investors will assess the extent to which the company can generate profits from sales and investments. therefore, profitability is used as a measure of the company's success in utilizing resources to meet the interests of stakeholders. profitability in this study was measured using return on assets (roa). roa was chosen as a profitability measure, because roa has been used as a measure of the company's success in using its assets to generate profits, regardless of how the company finances its assets (debt or equity) (martinez and stohr, 2005 in supriadi, 2020, p. 128). leverage is a ratio that shows the use of debt and the company's ability to pay the debt (anwar, 2019, p. 175). then, leverage is also used by companies as a measure of performance appraisal which is intended to measure to what extent the company's assets are financed with debt (sugiono & untung, 2016, p. 72). leverage in this study was measured using the debt ratio. the reason for choosing the debt ratio as a leverage measurement tool is to measure how much the company's assets are financed with debt because the higher the debt ratio means the greater the amount of loan capital used for investment in assets (zulkarnaen, 2018). public share ownership is ownership owned by the community or the public (franita, 2018, p. 15). the purpose of the public here is an individual party outside of management and does not have a special relationship with the company (hamdani, yuliandari, & budiono, 2017). public shareholders can act as a party that oversees management in running the company's operations. the greater the supervision carried out by the public, the more efficient the management in managing the company (rivandi, 2020). companies that sell their shares to the public will have greater social and environmental responsibilities because investor confidence in the company is getting higher (agustiani & brahmayanti, 2019). hypothesis the hypotheses in this study are as follows: ha1: environmental performance has a positive effect on the disclosure of csr. ha2: firm size has a positive effect on the disclosure of csr. ha3: profitability has a negative effect on the disclosure of csr. ha4: leverage has a positive effect on the disclosure of csr. ha5: public share ownership has a positive effect on the disclosure of csr. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 54 method the population of this study is manufacturing companies listed on the indonesia stock exchange for the 2016-2019 period. the sampling technique used the purposive sampling method. based on the sampling technique, the sample size was 148. this study uses secondary data in the form of annual reports of manufacturing companies listed on the indonesia stock exchange during 2016-2019 and a decree of the ministry of environment regarding the results of the 2016-2019 proper rating. the source of this data was obtained through the official websites of each company, www.idx.co.id, and www.proper.menlhk.go.id. the data collection technique used in this study is the documentation method, namely the technique of collecting data by collecting and analyzing written and electronic documents. variable operational definition csr disclosure. the measurement of corporate social responsibility (csr) disclosure in this study is based on the csr disclosure indicator items from gri-g4. gri-g4 has 91 indicators which are divided into three categories of disclosure including economic (ec) consisting of 9 items, environmental (en) consisting of 34 items, and social consisting of 16 labor practices (la) items, 12 human rights items ( hr), 11 items of society (so), and 9 items of product responsibility (pr) (global reporting initiative, 2013). the calculation of the level of csr disclosure in the company's annual report is measured through content analysis of the presence or absence of csr disclosure indicator items based on gri-g4. the measurement method is by giving a score of 1 if the specified csr information item is in the company's annual report and given a score of 0 if the csr information item is not in the annual report, then the scores for each item are added up to obtain the total csr disclosure item (bimaswara, suzan, & mahardika, 2018). the calculation of corporate social responsibility (csr) disclosure is as follows: explanation: csrij = csr index of company j xij = csr items disclosed by company j n = total csr items that must be disclosed 𝐶𝑆𝑅𝐼𝑗 = ∑ 𝑋𝑖𝑗 𝑛 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 55 𝑆𝑖𝑧𝑒 = 𝐿𝑜𝑔 natural (total 𝑎𝑠𝑠𝑒𝑡𝑠) environmental performance is measured by the achievement of a company in preserving the surrounding environment by participating in the proper program held by the ministry of environment and forestry of the republic of indonesia. the measurement of environmental performance in this study uses an ordinal scale as shown in table 3.2 as follows. table 1. environmental performance indicators color assessment score gold very good 5 green good 4 blue sufficient 3 red bad 2 black very bad 1 source: https://proper.menlhk.go.id (processed) firm size is measured using the natural logarithm in order to avoid the high value generated (supriadi, 2020, p. 129). the formula used to measure the firm size variable is as follows (yusrianti & himawan, 2013): profitability is measured using return on assets (roa). the return on assets (roa) ratio shows the company's ability to generate profits by utilizing all sources derived from assets (kasmir, 2016, p. 117). the roa ratio is a concern for management, because it is used to evaluate the effectiveness and efficiency in managing company assets (ubaidilah, 2020, p. 14). roa can be formulated as follows (andriana, 2013): the level of leverage was measured using the debt ratio. debt ratio is the ratio of total debt to total assets (kasmir, 2016, p. 114). leverage is proxied by debt ratio which aims to measure how much debt is used in company spending financed by assets (sugiono & untung, net profit after tax roa = -------------------------x 100% total assets https://proper.menlhk.go.id/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 56 2016, p. 72). the debt ratio can be formulated as follows (bimaswara, suzan, & mahardika, 2018): public share ownership is ownership owned by the community or the public (franita, 2018, p. 15). public share ownership can be calculated by comparing the total share ownership by the public with the total outstanding shares (rahayu & anisyukurlillah, 2015). the formula for public share ownership is as follows: method a classical assumption test is done first before hypothesis testing. classical assumption test consists of a normality test, multicollinearity test, heteroscedasticity test, and autocorrelation test. hypothesis testing was conducted using multiple linear regression analysis methods to examine the effect of environmental performance, firm size, profitability, leverage, and public share ownership on the level of csr disclosure. according to santoso (2017, p. 49), the ho criterion is rejected if the p-value is < 0.05 and ha is accepted. conversely, when the p-value > 0.05, then ho is accepted and ha is rejected. the multiple linear regression equation models used in this study is as follows: y= 𝛼+ β1x1 + β2x2 + β3 x3 + β4 x4 + β5x5 + ε explanation: y = csr disclosure α = constant β = regression coefficient of each x x1 = environmental performance x2 = firm size x3 = profitability x4 = leverage x5 = public share ownership ε = standard error total debt debt ratio = -------------------------x 100% total assets total public share ownership public share ownership ratio = ----------------------------------------x 100% total shares outstanding journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 57 research model the relationship between variables is described in the research model as follows: figure 2. research model result and discussion this study initially used a sample of 148, and after the outliers were removed, the sample size became 139. the results of the descriptive statistical test can be seen in table 4.1 as follows. table 2. descriptive statistic n minimum maximum mean std. deviation csr disclosure 13 9 .1319 .5165 .257169 .0896665 environment al performance 13 9 2.00 4.00 3.0863 .45813 firm size 13 9 26.9034 32.2010 29.486728 1.3576046 environmental performance (x1) firm size (x2) profitabily (x3) leverage (x4) public share ownership (x5) csr disclosure (y) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 58 profitability 13 9 -.1538 .5267 .082504 .1076181 leverage 13 9 .0758 .9363 .420037 .1907999 public share ownership 13 9 .0106 .5142 .233287 .1415303 valid n (listwise) 13 9 source: output of spss 25 the results of the classical assumption test show that the data passes all the classical assumption tests (see appendix 3). the results of the hypothesis test are shown in table 3 as follows. table 3. multiple linear regression test results coefficientsa model coefficient s t sig. keterangan kesimpulan (constant) -2.923 -4.986 .000 environmenta l performance .175 2.988 .003 significant hypothesis accepted firm size .029 1.369 .173 not significant hypothesis rejected profitability -.496 -2.075 .040 significant hypothesis accepted leverage .495 3.530 .001 significant hypothesis accepted public share ownership -.282 -1.465 .145 not significant hypothesis rejected r2 = 0.210 adjusted r square = 0.180 source: output of spss 25 based on the results of multiple linear regression in table 4.8, the regression equation can be formulated as follows: y = -2.923 + 0.175x1 + 0.029x2 – 0.496x3 + 0.495x4 – 0.282x5 + 𝜺 explanation: y = csr disclosure x1 = environmental performance x2 = firm size x3 = profitability journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 59 x4 = leverage x5 = public share ownership 𝜀 = errors based on the multiple linear regression equation above, it can be seen that environmental performance has a positive effect on csr disclosure; firm size has no effect on csr disclosure; profitability has a negative effect on csr disclosure; leverage has a positive effect on csr disclosure; and public share ownership has no effect on csr disclosure. adjusted r2 value of 0.180 means that csr disclosure is influenced by environmental performance, company size, profitability, leverage, and public share ownership by 18% and the remaining 82% is influenced by other factors not examined in this study. the effect of environmental performance on corporate social responsibility disclosure based on the results of hypothesis testing, it can be seen that environmental performance positively affects csr disclosure. this shows that the better the environmental performance of the company, the wider the csr disclosure made by the company, on the contrary, the worse the environmental performance of the company, the less csr disclosure made by the company. therefore, h0 is rejected and ha1 is accepted. the influence of firm size on corporate social responsibility disclosure based on the results of hypothesis testing, it can be seen that firm size has no effect on csr disclosure. this shows that the size of the company does not affect the extent of csr disclosure. therefore, h0 is accepted and ha2 is rejected. the non-influence of firm size on the level of csr disclosure is expected to occur because large and small companies have their own strategies for implementing csr practices (oktariani & mimba, 2014). this strategy will affect the level of csr disclosure. some companies make csr disclosures only depending on certain situations and conditions, and some companies consider csr disclosure as an obligation that must be done in order to comply with regulations that have been made by the indonesian government. the effect of profitability on corporate social responsibility disclosure based on the results of hypothesis testing, it can be seen that profitability has a negative effect on csr disclosure. this shows that the higher the level of profitability of the company, the fewer csr disclosures made by the company, conversely the lower the level of company profitability, the wider the csr disclosures made by the company. therefore, h0 is rejected and ha3 is accepted. the effect of leverage on corporate social responsibility disclosure based on the results of hypothesis testing, it can be seen that leverage positively affects csr disclosure. this shows that the higher the level of corporate leverage, the wider the csr journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 60 disclosures made by the company, conversely the lower the level of corporate leverage, the fewer csr disclosures made by the company. therefore, h0 is rejected and ha4 is accepted. the effect of public share ownership on corporate social responsibility disclosure based on the results of hypothesis testing, it can be seen that public share ownership has no effect on csr disclosure. this shows that the size of the proportion of public share ownership in the company does not affect the extent of csr disclosure. therefore, h0 is accepted and ha5 is rejected. public share ownership has no effect on csr disclosure, presumably because there are situations that allow public shareholders not to focus on the extent of csr disclosure made by the company because each company has a different perspective on the importance of csr disclosure. conclusion this study aims to examine the determinants of csr disclosure that consist of environmental performance and company characteristics. company characteristics were proxied by firm size, profitability, leverage, and public ownership of shares. based on the results of the analysis and discussion that have been described 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(2018). pengaruh debt to assets ratio terhadap return on asset pada perusahaan asuransi yang terdaftar di bei tahun 2010–2015. warta dharmawangsa, (56). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 98 hubungan antarabangsa: teori dan praktis (international relations: theory and practice; a review makmor tumin universiti malaya makmor@um.edu.my abstract : roy anthony rogers, tunku mohar mokhtar and wan sharina ramlah wan ahmad amin jaffri's book "hubungan antarabangsa: teori dan praktis (international relations: theory and practice" (2022) is an important contribution to understanding the dynamics of war and peace, targeting malay readers, university students, diplomats, military and police personnel, and interested members of the public. the book provides an overview of international relations, exploring both theoretical concepts and practical applications. it cover topics such as international law, global governance, diplomacy, conflict resolution, and international security. the book may also examine the roles of different actors in the international system, including nation-states, intergovernmental organizations, non-state actors, and individuals. overall, "hubungan antarabangsa: teori dan praktis" likely provides a comprehensive exploration of international relations, combining both theoretical frameworks and practical examples to enhance readers' understanding of the subject. keywords: hubungan antarabangsa, review book, chapter submission : september, 13rd 2022 revision : november 24th 2022 publication : february 28th 2023 introduction endless wars demand an explanation(bayoumi, 2008; kohn, 2009). republicanism and capitalism are expected to promise peace as it replaces monarchy and feudalism, yet war continues. even when there was euphoria that war would disappear as trade appeared, the world continued to bear witness to a series of wars, notoriously the first and second world wars. the first chair in the discipline of international relations—the woodrow wilson chair of international politics at the university college of wales, aberystwyth—was established in 1919 to understand the dynamics of war and peace, and many works have been published as a result, particularly after world war ii. roy anthony rogers, tunku mohar mokhtar and wan sharina ramlah wan ahmad amin jaffri followed the tradition of international relations’ discipline with their mailto:makmor@um.edu.my journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 99 current book “hubungan antarabangsa: teori dan praktis (international relations: theory and practice)” (2022), targeting the malay medium, readers who are university students, diplomats, military and police personnel, and interested members of the public. the usefulness of this book is worthy of appreciation. the ideas were presented in 15 chapters, which for the purpose of this review, will be subgrouped into three parts. the first subgroup includes chapters 1 to 5. the authors began the book by discussing the standard definition of international relations, with important ideas on the evolution of the discipline, mentioning the important role of woodrow wilson together with the importance of the establishment of the woodrow wilson chair of international politics at the university college of wales, aberystwyth. international relations (ir) is a field of study that explores the relationships between nation-states and other actors in the international system, such as intergovernmental organizations, non-governmental organizations, and individuals. it examines the interactions between these actors, including issues related to diplomacy, international law, global governance, security, conflict resolution, and development. the field of international relations encompasses a range of theoretical approaches, including realism, liberalism, constructivism, and feminism, among others. these theoretical frameworks provide different lenses through which to view and understand international relations, and they are used to analyze and interpret the behavior of different actors in the international system. international relations is a multidisciplinary field that draws upon a range of social science disciplines, including political science, economics, history, sociology, and anthropology, among others, to explore and explain the complex relationships that exist in the global community. this was followed by chapter 2 which focuses on the evolution of the international system, from classical greek to the present. the international system has undergone significant evolution from classical greek times to the present day. the following is a brief overview of some of the key developments in the evolution of the international system(alcouffe & coulomb, 2019; gallagher, 1989): classical greek period (8th century bce-4th century bce): the classical greek period saw the emergence of city-states, such as athens and sparta, which engaged in trade, diplomacy, and conflict with one another. greek philosophers, such as thucydides, explored the causes and effects of interstate conflicts. medieval period (5th century ce-15th century ce): the medieval period was characterized by feudalism, where the social order was based on land ownership and the allegiance of vassals to their lords. the papacy played a significant role in shaping european politics, and the crusades saw european powers engage in conflict with the muslim world. early modern period (16th century ce-18th century ce): the early modern period saw the rise of nation-states, such as england, france, and spain. the peace of westphalia (1648) marked the emergence of the modern international system, based on the principle of state sovereignty. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 100 19th century: the 19th century was marked by the emergence of imperialism and colonialism, as european powers expanded their empires and established colonies around the world. the concert of europe, established in the aftermath of the napoleonic wars, sought to maintain the balance of power on the continent. 20th century: the 20th century saw the emergence of two world wars, the cold war, and the proliferation of nuclear weapons. the united nations was established in 1945 to promote peace and security, and the international system became more complex and interconnected, with the rise of globalization and the increasing importance of non-state actors. present day: today, the international system is characterized by increasing globalization, interdependence, and complexity. states and non-state actors engage in diplomacy, trade, and conflict, and international institutions, such as the world trade organization and the international criminal court, play an important role in regulating international affairs. the system is also characterized by the rise of emerging powers, such as china, and the challenges posed by issues such as climate change, terrorism, and cyber warfare the discussion on the theory of international relations such as realism, liberalism, marxism and social constructivism as well as the islamic perspective on international relations are provided in chapter 3. while the first three are standard theories, the theory of social constructivism focuses on the importance of identity, particularly the leaders. more importantly, the islamic perspective on international relations may catch the reader’s attention. the islamic international relations’ theory of traditionalism and passivism are the important highlights of the chapter, in which serious readers in the archipelago would expect a more in-depth discussion as they peruse the book. the theory of international relations such as realism, liberalism, marxism and social constructivism as well as the islamic perspective on international relations international relations (ir) is a field of study that encompasses various theoretical approaches, including(godinho, 2016; olivier et al., 2015; snidal, 1985): realism realism is a dominant theoretical approach in international relations. it assumes that nation-states are the primary actors in the international system and that their behavior is motivated by self-interest and the pursuit of power. realists believe that international conflict is inevitable and that states must be prepared to use force to protect their interests. liberalism liberalism emphasizes the importance of individual freedom and human rights in the international system. it argues that international cooperation, through institutions such journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 101 as the united nations and the world trade organization, can help to promote peace, prosperity, and security. marxism marxism sees international relations as a struggle between classes, with capitalist states seeking to maintain their dominance over the global economy. marxists argue that international conflict is caused by economic exploitation and that the solution lies in creating a more equitable global economic system. social constructivism social constructivism emphasizes the role of ideas, norms, and identities in shaping international relations. it argues that international norms and institutions are socially constructed and that they can be changed through dialogue and cooperation. islamic perspective on international relations: islamic perspective on international relations emphasizes the importance of justice, equality, and compassion in international affairs. it argues that international relations should be based on mutual respect, cooperation, and the promotion of common interests. islamic scholars have also contributed to the development of international law, and islamic countries have played an active role in international organizations such as the united nations. islamic perspective on international relations is influenced by islamic ethics, principles, and values, including the concept of ummah (the global community of muslims) and the importance of maintaining good relations with non-muslims. meanwhile, chapter 4 and chapter 5 are also vital as they present the important concepts of power and the state, followed by an explanation of the actors in international relations. there is no doubt that beginners of international relations would benefit a lot from reading these chapters and the backbone of this book lies in such chapters. power and the state are two important concepts in international relations that are closely linked. the state is often seen as the primary actor in international relations, while power is a key factor that shapes the behavior of states and other actors in the international system. state the state is a political unit that exercises authority and control over a defined territory and population. it has the power to make and enforce laws, raise taxes, and provide basic services such as education and healthcare. in international relations, the state is often seen as the primary actor, and its behavior is shaped by factors such as national interest, ideology, and domestic politics. power power is the ability to influence the behavior of other actors in the international system. it can be derived from various sources, such as military strength, economic resources, cultural influence, or diplomatic skills. the distribution of power among states is a key factor that shapes the dynamics of international relations. the concept of power is closely related to the concept of security, as states seek to maintain their security by acquiring and using power resources. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 102 actors in international relations actors in international relations are the units that participate in the international system and interact with one another. the following are the primary actors in international relations: states as noted above, states are the primary actors in international relations. they are the basic units of the international system and have the power to make decisions and take action on behalf of their citizens. intergovernmental organizations (igos) igos are organizations composed of states that are created to address specific issues or challenges in the international system. examples of igos include the united nations, the world bank, and the international monetary fund. non-governmental organizations (ngos) ngos are private organizations that operate independently of governments and are often focused on specific issues such as human rights, the environment, or development. examples of ngos include amnesty international, greenpeace, and oxfam. multinational corporations (mncs) mncs are companies that operate in multiple countries and have significant economic and political power. they often have global reach and can influence the policies and practices of states and other actors in the international system. individuals individuals, such as diplomats, politicians, and activists, can also play a significant role in shaping international relations. they can influence the policies and actions of states and other actors through their ideas, values, and actions. the next subgroup is from chapter 6 to 10. the first three chapters of this part deal with the role and types of international organizations such as multinational corporations and international non-governmental organizations, including criminal activities. this is then followed by a discussion on foreign policy. it is in these chapters that the authors describe foreign instruments or mechanisms such as diplomacy, national economic management, and propaganda. international organizations play an important role in shaping and regulating international relations. they are created to address specific issues or challenges in the international system, and can range from intergovernmental organizations to multinational corporations. intergovernmental organizations (igos) are organizations composed of member states that work together to achieve common goals. they can be regional or global in scope and cover a wide range of issues such as security, human rights, development, and the environment. examples of igos include the united nations, the european union, the african union, and the organization of american states. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 103 non-governmental organizations (ngos) are private organizations that operate independently of governments and are often focused on specific issues such as human rights, the environment, or development. they can play a significant role in shaping international relations by providing information, advocating for policy change, and mobilizing public opinion. examples of ngos include amnesty international, greenpeace, and doctors without borders. multinational corporations (mncs) are companies that operate in multiple countries and have significant economic and political power. they can play a key role in shaping international relations by influencing the policies and practices of states and other actors in the international system. mncs can have a positive impact on development by creating jobs, investing in local communities, and transferring technology and knowledge. however, they can also have negative impacts on human rights, the environment, and labor standards if their activities are not properly regulated. in addition to igos, ngos, and mncs, other types of international organizations include international financial institutions such as the world bank and the international monetary fund, trade organizations such as the world trade organization, and regional organizations such as the association of southeast asian nations (asean) and the north atlantic treaty organization (nato). each of these organizations plays a different role in shaping and regulating international relations, and their effectiveness depends on their mandate, membership, and resources. chapter 9 is unique because the authors are focusing on malaysia's foreign policy since 1957. readers may benefit a lot in understanding how malaysia began aligning the support of the liberal capitalist block and later changed its position firmly among the nonalliance movement, beginning from the 1970s up until the last administration under ismail sabri yaakob (the 9th prime minister of malaysia). malaysia's foreign policy has evolved since its independence in 1957, reflecting changes in the global political landscape and domestic priorities. below is a brief overview of malaysia's foreign policy since independence: 1957-1969 during this period, malaysia's foreign policy was focused on promoting regional stability and economic development. malaysia played an active role in the formation of asean in 1967, which was aimed at promoting economic cooperation and political stability among southeast asian countries. 1970s-1980s in the 1970s and 1980s, malaysia's foreign policy was marked by a more assertive and independent stance. malaysia pursued a policy of non-alignment and sought to promote the interests of developing countries in international forums. malaysia also played a leading role in the formation of the non-aligned movement (nam) and the group of 77 (g77), which were aimed at promoting the interests of developing countries. 1990s-2000s during the 1990s and 2000s, malaysia's foreign policy was focused on promoting economic growth and regional integration. malaysia played an active role in the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 104 formation of the asia-pacific economic cooperation (apec) and the world trade organization (wto), which were aimed at promoting trade liberalization and economic integration. 2000s-present in recent years, malaysia's foreign policy has been focused on promoting regional stability and security, as well as enhancing economic ties with key partners. malaysia has been an active participant in regional security forums such as the asean regional forum (arf) and the east asia summit (eas). malaysia has also sought to deepen economic ties with key partners such as china, japan, and the united states. malaysia's foreign policy has been characterized by a commitment to regional stability, economic development, and non-alignment. malaysia has played an active role in regional and global forums, and has sought to promote the interests of developing countries in international relations. chapter 10 explains the international security as well as a standard explanation on the causes of war which purportedly conform with the idea that trade is the surrogate of war, espoused by many early thinkers of international relations. as hinted earlier on the islamic international relations theory, perhaps in this chapter a detailed account on the application of such theory should be employed either through traditional/pacifism or legalistic and virtuous, whichever relevant. international security refers to the measures taken by states and international organizations to maintain peace and prevent conflict in the international system. this can include efforts to address traditional security threats such as military aggression, as well as non-traditional security threats such as terrorism, cyber attacks, and climate change. one of the key debates in international relations is the causes of war. while there are many different theories about the causes of war, one idea that has been espoused by some early thinkers of international relations is that trade is the surrogate of war. this idea suggests that economic competition and conflict can serve as a substitute for military conflict between states. according to this view, states that are heavily dependent on trade are less likely to engage in military conflict with each other, as the costs of disrupting trade would be too high. instead, economic competition can manifest itself in other forms, such as economic sanctions, trade disputes, or competition for access to markets and resources. however, this view has been challenged by other theorists who argue that economic interdependence is not always a guarantee of peace, and that economic competition can sometimes contribute to the risk of conflict. for example, competition over access to resources such as oil or minerals can create tensions between states, and economic interdependence can also create vulnerabilities that can be exploited by other actors such as terrorists or cyber attackers. the causes of war are complex and multifaceted, and are influenced by a wide range of factors including domestic politics, international power dynamics, and economic and environmental factors. while trade can certainly play a role in shaping international relations, it is just one of many factors that must be considered in efforts to promote peace and security in the international system. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 105 the last subgroup of the 15 chapters begins with a discussion on the impact of globalization on international relations as well as global political economy. in chapters 11 and 12 respectively, readers would probably gain more insight on the perspective of the washington consensus versus the beijing consensus rather than the concepts of the north and south acknowledging the importance of the new forces, the rise of china’s economic power. one may wonder why social constructivism as well as the islamic perspective of global political economy are not discussed in chapter 12, since those topics are explained in international relations theories. globalization has had a profound impact on international relations and the global political economy. globalization refers to the increasing interconnectedness of the world through economic, social, cultural, and technological networks. below are some of the ways in which globalization has affected international relations and the global political economy: increased trade and economic interdependence globalization has led to an increase in cross-border trade and investment, as well as the growth of global supply chains. this has created new economic opportunities and increased prosperity in many parts of the world, but has also created challenges such as increased competition, job displacement, and environmental degradation. transnational actors: globalization has also led to the rise of new transnational actors such as multinational corporations, non-governmental organizations, and international institutions such as the world bank and the international monetary fund. these actors play an increasingly important role in shaping international relations and the global political economy. cultural exchange and migration globalization has also led to increased cultural exchange and migration, as people move more freely across borders and share ideas and values. this has led to greater cultural diversity and the spread of new ideas and technologies, but has also created challenges such as cultural clashes and the marginalization of certain groups. new security challenges globalization has created new security challenges such as cybercrime, terrorism, and the spread of infectious diseases. these challenges require new forms of international cooperation and coordination. growing inequality finally, globalization has led to growing inequality both within and between countries. while some have benefited from the opportunities created by globalization, many others have been left behind. this has created social and political tensions that have challenged the stability of the global political economy. globalization has had a profound impact on international relations and the global political economy, creating new opportunities and challenges that require new forms of international cooperation and governance. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 106 before the authors conclude the book, they described painstakingly the settlement of international disputes through various methods—both peaceful and violent. finally, explanation on international laws, including the functions and sources of international law in resolving international disputes—all in chapters 13, 14 and 15 respectively. no doubt that the richness of discussion on the existence of many international laws in dealing with this matter is carefully presented in this chapter, and this is among the apparent strengths of the book. however, the authors admit that the latest available laws are commonly recognised and praised, despite the previous laws having been established for many decades. perhaps the islamic perspective, social constructivism or even the feminist and environmentalist perspective should also be utilised in explaining the dynamics of the phenomena discussed in these three chapters so that readers would appreciate the available tools in understanding international relations besides the standard theories of realism, liberalism, and marxism. this is a very useful book that does not suffer from the problem of lacking exhaustiveness. writing it in malay has made the currency among the malay audience ever better. nevertheless, the reviewer has several comments to make of this book as well as other books on international relations. firstly, this book requires a bigger section on the discussion of current issues such as the rise of china and how it has changed the gravity and dynamics of international relations (both in theory and practice). for example, beginning 2013, xi jinping had announced the bell and road initiative (bri), leading to many new corridors of economic cooperation being developed. many africans and latin american countries gained financial support and foreign direct investments from china, and this certainly has changed the dynamics of power at the international level, from the one dominated by the capitalist world into one that is controlled by new forces or economic game. secondly, the book also requires a more in-depth discussion on how war and peace are masterminded by the game of economic war. this means that huge weapons firms which are in the western world such as the us are expecting profits through more war. given the fact that the main producing countries are also the permanent members of the united nations, how are war and peace discussed by experts on the subject? trade is no longer the surrogate of war as the 18th and 19th century philosophers (including adam smith) once envisaged, but rather to propagate war. hence, events such as the september 11 terrorist attack on the twin towers, and many other wars that continue until this day are just utopias of peace that began through trade and ended with dystopia. thirdly, understanding international relations since its inception in 1919 is a study of power, both at the national level and more importantly at the international level as a way to explain war and peace. other theories are in fresh demand. besides islamic, feminist and environmentalist perspectives, chinese and russian international theories are equally developing (kapitonenko, 2022). although many newly published books on international relations do cover these new theories, how the evolving theories were employed in the subsequent chapters of the book remains only a hope, suggesting the existing dominant international relations theories such as liberalism, realism and marxism are still gaining currency. perhaps the book, “non-western global theories of international relations” (cook (ed.), 2022) is one good example on the efforts of bringing scholars from different perspectives to put their ideas on the table for discussions on international political or international relation theories. undoubtedly, such accounts are journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 107 beyond the scope of this book. however, future books on international relations, including those meant for malay medium readers should consider this as a part of their new publication. all in all, this is a must-read book. it achieves more than the authors’ objective of providing a comprehensive manual for readers such as university students, diplomats, military and police personnels, and the interested members of the public. the contents are very useful for the academic community. conclusion roy anthony rogers, tunku mohar mokhtar and wan sharina ramlah wan ahmad amin jaffri's book "hubungan antarabangsa: teori dan praktis (international relations: theory and practice)" (2022) is a malay-language book aimed at university students, diplomats, military and police personnel, and interested members of the public. it discusses the standard definition of international relations, the evolution of the discipline, the role of woodrow wilson, and the importance of the woodrow wilson chair of international politics at the university college of wales, aberystwyth. it also discusses the theory of international relations such as realism, liberalism, marxism and social constructivism, as well as the islamic perspective on international relations. chapter 4 and chapter 5 are important as they present the important concepts of power and the state. this book focuses on the role and types of international organizations, including criminal activities, and foreign policy, such as diplomacy, national economic management, and propaganda. chapter 9 focuses on malaysia's foreign policy since 1957, and chapter 10 explains the causes of war. references alcouffe, a., & coulomb, f. (2019). the evolution of the international monetary and financial system. in macroeconomic theory and the eurozone crisis. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781351107655-8 bayoumi, m. (2008). endless war? hidden functions of the ‘war on terror’ by david keen. development and change. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.14677660.2008.00509_4.x cook, s. (ed.) (2022). non-western global theories of international relations. palgrave macmillan. endless war. (2015). in nation. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvxhrhq6.11 gallagher, d. (1989). the evolution of the international refugee system. international migration review. https://doi.org/10.1177/019791838902300309 godinho, l. (2016). discourse and international relations: a theoretical and methodological approach. janus.net. kapitonento, m. (2022). international relations theory. routledge. kohn, r. h. (2009). the danger of militarization in an endless “war” on terrorism. in journal of military history. https://doi.org/10.1353/jmh.0.0216 olivier, l., neethling, t., & vreÿ, f. (2015). theoretical approaches in international relations: the south african military as a foreign policy instrument. scientia militaria south african journal of military studies. https://doi.org/10.5787/43-2-1123 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2008.00509_4.x https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2008.00509_4.x journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 108 snidal, d. (1985). the game theory of international politics. world politics. https://doi.org/10.2307/2010350 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 144 comparative study the impact of covid-19-2020 and the spanish-1920 flu in an international political economic perspective tulus warsito (tulusw@umy.ac.id), muhammadiyah university yogyakarta abstract: abstract : the impact of covid-19's transmission affects not only the health sector but also almost all sectors of community life, especially economic and social political stability. until this article was written, this virus has caused more than 650 thousand victims. resulting in a wave of layoffs of more than 50 million workers. the social panic due to the adoption of the who protocol has created global totalitarian, global uniformity, everywhere people are not allowed to leave the house, even if they have to go outside the house they must wear a mask, keep social distancing and always wash their hands with soap. though covid-19 is not the first pandemic. a similar pandemic happened a century ago, the spanish flu of 1920, although it claimed more casualties, the global impact was not that bad as what covid-19 does today. this paper wants to explore further about; why does covid-19 have more worldwide and uniform influence than the spanish flu? why did covid-19 influence the international poltical economy? keywords: covid-19, spanish flue, international political economy submission : may, 25th 2020 revision : july 13th 2020 publication : august 30th 2020 introduction unlike other pandemics, the public response to covid-19 has been very significant. since the first cases were found in november 2019 in wuhan, hubei province, china, almost all countries around the world closed their flights in the following three months. places of worship were closed, as were gambling venues, shopping centers deserted. everyone is encouraged, even in some areas to face fines and imprisonment, to stay at home. initially, it was only temporary, it was limited to approximately two weeks according to the who protocol, but in fact, the urge or obligation to stay in the house became months, as the number of victims and people exposed to covid-19 was getting out of control. from the perspective of human relations, this kind of condition results in the cessation (at least drastically reduced) of human movement across countries. likewise, obstruction of the flow of goods and export-import between countries. social mobility or migration (even illegal ones) has slowed down. as a result, the world economy as a whole has also become severely constrained. mailto:tulusw@umy.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 145 related to the declining demand for transportation, tourism, or the level of consumption in general, it has resulted in a decline in world oil prices. when this article was written (mid-april 2020), the world oil price had plunged to its lowest level, namely us$ 18 per barrel (https://finance.detik.com/). whereas a year earlier it had reached the level of us$ 65 / barrel, even a few moments earlier it had reached us$ 100 per barrel. almost all industries are sluggish. not only because the level of demand has decreased, but because factories have to be closed (although temporarily) because employees are at risk of exposure to covid-19, or at least to cut the chain of transmission must avoid gathering large numbers of people in one closed place. although not all countries impose total lockdown policies, the derivative policy variations from lock down (https://wolipop.detik.com/) which apply to various countries have resulted in the phenomenon of zero mobility, zero migration, extraordinary economic downturn, even in modern countries, such as in britain or the united states, experienced social unrest due to scarcity of logistics supplies due to the prohibition to leave the house. this situation becomes a pattern of social stability chain that was previously unimaginable. method to answer the first question: why is covid-19 having a more global and uniform effect than the spanish flu? for the era comparison qualitative method is used. as for the second question: why did covid-19 and the who protocol emerge as a binding world regulator (coronocracy)? the liberalism approach in international relations is used. the qualitative methodology in the comparison of the era between the cases of spanish flu and covid-19 refers to the situational comparison between centuries, namely between the events of a century ago when the spanish flu took place (2018-2020) (davis, 2013 and breitnauer, 2019) and the covid-19 cases that occurred today. there are at least 4 (four) aspects being compared, namely: transportation technology, communication/information technology, society as the original transmission medium (epicenter), and the existence of international health organizations or institutions. the liberalism approach (mohammad, 2018) in international relations, which allows non-state actors to become the main perpetrators of global cases, is very suitable to be used to understand why the who epidemic prevention protocol (who protocol) (https://www.pwc.com/) became a guideline for international relations when the covid outbreak spread19. coincidentally, in several analyzes of international relations, since the early 1990s, studies of traditional security began to shift towards non-traditional security analysis, which became known as human security analysis (hubert et al., 2001). from a human security perspective, it becomes easier to understand why covid-19 in such a way results in a global uniformity of handling, which, even though it is as simple as staying at home, working from home (wfh), lock down and social isolation troubles people all over the world. the liberalism approach is also used to explain the meaning of coronocracy in the title of this article. as a complement to the analysis, as well as affirming the legitimacy of liberalism in international relations, the relevance of the issue of the clash of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 146 civilization, written by samuel p. huntington (huntington, 2011), is also associated with the covid-19. in this section, it is worth adding one question: will covid-19 mark the end of international relations realism and replace it with liberalism? result and discussion spanish flu when the news of the global spread of the coronavirus disease (covid-19) emerged, global financial markets reacted pessimistically and acted in ways not seen since the 2008 financial crisis. but fully understanding the potential of the future economic impact of the virus causing the disease remains difficult because the spread of disease on this scale is unprecedented in the modern world. a somewhat similar comparison is the 1918 influenza pandemic (david, 2018, and https://www.suara.com/), which is known as the spanish flu (because the phenomenon was first reported in a spanish newspaper) (https: //www.matamatapolitik. com /). this will be discussed further what lessons can be drawn from the historical pandemic for policymakers today? the 1918 flu was the first global pandemic before covid-19; its potential was exacerbated in the era before international public health bodies such as the world health organization (who). about a third of the world's population is affected by this acute respiratory tract infection. conservative estimates put the death toll at 20 million, but it could be 50 million. (https://www.alinea.id/) by comparison, nine million people died in fighting during the first world war. it's estimated that about 2-3% of those who contract this rna virus eventually die, but most deaths result from complications such as pneumonia rather than the flu itself. there have been multiple flu waves, and most of the deaths occurred within a week of each outbreak. the last outbreak, in 1919, occurred a year after the disease was first identified. this pandemic has spread globally because this case appeared for the first time at that time. the first world war had just ended, and the entire army was being demobilized, they returned home with the disease. the plague is spreading along major transportation routes. most of the world's population is already weak and susceptible to illness because of the recent war, especially germany. worse, there is no transparency and little policy coordination. wartime media censorship is still in effect and the government is preoccupied with peace planning (davis, 2013). those who fall victim to a pandemic are usually those at the peak of their lives, between 15 and 40 years. apart from these deaths, exposure to the flu has serious consequences for the long-term physical and mental health of many victims, especially the very young. there are also immediate and long-term consequences for the economy. urban populations have proven particularly susceptible to this strain of flu, partly because of pollution. researchers recently found that more people died in more polluted cities in 1918 than in less polluted urban areas, suggesting a direct link between air pollution and influenza infection. the immediate economic consequences of 1918 stemmed from the panic surrounding the spread of the flu. major us cities, including new york (https://www.nytimes.com/) and philadelphia, are temporarily closed while their people are bedridden. as in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 147 present-day italy, businesses are closed, sporting events are canceled, and private gatherings including funerals are forbidden to stem disease. the pandemic’s economic consequences include labor shortages and rising wages and increased use of the social security system. some economists disagree on the headline figure for lost gdp because the flu’s effects are hard to separate from the confounding effects of the first world war. the long-term consequences proved dire. a very high proportion of adult health and cognition is determined before the person is born. research has shown cohorts born with the flu achieve lower education levels in adulthood and experience increased physical disability rates, resulting in lower lifetime income and lower socioeconomic status than those born immediately before and after the flu pandemic. the lessons from 1918 are definite. first, public health responses to the spread of the disease must focus on prevention. the 1918 pandemic resulted in so many deaths because so many people contracted the disease. they were exposed because policymakers failed to stop the spread. indeed, their actions helped spread the flu more widely. the repatriation of troops to their home countries is probably the leading cause. (https://historia.id/) infectious disease control policies do work. researchers found that us cities that implemented measures to reduce infection contact between people early in the 1918 outbreak had significantly lower peak death rates than cities that later adopted disease containment policies. the second lesson is that proper information is the key to disease control. we can't buy media outages or, worse, active disinformation campaigns. we can already see the dire consequences of such a policy in iran. truth always comes out in the end there's nothing to be gained from hiding it. indeed, the government will suffer if censorship causes social unrest. political scientists are already speculating about the long-term political impact of media manipulation on coronavirus news in china. the third lesson is that we must prepare for the virus’s economic and social consequences and act to minimize its effects. this pandemic is a shock to both supply and demand. like the disease, which is highly contagious, so is the economic crisis caused by it. workers become unproductive due to implementing the recommended 14 days of self-isolation for suspected cases alone will have serious financial implications. like the one recently imposed in italy, closing an entire region or country will undoubtedly lead to a recession. emergency rate cuts in the us and uk should be the first of many policies to reduce the economic impact of covid-19. new fiscal policy measures now must also come into play. individuals in low-paying non-formal jobs deserve targeted attention. because medical care and sick leave are expensive, it can force people to work even if they still carry the virus. as was the case in 1918, people in more polluted, urban areas tend to be particularly at risk. this is a population that is already more susceptible to respiratory disease due to environmental factors. special measures to assist these groups should be considered. https://historia.id/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 148 corona as the main reference what is meant by coronocracy in this article is a system of rules (regime) that applies based on the behavior of the coronavirus. what is happening now and affects almost all corners of the world, all countries are implementing the who covid 19 prevention protocol to break the chain of transmission of covid-19. it is in the name of this great effort that several programs such as; lockdown, social distancing, work from home and follow-up steps such as washing hands, using masks and increasing body endurance and so on, are being implemented by all levels of society around the world with all levels of obedience(umar & indrayani, 2020). the who version of the protocol against covid-19 has a good vision and mission, but the impact is very devastating. lockdown (of any scale) isolates communities within boundaries that generally complicate their survival (https://www.newmanrc.oldham.sch.uk/). airports, terminals, ports are blockaded, the human movement has become almost zero, layoffs have occurred everywhere, looting of shops and places where basic foodstuffs are stored has become commonplace. especially in several countries, including developed countries such as france (https://www.cnnindonesia.com/), the netherlands, and germany, the government has decided to release many prisoners from prison (https://katadata.co.id/). as soon as they are released they immediately relaunch the evil. simultaneously, the community is in a state of "fear" of the plague and restrictions on social movements. this description of the state of society as a result of the implementation of the who covid 19 prevention protocol around the world, in an instant, creates the same behavior in society. people everywhere were wearing masks, with mutual suspicious gazes, in a quiet and tense environment. everywhere people provide washing hands, complete with sanitizers. the world suddenly behaves in uniform. simultaneously, global totalitarianism marks the entry of 2020. as if in the world there is nothing to do except to serve (against) covid-19. the syrian war seemed just to end. the sino-american trade war was temporarily suspended. the south china sea dispute was simply forgotten. walls of mexico, walls of jerusalem seem useless to protect from the ferocity of covid-19. all human beings are dedicated to simultaneously tackling the spread of covid-19. this global totalitarian (klaus zimmer et al., 2006) has never happened in human history. global totalitarian is the new totalitarian (neo totalitarian regime). although the spanish flu was, to some extent, considered a pandemic similar to covid-19, the consequences when it did not reach all corners of the world. if this opinion contains the truth, it is better to do a comparative analysis of why covid-19 can lead to a global totalitarian. in contrast, the spanish flu does not, even though the number of victims is higher. transportation technology one of the essential differences in terms of the spread of the pandemic in the case of the spanish flu with covid-19 is the difference in the ability of humans to move people and goods during their time. in some literature, information is obtained that one of the leading causes of the spread of the spanish flu was because at that time the world war journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 149 had just ended, foreign troops were being sent back to various countries via sea transportation (https://www.matamatapolitik.com/). that is, transportation technology a century ago only recognized ships as a means of mass transportation. so the spread of the spanish flue took more than a year to reach the world. meanwhile, covid-19 requires no more than three months to conquer the world with the presence of positive sufferers of covid-19 everywhere. you can imagine if at that time it was familiar with cheap and speedy air transportation like now, then repatriating troops from the battlefield would have spread disaster more quickly. apart from wide-body aircraft or mass commercial aircraft didn’t exist yet, it is also because the ship's technology is not as good as it is now so that the capacity of the number of passengers and the speed of the speed is still not as sophisticated as today (chacón, 2017). communication technology in the end, the spanish flu had to be accepted as a global pandemic that claimed tens of millions of lives, but this case had only been felt by some parts of the world community for about two years (1918-1920). whereas in the case of covid-19, it is possible that a number of community groups or countries have not been infected at all or have not been physically exposed to the virus, but covid-19 news with all descriptions of its horror and until now the antidote has not been found, it has already spread to spread terror to the world. although covid-19 cannot be ascertained when it will end, the simultaneous fear of the threat spread through communication technology via social media has been going on simultaneously since the virus first spread. apart from being the cause for spreading terror (not as a medium for transmitting the virus), communication/information technology is also part of the resolution to face covid-19. lock down and social distancing, as an effort to break the chain of transmission of covid-19, resulted in a uniform solution for doing anything from home (work from home –wfh). shopping, working, studying from home, attending seminars, and home, so all kinds of interactions are carried out online. almost everything was done online which was completely unavailable during the spanish flu era and was inconceivable. these online transactions and communications are one of the "uniform characteristics" of the global totalitarian cases of covid-19. global and local interactions transactions have entirely shifted to the cloud, satellites, and big data to the online arena. you need to use the service from online motorcycle taxis just to buy food from the neighborhood. the online needs are so simultaneous that some application programs experience an unimaginable increase in the number of users (https://market.bisnis.com/). in turn, the phenomenon gives rise to new criminal ideas in the realm of cybercrime. of course, this could not have been imagined during the spanish flu pandemic. to make time comparisons, one does not need to go back too far; a year ago, no one could (or felt the need to) imagine that umrah activities, including the hajj procession, were canceled during this year. even the friday prayers and tarawih prayers (https://republika.co.id/) at the grand mosque in mecca and the nabawi mosque in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 150 medina were also eliminated, as well as the worship of other religions in other parts of the world being replaced by online processions. the virtual world has turned into the real world due to covid-19. this virtuality of virtual world communication makes global totalitarianism even more perfect. military and civil although not explicitly explained, one of the sources of the initial causes of the spread of the spanish flu was through the repatriation of foreign troops from the world war i scene, which was also a red zone at that time (https://www.solopos.com/). this is very different from the covid-19 case where the source is ordinary people in wuhan, china. that is, the number of civilians who are suspected of being exposed to covid-19 is, of course, higher than the number of foreign troops. the mobility of military forces was also relatively limited (especially with the limited transportation technology at that time) compared to a civil society with massive and fast modern transportation options throughout the world. so it is not surprising that covid-19 has a cruising range as vast as human transportation technology. it can even be concluded that the spread of a pandemic is in tune with transportation technology advances. where there are humans, there is also the potential for epidemic transmission. who & un another noticeable difference between the cases of spanish flu and covid-19 from the perspective of international relations is that the spanish flu occurred when the human community did not recognize international institutions or organizations. at the same time, covid-19 took place under the "supervision" of who / un. although world war i ended in 1918, there were no international organizations when the spanish flu began to break out. the institute of the nation (lbb) was only formed in 1920; the international red cross was only formed in 1919 with all its limitations due to this outbreak. covid-19 emerged when the world health organization (who) has matured under the un organization. the issue of covid 19 then emerged as a "global commander" (coronocracy) with a totalitarian model of sovereignty because of the legitimacy of the who covid-19 prevention protocol (pppc-who) (https://edukasi.kompas.com/) in dealing with this global outbreak. if the who had already had the spanish flu, it seems very likely that the spanish flu case would become the champion and pioneer in handling the global pandemic at that time. if this happened, it would be strange to narrate that world war i was not won by the allied powers or the central powers, but by the spanish flu virus. so strong is the pppc-who's legitimacy that all countries in the world do not differentiate between rich or emerging countries, capitalist bloc or communist socialists, north or south countries, all of them globally do the same thing, namely: wear masks, always wash their hands, keep their distance and still maintain body resistance (immunity). this legitimacy is strongly supported by the fact that those exposed to covid-19 consist of various layers of society. from poor ordinary people to figures, even world-class officials. that is why the global coronocracy and totalitarianism have journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 151 become a portrait description of covid-19 from the perspective of international relations. all comply with the who protocol. the united states (us) government under trump did decide to reduce financial assistance, or even stop its support to who because they were annoyed (https://manado.tribunnews.com/). still, they could not avoid the behavior to prevent the transmission of covid-19 as happened in other countries. in fact, for the us, this is the second time it has happened because they had done the same thing during the 1918 spanish flu. so the us was even more obedient in implementing the pppc-who because it had experienced the benefits a century ago. human security another phenomenon of international relations that has not been recognized during the spanish flu era is the concept of human security (tadjbakhsh and chenoy, 2007). in the perspective of international relations, especially in conditions of war, what is referred to as security in the traditional sense (traditional security) is state security (masys, 2016). so that each country wants to secure its own country, even by destroying other nations, such traditional security concepts have changed to non-traditional security, namely the security concept that puts human safety at its core. since the end of the cold war, social security, or individual security (human security) has been the basis for saving and developing human civilization. in a security concept that no longer prioritizes state security, of course, the impact is very different when it comes to the spread of the plague because the epidemic does not recognize the nation or the state. the spanish flu that broke out shortly after world war i was faced with the handling of the traditional security model that prioritizes the country’s interests so that human security is not a priority. although the orders for social distancing, hand washing, lock down, and the like have been socialized, their legitimacy is co-opted by the interests of state security (may, 2020). meanwhile, covid-19 appeared in an era when human security was widely recognized. disaster management, food security, social security are prevalent issues in handling the outbreak so that when covid-19 came to the fore, all parties rose to help tackle it together. in other words, the concept of human security makes it easier for all parties to work together to help each other in overcoming disasters. in the era of the spanish flu, disaster was considered a low politics issue because traditionally what was considered security was state security (threats or attacks from outside), on the other hand, in the case of covid-19, efforts to mainstream the handling of the outbreak as a human security issue actually changed social security. which was initially considered as a low politics issue became a high politics issue. human security as non-traditional security forces the world community to place it as global security so that all countries around the world do the same thing everywhere (hough, 2018). until this article was written, the uniformity had been running for almost a semester. there is speculation that it is possible that this kind of situation will continue until the end of 2020. if this happens, then global totalitarianism due to this non-traditional security issue must (forced) we put its position as high politics (bentley and stevenson). , 1983), because the nature of the urgency (urgency) beat any business. even "traditional terrorists" are far less frightening than the figure of this coronavirus. https://manado.tribunnews.com/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 152 this is the first time that there has been one type of case that resulted in shifting of government budgets in all countries (especially in underdeveloped countries), almost all of which were diverted to deal with this covid-19 case (https://money.kompas.com/). this virus has also stopped virtually all sectors of the economy, closed gambling houses, rested brothels, blockaded mosques, churches, synagogues, temples and forced everyone (worldwide, simultaneously) to pay attention to his behavior. never before has any terrorist group been able to shake the world as badly as covid-19 (https://www.medcom.id/). a budget diversion point of view shows that covid-19 is a very urgent high politics threat, although this budget transfer cannot confirm when this disaster will end. if covid-19 is considered capable of creating the issue of global security threats, it becomes relevant if it is analyzed about the most recent global problems today. the clash of civilization until the end of the second decade of this third millennium, samuel p. huntington's comments regarding the enactment of the clash of civilization after the cold war are still considered relevant (huntington, 2007). even though it seemed as if there was some kind of truce, the united states (us) war on terror program was still considered not over. moreover, if the clash of civilization is regarded as the source of competition between the west and confucianism, the sino-american trade war seems to justify huntington's thesis. in the next few paragraphs, it is necessary to conduct a “material test” whether the formation of international relations in the clash of civilization can still be deemed appropriate to be connected with the global threat’s excitement due to covid-19. conventionally, what is meant by the global security threat is 1) issues regarding regional stability such as the korean peninsula and the south china sea, for example, 2) issuing terrorism, or extreme ideology, or 3) nuclear war (hough, 2018). a global security threat is something (anything) that if allowed to destroy the norms of international relations. therefore, handling global security threats includes efforts to prevent the development of any potential that is deemed to be detrimental to international harmony. the three types of global threats; regional stability, terrorism, and nuclear war, each of which is very clear about the actor’s figure and the formation of his hostility. the balance of the korean peninsula area is north korea, which is the focus of the actor, the dispute in the south china sea is the mainland china regime, the perpetrators of the threat of terrorism are (at least) the islamic fundamentalism groups (or any religion). at the same time, the nuclear war designates the countries with nuclear weapons and nuclear technology. except for terrorism, the main perpetrator is the nation-state (although the state can also act as terrorists), but humans carry everything out. their goal is the same, namely to seek domination or sphere of influence. meanwhile, the threat of covid-19, the main actor is not humans but microbes (whoever created it) that berate anyone regardless of nationality, ideology, religion, or age. its purpose is simply to carry out its fundamental nature, attacking the respiratory system (lungs, throat, etc.). this creature cannot be resisted by conventional weapons of any kind, including nuclear weapons. until now, there is no weapon deemed effective to https://www.medcom.id/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 153 eradicate it. the most likely ones are chemical weapons or biological weapons that are similar to the nature of covid-19 itself (ibadurrahman, 2020). the characteristics of the threat of covid-19 as mentioned above, if faced with global governance based on nation-states, should "dilute" the differences in national interests that exist in each country in the world, because covid-19 does not care about any state, any nation if they are careless in cleanliness, negligent in the manner of social relations, will potentially become prey. likewise, if covid-19 is faced with religious or ideological terror formations, the coronavirus does not care about adherents of any religion; it does not care about terrorists of any kind, if possible, anyone will be victimized. therefore, if the ideological actors realized the characteristics of covid-19, they should have united against this horror virus. in comparison with the threat of nuclear war, the physical figure of covid-19 is inversely proportional to the peculiarities of nuclear weapons, both in terms of physical size, mobility model, or method or process of killing the victim. this atomic weapon’s specialty is its range, which reaches thousands of kilometers and can destroy its target in almost any object. meanwhile, covid-19 does not require a distance that is too difficult to achieve. in the case of the spread of transmission, it only requires a distance of approximately one meter through mechanical sneezing through droplets. if it is infected, it will reside in anyone's body until its end (if not treated immediately). in short, it is impossible to eradicate covid-19 with nuclear weapons because they have entirely different properties. covid-19 does not care whether the victim is the owner of nuclear weapons or not. whoever they are, has the same opportunity to become a victim. covid-19 preys on humans in all its activities: social, economic, education, traditions, but does not destroy buildings, plants, or animals. international political economy global uniformity and coherence under the "coronocracy" inevitably result in a demand shock, at least a decline in the demand sector’s not to say its "completely stopped. as soon as the production sector occurs, a supply shock occurs, because manufacturing closes because employees have to be laid off. what may experience an increase, but also shocking, is the financial sector. financial shocks result in monetary panic, which, as a whole, can be said to be a market shake. if there is a market shock, then the state’s function will come to the fore more vocally. at the same time, any government does not have many choices. almost all countries in the world are forced to comply with the who protocol, which has apparent consequences as above. not a single country or public entity dared to take risks to oppose the who protocol. conclusion the physical characteristics and transmission models of the spanish flu and covid-19 are relatively the same, but their impact is very different from the perspective of international relations science. the difference in impact is caused by the following: 1. transportation technology 2. communication / information technology journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 154 3. the concept of human security 4. who / un differences in transportation technology in the two comparative eras when the spanish flu (1918-1920) and covid-19 (2020) took place to indicate a more rapid and massive transmission pattern throughout the world for covid-19. today's air transportation, which allows the movement of people throughout the most distant parts of the world with a travel time of fewer than 24 hours, means that covid-19 can spread across the globe faster than the spanish flu. the era of the industrial revolution 4.0 with digital communication technology that is very fast and sophisticated today is mercilessly packaging the news of the covid-19 outbreak with its various variations around the world, to multiple levels of society, almost instantly at the same time without interruption. in an instant, parts of the world that had never known what kind of covid-19 were forced to face the same panic as those who met the reality in wuhan, china. unfortunately again, for people who are far from wuhan, waiting until their turn to arrive for an exposed case really cannot prepare themselves optimally, because an antidote has not been found. therefore, in terms of the spread of tension in response to the news, communication/information technology in the industrial revolution 4.0 made covid-19 even more miserable than the spread of the virus outbreak itself, compared to the case of the spanish flu. the international community's awareness of the change in the traditional security concept based on protecting the country towards human security, which seeks to prioritize human safety can mean a positive outcome for the handling of covid-19 compared to the spanish flu incident. still, it can also be detrimental because of it. it is positive when viewed from the simultaneity of all countries to tackle this outbreak jointly. it becomes negative because the concept of human security requires everyone (not just every nation) to comply with several stringent rules, which creates a very tense social panic. the target of the covid-19 transmission prevention protocol is an individual, not a state, even though the country is the socio-economic support of the impact it causes. covid-19, which came later than the spanish flu, was also not easier to beat, even though there are already world institutions that specialize in dealing with health in general and the pandemic. the who outbreak prevention protocol (must) be used as a permanent procedure (protocol) for handling covid-19 around the world. even though its goals are proper and correct, it is forced to create a global religion that demands a lot of community sacrifice. many sectors of the economy rolled out in an instant. the tourism sector in almost all sub-sectors, hospitality, conferences, ticketing, and others was forced to close the book. the education sector, both in urban and rural areas, is forced to stay away from crowds and is forced to do distance learning, although not all regions can interact online. so concurrent and urgent, the precautionary procedure makes everything seem as if all life sectors must be carried out online. the number of online application users has skyrocketed, which has also led to a spike in cybercrime cases. if the spread of spanish flu is only transmitted mainly by foreign soldiers who have returned to their countries where the goals are clear, while the covid-19 transmission is spread by a more complex number of civilians, the purpose of leaving is even more journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 155 difficult to limit. it should also be noted that, in the case of the spanish flu, the superior means of transportation were ships with limited technological capabilities at that time. at the same time, covid-19 was carried by anyone with air, sea, or land transportation with industry 4.0 technology that makes the earth considered as small as the palm of your hands. if the analysis or allegation above contains the truth, then the coronocracy, which consists of the words "corono" and "cratia,” corono is the name of the virus while cratia is governance or regime, which is a system of rules (regime) that applies based on the behavior of the coronavirus , is a phenomenon that is normal and occurs today. the corona regime runs on a global totalitarian order. the conventional totalitarian (j linz, 2000) concept is about enforcing the uniformity of society based on (only) for the benefit of the state, while covid-19 raises consistency based on new values, namely not only for the interests of the state but for the importance of human security (human security), and applies not only to one country but across countries, even globally. if the coronocracy and totalitarian global 2020 can be interpreted as in the paragraph above, then the portrait of international relations when facing covid-19 today is very suitable for this description. the world is being led by the coronavirus’s behavior, which forces people around the world to behave in uniform according to who protocol. as a result, the international political economy is experiencing a shocking market, which 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(2020). foreign and domestic policy, diplomacy and cooperation, international political dynamics). journal of social political sciences, 1(2), 102–116. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 102 state political behavior: (foreign and domestic policy, diplomacy and cooperation, international political dynamics) ‘ harun umar , irma indrayani department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia email: harun.umar@civitas.unas.ac.id, irma.indrayani@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: in international relations, the political behavior of a government is needed as a measure of success in establishing political relations both regionally and in international politics. globalization that continues to revolve requires strategic actions and tactics of relations between countries built through the reliability of political behavior that must continue to be developed through a variety of beneficial diplomacy through the attentions of political behavior.the priorities of diplomacy in pandemic covid, indonesia formed partnership bilateral, regional and multilateral by facilitating international cooperation framework with un and who. many countries resorted to isolationism and protectionism. this phenomenon can trigger a tendency to de globalization which impact on indonesia’s domestic politics. keyword : political behavior, domestic politic, foreign policy, covid 19 pandemic submission : feb, 06th 2020 revision : april 17th 2020 publication : may 30th 2020 introduction foreign policy is the strategy and tactics used by a country in its relations with other countries. in a broad sense, foreign policy is a pattern of behavior used by a country in its relations with other countries. foreign policy is related to the decision making process to follow certain road choices. in a broad sense, foreign policy is defined as "a policy taken by the government in the context of its relations with the international world in an effort to achieve national goals". through foreign policy, the government projects its national interests into a society between nations ". from the foregoing it can actually be seen that the purpose of foreign policy is to realize national interests. these objectives contain an overview of the state of the future and mailto:harun.umar@civitas.unas.ac.id mailto:irma.indrayani@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 103 the desired future conditions. the implementation of foreign policy begins with the establishment of policies and decisions by considering matters that are based on national factors as internal factors and international factors as external factors. diplomacy has a very diverse role and plays a lot in international relations. the importance of diplomacy as maintaining the balance and peace of the international order has increased in this modern world. even diplomacy always plays a big role in regulating international policies. many international problems can be solved by diplomacy international cooperation is a form of relations carried out by a country with other countries that aims to meet the needs of the people for the interests of the countries of the world. international cooperation, which includes cooperation in the political, social, defense, cultural, and economic fields, is guided by their respective foreign policies. in order for the cooperation to be successful and profitable, the cooperation between countries is regulated in a form of official organization. basically, in this world many organizations are known. first, an international organization that is gathering various countries without regard to a country's background. the only such organization is the united nations (un). second, regional organizations, namely organizations that bring together countries in a particular region. third, multilateral organizations, namely organizations that bring together three or more countries based on certain considerations, such as religious, economic, defense-security interests and others. fourth, organizations involving two countries, mainly to strengthen friendship between the two countries, such as the indonesian-american friendship institute (lpia), the indonesian-malaysian friendship, and others. literature review foreign policy and domestic politics foreign policy previously, we need to know the meaning of foreign policy. according to henry kissinger who is an academic and practitioner of us foreign policy, "foreign policy begins when domestic policy ends". from this it can be concluded that foreign policy is the result of domestic politics which is then put forward in negotiations on international political issues. in other words, foreign policy was made in accordance with the conditions of international politics at that time and foreign policy became an important existence for each country. maintain the security of his country and gather strength when other countries have accepted the foreign policy made by that country. it should also be underlined that foreign policy also influences domestic politics and the two cannot be separated. foreign policy and diplomacy essentially go hand in hand and have the same goal, which is to achieve interest for their respective countries. this shows the existence of linkages between countries and includes interactions in international relations. with the proposed journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 104 foreign policy and the diplomatic process carried out, if both of them run smoothly and are able to be accepted by all parties, then the country's interests can be achieved. so that in the end every country must carry out foreign policy and conduct diplomacy to achieve conflict resolution and mutual prosperity. in simple terms, foreign policy is defined as a scheme or pattern of ways and objectives openly and hidden in certain state actions dealing with other countries or groups of other countries. foreign policy is a combination of national goals or interests with power and capability (capability). foreign politics is the strategy and tactics used by a country in relation to other countries. in a broad sense, foreign policy is a pattern of behavior used by a country in its relations with other countries. foreign policy is related to the decision making process to follow certain road choices. according to the book on the strategy plan for the implementation of foreign politics of the republic of indonesia (1984-1988), foreign policy is defined as "a policy adopted by the government in relation to international relations in an effort to achieve national goals ". through foreign policy, the government projects its national interests into a society between nations ". foreign policy is a policy of manifesting the national interests of one country against another country. from the description it can be known that the purpose of foreign policy is to realize national interests. these objectives contain an overview of the state of the country in the future as well as the desired future conditions. the implementation of foreign policy begins with the establishment of policies and decisions by considering matters that are based on national factors as internal factors and international factors as external factors. as we can illustrate, indonesia is also conducting foreign policy with the characteristics of free and active. a free and active foreign policy contains two main elements. first, "free" usually means not being involved in a military alliance or defense pact with outside forces that are characteristic the cold war. in a broader sense a free foreign policy shows a high level of nationalism, which rejects involvement or dependence on outsiders that can reduce sovereignty indonesia. secondly, the word "active" shows that indonesia's foreign policy is not passive and only takes a neutral attitude in dealing with itinternational issues. the muqadimah of the 1945 constitution clearly demanding that indonesia oppose all forms of colonialism and participate advance world peace. domestic politics the understanding of domestic politics is interpreted by fearon (1998) as an analysis that explains how the interaction of domestic politics encourages countries to take foreign policy. therefore, this domestic political interaction also ultimately influences the final outcome of a country's foreign policy. although domestic politics is not the only source of foreign policy chosen by a country, according to rosenau (1987) its role is quite significant and in some respects it can be said to be quite dominant. from the explanation above, it can be seen that the main assumption of domestic politics is that the dynamics and circumstances of domestic journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 105 politics, can influence the direction of a country's foreign policy. this can be seen from the fact that shows that foreign policy taken by the domestic government, can not be separated from the political power system or political parties, which can be seen through coalition and opposition forms that occur in government. this explanation is reinforced by the statement of fearon (1998) which says that the state is not a unitary actor, which means that in running a state government it does not work alone, but consists of representative actors who interact with each other and then create domestic political dynamics. in achieving national interest in foreign policy making, the state must be able to accommodate domestic and international politics. to find out the relationship between domestic politics and international politics, one must first know that domestic politics is influenced by various actors, both from elite institutions such as the executive, legislative, judiciary, political parties and their opposition and coalition or even the media, community organizations , coalition businesses, to terrorist groups (hudson, 2014). the conditions of domestic society also influence domestic political conditions. this is because the main purpose of foreign policy is to meet the interests of the country, which aims to accommodate the needs and desires of the people, which are adjusted to the situation and conditions at the domestic level. not only that, international actors can also influence domestic politics, both from the attitudes of other countries, mnc, igo, nco and others. this indicates that domestic politics and international politics are reciprocal and mutually influential, which in the formulation of foreign policy putnam (1998 in hudson, 2014) sees this as a two-level game that represents both. thus, this also reinforces the assumptions of domestic politics that explain the link between domestic politics and foreign policy. diplomacy and cooperation diplomacy the word diplomacy contains two different meanings. first, the word diplomacy is understood as another word for foreign policy. secondly, the word diplomacy is understood as negotiation. this understanding refers to the events of negotiations between countries both in two directions between two countries (bilateral) and many directions (multilateral) involving many countries. we often hear the term diplomacy in the realm of international relations. as we know, diplomacy is used as a tool or media to resolve conflicts without violence or even war. according to sir peter marshall, there are six related meanings regarding 'diplomacy'. some of them are diplomacy which has connotation as the implementation of foreign policy (marshall, 1990), and diplomacy that focuses on the management of international relations through negotiations. even that was explained by adam watson that diplomacy is the implementation of international relations through negotiations (watson, 1982). thus, it is quite clear that diplomacy is a way to establish cooperation in international relations in order to achieve common interests, which can be done by negotiating. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 106 diplomacy has been carried out since the days of ancient civilization, namely mesopotamian civilization which was realized by various inter-tribal agreements, as well as the use of the language of the two tribes which became the first diplomatic language in the middle east, namely babylon and akkadian. based on history, the first civilization that gave birth to the concept of sending ambassadors was the roman empire. they call them envoys with the term legati and representative offices or embassies abroad are called legatio. in ancient india there were also references to various types of messengers and these have been there starting from the regweda, yajurweda, and so on. then diplomacy continues to be carried out from time to time and in various regions. even in the middle ages, modern diplomacy began to develop in italy and was used as a method by the authorities to achieve their interests and protect them. it was written in machiavelli's book, 'the prince'. diplomacy continues to be used until now, there are even various forms of diplomacy implemented by each country to achieve its interests. based on history and facts, diplomacy is an important component in international relations. in the book "international relations: the key concept", explained that diplomacy is a tool for the state to carry out its mission and interests without creating hostility towards other countries, and is used to construct a positive image of the country. when there is an interstate conflict, diplomacy will be an effective tool to keep relations between the two parties good, and of course to avoid prolonged conflict and refers to war or military threats. because it has been a part of interactions between countries for a long time, it can be said that diplomacy has also been a study of hi since long ago. because almost all countries are inseparable from the diplomacy and negotiation processes to get their interest in international cooperation. diplomacy is good open communication and is able to facilitate the resolution of a conflict. tran believes that the communication contained in diplomacy becomes blood for the human body. when the communication stops, then of course the international political body and the diplomatic process will die, so that it will create conflicts that refer to violence or atrophy (tran, 1987). cooperation international cooperation is a form of relations carried out by a country with other countries that aims to meet the needs of the people and the interests of countries in the world. international cooperation, including cooperation in the political, social, defense, cultural and economic fields, is guided by the respective foreign policy. cooperation is usually carried out by two or more countries. the aim of the cooperation is to meet the needs of the people of each country, to prevent or avoid conflicts that might occur, to gain recognition as an independent state, to strengthen relations between countries in various fields. liberating the nations of the world from poverty, hunger and underdevelopment in the economic field, promoting trade, accelerating economic growth, increasing stability in the economic, political, social, cultural and defense and security fields, maintaining world order and peace, increasing and strengthening the ties of international journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 107 friendship in this world. in order for the cooperation to be successful and profitable, the cooperation between countries is regulated in a form of official organization. in international cooperation there are four forms of international cooperation, namely: bilateral bilateral cooperation is cooperation between two countries. for example, economic cooperation exists between indonesia and singapore or the united states and saudi arabia. bilateral cooperation aims to foster existing relationships and establish trade cooperation relations with partner countries. bilateral cooperation is decided unilaterally, the termination is called unilateral. multilateral multilateral organizations, namely organizations that bring together three or more countries based on certain considerations, where countries that work together help each other, such as asean. regional regional cooperation is cooperation between countries in a region or region. the aim is nothing but to create free trade between countries in a certain region. the form of regional cooperation has been explored by the united nations through the establishment of regional commissions starting from europe, east asia and latin america. this commission develops a joint policy for development issues, especially in the economic field. regional cooperation is usually more related to the location of the country and based on historical, geographical, technical, natural resource and marketing reasons. international international cooperation is a form of cooperation that covers many countries and is under the auspices of the united nations. this collaboration aims to help each other in the economic field to improve mutual prosperity. for example, the imf, wto, and others. the dynamics of international politics international politics can be seen as a special game because the actors can number only a few, but on certain issues it is possible for all people to be involved in it. international politics is something that goes beyond the analogy of chess (anderson, 1996). such is the picture of international politics drawn by anderson. anderson described international politics by using a change map to illustrate its complexity. this description provides a more comprehensive understanding for researchers about international politics, especially me. international politics basically consists of a composition of competition between actors with different interests to achieve their goals. speaking of competition, these actors clash with one another by using the power they have while fighting for influence. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 108 this competition takes place continuously and is very dynamic. this causes changes always occur in the structure of international politics. the structure of international politics in one period can be different from the structure in other periods. the meaning of power as a capability also varies. in the period before world war erupted, international politics was described as a conflictual structure. each country selfishly pursues its interests by force to other countries, such as through war. for this reason, each country needs to increase its power. this is done by increasing its capabilities by increasing military weaponry to the most destructive level (morgan, 2003). since the end of the world war, increasing economic capabilities to increase power began to emerge. in this context, power capability is seen as something that is clearly seen and can be calculated. the use of economic and military capabilities is commonly referred to as hard power, namely the ability to influence what other parties do through coercive carrot and stick strategies (heywood, 2011). method the research on foreign policy indonesia in era pandemic covid 19 was conducted in february to may 2020. the research method was done through a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis. data collection methods, includes first, documentary studies. this technique was carried out to obtain secondary data by collecting data sourced from archives and relevant documents such as books, journal and magazine articles, encyclopedias, dictionaries, handbooks, periodical indexes, and reviews. second, fgd (focus group discussion). fgd is a process of gathering information about a particular problem that is very specific to the interview of a small group of people. the purpose of the fgd itself is to obtain input or information about specific and local issues. resolution of this problem is determined by other parties after the information has been successfully collected and analyzed. result and discussion foreign policy indonesia in covid 19 pandemic since the second world war ended, the world has again faced very serious problems due to the emergence of coronavirus disease (covid-19) caused by the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2 (sars-cov-2) virus.(who) the virus was first discovered in wuhan, china in december 2019. the virus spread very quickly throughout the world, until now covid-19 has become the most socially and economically influential humanitarian disaster so that who declared it a global pandemic. at present, the covid-19 case has been confirmed to reach 4,347,935 with the number of deaths reaching 297,241 worldwide. countries in the world with the highest covid-19 cases include the united states with a total of 1.3 million cases, russia with a total of 262 thousand cases, britain with a total of 233 thousand cases, spain with a total of 229 thousand cases, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 109 italy with a total of 223 thousand cases, brazil with a total of 188 thousand cases, germany with a total of 173 thousand cases, turkey with a total of 155 thousand cases, france with a total of 139 thousand cases, iran with a total of 116 thousand cases, china with a total of 84 thousand cases, and india with a total of 81 thousand cases.( covid-19. who) while in indonesia alone the covid-19 case was confirmed to have reached 16,496 with a total number of deaths reaching 1076.( the handling of covid-19 pushed the government to aggressively carry out international cooperation in order to overcome this global covid-19 pandemic. international cooperation is carried out as an effort to ensure access and availability of medical supplies such as medicines and medical devices to overcome covid-19 given that indonesia has limited health resources. indonesia's diplomacy is currently active in strengthening multilateralism cooperation with the main goal of realizing equitable access for developing countries to affordable vaccines. so far, indonesia has joined the who international solidarity trial in collaboration to seek the most effective treatment for covid-19 treatment. indonesia has also collaborated with 94 international parties including 9 friendly countries, 9 international organizational entities, and 76 non-governmental entities.(foreign policy ministry) as a strategy to overcome covid-19, participation and diplomacy of all parties are needed to obtain drugs and medical devices because indonesia must compete with major countries such as europe and the united states. the involvement of the private sector which has been provided with ease of business and investment has been greatly encouraged by the government. the results can be seen when south korea only provides a corona virus test kit to indonesia and the united states. india, as a producer of chloroquine raw materials, only supplies raw materials to indonesia. while china, in addition to providing assistance to iran and italy, also provided assistance to indonesia. this happened at the instigation of the bpkm and the ministry of bumn. this proves that indonesia's multi-track diplomacy through business or the private sector is effective. this also proves that in addition to the government, the private sector can move in large numbers to tackle covid-19 such as the distribution of medical devices and the like. the indonesian minister of foreign affairs, retno marsudi also in the virtual meeting of the ministerial coordination group on covid 19 (mcgc) some time ago stressed the importance of international cooperation with an innovative approach and involving various stakeholders (especially stakeholders), especially the private sector, in addressing the global pandemic situation covid-19. the private sector makes it possible to share information about each other's capacities and resources, thus opening up opportunities for the incorporation of each company's comparative advantage in producing and distributing the supply of medical equipment needed to handle the covid-19 pandemic. (kemlu.go.id) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 110 figure 1 total cases world wide , 15 may 2020 richard baldwin and eiichi tomiura economist stated that companies, individuals and governments are experiencing disruptions which may lead to sudden de-globalisation. (economist, 2020) many countries resorted to isolationism and protectionism. corona virus pandemic caused countries to close their doors to foreign citizens, expelling foreign nationals, to limiting their medical equipment export. this condition disrupts supply chains throughout the world. the covid-19 pandemic also damaged the order of globalization. saudi arabia has closed its doors for pilgrims since journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 111 february 27. the tokyo 2020 olympics is postponed until next year. the first meeting of the g20 heads of state must take place virtually. many international events have been postponed or canceled because of the corona virus. figure 2 indonesia position between rcep and tpp in economic forum, asia had two different approaches to trade liberalization — the regional comprehensive economic partnership (rcep) driven by asean and the trans-pacific partnership (tpnp) led by the united states. both tpp and rcep have similar objectives of trade liberalization for tariff rates lowered for most of the participating countries and economic integration. basically, rcep and tpp are expected to pay more attention to “behind the border” issues or trade facilitation measures, as well as to promote domestic reforms in line with regional goals. the difference is, rcep will accommodative to the development differences of the member countries. tpp, promoted as a “gold-standard fta” on intellectual property rights, labour standards, competition policy, investment rules, the environment and the role of state-owned enterprises. on the other side, there are some concerns over competition between tpp and rcep as regional pacts, which may lead to division among asean members and may undermine asean's centrality in the region. china is not a part of tpp, this would be a possibility of conflict due to the rivalry between the united states and china. nevertheless, both rcep and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 112 tpp are ambitious regional trade arrangements. while, initially they may generate some competition for each other, eventually both are possible pathways for a free trade area of the asia-pacific (ftaap). (haass, 2020) meanwhile in political aspect, rivalry between united states and china could be seen as figure 3 below. figure 3 international political conflict escalation before covid before covid 19 became pandemic, the two great power tension of trade war was increased. while pandemic, they focused on recovery their own country. haass stated that global political rivalry amplifies, as great powers are playing the blaming game on the origins of covid-19. the united states has not rallied the world in a collective effort to confront either the virus or its economic effects. nor has the united states rallied the world to follow its lead in addressing the problem at home. other countries are looking after themselves as best they can or turning to those past the peak of infection, such as china, for assistance.(haass, 2020) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 113 meanwhile, un as a “universal organization” plays a pivotal role in coordinating a global response and that the un must be able to give hope to the global communities that every country will be able to handle the crisis with cooperation, solidarity and effective policy. the role of the un, obviously, has been reflected in the resolution, including calling world countries to contain the spread of the virus, as well as to mitigate the impacts of the disease through exchange of information exchange, research cooperation, and good governance from every country in handling the pandemic. the resolution also emphasized the leadership of the who in coordination with international communities, as well as appreciation to healthcare workers, health professionals and researchers that are relentlessly doing their job under a difficult situation.(setkab, 2020) indonesia's foreign policy is still vulnerable and very sensitive to global threats could be trapped in the context of human security against spreading corona virus outbreaks threatening the new economic crisis. refer to the critical study of michel foucault, the criticism shows that there is no sensitivity or sensitivity and vulnerability in the conduct of foreign politics to maintain the existence and threat to human security. this shows that the delay in information and communication in this co-epidemic19 outbreak caused a strategic threat to developed countries in the face of biotechnology war between america and china, not just trade war but psycho-war without borders with deadly corona virus attacks, that can destroy human civilization. the thought of thomas l. friedman, the recipient of the nobel prize in economics in his bestseller: the world is flat, requires the balance of energy, politics and foreign policy for a country. the foreign policy of the republic of indonesia is called 'active free politics'. it means to determine one's own path, not to be influenced by any party; active, meaning that towards world peace and friendship with the whole nation. free and active foreign policy is the answer to the demands of the global political turmoil in the aftermath of world war ii, which was polarized in the battle of the two big blocs in the name of ideological differences, which required post-colonial third world countries to determine their foreign policy choices. international cooperation is a form of relations carried out by a country with other countries that aims to meet the needs of the people for the interests of the countries of the world. international cooperation, which includes cooperation in the political, social, defense, cultural, and economic fields, is guided by their respective foreign policies. in the multilateral forum, indonesia and other countries to strengthen cooperation in handling covid-19 initiated a resolution on global solidarity to overcome covid-19 at the general assembly of the united nations. in this multilateral forum, 188 countries participated in sponsoring this resolution. then, the indonesian government also attended the covid-19 international coordination group meeting which was held virtually. in this canadian-initiated forum, the foreign minister conveyed the need for partnerships and synergies between countries to ensure the safety of human traffic and the supply of global goods. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 114 indonesia's active role in the multilateral forum in the efforts to deal with the global covid19 was continued by its participation in the international coordination group on covid-19 (icgc) forum. the foreign minister stressed the need for close and concrete cooperation from each country to jointly address the impact of the spread of covid-19 for the community. indonesia stated that collective efforts in vaccine manufacturing and distribution must be accompanied by further coordination in post-pandemic global economic recovery. indonesia in the 25th meeting of the asean coordinating council (acc) conveyed several important roles related to the handling of covid-19. among them first, indonesia encouraged the implementation of the results of the meeting of the ministers of health of asean and asean + 3 member countries. second, indonesia proposes that the agreement "supply chain and flow of goods during the outbreak" be discussed in the asean + 3 summit forum. third, indonesia stresses the importance of asean to provide protection for asean citizens, including migrant workers, by observing the applicable health protocols. fourth, indonesia proposes the collection of the asean covid-19 response fund from the asean development fund and the asean + 3 cooperation fund to finance the purchase of medical equipment and other needs.(www.kemlu.go.id) in addition, the important role of indonesian women in handling covid-19 was also a concern, as seen from the active involvement of foreign minister retno in the 2020 women foreign ministers meeting. the government emphasized the central role of women as the driving force for covid-19 handling and became the economic wheel of society during the pandemic. . the foreign minister stated that around 70 percent of global medical personnel are women and 60 percent of msmes producing masks, personal protective clothing, and others in indonesia are driven by women's groups. therefore, indonesia encourages the international community to continue to support women's groups as important actors in overcoming the impact of covid 19. the resolution, titled “global solidarity to fight covid-19”, was passed by the un general assembly by acclamation on thursday (2/4) in new york and became the first un resolution on covid-19 since the world health organization (who) declared the disease as a global pandemic on 11 march. “the resolution highlighted a political message on the importance of unity, solidarity, and global cooperation to deliver a precise and collective response toward the covid-19 pandemic,” indonesian minister of foreign affairs retno marsudi said in a press release. according to the minister, there is no country that is immune to the virus, which have caused thousands of deaths worldwide. retno went on to say that the un as a “universal organization” plays a pivotal role in coordinating a global response and that the un must be able to give hope to the global communities that every country will be able to handle the crisis with cooperation, solidarity and effective policy. (www.kemlu.go.id) in fact, refer to haass, ”the principal responses to the pandemic have been national or even subnational, not international. and once the crisis passes, the emphasis will shift to national recovery.” (haass, 2020) this means, no matter how bilateral, regional and multilateral cooperation which had been done, after covid 19 pandemic indonesia should have the http://www.kemlu.go.id/ http://www.kemlu.go.id/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 115 proper strategy in handling covid. foreign policy should be design by the national interest of its own state not only reaction to the phenomena on international fora. conclusion the role of government is very important in dealing with the covid-19 pandemic especially as this includes one of the global health threats. the government needs to set a strategy in implementing foreign policy that is directly related to global health issues. foreign policy is one of the tools to mobilize the country's ability to prepare and respond to various existing international problems. in fact that no country is immune from the threat of covid-19. for this reason, it is necessary to establish cooperation at the bilateral, regional and multilateral levels in resolving the covid 19 pandemic. covid should not make indonesia careless in determining foreign policy priorities. considering that before the conflict, the american trade war vs china and also the potential for the possible conflict to spread to the field of defense and security, this phenomenon needs to be addressed by indonesia in formulating a post covid 19 strategy from now on. indonesia needs to make its own priorities and does not have to be trapped in the mainstream of issues carried by major countries such as terrorism and the south china sea conflict that has been implemented in indonesia's domestic policies. the tendency to strengthen mercantilism due to covid 19 pandemic, as well as the attraction indonesia position of rcep and tpp also needs serious attention from decision makers. it is time to formulate a foreign policy platform that is in accordance with the characteristics and strengths of the indonesian nation and state to create a welfare state. references anderson, p. 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(2012). andrew heywood, global politics, palgrave macmillan 2011, pp. 560. przegląd strategiczny, 2, 193. https://doi.org/10.14746/ps.2012.2.14 https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019/technicalguidance/naming-the-coronavirus-disease-(covid-2019)-and-the-virus-that-causes-it covid-19. who. 15/5/2020. https://covid19.who.int/ https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1292/berita/ministerial-coordination-group-on-covid-19mcgc-foreignminister-ri-sector-private-role-important-in-guarantee-availability-supplychain-medical-global https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1212/view/foreignminister-retno-push-system-multilateraljournal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 116 strenghten-governance-global health https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1254/berita/ministerial-teleconference-meeting-of-theinternational-coordination-group-on-covid-19-icgc-foreign minister-ri-push-cooperationconcrete-international-for-increase-product capacity-medical parts-and-medicine https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1160/news/indonesia-success-goal-resolution-pbb-firstabout-solidarity-global-overcome-covid-19 https://setkab.go.id/en/indonesia-calls-for-global-response-as-un-adopts-resolution-on-covid-19/ indonesia. 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(2007). valerie m. hudson: foreign policy analysis: classic and contemporary theory. politische vierteljahresschrift, 48(3), 619–621. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11615-007-0109-3 stewart, a. (2013). carrick, sir r. (2012).diplomatic anecdotage. diplomacy & statecraft, 24(4), 689– 690. https://doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2013.848737 world health organization. naming the coronavirus disease (covid-19) and the virus that causes it [internet]. geneva: world health organization; 2020. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 218 indonesia’s foreign policy during soekarno era 1945 – 1965: (orientation shift from diplomacy to confrontation) irma indrayani1, harun umar2, august mellaz3 1 department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 2 department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 3master in political science, postgraduate, universitas nasional 1 email: irma.indrayani@civitas.unas.ac.id 2 email: harun.umar@civitas.unas.ac.id 3 email: august.mellaz@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : this paper aims to see the shift of indonesia’s foreign policy from diplomacy to a confrontation during the soekarno era from 1945 to 1965. the change of foreign policy orientation become a spotlight on this paper that explores the issue based on historical chronology, national interest, and the dynamics of international politic that shaped the goal of indonesia’s international politics, that is to defend its independence and gaining recognition as an independent and sovereign country. the analysis used to study this shift of foreign policy of indonesia, from diplomacy to confrontation is described using the qualitative method through a historical approach. the data and information used for analysis in this study are sourced from secondary data obtained from the literature study.. keywords: foreign policy orientation, sukarno government era, diplomacy, and confrontation submission : may, 09th 2020 revision : june 08th 2020 publication : august 30th 2020 introduction the proclamation of indonesia's independence on august 17, 1945, was a historical moment that determined how the orientation and foreign policy policies were directed towards achieving recognition as a sovereign nation-state entity. michael leifer, in his book "indonesian foreign policy", states that indonesia, as a new post-colonial country, faces its complexities. given that the declaration of the new republic was carried out journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 219 before the existence of a country with territorial boundaries as is now known(leifer, 1989: xi). the recognition of the entity as a sovereign state, 'inevitably' becomes a framework for political orientation in the formation of the indonesian state. on the other hand, it must be admitted that the netherlands has a significant role in determining and implementing administrative unit boundaries in this plural island-based country. the recognition of sovereignty as an independent nation, in the end, became an entry point for the seeds of indonesia's foreign policy. this was unavoidable, considering that since it was declared, the existence of this new republic had already faced opposition from the netherlands. in leifer's opinion, the early leaders of the government had a keen awareness and belief that, "armed resistance is not simply put aside, but independence is seen as more attainable and defensible through a diplomatic process involving third parties" (leifer, 1989). what mentioned above is an essential milestone of the emergence of a new chapter known as the seeds of indonesia's foreign policy. the struggle through the realm of diplomacy that took place from 1946 to 1949 to achieve recognition of sovereignty was also marked by an intensifying political orientation which was considered to reflect the divisions and groupings of ideologies in indonesia (alfian et al., 1971). the period of diplomacy to recognize the sovereignty represented by several cabinets in the parliamentary system is a reflection of how the political orientation is formed and its influence in foreign policy choices taken. the development of indonesia's foreign policy during the early days of independence can at least be divided into two periods. the first period, the period 1946 to 1949, and the second period, 1949 to 1955. these two periods became a critical momentum that would mark the orientation and shift that became the basis for the implementation of indonesia's foreign policy. after these two periods, the direction of indonesia's foreign policy has shifted. from an orientation that initially focused on negotiations or diplomacy, it turned into a confrontation. in the first period, 1946-1949. indonesia's foreign policy is directed at efforts to defend the independence that was proclaimed on august 17, 1945, and gained international recognition as a sovereign state. this period can be seen from at least 8 (eight) negotiations, or agreements carried out by indonesia with the netherlands, namely, indonesia, the netherlands and the united kingdom negotiations in 1946; the hooge veluwe conference on april 14-25, 1946; the sjahrir conference on 9-14 october 1946; linggardjati agreement dated 10-15 november 1946; renville agreement dated december 8, 1948; the roem-royen agreement of may 17 1949; inter-indonesian conference on 19-22 july 1949; and the round table conference on 23 august-2 november 1949. thus, during that period, all energy was mobilized to gain recognition of sovereignty through the negotiating table or diplomacy (hanzel, 2015). the second period, 1949-1955, became the realization period for free and active foreign policy. this was marked by the official joining of indonesia to the un on september 28, 1950, and at the same time an important marker of indonesia's strong commitment to being actively involved and participate in world peace. also, during this period the role of indonesia's foreign policy was very prominent in indonesia, namely being one of the important initiators for the solidarity movement of new countries and colonized journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 220 countries in the asian and african regions to become independent. this can be seen from the joint initiative between indonesia, pakistan, sri lanka, india, and ghana in the holding of the asia-africa conference or also known as the bandung conference on 1824 april 1955. the results of the conference which later triggered the movement for independence struggle and mutual recognition. among the countries of the asian and african region. this period was also marked by the appearance of the third axis or pole from the two poles that previously existed, namely the 1961 non-aligned movement (hanzel, 2015). the third period of indonesia's foreign policy, which was reflected in 1953-1965, foreign policy began to experience a shift, from diplomacy schemes and solidarity building between colonized countries to confrontation with the forces that were deemed perpetuating colonialism and imperialism. the deadlock in negotiations over the status of west irian (new guinea), the change in the domestic political system from a parliamentary democracy to a guided democracy, and the strengthening of two poles of world political power between the western bloc and the eastern bloc during the cold war, are prologues that trigger a shift in the orientation of indonesia's foreign policy in the era of sukarno. the three periods above cannot be separated from the development of world politics that occurred as a result of the end of world war ii and the emergence of the cold war. the rise of new countries that declared their independence from the grip of imperialism and colonialism in the asian and african regions, as well as changes in the world's geopolitics into two poles or bipolar between the western bloc and the eastern bloc. international recognition of sovereignty would be relatively easy to obtain if indonesia had an alliance with one of the two existing poles. however, the choice to join one of the two existing poles, of course, hurts the ideals of the proclamation, namely the elimination of colonialism over the world. the linkages between indonesia’s national interest that become the domestic political policy and its impacts to the international politics, can be traced to the first paragraph of the opening of the 1945 constitution, “whereas independence is the inalienable right of all nations, therefore, all colonialism must be abolished in this world as it is not in conformity with humanity and justice”. it also emphasized on the fourth paragraph that the establishment of indonesian government is to…” take part in implementing world order that based on independence, eternal peace, and social justice...”. these clauses formed the fundamental base for indonesia’s international politics, which was known as “free and active,”. therefore, the choice of a free-and-active foreign policy has the potential to create a new axis or an alternative third pole. this third axis can be a beacon for the emergence of the independence movement for countries in the asian and african region that are still in the grip of colonialism and imperialism. with this new axis, the solidarity of the newly independent nations can be cultivated and give mutual recognition of sovereignty. the emergence of indonesia as a new independent state in the post-world war ii era is an essential symbol for various other regions where imperialism continues. indonesia is faced with two main interests, namely recognition of its sovereignty as an independent state and support from the international community for its freedom. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 221 from the three-time periods described above, important lessons can be learned about the choices or options that determine foreign policy, including global developments regarding the same fate as countries that have experienced colonialism and have recently become independent, solidarity to support the independence of countries that are still in progress. colonialism and recognition of the status of sovereignty among countries in the asian and african region, and the development of a new axis (non-bloc) as an alternative in facing the two existing sides. thus, the axis has its power to determine the prosperity and development of its members sovereignly. this research is focused on answering at least two problems, first, how was the development of indonesia's foreign policy during the sukarno era, and second, why there has been a shift in the orientation of indonesia's foreign policy, from a direction that previously relied on diplomacy schemes to turn into a confrontation. literature review indonesia's post-independence foreign policy is faced with a dilemma between the orientation of foreign policy and the direction of national development. however, the primary orientation of indonesia's foreign policy in the post-independence era is colored by the spirit of the constitution, notably "abolishing colonialism" and "being involved in world peace". these two constitutional spirits at least have had a significant influence in indonesia's foreign policy. apart from the normative dimensions stipulated in the constitution, recognition of sovereignty as an independent state entity is one of the main goals. on the one hand, indonesia was willing to carry out various diplomacy with the netherlands in the context of independence, on the other hand, it took part as an initiator and builder of solidarity for the anti-colonialism movement of the nations of the world. in that era, indonesia took a significant role as a leader in the asia-africa conference and the non-aligned movement. in principle, the foreign policy adopted has made indonesia one of the important actors in foreign policy, especially for multilateral diplomacy. the orientation of indonesia's foreign policy is a series of government policies that can be seen and determined based on the period of government leadership. the periodization of indonesia's foreign policy itself gave rise to several causes which were determined by three main variables, namely, national interest, external political variables, and leader variables. foreign policy kj holsti (1987: 135-136) makes a distinction between international politics and foreign policy, as follows. the interaction between a country and another country in a global context is referred to as international politics. whereas in one situation, a state takes action or policy towards other countries or the international environment, it is referred to as foreign policy. thus, foreign policy is a policy study that uses an approach in the form of action, or a country's response to its environment, whether aimed at state or non-state actors (political community, business, non-state organizations) in the international sphere. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 222 meanwhile, international politics is characterized by a situation where the focus of the study is aimed at the interaction of a country and social, political, and business unit (holsti, 1970). henry kissinger, as quoted by umar & indrayani (2020), stated that "foreign policy begins when the domestic political policy ends". foreign policy is a form of the domestic policy aimed at or oriented in the context of negotiations on international political issues. thus, the foreign policy adopted by a country is an essential factor for the existence of each country. foreign policy making many factors influence the decision making or foreign policy of a country. this is understood because the reality of the international world has its complexities. thus, many variables need to be considered in foreign policymaking by a country. the foreign policy of a country is specifically made in the framework of a strategic setting for existing events or developments. for example, the foreign policy of the united states (us) to the crisis in georgia in 2008 was a response to russia's actions against georgia. likewise, the us missile defence policy in the european region has an impact on russia, poland, and the decision-making of the leaders of european countries (mintz & derouen jr., 2010: 121-122). in principle, foreign policymaking by a country cannot be ignored from the international situation, especially the security aspects that accompany it. making decisions on foreign policy is an integral part of the consideration to provide security guarantees and the protection of the national interests of the country, making the policy. alex mintz and karl derouen jr in "understanding foreign policy decision making" emphasized that there are at least three determinants with their sub-factors that influence foreign policymaking, including: first, international factors, consisting of deterrence, arms races, strategic surprise, alliance formation, and regime type of the adversary; second, domestic factors, including economic conditions, economic interests, public opinion, electoral cycles, and two-level games; and third, cultural factors that exist in the society of each country, including the composition of the gender balance in the leadership of a country, also play a role in determining the strategic policy of a country's foreign policy (mintz & derouen jr., 2010). some data show that support for policies on the use of the military and weapons is getting lower in countries that have more female leaders than men. likewise, the decision-making behaviour of business actors in several countries, such as the us, japan, or china, is a reflection of national characteristics that are influenced by cultural factors from each country (mintz & derouen jr., 2010). foreign policy refers to the choices of individuals, groups and coalitions that determine the actions of a country and have an impact on the international sector. according to renshon, foreign policy is generally characterized by high stakes, significant uncertainties, and substantial risks (mintz & derouen jr., 2010: 3). there are 4 (four) variables that are considered in making foreign policy, including decision environment, psychological factors, international factors, and domestic factors. besides, the limiting factor significantly on the cognitive abilities and information sources possessed by the leaders of a country also influences the outcome of foreign policy. according to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 223 robinson and snyder, in a foreign policy-making process there are 4 (four) essential components, among others: identifying the decision problem; searching for alternatives; choosing an option; and executing the choice (steiner, 1977). the 4 (four) components above are essential, given the setting of the agenda, the impacts that will arise, and the outcomes to be produced through foreign policy. in addition, a country's foreign policy is generally taken under conditions that cannot be said to be normal, in other words, undoubtedly under the pressure of the situation and time. national interest national interest is the concept of how political actors interpret the value of "what is best". the emergence of this concept can be traced back to the 16th and 17th centuries as "the will of the prince", "dynastic interest", "raison d’état", and several other terms. however, along with the emergence of the nation-state, these terms are no longer used and are gradually replaced by the terms "national honor", "public interest" and "general will". the term "national interest" itself by historian charles beard, apart from tracing its roots in italy and england, the term is also widely used by us statesmen when drafting the constitution (rosenau, 2006: 246). hans morgenthau, a realist theory follower in international political studies, developed the concept of national interest as "the interest which is the most enduring main standard that influences and directs all political action". thus, "foreign policy must be fully defined in terms of the objectives of the national interest" (rosenau, 2006: 247249). three assumptions form the basis of political realism thinking that ultimately lead to defining national interests as the basis for a country in carrying out its foreign policy. first, the state plays a significant role in international relations. second, the state is an actor who acts unilaterally. and third, decision-makers are rational actors in the context of decision-making driven by the goal of pursuing national interests (antunes & camisão, 2017). in the framework of international politics, the doctrine of the national interest is generally used in two interrelated ways. first, it is used as an explanation for a country's political behavior or actions to defend, oppose, or offer policy. second, it is used by students or scholars as an analysis tool to describe and at the same time assess the adequacy of a country's strategy in its foreign policy (burchill, 2005: 23). in other words, the national interest is a doctrine, and at the same time, the primary raw material for a country in implementing foreign policy policies. from this doctrine, it can be used as an analytical tool to assess the extent to which a country's interests and strengths are applied through its foreign policy to achieve goals. historical context mohammad hatta's speech at the knip workers' board session on september 2, 1948, was a necessary form of affirmation of indonesia's political stance which was called "free and active". the speech entitled "rowing between two rocks", became the basis that indonesia did not take sides between the two camps involved in the cold war, namely the us and the soviet union. bung hatta gave an illustration that indonesia's journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 224 position was like a ship bobbing in the middle of the ocean and had to row over two rocks, namely, the us and the soviet union. therefore, to be able to row past the two existing reefs, it requires a firm stance on indonesia's foreign policy, namely, "free and active". an excerpt from bung hatta's speech on september 2, 1948 which is an important point: "... should we, the indonesian people, who fight for the independence of our nation and state, have only to choose between pro-russia and pro-america? is there no other stand that we must take in pursuing our ideals? what we must consider is that we do not become objects in the international political struggle. still, we must remain as subjects who have the right to determine our attitude, have the right to fight for our objectives, namely, an entirely independent indonesia " (hatta, 1948). "every one of us certainly has sympathy for this group or that group, but the struggle for the nation cannot be resolved by the following sympathy alone, but should be based on reality, for the interests of our country at all times" (hatta, 1948). the quote from bung hatta's speech above provides an important indication that the ideals of the proclamation and the nation's struggle to escape colonialism and become a sovereign state are determinants that will determine indonesia's political policy steps. thus, indonesia, as a sovereign country with aspirations should not fall into one of the political camps which at that time was bipolar, between the us and the soviet union. the view of indonesia, as expressed by hatta in 1948, can be approached within the framework of the concept of the international system. kj. holsti (1970) explained that the global system would be responded to by independent political units based on different points of view. however, the attribute factors, national needs, or individual character of policymakers, the external environment, power structures, and international influence have a significant effect in determining the general orientation of a country when dealing with other countries in the world. holsti further explained that every international system has a clear structure, in the sense that there is a configuration of power and influence characteristics that will determine the dominant relationship with sub-ordinates in the scheme of the central contact with the satellite. the setting of world politics that at that time was understood by indonesia would only place indonesia as a satellite of the two existing bipolar poles. suppose that happens, in the sense that indonesia is taking sides with one of the arising poles. in that case, indonesia will not only enter into the sub-ordinate and satellite relations of the power structure but more than that, namely injuring the ideals of struggle as a sovereign state (holsti, 1970). changes in the political constellation of the world as a result of the cold war brought new complexities. it has an impact not only on relations between nations in the world, including demanding fundamental changes in indonesia's foreign policy. indonesian foreign policy, by mohammad hatta, is no longer called "rowing between two rocks", but "must sail the vast ocean without certainty". (hatta, 1948). hatta further reaffirmed the position of the indonesian government regarding its political stance, which was conveyed on september 2, 1948, and repeated at the government's response at the bp knip session on september 16, 1948. but we must remain as subjects who have the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 225 right to determine our attitude, have the right to fight for our objectives, namely, indonesia is entirely free" (hatta, 1948: 29). indonesia's post-independence foreign policy was faced with a dilemma between foreign policy and domestic development projects. however, the primary orientation of indonesia's foreign policy in the post-independence era is colored by the spirit of the constitution, notably "abolishing colonialism" and "being involved in world peace". these two constitutional spirits at least have had a significant influence in indonesia's foreign policy. on the one hand, indonesia was willing to carry out various negotiations (diplomacy) with the netherlands in the context of independence, on the other hand, it took part as an initiator and builder of solidarity for the anti-colonialism movement of the nations of the world. in that era, indonesia took a significant role as a leader in the asia-africa conference and the non-aligned movement. in principle, the foreign policy adopted has made indonesia one of the important actors in foreign policy, especially for multilateral diplomacy. peking-jakarta-pyongyang axis, and changing its foreign policy to be more integrated with the united nations world organization and institutions of international cooperation (sukma, 1995). method this research is aimed at understanding how the shift in the orientation of indonesia's foreign policy in the era of the sukarno government in the 1945-1965 period. the change in foreign policy from a diplomacy-based orientation to confrontation is the focus of this research. analysis of the difference in the direction of indonesia's foreign policy was carried out using qualitative methods. the analysis knife used in research uses a historical approach which is based on literature studies derived from books and documents or secondary data as the primary material. the research findings are presented in the descriptive form in answering how a shift in foreign policy orientation occurs and why this shift in foreign policy orientation occurs. result and discussion indonesian foreign policy, as concluded by leifer (1989) cannot be ignored, is a legacy of nationalism that had been fought for from the early 1920s to the 1945 proclamation. efforts to maintain independence and gain recognition of sovereignty as an independent state and the awareness that these two efforts were not easy to achieve are the seeds for the formation of indonesia's foreign policy. the momentum of shifting the orientation of indonesia's foreign policy from diplomacy to confrontation cannot be separated from at least two significant changes affecting indonesia, namely, the application of guided democracy in the domestic context and the emergence of the cold war as an international context. with the implementation of guided democracy through the decree of july 5, 1959, a coalition occurred between sukarno as a symbol of revolutionary legitimacy armed with the constitution and the armed forces as a guarantor of real legitimacy for the integrity of the country (leifer, 1989: 78-79). noam chomsky (1991) states that the cold war as a significant event that hit the world can be approached from two ways: first, only by accepting the conventional interpretation, namely, as a battle between two superpowers; and second, as a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 226 perspective or point of view in seeing historical facts. it becomes a big question, how and what will be faced by the nations of the world next. two contrasting faces represent indonesian foreign policy in the 1960s, as described by weinstein (1971). foreign policy is a product of the continuous interaction between perception and politics. therefore, the understanding of the political elite in seeing the risks to the indonesian political system is an essential measure for conducting an assessment (weinstein, 2007: 288-290). confrotation against the dutch: liberation of west irian a shift in the foreign policy orientation of the sukarno leadership era, from diplomacy to confrontation appeared after 1950. this was a result of the deadlock in the negotiation processes related to the status of west irian (new guinea) between indonesia and the netherlands, as well as the ambivalence taken by the us. the us pretends to be neutral is read from the viewpoint of dean rusk, the us deputy secretary of state in 1950, namely, "that the interests of the dutch new guinean population can best be realized by the continuing of dutch control in some form". this situation became even more dilemma when a new government in australia emerged from a conservative camp. thus, the netherlands will increasingly have more allies, apart from the us (leifer, 1989: 44-46). in response to the development and impasse of the west irian negotiations above, sukarno delivered his speech in august 1950 to coincide with the 5th anniversary of the proclamation of independence "if a negotiated settlement is not reached within this year, a major conflict will occur over who will rule the island. since then ". sukarno continued again that indonesia would fight forever "as long as one part of our country was not free" (leifer, 1989: 45). the change in the orientation of indonesia's foreign policy was getting more potent after the 1959 decree. the indonesian political landscape, both domestic and international, underwent a fundamental change. from the application of liberal democracy through a parliamentary system imbued with diplomacy and negotiations to find solutions to indonesia's problems, it changed to guided democracy which was directly commanded by sukarno. changes in the political system changed the orientation and road map of indonesia's foreign policy to be more radical and revolutionary. domestic policies are aimed at two things, namely, strengthening the unitary state and the welfare of the people. however, this goal will never be achieved if international imperialism, colonialism and capitalism, which are the main enemies, are not destroyed (sukma, 1995). sukarno also conveyed a confrontational attitude towards the liberation of west irian from dutch colonialism at the united nations general assembly annual session in 1960. in his speech, sukarno emphasized that indonesia's tolerance for west irian was almost over and that the un failure was described as a product of the same western system that gave birth to imperialism. even sukarno also proposed that the un headquarters be moved, not in new york, but to one of the countries in asia or africa or geneva. this speech was also repeated by sukarno in more detail at the first conference of the nonaligned countries in beograd yugoslavia in september 1961 (leifer, 1989: 84-85). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 227 the escalation of the confrontation with the netherlands over the status of west irian increased along with the supply of military equipment from eastern bloc countries such as czechoslovakia, poland, and intensive relations between indonesia and moscow. indonesia's readiness to carry out a full-scale military invasion ultimately played a role in 'coercing' the us through president kennedy to intervene, by calling for an end to the use of force against indonesia and the netherlands. if further investigated, the change in the position of the us in favor of indonesia in the status of west irian was us interest in the cold war, namely, stemming the pace of communism. with the handover of west irian to indonesia, as sukarno had said to the us ambassador, "if the united states changes its position over west irian, it will get rid of the communists" (leifer, 1989: 96105). confrotation against the us: “go to hell with your aids” foreign policy confrontation continued again and this time against the us. baskara t. wardaya, in his book "indonesia against america: cold war conflict, 1953-1963", reveals several facts, why sukarno took the attitude of confrontation and even resistance to the us. in hindsight, this resistance could not be separated from the ambivalence and ambiguous policies of the us government leaders, both that occurred at the beginning to the end of world war ii. this policy paradox became more robust and gained momentum when it entered the cold war era with the implementation of the "containment policy" or the central part of the truman doctrine in the context of curbing the rate of expansion of communism (wardaya, 2008: 29). at first, there was hope that the us, which became a symbol of anti-colonialism and the allied leaders winning world war ii, would become a supporter of indonesia and many other countries that were still in a colonial position. however, a number of his policies showed the opposite, namely, supporting recolonization, particularly regarding indonesian independence. this can be seen from the letter of president roosevelt to queen wilhelmina dated april 6, 1942, which stated that the indonesian archipelago would be handed over to the dutch after the war. "the dutch east indies must be returned, and my feeling (roosevelt) says that it will soon become a reality" (wardaya, 2008: 20). the continuation of the implementation of the truman doctrine was further reflected in the "marshall plan" of june 5, 1947, namely, a program aimed at building the post-war economy of west europe. through this scheme, until the end of 1948, the netherlands received nearly usd 300 million in assistance and at least usd 300 million in the form of export-import bank credit, usd 130 million loans to purchase america's war surplus supplies, usd 190 million for civilian purposes, and usd 61. million for the benefit of dutch colonial officials in indonesia (wardaya, 2008: 29). therefore, it would not be wrong if the marshall scheme was understood as another form of us support for the netherlands to restore its grip on indonesia. long before the realization of the "marshall plan", the ambiguity of the us can also be seen from the results of the potsdam meeting, when there was the transfer of jurisdiction from us marshal douglas mcarthur to british marshal lord luis mountbatten. the removal of jurisdiction became a critical note that benefited the netherlands, because it was free from us anti-colonial pressure, considering that britain journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 228 in principle had the same status as the netherlands, namely, both colonial in the asian region (wardaya, 2008: 24). it was at this point that the leaders of the republic realized that relying on hopes on the us was futile. the ambiguous position of the us, which was considered pro to the netherlands, also dragged on and emerged from the linggajati agreement, military aggression i, to the kmb (wardaya, 2008). confrontation against britain: bring down malaysia the confrontation with the formation of the malaysian federation emerged only 5 (five) months after west irian's status was won and became part of indonesia. this incident originated from a rebellion in the british protectorate, namely, the sultanate of brunei against the legitimacy of the malaysian federation. the british attempt to unite sabah, singapore, sarawak and brunei into one federation undeniably evokes memories of the structure of the federation in indonesia which was forced by the dutch against the ideals of the republic. sukarno saw the malaysian federation as a country that was not genuine, had no solid ideology, and was nothing more than a reflection of the aspirations of colonialism and imperialism in a new form (leifer, 1989: 110-111). the orientation of the confrontation in the next foreign policy occurred through an event known as "bring down malaysia (ganyang malaysia)". this time sukarno's position was directly against the british to oppose the establishment of the malaysian federation. indonesia considered that the malaysian federation was a unification or "the concentration of new colonial powers on the indonesian border" (leifer, 1989: 113). the unification of the four malaysian territories is a form of a puppet state and is nothing more than a mere tactic of imperialism (kusmayadi, 2017). sukarno's confrontational move was once again affirmed: "that indonesia would carry out a policy of confrontation with malaysian ideas in the political and economic sphere" (leifer, 1989: 116-117). the escalation of confrontation against the malaysian federation took several forms, including a statement of attitude and political demonstrations; termination of economic relations; and limited deployment of regular military forces. several diplomatic steps were also carried out based on suggestions as well as assistance from other countries such as the united states, the philippines, thailand and japan. however, they were faced with a series of failures. the climax of confrontation occurred when indonesia declared its exit as a member of the un on january 7, 1965, as a result of malaysia's acceptance as a non-permanent member of the un security council (kusmayadi, 2017). the change in confrontation orientation in sukarno's foreign policy cannot be separated from indonesia's domestic conditions, particularly the deteriorating economic conditions. this situation becomes a test point to what extent the endurance of indonesia's national interest is operationalized through foreign policy. the attitude of pessimism regarding the sustainability of sukarno's foreign policy, as stated by bunnell (1966), will be tested through two criteria. first, stagnation in developing the indonesian economy, which at that time, was declining. second, in the context of national unity and confidence. particularly in the confrontation with malaysia, sukarno was depicted as a rooster with his beak pecking at the malaysian federation, while his tail was full of dirt. by using saussure's semiotic analysis, it is stated that sukarno was journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 229 metaphorized as a rooster or a brave fighter, but on the other hand, his tail, which was full of dirt, caused a smell in his own country (harun et al., 2015). indonesia's foreign policy has always been closely related to domestic politics which is in its national interest. sukarno (1945-1965) pursued the goals of national interests, namely, managing the sovereignty of the archipelago, forging the unity and social ties of a heterogeneous population, and promoting economic prosperity. recognition of freedom as an independent country and solidarity with third world countries were essential features of sukarno's foreign policy. under the sukarno era, indonesia nationalized foreign economic assets, campaigned against us aid through the slogan "go to hell with its aid", confrontation against malaysia, and became the only country ever to leave the un (murphy, 2012). the scenario of confrontation carried out through the sukarno era's foreign policy ended when the events of 1965 marked the transition of indonesia's leadership, from confrontational sukarno to suharto, who was considered cooperative. although the us is considered not the party that directly pushed sukarno out of power and was at the same time responsible for the killing of hundreds of thousands of pki sympathizers, the fact that suharto provided assessments and neutralized these events was in line with the goals that the us had publicly stated. this is also supported by facts accompanied by a long history of us intervention in countries other than indonesia (brands, 1989). the period of sukarno's foreign policy, from diplomatic orientation to confrontation ended with the 1965 events that shifted his leadership chair. the period of confrontation, especially with malaysia, completed through a series of diplomacy between indonesia and the kingdom of malaysia, namely, the conflict resolution formulation conference in bangkok on may 28, 1966, and followed by the signing of a peace agreement between the two countries on august 11, 1966. conclusion efforts to defend the independence and gain recognition of sovereignty as an independent state are the main goals of indonesia's national interests. armed resistance, on the one hand, will not be able to take place effectively if it is not balanced with diplomatic measures. this strategy has become a separate chapter in indonesia's foreign policy. entering the cold war era, which was accompanied by changes in the dynamics of international politics which were dominated by two political poles, namely, the west block and the east block had an impact on the shift in the orientation of indonesia's foreign policy. several deadlocks that occurred in diplomacies, such as in the issue of the liberation of west irian, the paradox of anti-colonialism policies in us foreign policy, and the tendency to strengthen the grip of british imperialism on the issue of the malaysian union state, were seen as disturbing indonesia's national interests. diplomacy measures as a foreign policy scheme aimed at achieving indonesia's national interests are considered inadequate in the context of changes in international politics in the cold war era. therefore, efforts to make national interests, changes in strategy and orientation of confrontation were taken as a policy choice in indonesian foreign policy in the sukarno era. the confrontation strategy used by the sukarno government was, in fact, successful for the issue of west irian liberation, but failed for the issue of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 230 confrontation with malaysia. sukarno's foreign policy ended when the 1965 events occurred, along with the end of his leadership of suharto. references alfian, feith, h., & castles, l. 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(2020). state political behavior: (foreign and domestic policy, diplomacy and cooperation, international political dynamics). journal of social and political sciences, 1(2), 102–116. http://ejournal.unas.ac.id/index.php/jsps/article/view/14/13 wardaya, b. t. (2008). indonesia melawan amerika: konflik perang dingin, 1953-1963. galang press. weinstein, f. b. (1971). the indonesian elite’s view of the world and the foreign policy of development. indonesia, 12, 97–131. https://doi.org/10.2307/3350661 weinstein, f. b. (2007). indonesian foreign policy and the dilemma of dependence: from sukarno to soeharto. equinox. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 285 elite deliberation as deliberative democracy: experience of walisongo and nahdlatul ulama in indonesia hari zamharir1, tb massa dja’far2, sahruddin lubis1, & siti sadiyatunnimah1 1department of political science, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia 2graduate school of political science, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia email: hari.zamharir@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : culture-bound political development has recently been voiced by some political theorists. wisdom of deliberation in indonesia seems crucial to making democracy work. amidst the failures or malpractices of democratic politics in indonesia during the consecutive regimes in power, deliberative democracy is worth revitalizing. the paper makes an account of the legacy of elite deliberation from islamic civilization that had been in practice by walisongo in nusantara and by a big-mass islamic organization of nu in contemporary indonesia in electing nu’s top leader. theories used in the account include deliberative theory of democracy, and the concept “culturecontext political development”. the account employs the qualitative research, with metaanalysis in the analysis method. the finding is that transition to democratic culture among the segments of the indonesian society has been facilitated by the practice of mechanism of ahlul hal wal aqd (ahwa) or elite deliberation by walisongo before the independence of indonesia, with significant contribution to instituting some form of board of trustees, controlling the king in case of misdeed and at the same time building trust in institution—trusting the king and the board of trustees—for the peoples in the respective kingdoms. contribution also takes place by the practice of nu in electing rais am—whereby election of nu’s top leader has been deliberated by a few elites with high integrity and trust. key words: deliberation, ahlul hal wal aqd, culture-bound, walisongo, nahdlatul ulama. submission : august, 20th 2020 revision : sept 30th 2020 publication : nov 30th 2020 introduction the social cultural and religious transformation of the nusantara “society” beginning around the 15th century had made up not only the increased number of people who embrace the religion of islam, but also the adoption of “modern” values like egalitarianism and modality of deliberation among elites in performing leadership. the mailto:hari.zamharir@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 286 era of javanese kiyahi as termed by geertz was the era when walisongo was performing as brokers of culture (anita, 2014; 243). gotong-royong or mutual help & “consensus democracy” across the indonesian society is one culture emanating from the social piety coming from religion of islam (soekarwo, 2014). one legacy of islamic civilization has been the mechanism of consensus and deliberation exercised by a few credible and authoritative figures—ahlul hall wal aqd (ahwa), that was once practiced by the nine saints or walisongo—to ensure good and corporate governance of the respected kings across nusantara—and has been in practice by nahdlatul ulama (nu) in contemporary indonesia. having succeeded in consensus and deliberation by indonesian elites during the sessions held by bpupk(i) in june 1945, the path to democratic politics in the country from 1949 up to the present has encountered several drawbacks (zamharir & lubis, 2015) : one dimension of the drawbacks was the failure in implementing deliberation or musyawarah mufakat as mandated by 1945 constitution (morfit, 1981; saputro, 2014). political parties failed to adopt more of deliberative democracy, but rather of direct democracy and poor quality of political representativeness. the zig-zag path to democracy in indonesia seems to be one of the consequences of excessive force of revolution—implying the spirit of destroying old things along with adopting new things. such an excessive spirit came along with state of the arts in social sciences that was in favor of epistemology of modern secular philosophy—as was best reflected in soekarno’s adoption of the secular state of turkey’s kemalism (zamharir. et.al, 2020). while many politicians were yet capable of being democrats, adoption of modern “western” political values and institutions has contributed to the diminishing of deliberative practices across the political society. how could such legacy of deliberation be re-discovered to promote better modality of democratization as mandated in the 1945 constitution? the study explores the practices of deliberation by walisongo and the big, islamic, mass–organization of nu—in which elite deliberation among ulama was/has been done in the framework of ahwa—the institution that is also applied by a more puritan social movement, majlis mujahidin indonesia (sulaiman, 2014). experience in negotiating ideas by “traditionalists” ulama had been made before the establishment of the then nu in 1926. in consonance to 1926 efforts exerted in mainly middle east to consolidate a unified caliph (after the abolition of utsmany caliph), indonesian ulama were represented by mostly modernists muslim to attend the session known as komite hijaz in saudi arabia. in the meantime, “traditionalists” ulama, for the purposes of ensuring the “traditional values” to be protected, made their own “komite hijaz”, and made a special envoy to negotiate with the king of suud, on such matters as embedded-ness of islam with indonesian traditions and protection of the grave of prophet muhammad in the city of madinah against wahhabi’s approach to understanding islamic doctrines. the mission was successful. it was from journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 287 this deal that traditionalist muslims in nusantara gain their legitimacy to keep tradition in symbioses with normative islam, and from then on initiative was made to establish nu in 1926. this year—approximately 20 years before the independence of indonesia— marked the beginning of a rough bipolarity of muslim society in indonesia— “traditionalists” and “modernists” (adnan, 2009). from the more contemporary theory of democracy, theory of deliberative democracy (tdd) seems to have more explanatory power to the efforts of the construction and discovery of the practice of deliberation among elite ulama in indonesia. deliberative practices would be of great value to pursuing better path of democracy. the study covers the issue of extent to which institutionalization of ahwa was done/has been done by walisongo and nu. also, to look into the contribution of the practice of ahwa to better promoting deliberative democracy amongst political society. how had ahwa been institutionalized significantly during the era of walisongo, for ensuring good and corporate governance and how has nu adopted of it? literature review political development involves one crucial dimension, i.e. democratization. challenges in this path to democratization have been very obvious: adoption of advanced democratic nations in europe and the u.s. by countries in asia & latin africa has resulted in a variety of malpractices of democracy. such malpractices in indonesia to a greater extent are caused by misconception of the value of deliberation mandated in the constitution (zamharir & lubis, 2015; kawamura, 2011). adoption from other cultures and historical context frequently negate the existing socio-political values and institutions. typical example may best be shown in chandra’s study: though india adopts secular-libertarian democracy of the u.s., india proves to be a nation of patronage democracy, with constituents—political leader relation that is built on ethnicity bases for the sake of trickling down economic well-being (chandra, 2004). in the theoretical aspects, adoption of either direct democracy or representative democracy could make a democracy in a particular nation un-working (wilpert, 2005). among the most current theory of political development is tdd that takes into account local political values and institutions. the theory confirms what is in taiwan’s context named consensus conference or democracy’s dharma (zamharir & lubis, 2016). tdd emerges more contemporarily to revitalize both the theory of direct democracy and theory of representative democracy. representation has been revitalized by the idea of involving larger segments of the society and through two simultaneous vehicles—formal representation and informal one—all these are generated from what habermas calls the necessity of communicative rationality and public discourse, or the significance of public deliberation (habermas, 2015). in malaysian context, political culture has been elite deliberation (sani & hara, 2007). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 288 the term ahlul halli wal ‘aqd (ahwa) in the past had different conceptualizations. of the three interpretations of ahwa by scholars, interpretation by an-nawawi does represent the very meaning of ahwa—in which deliberation is paramount a long with the selected elites with competence & integrity. it was al-mawardi who defines ahwa in a more appropriate sense : ahwa is ahl ikhtiyaar, (literary means the competent figures to make choices) whose main task is “memilih salah seorang diantara ahl al-imamat (golongan yang berhak dipilih) untuk menjadi khalifah” or finding the best candidates for president. (al-mawardi in bay 2011, 218). nowadays, in indonesia, there are interpretations that seem to have downgraded alnawawi’s criteria especially when ahwa and the institution of people’s representatives in indonesia—dewan perwakilan rakyat (dpr) and majelis permusyawaratan rakyat or mpr—are carelessly equalized by some scholars (bay, 2011; 173-174). mawardi’s concept has been applicable in nu’s practice of ahwa to elect nu’s top leader, the rais am. santoso (2013) notes that ahwa mechanism was mandatory in electing a leader. such a mandatory status was expressed by middle ages scholars like al-baqillani, ibnu taimiyyah, and ibnu khaldun (santoso, 2013; 50). table 01: concept of ahwa enterpretation dimension abduh & ridho an-nawawi mainstream indonesian scholars substance extension of members of ahwa few elite membership similar to the role of dpr personal qualification softening the criteria strict criteria neglecting strict qualification elite deliberation a few elites a few elites representatives by both elites & common people talking – centric (deliberation) more or less full more or less in indonesia, islamic studies on state and government have been minimizing the legacy of ahwa. while the studies generally presume to accept pluralist perspectives—many scholars put islamic theory as complementary to nation-state idea—ahwa has been deleted; the significance same valuable values such as deliberation and the crucial role of a few of prominent figures with trust and integrity to be elected for leadership has been in extinction. such negligence may be one of the consequences of lack information of what in now days called theory of deliberative democracy (tdd). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 289 the prime element in ahwa is syura or deliberation and consensus by religious elites (in arabic it is ijma’ by ulama). though this elite theory of consensus has been challenged by al-banna, the theory is still in use by islamic organizations. al-banna’s work expressed a theory of islamic state more of populist approach. he builds his political theory on a reinterpretation of the islamic political doctrine of the consensus. traditionally, the right to practice consensus had been relegated to the religions elites …….. but al-banna—emphasizing the notion of equality in islam, turn down any suggestion of particular privileges to any elite and institute organization of intellectual and political elitism. conversely, “consensus” in al banna’s discourse becomes the source of freeing the community from any obligation to follow one or another interpretation of islamic law imposed on the community without its consent (vicute, 2018). such a syura was first practiced on two steps—elites and the public. concerning the successor of the prophet muhammad pbh, basing on ibnu hisyam & ibnu qutaibah, two notable historians, abdulbaki (2008, 63) wrote : “eventually, omar nominated abu bakar, and the leaders of the muhajirin and anshor expressed their consent by giving the bay’ah pledge to abu bakar this private or elite bay’ah was followed by a public bayah on the following day, when almost all the tribes and clans came in groups and pledged the oath of allegiance to abu bakar although ali and his supporters believing that the khilafah should be hereditary in the prophets family, initially rejected the process and outcome, they eventually gave their consent and submitted their bay’ah before abu bakar, whose leadership enjoyed a broad consensus among the muslim ummah. this succession took place in the setting of pluralist political system (with muslims being the dominant) in the city-state of madinah in 6th century; such a sense of pluralism is also a phenomenon in the current history of indonesia as abdulbaki referred to tempo magazine of 19 april 2004 (in which hidayat nur wahid of pks islamic party was interviewed). method the study is a qualitative research, employing meta-analysis: results from previous studies—findings and conclusions—are re-analyzed within the theoretical perspective that are used in the study. data are collected from e-journals mainly accessed on google scholars. relevant data are selected: the main data are the practice of ahwa by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 290 walisongo in nusantara and the practice of ahwa by nu in indonesia. the conceptual bases of ahwa is traced through the past legacy of the early muslim society during the life of the prophet muhammad and salafi generation. the approach to the study is historical following the historical approach to the study of political thought for the sociological dimensions and normative from the doctrinal dimensions. epistemological umbrella is constructivism. the chart below describes the method. chart 01: method of the study result & discussion elite deliberation by walisongo though different approaches to theorizing the early coming of preaching the religion of islam across nusantara emerged (syafrizal, 2015), it has been acknowledged that prominent ulama were considered key figures in the endeavor beginning in the 15th century, and later on the term walisongo become well-known. while the naming refers to nine saints, the real number of prominent ulama are more than nine. the most wellknown are: (1) sunan ampel, (2) sunan bonang, (3) sunan kalijaga, (4) sunan gunung jati, (5) sunan drajat, (6) sunan giri, (7) sunan kudus, (8) sunan muria, and (9) syeikh maulana malik ibrahim (who was the patron of all the saints) (syafrizal, 2017; 245 – 252). those saints were regarded as having pursued higher ranks in the science of islam, including the spiritual level of wali. and from the progress made by them in the spreading of islam, they became religious and social leaders—and as islamic kingdoms emerged, they became religious elites, exercising the ahwa functions and performed the tasks of ahwa. very few scholars may have realized the fact that these elites of ulama, walisongo, took an initiative to institute trustees—one term in political science, denoting representatives as a trustee. ahwa in times of walisongo was more in relation to political system—along credible sources doctrine interpretative: • reconstruction • normative relevant data analysis journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 291 with the roles of religious preaching. by such trusteeship of all the nine wali-s (or plurally it was wilayaat), a few of them appointed trustees, acting as the heads of the board of trustees. during walisongo’s firm influence over muslim ummah in java beginning in the 15th century until the coming era of colonization (19th century) ahwa firmly performed the main tasks of appointing a king of islamic kingdom and playing the crucial role of controlling over the performance of the respective rulers that were supposed to do the work in compliance with islamic law, syari’ah. under such a trusteeship, the nine saints exercised the authority to deliberate on governmental matters such as enacting rules as the general guide for the respective kings. as kasdi explained, there were periods of walisongo trusteeship, of which the fourth period, beginning 1466, the successors of trusteeship were raden patah and fathullah khan (kasdi, 2017). the practice of elite deliberation by nahdlatul ulama since 1920s, the big, mass-organization of nahdlatul ulama (nu) has vastly given contribution to the socio-cultural and religious transformation in the country. it was only the year 1984 beginning of the light of nu intellectualism, with abdurahman wahid or gus dur being the leader. “gerakan intelektual ini kian gencar terutama setelah gusdur terpilih sebagai ketua umum pbnu pada 1984 dalam muktamar nu ke-27 di situbondo jawa timur. gusdur bahkan kemudian menghidupkan mesin nu dan tancap gas lewat gerakan pemikiran inklusif”. (adnan, 2009). the socio-organization of nu has been described as having four periods of its existence: the era of socio-religious organization (1926-1945), the era of more politicized when becoming federative political party of masyumi (1945-1952), the era of becoming full political party (1952-1973), staying away from masyumi, the era of being fused within single party, ppp (1973-1984), and the era of returning to its original ideal, to become socio-religious organization (1984-up to the present) (ismail, 2011; 247-248). nahdlatul ulama was established partly as a defensive response to the emerging force of a puritan, anti-tradition school of islamic thought of wahhabism during the global transition in the islamic world in 1924, when utsmany empire or caliph was abolished and was followed by the existence of nation–based muslim countries. one of them is the saudi arabia state whose establishment was supported by and in collaboration with this wahabbism, that was anti–tradition practices prevailing in some segments of the societies across the islamic world. the first practice was in 1926 (gunawan, 2017): efforts were exerted in mainly middle east to consolidate another unified caliph. indonesian ulama were represented by modernists muslim to attend the session known as komite hijaz in saudi arabia. traditionalists ulama, for the purposes of ensuring the “traditional values” to be protected, made their own “komite hijaz”, and made special envoy to negotiate with the king of suud, on such matters of embedded-ness of islam with indonesian traditions and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 292 prevention of the grave of prophet muhammad in the city of madinah. these efforts were made in consonance to the “threat” posed by the emergence of wahhabi’s approach to understanding islamic doctrines. the mission was successful. it was from this deal that traditionalist muslims in nusantara gain their legitimacy to keep tradition in symbioses with normative islam, and from then on initiative was made to establish nu. 1926, approximately 20 years before the independence of indonesia, marked beginning of a rough bipolarity of muslim society in indonesia—“traditionalists” and “modernists”. the second practice was more of elite deliberation in 1945 performed by the most prominent nu leader and soekarno: it was when deliberation at the bpupk(i) had resulted the negotiating formula of the basic philosophy of the new born indonesia, pancasila, on 22nd of june—or 21 days after hari lahir pancasila—soekarno payed a visit to the wali of nahdlatul ulama, kh wahid hasyim in surabaya, with his prime intention to obtain hasyim’s confirmation on the formula of compromise. these two prominent figures may have deliberated on the matter—with an addition of hasyim’s own spiritual “visit” to god. the more contemporary practice has been done by nu. in nu’s munas or national deliberation in june 2015, it was agreed that ahwa be applied in the election of the nu top leader or rais am (ubaidillah, 2018). it was agreed that ahwa members of elite ulama be nine (9) persons with the mechanism of the election on deliberation among the nine prominent ulama. qualifications were also specified—one of the qualifications were ethical dimension, i.e. wara or spiritually low profile , zuhud, or pursuing his life with asceticism, sense of fairness, very well-informed of the religion of islam, persons with integrity, tawadlu' (humble), and persons with strong influence. these items of dimension of spirituality and integrity are very likely unavailable in qualification required by modern idea of political representation. steps to come to obtaining candidates for ahwa members are as follows (rahmah, 2016): first, at the representation phase, a large number of representatives coming from nu branches and nu provinces were made available by the respected units. it was also decided that nominees for being rais am were either persons from ahwa members or outside ahwa. there were 505 persons from nu branches and 35 persons from nu province respectively. the procedure was that nine candidates for ahwa members were nominated by every branch and province, on balloting technique, for final counting on ranking basis. those having the highest votes were declared to be the ahwa members. second, at the elite deliberation level, the nine members deliberated to come to final choice and decision on who the rais am would be. and at the ahwa session in august 2015 kh ma'ruf amin was elected rais am for 2015-2020 period. chart 02: the practice of ahwa in nu in 2015 ad hoc mechanism permanent bodies rais am syariah journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 293 from the chart it is observed that—compared to the practice by walisongo—it should be something astonishing that the institutionalization of ahwa is sharply different. ahwa was already institutionalized in the era of walisongo. however in nu, the practice of ahwa was a mere ad hoc mechanism, as an extra procedure within the permanent structure of nu organization. when the elected person becomes rais am, he enters the formal organization; ahwa then no longer exists. in other words, at the representation phase, the formal organization was used as vehicle to obtain rais am. as the stage enters the elite deliberation by ahwa, this mechanism is used only on temporary basis. the fact that the practice of ahwa by the big islamic organization has yet been established, or a mere ad hoc procedure is supported empirical data by rahmah (2016), who interviewed several brand managers of nu. among rahmah’s data are the following: (a) before jombang congress of nu, when direct democracy was the procedure, the election brought with it complaints on such thing as money politics, intervention of political party/parties and violation of the organization rules of the game; (b) fixed format of ahwa mechanism is as yet formulated with its application has not gained legal journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 294 acceptance; (c) direct democracy in nu organization open larger room for “dirty” play of game; (d) though in term of normative level, ahwa is already formulated in the past by authorized fuqaha, ahwa in nu has yet been formatted sufficiently; (e) there is a need for further improvement. rahmah’s data do indicate significant weaknesses on the part of nu activists: the weaker the qualification of representation the more dangerous the democratic processes. to avoid the drawback, ahwa was employed—more on practical purposes and not of mandatory. “dirty” politics was expected to be minimized as ahwa mechanism presumes the presence of a few top ulama with high integrity and trust. discussion as the culture of consensus and deliberation has been imbedded in politics, it may be time to implant ahwa in a larger setting. first within nu domain, nu may initiate making ahwa more institutionalized within its organization: (a) in electing top leader or rais am. currently the rationale for applying ahwa in 2015 was more on practical account— that is to minimize the influence such as money politics. it should be time to further apply it on account of the doctrine of syura through ahwa procedure in case electing top leader; and (b) such an institutionalization may further be applicable in case of nu’s contribution to political domain. as nu in the past had contributed to the final affirmation of pancasila in 1945, nowadays nu may further contribute to installing nu’s prominent figure—within ahwa mechanism—in the candidacy for president or vice president of indonesia. through this legitimate mechanism, there will be a better sense of representativeness and responsibilities. in 2019 candidacy for vice presidency of kh ma’ruf amin, ahwa has not been in use as the mechanism for his candidacy—but rather by-passing it. by-passing would hypothetically lead to minimize sociological legitimacy, sense of trusteeship: other few prominent ulama may have not felt that they install him, representing nu society. second, the larger setting beyond nu domain. as was the case of the practice of ahwa by walisongo who exercised ahwa’s authority within the political system of the respective kingdoms, it may be advisable that such a practice be implanted by collaboration amongst other muslim organization: instead of instituting federation of political forces across the muslim society, initiating elite collaboration within the framework of ahwa seems more reasonable. conclusion democracy has been in danger in indonesia recently—as are also the cases of many complaints that are expressed concerning malpractices of democracy prevailing in democratic countries in developed as well as developing countries. this failure of democracy is especially associated with the right of all segments of the society to elect leaders employing popular votes. all these should be overcome. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 295 in view of the significance of culture context idea of political development, countries whose people are mostly muslims could benefit from the political idea of ahwa whereby elite deliberation is done. initiatives should be taken by especially academics to discuss views about consensus and deliberative democracy. for this purpose, the practice ahwa by nu and the legacy of walisongo in pre-independence era may be of some value to the efforts. nowadays, with malpractices of direct democracy resulting among other from the spread of bad morale among the segments of the indonesian society, especially among the political society, it can be right time to re-institute ahwa whereby a few prominent persons with integrity and trust are given authority to elect candidates for top leader like the one in nu organization, or ceo in the central government, with the institution of modified ahwa. so far as culture context development in political theory and practices, it may be worthwhile if we benefit the legacy of demokrasi berjenjang (literary means step-bystep/multi-staged procedure of democracy) in hatta’s term. this would apply in accepting the legacy of islamic civilization of ahwa. such an acceptance has been partially practiced in nu big organization but its mechanism is to be improved in view of sunni’s political theory that puts consensus through elite deliberation (and further put through public consent) top value, the adoption of ahwa should also be exercised across muslim ummah, an extension of currently practice in nu. such a misconception arises out of commonly the view that democracy generally means that all people enjoy political right on more or less direct democracy basis. nowadays with the emergence of more current theory of democracy electoral votes and deliberation by elites are also a significant modality of 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(2018). “konstruksi sistem ahlul halli wal aqdi pada pemilihan rais am nu dalam kajian fiqih siyasah”. graduate thesis. uin sunan ampel, surabaya. wilpert, gregory. (2005). “venezuela: participatory democracy or government as usual?” dalam venezuelan analysis.com, june 15th 2005 www.trotsky.net/trotsky_year/permanent-theory/html ). retrieved 21 nov. 2010 zamharir, hari & sahruddin lubis. (2015). “political reform in contemporary indonesia: why has ‘gotongroyong’ democracy of indonesia’s state ideology of pancasila failed to be understood and implemented?”, paper proceeding, international conference on social science and humanities (icssh 2015), iastem; kuta, bali, indonesia, 17 october. zamharir, hari & sahruddin lubis. (2016). “democratic theory and re-inventing deliberative democracy: two cases of gotong royong democracy in indonesia and dharma’s democracy in taiwan”. website: eprints.uny.ac.id/41845. issn 2528-617x, pp. 461-471. zamharir, hari, mohammad noer, sahruddin lubis. (2020). “khalifatullah panatagama: continuity & change in the practice of political islam in modern indonesia”. journal of social political science. vol 1 (2) february, pp. 29-40. website: ejournal.unas.ac.id http://www.trotsky.net/trotsky_year/permanent-theory/html journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 76 the global political economy impact of covid-19 and the implication to indonesia ‘ fadlan muzakki1 , 1department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 1email: fadlan.muzakki@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: the novel coronavirus has stressed and pressed a great number countries from a great number of sectors. this has impacted on travelling ban, supply chain, and even oil prices. the role of china in combating covid-19 has considerably become a model for the world. on the other hand, there is doubt regarding china’s role, domestically and globally both. this article seeks to discover the impact on global political economy from covid-19 global pandemic. literature review and comprehensive yet brief analysis has been made to satisfy the academic enquiries regarding the topic. keyword : covid-19, global political economy, global politics, impact submission : jan, 13th 2020 revision : march 15th 2020 publication : may 30th 2020 introduction the so-called global pandemic novel coronavirus has been stressed a great number of countries. according the report from world health organization (who) on the 20th of april 2020, there were 2,3 million confirmed cases globally and the number continues to increase gradually (world health organization, 2020). the second generation of sars virus is really making the world condition changed dramatically. social restriction, lockdown, travel restriction and a number of public policies have been implemented by countries infected by covid-19, causing a great depression of economic in the countries. international monetary fund (imf) stated that lock down policy in numerous countries can be seen as a great lock down, identified similar with great depression which happened in the period of world war ii (eliot, 2020). furthermore, the mailto:fadlan.muzakki@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 77 imf stated that the sudden depressed and shocked got by economic sectors owing to lock down policy during coronavirus, and the condition is similar compared what was happened in 1919, in other word: great recession. the condition can be seen from the experience in china, as the first country infected by the virus. coronavirus has made funds amounting to usd 445 billion or equivalent to rp6,112 trillion (assuming rp13,728 per usd) escaped from the chinese capital market. this happened during the reopening of chinese stock trading after the chinese new year holiday (agiesta, 2020). on the one hand, the shanghai index dropped 7.7 percent. this decline became the worst since august 2015. at that time, the shanghai index was volatile due to fears of a slowdown in the chinese economy. meanwhile, the shenzhen index also fell 8.4 percent. the worst since 2007. the decline is due to the flight of foreign investors in the amount of usd 445 billion due to concerns about the impact of the corona virus. the united states has just released data on gross domestic growth in the first quarter of 2020 minus 4.8% over the same period last year. while china previously recorded the economy in the first three months of this year minus 6.8%. while, us consumer confidence in march was only 71.2, the lowest since 2011. us retail sales in march also contracted to 6.2%. this achievement is the deepest since 2009 (victoria, 2020). this condition also happened in indonesia, the center of reform on economics (core) reports on economic conditions during the covid-19 pandemic. the surge in the number of sufferers with a high fatality rate in the past month is very worrying. the response of the government and the community that made prevention efforts, such as school closures, work from home, especially formal sector workers, delays and cancellations of various government and private events, made the wheels of economic turnover slow down. private consumption, which accounts for nearly 60% of national economic movements, is certain to contract. retail sales, both in traditional and modern markets, are certain to fall. in fact, before the covid-19 case was identified in indonesia, the real sales index data released by bank indonesia already showed a contraction of 0.3% in january 2020. car sales in january and february also dropped 2.4%. indications of a decline in private consumption are also shown by the drop in domestic and foreign travel. bps recorded the number of foreign tourist arrivals decreased by 7.62% in january 2020 compared to december 2019. meanwhile, domestic tourists dropped by 3.1% in the same period. this pressure on private consumption will certainly be deeper in march and also in the following months. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 78 the decline in global economic growth, particularly export destination countries and weakening commodity prices will put pressure on indonesian exports. the same thing happened to export services, especially travel or tourism services (sugianto, 2020). the condition in the countries, of course, impact on unemployment rate. the united states, as the largest economic center in the world, experiences the big number of unemployment, more than 26 million jobs have been lost over the past five weeks. based on the bureau of labor statistics, the us unemployment rate in march was 4.4% to the highest since august 2017. the united stated of america is not alone in facing rising unemployment. australia and south korea also noted an increase in the unemployment rate, with some economists warning that the situation could be worse. this condition also happens in china, it is reported that unemployment rate in china remained near dramatic as in april, three months after coronavirus spread in the country, rose to 6% while it was recorded that the number remained 5.9% in the previous month. according the data released by the national bureau of statistics, china, as the world’s second largest economy in the world, also get the impact from coronavirus and the unemployment cannot be denied even though china has already started to recovering economic shock of coronavirus (cheng, 2020; wajdi et al., 2020). the similar case found in indonesia, it is recorded that the unemployment number during coronavirus reach up to nine million. it is stated by indonesian minster of finance, sri mulyani. furthermore, it is told that the bad scenario that there will be a great number of people will live under poverty line due to coronavirus (gorbiano, 2020). how powerfull the coronavirus in changing the economic condition the countries mentioned. it raises the big question to international citizens: how can the virus spread, when and how the virus started to infect people. in the public mind, the origin story of coronavirus seems well fixed: in late 2019 someone at the now world-famous huanan seafood market in wuhan was infected with a virus from an animal. the rest is part of an awful history still in the making, with covid-19 spreading from that first cluster in the capital of china’s hubei province to a pandemic that has killed about 211,000 people so far. stock footage of pangolins – a scaly mammal that looks like an anteater – have made it on to news bulletins, suggesting this animal was the staging post for the virus before it spread to humans. however, there is uncertainty about several aspects of the covid-19 origin story that scientists are trying hard to unravel, including which species passed it to a human. they’re trying hard because knowing how a pandemic start is a key to stopping the next one. on the hypothesis that the virus emerged at the wuhan live animal market from an interaction between an animal and a human, turner says: “i don’t think it’s conclusive by any journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 79 means. “part of the problem is that the information is only as good as the surveillance,” he says, adding that viruses of this type are circulating all the time in the animal kingdom (readfearn, 2020). however, there is some rumors that made the condition getting worse. some of people believe that the virus was made by someone as a biological weapon. other people argue that bill gates play a role in this global pandemic. a number of economists have warned that lockdowns around the world will accelerate people losing their jobs this is already seen in unemployment in some countries. whatever the arguments, there is another thing that is much more important to be discussed: how does the corona virus impact the global political economy. this part has been discussion a number of economic impacts domestically. when it comes to global pandemic, it is more interesting to talk about global economic impact. on the other hand, there is several researches has been published telling that how global economic impacted by covid-19. however, there is no plenty of resources that telling how global political economy is changing due to such global pandemic. therefore, research inquires raised: how does the impact of coronavirus in global political economy. method this article applies several research methods in order to answer the research questions raised in this research paper. first of all, empirical research method is used to see how the similar kind of virus or global pandemic happened in the past. this can be done through literature reviews from a number of academic journals, reports, and books. this qualitative research method is used in order to follow the line of the research method of social science. the research methods should elaborate on the method utilized in addressing the issues including the method of analysis. it should contain enough details allowing the reader to evaluate the appropriateness of methods as well as the reliability and validity of findings. result and discussion there are several ways to explain how covid-19 impact on global political economy. these are through economic perspective, political perspective, and political economic perspective. because the topic is about the global political economy, the analysis of the result is intending to discuss the impact of politics and economic impacts on something which is cross country border to get the sense of international term. therefore, to make the discussion in the result section clearer, this article is discussing one by one started from economy impacts. however, this article will jump into political economy journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 80 discussion after the analysis from economy sectors. it is because the political sectors itself is quite board to be explained independently in this research paper. in the economic impacts, there are a number of sectors which are highly considered as the main factors why the economic condition influenced by novel coronavirus. the oil sector is firstly considered as the main sector influenced by covid-19. the second sector is value chain, this sector is also highly considerably the main sector influenced by social restriction and lock down in many countries due to covid-19. thirdly, tourism and travel sector is also impacted by novel coronavirus as no people travel across countries and the number of flight decreased slightly due to the virus. final analysis for the economic perspective is the global gdp, this is to comparing global gdp for last decades and see how it is different from last global economic crisis. oil price first of all, one sector which can be identified as the main vulnerable sectors impacted by covid19 and its public policy is oil commodity. however, before turning into discussion in deeply, it is much better to get a fully grasp about the relations between stock price and oil price. these prices have been an object as a debatable topic in the literature, especially what was written in the financialization of commodity markets (balcilar, m., demirer, r., hammoudeh, 2019). it is important to be discussed as the beginning because the interaction between volatility and oil got less attention compared to other sectors. in fact, global financial depression has shocked market returns and create volatility as noticed by illing and liu (illing, m., liu, 2006). on the other hand, another strand of literature investigates the correlation between oil price and the economic policy uncertainty. this correlation can be seen from the case in the united states of america. it is because usd us a transaction policy for oil markets. thus, oil price influences the forecasts of economic variable, especially in macroeconomic. at the same time, uncertainty policy have influenced the stability of the currency and the usd rate. another literature also proves that the economic uncertainty and financial volatility have impacted on the oil price. as it has mentioned by roberedo and uddin who have proved the evidence that policy uncertainty have given a big impact on the energy and metal commodity price in the us (reboredo, j.c., uddin, 2016). besides, degiannakis also emphasized that financial uncertainty have been giving a great influence on global oil price (degiannakis, s., filis, g., panagiotakopoulou, 2018). after a short discussion and reviewing a number of abovementioned literatures, there is no doubt that the influence between financial uncertainty and economic policy has impacted the oil price. even though there is no data revealing the impact of coronavirus on oil price, the literature review is enough to give a general brief idea how the discussion between covid-19 and oil price will be connected to each other. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 81 as the first analysis, take china as the first example. after the first infections in china at the end of 2019, the coronavirus disease (covid-19) has continued to spread across the world. no continent has been able to escape this virus, which has recorded average mortality of around 2.3% (according to the chinese center for disease control and prevention). to date, there have been nearly 54,207 deaths, with more than 1,030,324 people infected and 219,896 recoveries across 204 countries and territories around the world and 2 international conveyances: the diamond princess cruise ship harbored in yokohama, japan, and the holland america’s ms zaandam cruise ship, worldwide, thus portraying the severity of the virus globally (who situational report 3 april 2020). oil price now, lets discuss the impact on oil price in the southeast asian countries. a number of southeast asian countries has decided to borrow money from international institution to overcome the impact of covid-19 domestically. according to asean policy brief, the outbreak of economic lockdown policy in several cities in asean countries has led to a fall in oil prices, this can further to a worse case of financial burden of oil-exporting in the asean countries (asean, 2020). the outbreak has drawn attention to the interconnectedness among countries that globalisation has brought, and the consequent risks and vulnerabilities. disruptions in one area of global supply chains affect other areas, and may even result to the diversion of trade and investments to other regions in a bid to soften the risk of production stoppage arising from these disruptions. on top of this, the largest economies in the world, i.e. us, china, eu, are the main ones reeling from the supply and demand shocks. these economies are also asean’s main trading partners, capturing half (50.3%) of asean’s total trade in goods (table 4); while asean’s other main trading partners such as japan, korea, and hong kong, china, are also affected.(asean, 2020) while the overall impact of these trade disruptions would be damaging to the regional economy, the adverse impact would likely depend on the structure of domestic markets. one source of resilience for the ams would be a diversified trade structure, wherein trade is journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 82 diffused across a range of products, rather than concentrated on only a few, to minimize the impact on overall trade. based on data shown in figure 1, in general, ams imports tend to be more diversified than exports, which means that there is more variety in the types of products imported than those exported. bigger economies also have more diversified structures in both imports and exports compared to the smaller ams. lets move to other countries as an example, the federal reserve broadened its central bank dollar swap lines to include brazil, mexico, australia, denmark, norway, and sweden. automobile manufacturers announced they were suspending production at an estimated 100 plants across north america, following similar plant closures in europe (campbell, 2018). major u.s. banks announced a moratorium on share repurchases, or stock buy-backs, denying equity markets a major source of support and potentially amplifying market volatility (henderson, 2020). during the week, more than 22 central banks in emerging economies, including brazil, turkey, and vietnam, lowered their key interest rates. by march 19, 2020, investors were selling sovereign and other bonds as firms and other financial institutions attempted to increase their cash holdings, although actions central banks took during the week appeared to calm financial markets. compared to previous financial market dislocations in which stock market values declined while bond prices rose, stock and bond values fell at the same time in march 2020 as investors reportedly adopted a “sell everything” mentality to build up cash reserves (campbell, 2018) senate republicans introduced the coronavirus aid, relief, and economic security act to provide $2 trillion in spending to support the u.s. economy. market indexes fell again on march 23 as the senate continued to debate the parameters of a new spending bill to support the economy. oil prices also continued to fall as oil producers appeared to be in a standoff over cuts to production. to get a fully grasp, the graph below is showing how oil price getting down during covid-19. (congressional research service, 2020) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 83 financial markets continued to fall on march 23, 2020, as market indexes reached their lowest point since the start of the pandemic crisis. the federal reserve announced a number of new facilities to provide an unlimited expansion in bond buying programs. the measures included additional purchases of treasury and mortgage-backed securities; additional funding for employers, consumers, and businesses; establishing the primary market corporate credit facility (pmccf) to support issuing new bonds and loans and the secondary market corporate credit facility (smccf) to provide liquidity for outstanding corporate bonds; establishing the term asset-backed securities loan facility (talf), to support credit to consumers and businesses; expanding the money market mutual fund liquidity facility (mmlf) to provide credit to municipalities; and expanding the commercial paper funding facility (cpff) to facilitate the flow of credit to municipalities. the oecd released a statement encouraging its members to support “immediate, large-scale and coordinated actions.” these actions included (1) more international cooperation to address the health crisis; (2) coordinated government actions to increase spending to support health care, individuals, and firms; (3) coordinated central bank action to supervise and regulate financial markets; (4) and policies directed at restoring confidence. reacting to the fed’s announcement, the djia closed up 11% on march 24, marking one of the sharpest reversals in the market index since february 2020. european markets, however, did not follow u.s. market indexes as various indicators signaled a decline in business activity in the eurozone that was greater than that during the financial crisis and indicated the growing potential for a severe economic recession. u.s. financial markets were buoyed on march 25 and 26 over passage in the congress of a $2.2 trillion economic stimulus package. this condition also affected the average price movement of indonesian crude price (icp) in march 2020. head of the bureau of communication, public information and cooperation services (klik) of the ministry of energy and mineral resources agung pribadi explained that 1figure :brent crude oil price per barrel in dollars journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 84 the icp in march became 34.23 dollars us per barrel. on the other hand, the international energy agency (iea) reports that projected global crude oil demand in 2020 will drop by 1.1 million barrels per day to 99.9 million barrels per day. on the other hand, the iea revealed an increase in us crude stockpiles in march 2020 by 11.3 million barrels to 455.4 million barrels compared to february 2020. meanwhile, the opec report showed projections of global crude demand in 2020 falling by 1 million barrels per day to 99.73 million barrels per day. value chain the siber and sandi negara (2020) agency explained that the next step after identifying and preparing the company's operational processes to minimize the impact of the corona virus is to ensure the availability of business process or service support related to the availability of support from suppliers. these steps include: conduct an assessment of the supply chain relating to business processes or service organizations relating to the possibility of impacts and disruptions due to delays in supply or logistics delivery, as well as delays in the manufacturing process due to the corona virus global pandemic. communicating with providers or suppliers used by a company or organization that may be faced in the worst conditions due to the corona virus pandemic. identify other potential providers or suppliers who can support the business operational processes and company services in the event of a disruption. communicate with users or consumers about the limitations faced by the company or organization and convey mitigation measures to be taken by the company or organization. at present, several companies and organizations have implemented wfh policies, recommendations related to the supply chain include ensuring the security of the company or organization system that can be accessed by employees from home or remotely. this can be done by monitoring the security of the entire system and the activities of users who access the system. in addition to monitoring the security of all systems related to the company's supply chain, it is also necessary to test the capacity and remote connections provided to ensure the sustainability of each company's service or organization. to ensure the sustainability of the company's operations and services to supply chain availability, it requires a plan for business continuity that is updated, one of which is by providing education about information to every employee who does work from home. in addition, updating the security incident response plan needs to be done to adjust to the changing conditions of the work environment that are scattered from various locations. in a pandemic situation such as this, collaboration of all parties in the supply chain is needed, not only the main actors, but the role of supporting actors is needed and must be done. changes or journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 85 actions taken by one member of the supply chain will have an impact on other members of the supply chain. this wfh policy makes every employee seem to be encouraged to think of ways to work effectively and efficiently even if they do not face to face with other colleagues. therefore, the implementation of wfh requires the participation of every employee in a company to carry out a risk management strategy to the impact of corona virus, which is done to maintain the company's sustainability in the midst of this pandemic situation. in the figure, the size of the bubble reflects the size of the country (value of trade), and the thickness of the connecting lines show the relative importance of bilateral flows (small flows are zeroed for clarity). the figure looks at international supply-chain linkages in the information and communication technology (ict) goods to be concrete. three features jump out. • china really is the workshop of the world, being central to the entire global network. therefore, manufacturing disruption there will create secondary supply shocks in manufacturing sectors in almost all nations. • there is a strong regional dimension in supply chains, so the fact that china, korea, and japan are among the five hardest hit means the supply-chain shock will be especially strongly felt in asia. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 86 • germany is the network hub in europe. it is also the seventh most-hit nation in the world (as of 5 march 2020). add in the medical shock to italy, france, and britain (respectively the 6th and 13th most affected nations) and it is clear that supply-chain contagion is very likely to be a major source of economic contagion in europe. similar points apply to north america. • the us is the fifth most affected in terms of deaths (delayed and limited testing in the us means its death numbers are far ahead of its case numbers compared to the experience of other nations; on official statistics, the us death rate is about twice that of china and italy). also noteworthy is the fact that india, the world’s seventh largest economy, is not very involved in supply chains and so may be shielded somewhat from this form of economic contagion. • as a point of caution, these network diagrams look very different for different sectors. it is important to not overgeneralize; sector by sector analysis is important. in their chapter, laurence boone, david haugh, nigel pain and veronique salins estimate a base scenario, in which the outbreak is contained to china and a few other countries, that implies a world growth slowdown of about 0.5% in 2020. in their downside scenario, where the spread is spread widely over the northern hemisphere the 2020 world gdp growth would be reduced by 1.5%. most of the impact is attributed to lower demand, but in this scenario the negative contribution of uncertainty is also significant. catherine mann discusses the possibility that this crisis is likely to be u-shaped rather than v-shaped, as has been the case for similar epidemics and other recent supply shocks. her point is that the linkages discussed will affect different nations differently. it may be a v, i.e. short and sharp with full recovery to the old growth path for some sectors and nations, but journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 87 much more lingering for others. this suggest that in aggregate it could, at least for manufacturing, look more like a u-shape in the global data. for services, the shock will be hard to recover from so it may look more like an ‘l’. growth drops for a while, and while it will resume eventually, there will be no catch up. people who skip a few restaurant meals, cinema outings, and holidays in the sun are unlikely to doubleup on dining, movie-going and holidaymaking to catch up. the shock to tourism, transportation services, and domestic activities generally will not be recovered. mann predicts that domestic services also will bear the brunt of the virus outbreak. travel and tourism the covid-19 outbreak was triggered in december 2019 in the city of wuhan, which is in the hubei province of china. the virus continues to spread across the world. although the epicenter of the outbreak was initially china, with reported cases either in china or in travelers from the country, cases now are being reported in many other countries. while some countries have been able to effectively treat reported cases, it is uncertain where and when new cases will emerge. amidst the significant public health risk covid-19 poses to the world, the world health organization (who) has declared a public health emergency of international concern to coordinate international responses to the disease. it is, however, currently debated whether covid-19 could potentially escalate to a global pandemic. in a strongly connected and integrated world, the impacts of the disease beyond mortality (those who die) and morbidity (those who are unable to work for a period of time) has become apparent since the outbreak. amidst the slowing down of the chinese economy with interruptions to production, the functioning of global supply chains has been disrupted. companies across the world, irrespective of size, that are dependent upon inputs from china have started experiencing contractions in production. transport being limited and even restricted among countries has further slowed global economic activities. most importantly, some panic among consumers and firms has distorted usual consumption patterns and created market anomalies. global financial markets have also been responsive to the changes and global stock indices have plunged. the impact of this deadly virus is severe than estimated by specialists and the most exciting pandemic in the recent history which has already taken down 200 countries around the world with more than 1.9 million infections and over 120,000 deaths by 14 th april, 2020. sri lanka being a country with lack of resources, it is important to incorporate strategic approaches to minimize the economic recession. in this context, the travel and tourism as the third largest foreign exchange earner in the country, has totally collapsed with the fear of travelling and the need of maintaining the social distancing. restriction on visa issuing and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 88 closing down the international airport, curfew and lock down of the countries and cities, and inviting the residents to back to their countries providing special flight arrangements in many countries were taken place during the last 40 days. situation is severe at the moment as the whole world is on lock-down or under social distancing, people are scared to book anything until the distress of this infection subsides and the virus is brought under control in the world. the tourism industry is an umbrella industry networked with many other sectors in the economy including hotel, community level operations, education, financial, agriculture, medical, travel and transportation, construction, real estate, retail, and vice versa. due to the heavy toll of tourism in the country‘s economy, it is important to study how the reliance of the industry might shape the recovery of its main sub sectors once the pandemic subsides. the indirect impact in this context on travel and tourism industry cannot measure easily and definitely is a significant loss in short term as well as long term. since, sri lanka is a country that heavily depending on the service sector the tourism industry plays a major role for the countries development. in the last year it the contribution of travel and tourism to gdp as a share of gdp is 12.5% and the contribution of travel and tourism to gdp growth rate is 11.4%. hence it is clear that the tourism industry is helping the countries development massively. therefore, protecting this industry would be a huge investment on the countries future development prospects. therefore, we need to protect all the service providers of the tourism sector if we need to focus on the future development of sri lanka through tourism sector. there are number of service providers such as accommodation suppliers, travel agencies, event coordinators, and transportation suppliers etc. at the current situation they do not receive any income from their tourism products. therefore, it is important protect this sector and remain them for cater the future tourism demand to the country. otherwise this may lead to reallocating the resources to other industry where tourism industry would face the challenge of finding the service providers in the future. to overcome this situation, it is good release them from their business loans temporarily, help to retain the employees in their organization, using the tourism resources like hotels as quarantine centers with a monthly rental to the organizations. with the available technologies and medial advancements, it is expected to overcome from this emergency within a short period of time. hence, safeguarding the tourism industry would be a good investment in the future development of the country. global gdp journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 89 advanced economies as a group are forecast to experience an economic contraction in 2020 of 7.8% of gdp, with the u.s. economy projected by the imf to decline by 5.9%, about twice the rate of decline experienced in 2009 during the financial crisis, as indicated in figure. the rate of economic growth in the euro area is projected to decline by 7.5% of gdp. most developing and emerging economies are projected to experience a decline in the rate of economic growth of 2.0%, reflecting tightening global financial conditions and falling global trade and commodity prices. in contrast, china, india, and indonesia are projected to experience small, but positive rates of economic growth in 2020. the imf also argues that recovery of the global economy could be weaker than projected as a result of: lingering uncertainty about possible contagion, lack of confidence, and permanent closure of businesses and shifts in the behavior of firms and households. as a result of the various challenges, the imf qualified its forecast by arguing that: a partial recovery is projected for 2021, with above trend growth rates, but the level of gdp will remain below the pre-virus trend, with considerable uncertainty about the strength of there bound. much worse growth out comes a responsible and may be even likely. this would follow if the pandemic and containment measures last longer, emerging and developing economies are even more severely hit, tight financial conditions persist, or if widespread scarring effects emerge due to firm closures and extended unemployment. before the covid-19 outbreak, the global economy was struggling to regain a broad-based recovery as a result of the lingering impact of growing trade protectionism, trade disputes among major trading partners, falling commodity and energy prices, and economic journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 90 uncertainties in europe over the impact of the uk withdrawal from the european union. individually, each of these issues presented a solvable challenge for the global economy. collectively, however, the issues weakened the global economy and reduced the available policy flexibility of many national leaders, especially among the leading developed economies. in this environment, covid-19 could have an outsized impact. while the level of economic effects will eventually become clearer, the response to the pandemic could have a significant and enduring impact on the way businesses organize their work forces, global supply chains, and how governments respond to a global health crisis. the oecd estimates that increased direct and indirect economic c osts through global supply chains, reduced demand for goods and services, and declines in tourism and business travel mean that, “the adverse consequences of these developments for other countries (non-oecd) are significant.” global trade, measured by trade volumes, slowed in the last quarter of 2019 and was expected to decline further in 2020, as a result of weaker global economic activity associated with the pandemic, which is negatively affecting economic activity in various sectors, including airlines, hospitality, ports, and the shipping industry. the china’s game the chinese government claims to successfully deal with the spread of the corona virus, although it continues to be criticized by the united states. in an effort to combat the epidemic, china acts as a responsible country, as mentioned but chinese foreign ministry spokesman zhao lijian. meanwhile, a number of us officials believe china as the party to blame for the spread of the corona virus in the world. they highlighted the initial handling of the outbreak in late 2019 by china which was deemed wrong. besides, the us president, donald trump, also mentioned the country of origin of the spread of the corona virus. us president's national security adviser robert o'brien also said the virus did not originate from wuhan in hubei province, china. on the other hand, the general chairman of the chinese communist party in wuhan, wang zhonglin, called the united states the country that caused the corona virus to spread globally. he then questioned why the us was not to blame. o'brien alluded to the initial handling efforts by china, because they were considered to have covered up information related to the spread of the corona virus. it is said that if the who team were there, the cdc team would go there as well as our offer, i think we can stem what is happening in china and the world. the chinese government is said to impose restrictions and spread misinformation during the early days of the spread of the corona virus. they prohibit medical personnel in the hospital, whether doctors or nurses, from discussing, sending text messages, photos or anything that might leave a digital footprint related to the deadly disease. besides, a chinese doctor who warned about the threat of the outbreak, li wenliang, was summoned and interrogated by the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 91 wuhan police department for discussing the threat of the virus with his fellow doctors through social media. conclusion the aforementioned evidence explains that covid-19 is completely a new treat for global political economy while every pandemic always hit economic depression in any condition for last centuries. this can be seen from the global economic depression caused by novel coronavirus. while, when we take a look back in the history, a global pandemic, whatever it is and however the virus spread, it always hit the economic stability. a number of important economic sectors has impacted by novelcorona virus such as oil prices, value chains, and travel business. these three main sectors are the foundations for globalization and international economy. oil price is getting slowdown because the uncertain economic policy in covid-19 effected countries, causing unstable supply in oil. furthermore, as it has known together, covid-19 is firstly spread in china, causing unstable domestic economy. china can be seen as a manufacturer or workshop of the world. when china is vulnerable due to the virus, the production in factories are also impacted, causing delay in a great number of products. it has been explained from the graph shown in the result and discussion, when china is getting slowdown, it will impact a great number of countries for the production, business, and value chains which is important or international trade. therefore, china is a key for the world production and when it is vulnerable, it impacts on other sectors regionally and globally, both. moreover, the travel and hospitality is also impacted by covid-19. it is because a number of countries implemented travel restriction during coronavirus. nonetheless, there is another important thing that should be noticed. china plays game during this global pandemic. china is frajming it self as a successful country handling and deal with coronavirus. even though there is no doubt that china’s transparency in information, china wants to show the world that the country’s system is not bad at all in the international citizen’s eyes. china just want to show that the country success cope up the virus with the solution while want to notice the world that the country and everything inside should be acceptable for international citizens. by seeing this case, china is playing game to get more empathy and sympathy from international tensions. one reason why this should be happening is because the country influence in the future is completely important for china. as it has been known, china is intending ruling the world with a huge economic development. how ever, this cannot be seen as a good model because china still implement communist system where a great number of international community afraid of the ideology. by this journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 92 pandemic and showing how china implements this policy, china wants to show the positive impact of the system in the country. china is not intending to influence the ideology, it only wants to show the world that the country should be acceptable. references agiesta, f. s. (2020). ini kerugian yang didapat china akibat virus corona, bisa bikin ekonomi bangkrut? merdeka.com. asean. (2020). economic impact of covid-19 outbreak on asean. april, 1–17. balcilar, m., demirer, r., hammoudeh, s. (2019). quantile relationship between oil and stock returns: evidence from emerging and frontier stock markets. energy policy, 134(110931). campbell, p. and c. b. (2018). ford, general motorsand fiat chrysler agree widespread shutdown. financial times. cheng, e. (2020). unemployment ticks higher in china as coronavirus shock to economy persists. cnbc.com. congressional research service. (2020). global economic effects of covid-19. csr report, r46270. degiannakis, s., filis, g., panagiotakopoulou, s. (2018). oil price shocks and uncertainty: how stable is their relationship over time? economic modelling, 1, 42–50. eliot, l. (2020). “great lockdown” to rival great depression with 3% hit to global economy, says imf. the guardian. gorbiano, m. i. (2020). up to 9 million people to fall into poverty, unemployment as covid-19 hits: sri mulyani. the jakarta post. henderson, r. (2020). bank-ledfreeze on stock buybacks could spread across us market. financial times. illing, m., liu, y. (2006). measuring financial stress in a developed country: an application to canada. journal of financial stability, 2, 243. readfearn, g. (2020). how did coronavirus start and where did it come from? was it really wuhan’s animal market? the guardian. reboredo, j.c., uddin, g. s. (2016). do financial stress and policy uncertainty have an impact on the energy and metals markets? a quantile regression approach. international review of economics and finance, 43, 284–298. sugianto, d. (2020). begini virus corona lumpuhkan ekonomi ri. detik finance. victoria, a. o. (2020). artikel ini telah tayang di katadata.co.id dengan judul “ekonomi as minus 4,8% akibat corona, sri mulyani waspadai dampak ke ri.” kata data. wajdi, m. b. n., kuswandi, i., al faruq, u., zulhijra, z., khairudin, k., & khoiriyah, k. (2020). education policy overcome coronavirus, a study of indonesians. edutec: journal of education and technology, 3(2), 96–106. world health organization. (2020). coronavirus disease 2019 ( covid-19 ). 2019(april). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 93 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 158 empowering local product through cultural globalization tiara putih bastian department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, email: tiaraputihbastian@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : the rapid expansion of western products through cultural globalization entering indonesia cannot be denied, this has both positive and negative sides. this paper analyzes the positive side of cultural globalization through cultural homogenization. by utilizing the homogeneity pattern of western products, indonesian local products, especially from smes, has the opportunity to expand. this in turn has a positive impact on the development of indonesia's economy so that it moves out of poverty to a middle or semi-pheri position, based on wallarstein's world economy theory. keywords: cultural globalization, cultural homogenization, semi pheri-pheri, small medium and micro entrepreneurship (sme) submission : may, 13th 2020 revision : june 17th 2020 publication : august 30th 2020 introduction this is an analysis of what is currently happening in indonesia, especially in major cities where cultural globalization occurred as a part of a lifestyle. through cultural globalization the local products could be developed, using the same pattern that was coming from the western or other big countries as a result from pop culture. this research is based on the phenomenon, where the youngest generation in those cities that have developed a preference for branded goods from overseas. there is nothing wrong with those habits because personally, it is about individual personal taste. yet, we can dig something deeper from those lifestyle and personal taste, and it is correlated to the nation growth. in this unpredictable economic situation because of the covid-19 pandemic, small, micro, and medium enterprises (sme) are the most affected due to social mobility limitation to prevent the spreading of the virus. msme is one of the vital sectors that absorbs 90% workforce in indonesia and contributed almost 60% to the indonesia gross domestic product (gdp) (i-news, 2020). it is estimated that there are 60 million msme in indonesia in 2019, 60% of them or around 40 million are msme in culinary or food and beverage (medcom, 2019). according to msme association, two sectors was projected to be able to survive in this challenging situation, culinary and fashion. these two sectors are more resilient and reliable because they use local, sourced raw material. hence the use of these local raw materials is helping keep their cost of business down (kompas, 2020) . lifestyle nowadays cannot be parted from social media. lifestyle trend is always in coherence with the fast flow of information from social media. there are so many public mailto:tiaraputihbastian@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 159 figures that were born from many kinds of sophisticated social media; they were called influencers or key opinion leader (kol) that shared their content on youtube, instagram, and other platforms such as tiktok. those public figures play an important role as an icon or example or even trendsetter in socializing lifestyle nowadays. they are becoming a role model in lifestyle industries, and they are paid for what they wear, eat, and consume in their life pictured in social media. and realizing it or not, the society who idolized those figures are affected with the lifestyle and the trend created by the big company who set the style in the big frame. or we can say, the big corporations. hence, the corporations or conglomerates are the people behind this massive pop culture lifestyle industries, who take the benefit from this situation. the pop culture lifestyle could be anything around us today, from the clothing line, bags, shoes, fast food, music, technology, to fancy food, etc. from the cheapest product that affordable for all like h&m to high-end product like a hermes bag, that has a price equal to a decent house in jakarta! aside from prestige, the previous generations bought foreign-made products because of the quality, as not all local made products quality are the same as the foreign-made. for example, the shoes and bags from italy are famous in indonesia because of their excellent quality. back then, the number of stores from these brands are not as many as today. nowadays, there are many foreign brands has a significant influence on the indonesian people, such as kate spade, coach, zara, gucci, dior, starbucks, burger king, h&m, and many more. the rise of personal shoppers from overseas that evade the taxes and smuggled goods also contributed to this increase. fueled by the urge of having the same goods as the influencers and having a better prestige. the current generation is different, especially the middle class that has the aspiration to have a decent look without a look at the quality of the products. the corporations quickly reacted to this phenomenon and flooded the market with second-line products that have cheaper prices but with looks that are similar to the top brands. these group of people doesn’t care whatever their branded bag is the same quality as the one produced in cibaduyut, west java, as long as it has a foreign brand and purchased in a boutique. another example of clothes with the same quality as the one sold at the cipulir market, but it has a more trendy look such as ones that are sold at h&m. this phenomenon happened because of the preference to western brands; everything that comes from the western world through the help of social media is preferred. in the study of globalization, this phenomenon is under the concept of cultural homogenization. this concept saw that pop culture has assimilated and spread all over the world. in one side it increased demand for foreign products, but on the other side, it also created an opportunity for indonesian creative economy. a part of the indonesian people has been quick in adopting this cultural homogenization. aside from the high consumption of these foreign goods, the indonesian people are also starting to develop a similar product that is locally made. for instance, clothes inspired by design from the west or a local coffee shop that is influenced by those from overseas. unfortunately, the number of these ventures are still small and has a high risk of cannot sustaining their business. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 160 it’s easy to blame the government for creating this phenomenon, as it’s an excess of opening the market for foreign brands. despite that fact, it’s not 100% correct to blame the government as these foreign brands have some positive impacts on the economy, especially for absorbing workers and generating tax income. nevertheless, how we can build the indonesian economy amid foreign goods homogenization? to analyze this phenomenon, there are two theories that can be applied: the structuralist approach – world economy theory coined by imanuel wallarstein. world-economies then are divided into core-states and peripheral areas. there are also semiperipheral areas which are in between the core and the periphery on a series of dimensions, such as the complexity of economic activities, strength of the state machinery, cultural integrity, etc. some of these areas had been core-areas of earlier versions of a given world-economy. some had been peripheral areas that were later promoted as a result of the changing geopolitics of an expanding world-economy. the semi-periphery, however, is not an artifice of statistical cutting points, nor is it a residual category. the semi-periphery is a necessary structural element in a world-economy. these areas play a role parallel to that played, mutatis mutandis, by middle trading groups in an empire. they are collection points of vital skills that are often poetically unpopular. these middle areas (like middle groups in an empire) partially deflect the political pressures which groups primarily located in peripheral areas might otherwise direct against core-states and the groups which operate within and through their state machineries. on the other hand, the interests primarily located in the semi-periphery are located outside the political arena of the core-states, and find it difficult to pursue the ends in political coalitions that might be open to them were they in the same political arena (republika, 2019). the next theory that can be used is the homogenization in cultural globalization. the homogenization perspective seems to positively answer these questions as the increased interconnection between countries and cultures contributes to forming a more homogenous world adopting the western euro-american model of social organization and lifestyle. in the homogenization view, barriers that prevent flows that would contribute to making cultures look alike are weak and global flows are strong. in its extreme form, homogenization, which is also known as convergence, advances the possibility that local cultures can be shaped by other more powerful cultures or even a global culture(wallerstein, 2011). result and discussion currently, it’s easy to find foreign brands in major cities in indonesia. moreover, the interest in these foreign goods is gradually increasing. the spread of these products fuels this through social media. various foreign brands can cater to various segment of the society, from trendy but affordable to the ultra-luxury segment. the existence of these brands has spread and has many stores across the country. from fashion to food & beverages, these foreign goods has decimated the local brands. many local brands become uncompetitive. even though in term of pricing, local brands can be relatively more affordable and features a look that is similar to the foreign goods used by the influencers. as an example, local department store ramayana has been struggling to survive during the rise of speciality stores such as h&m, zara, pull & bear and many journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 161 more. even if there is a local brand that made it to the mall, the stores usually are located on non-prime areas such as a higher level floor. in contrast, the foreign brands frequently occupy the lower floor that has greater prestige. these local brands that are a part of the indonesian creative economy contributed rp 852 trillion to the indonesian gdp in 2015, with the fashion and culinary sub-sector being the two most significant contributor. each contributed 41,69% and 18,15% to the gdp from the creative economy. if these sectors in the creative industry can be further developed, then there is a more significant potential for the indonesian economy in the future. another significant advantage is that the creative economy is relatively more resilient during a crisis, which is critical for the time being. current challenges the existence of foreign goods is not to be avoided or reduced; it’s the matter of how their existence can spark growth and develop the creative industry. to a point where the indonesian people become not only a consumer but also become an entrepreneur that contributed to the economy and creating jobs. the local players must be swift to adapt to the current trends according to the homogenization. especially in the food & beverages sector where the creative industry has a competitive advantage, as the local players knew the local taste and palate better than the foreign brands. hence there is significant potential in this sector. the local players also can adapt to a more contemporary concept such as referencing to the concepts from cafes overseas. the government also must be more proactive in supporting the msme and the local products. currently, the government has several programs to support the msmes, one of it is the kredit usaha rakyat (kur) that has a lower interest rate of 7% and rp 127,3 trillion has of these loans were disbursed last year. unfortunately, this program cannot reach all the msmes, from 2015 to 2019, kur only has been disbursed to 18,3 businesses or 12 million if according to the individual identification with a total amount reaching rp 460,62 trillion. the cultural globalization explains that “the homogenization perspective seems to positively answer these questions as the increased interconnection between countries and cultures contributes to forming a more homogenous world adopting the western euroamerican model of social organization and lifestyle. in the homogenization view, barriers that prevent flows that would contribute to making cultures look alike are weak and global flows are strong. in its extreme form, homogenization, which is also known as convergence, advances the possibility that local cultures can be shaped by other more powerful cultures or even a global culture”. based on this concept, we can see that homogenization has happened in indonesia in term of the spread of foreign goods. a market of western euro-american model of social organization and lifestyle has been created. as an example, the high interest for fashion trends from zara or h&m that successfully regarded as a western euro-american fashion style. another example is starbucks, the american based coffee shops that have spread in almost every major city in indonesia. in that regard, if we put a more in-depth look, it’s not only the high consumption of foreign brands but also the rise of the creativity of the people. for instance, currently, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 162 many local coffee shops become a rival for starbucks, such as kopi kenangan and other several shops. creating a highly diversified option for the current generation everyday lifestyle. the creative industry community can see an opportunity from this cultural homogenization, by means of adapting the local taste with western euro -american packaging. wallarstain stated that world-economies then are divided into core-states and peripheral areas. there are also semiperipheral areas which are in between the core and the periphery on a series of dimensions, such as the complexity of economic activities, strength of the state machinery, cultural integrity, etc. some of these areas had been core-areas of earlier versions of a given world-economy. some had been peripheral areas that were later promoted, so to speak, as a result of the changing geopolitics of an expanding worldeconomy. the semi-periphery, however, is not an artifice of statistical cutting points, nor is it a residual category. the semi-periphery is a necessary structural element in a worldeconomy. these areas play a role parallel to that played, mutatis mutandis, by middle trading groups in an empire. they are collection points of vital skills that are often poetically unpopular. these middle areas (like middle groups in an empire) partially deflect the political pressures which groups primarily located in peripheral areas might otherwise direct against core-states and the groups which operate within and through their state machineries. on the other hand, the interests primarily located in the semiperiphery are located. wallarstain emphasized the role of semi-periphery in the world economy; in this case, the ability of the creative economy is making a country to the semi-periphery position. the country where the foreign brands come from become the core country, while indonesia, in this case, becomes the periphery country. if later on, the creative economy can be adequately developed, then it hopefully the local goods can beat all the foreign goods. this phenomenon has happened to countries with a semi-periphery position such as south korea, india, brazil, and others(robinson, 2011). stimulating creative economy growth through local product development of course, to reach this semi-periphery status is not an easy task, as to compete with foreign brands, there is a need for a sound market strategy. for instance, increasing the product or service to be equal to the foreign ones is needed, so that the community will see the value of the local products. aside from that a smart market strategy, such as executed by ramayana that recently introduced the #kerenhaksegalabangsa hashtag to promote locally made products. all those strategies will also need an appetite to consume local goods. there should be a massive movement spread on the communities to prefer local goods because of various cause. for example, for coffee, many local coffee shops have good quality and rivals the likes of starbucks. the same can be applied to clothes, for instance, aside from shopping in zara, people can also shop in stores in tanah abang. this doesn’t mean we developed resistance to foreign goods; people need to develop a new mindset in purchasing goods. as a potential market for foreign goods, the indonesian people have the power to develop the creative economy sector through growing and developing local goods. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 163 an adequately managed local goods will increase the nation’s welfare, as with the healthy domestic consumption will create a natural barrier from overseas negative influence. the optimism for the local industry must be in line with the efforts to significantly increasing the consumption of local goods. opportunities for smes in the middle of a pandemic amid a sluggish economy due to the pandemic, smes still have excellent prospects. with the condition that the ukm has online sales coverage or exposure (online). many people's needs have increased because of this pandemic(umar & indrayani, 2020). sales of smes with these online characteristics increased after the psbb and wfh policies were implemented during the corona pandemic; this is because many people end up shopping online (detik, 2020). both those classified as basic needs such as groceries or having some urgency, to as simple as killing their spare time during activities from home (work and school from home). for example, one that is categorized as urgent is masks. previously, masks had experienced a fantastic price hike, making it difficult for the public to buy. but with a creative idea, cloth masks have an excellent function in preventing the spread of the virus. this has resulted in the development of many cottage industries that sell cloth masks as needed. the cloth masks produced by these ukm can even be marketed abroad. one example is the ukm in probolinggo which markets batik masks abroad, so as not to discourage creations, a batik gallery in probolinggo makes beautiful batik masks using the finger swab batik technique. this batik mask has finally become a fashion trend in itself. the batik masks that are comfortable to wear and do not interfere with the respiratory system are sold for idr 50,000 / piece (detik, 2020). when they are sold online, many people are interested in their batik masks, even abroad. little by little, his batik business began to get grow again during the corona pandemic (detik, 2020). aside from masks, other business masks that developed during this pandemic, delivery services, because people prefer to stay indoors. so that delivery services have increased significantly during this pandemic, this is reflected in the promising commercial vehicle market due to positive growth in several business sectors during the pandemic. for example, the logistics and courier sectors. this increase occurred because some industries grew during the pandemic, such as logistics and couriers. however, they need vehicles that are efficient in operational costs, namely fuel consumption, service services, and spare parts (kompas, 2020). businesses do not just stop at offline sales, but instead, grow up online. many purchases and demand for goods are made online. this shift in trend has made logistics companies in indonesia record an increase in sales, profits, so they set a relatively large sales target (kompas, 2020). likewise, now we can easily find culinary businesses on social media or other online platforms. not to mention the efforts related to hobbies during activities from home, such as the current trend of ornamental plants or hydroponic plants, one of the causes of the increase in ornamental plants’ sales, more because people have been staying at home too long. because people started to limit themselves outside the house, they finally wanted to raise plants to spend time productively (republika, 2020). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 164 these things show that during this pandemic, there are still opportunities for smes. with creativity and the chance to think "out of the box" to meet needs that previously did not exist, such as the mask earlier or the acrylic glass screen and even a face shield. besides, of course, shopping for food and hobbies. saving the economy from the threat of recession in addition to inducing a health crisis, the covid-19 pandemic also resulted in an economic crisis as business activities were disrupted due to limited individual mobility, generally due to psbb. the government finally announced that indonesia's economic growth in the second quarter of this year contracted by minus 5.32% compared to the previous year (bps, 2020). if, in the third quarter, or in september, the economic growth continues to contract, then officially indonesia is mired in recession. this is because a recession occurs when a country records contraction in economic growth for two consecutive quarters. many countries have already fallen into recession, even developed countries. some examples are singapore, south korea, and also the united states. although indonesia's gdp is supported by domestic consumption, a recession in foreign countries, especially major trading partners, can also affect the indonesian economy. this can occur due to reduced investment or foreign direct investment (fdi) and export demand, weakening foreign countries can also make foreign investors withdraw their funds from the indonesian capital market. for example, the united states, this superpower country, is the second-largest export contributor to indonesia. in june 2020, the us contributed us$ 1.37 billion to non-oil exports, behind china, which was the most significant contributor with us$ 2.43 billion. although it still sounds quite significant in nominal terms, indonesia's exports from january to june 2020 contracted by 3.63% for non-oil and gas products compared to the same period the previous year (bps, 2020). countries like the us absorb many indonesian manufactured products, such as the textile industry, which the us solely consumed 35.92% of the industry experts (medcom, 2020). weak export demand can interfere with the company's operations and profitability, leading to the reduction or layoff of employees. this can lead to or increase the poverty rate and, of course, unemployment in indonesia. can wallarstein's approach to semipheri-pheri save indonesia from the imminent threat of a recession? suppose we examine from wallarstein's theory, which emphasizes the role of the community(collins, 1980). sure it is possible, but how? because economic cogs are in society. if the people’s purchasing power is low and decreasing, then a recession is sure to happen. however, if you can maintain people's purchasing power for sme products, this can still save indonesia from an economic downturn. the next question is how to keep these people's purchasing power? to answer this question, we can take a brief look at the country of south korea as a country that has succeeded in progressing with an independent society. along with other countries such as singapore and taiwan, south korea has experienced rapid economic growth. there are several similarities between the three countries: they both have the status of semi-pheri pheri states(dent & randerson, 1996; randerson & journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 165 dent, 1996). over the last 60 years, south korea has grown from a country that relies on the agricultural sector to finally becoming the 12th largest country by gdp. even the organization for economic cooperation and development (oecd) this year estimates south korea will become the 9th largest country in the world by gdp, even amid a pandemic(barbier, 2020). conclusion many studies have found that the key to south korea's success is due to successful structural transformation to overhaul its government policies to be more open to foreign countries or markets( louis fed, 2020). policy reforms in south korea have produced a conducive business climate, and many policies have provided incentives to encourage investment to innovate. both of these conditions grew the domestic economy and also succeeded in attracting investment from abroad. according to the world bank, south korea was the 4th best country in terms of ease of doing business or business in 2018 (doing, 2019). also, south korea pays extra attention to technology development and innovation to stimulate economic growth. innovation and technology are two crucial factors that have made exports from south korea so competitive and driven its economic growth in recent decades. in 2018, south korea spent 4.5% of its gdp or the equivalent of us $ 69.73 billion on research & development; this is the ratio of expenditure on research & development to the world’s largest gdp (stoffice, 2020). no wonder south korean companies, such as samsung, lg, and hyundai, has become world giants. samsung, which is mostly engaged in the technology sector, is the 15th largest company globally based on the rankings of fortune 500, a list of the 500 largest companies in the world based on the size of company revenues (fortune, 2017). last year, samsung electronics managed to book company revenues of us$ 206 billion (statisca, 2019). south korea's domestic economy is also moving fast, as indicated by household consumption, contributing 48.58% of gdp last year. this characteristic is similar to that of indonesia, whose domestic consumption accounts for nearly 60% of gdp (bps, 2020), what may be distinguishing is the lack of government encouragement for technological development and innovation as has been done by south korea in recent decades. according to the world bank’s latest data, indonesia only had a research & development ratio to gdp of 0.23% in 2018. this figure is even lower than iran, which has a ratio of 0.83% and even ethiopia, which has a ratio of 0.27% (bps, 2020). indonesia’s ratio is like heaven and earth compared to south korea, but this is one of the positive things. this means that indonesia still has enormous potential if the direction of government policy and execution can improve. the world bank has predicted that if indonesia will become the 5th largest economy globally by 2024 )katadata, 2020), this is tremendous potential. indonesia’s population is estimated at 267 million people in the last year; this is a substantial domestic market (katadata, 2019). this makes indonesia the fourth largest country by population, after china, india, and the united states(worldmeter, 2020). local players, especially smes, can take advantage of this enormous market, not to mention that indonesia's exports can still be intensified, especially to potential trading partners. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 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(2011). the modern world-system i: capitalist agriculture and the origins of the european world-economy in the sixteenth century (vol. 1). univ of california press. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 178 comfort women : the causes of other trade wars in east asia gulia ichikaya mitzy1, tri wahyuningrum indarto2 1department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 2 department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 1email: gulia.ichikayamitzy@civitas.unas.ac.id 2email: tri.wahyuningrum@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract abstract : south korea and japan are the countries that have geographical proximity, with various values and cultural similarities. however, bilateral relations between the two countries are often discussed, while the main factor is the historical problem. in 2017 japan and south korea boycotted each other because each other, agreed to the women's comfort agreement, which was agreed in 2015 and finally ended indisputably. this study uses descriptive qualitative research methods, to analyze how to implement economic collaboration that will result if an agreement is broken. based on the results of the analysis, the issue of women's comfort made a 1965 normalization agreement for comfort women in the 2015 agreement which did not necessarily make the two countries make peace, which was questioned involving researchers not being involved in making the agreement. this has an impact on the economic relations between the two countries. attacking each other through diplomatic representatives, asking for exports of semiconductor materials, exchanging up to stopping transportation services, advertising for boycotts of products from japan, making developed countries even more inflamed and looking for new developments to foster mutual efforts to intervene with each other. keywords : japanese and south korean conflict, international treaties, comfort women. submission : may, 09th 2020 revision : june 08th 2020 publication : august 30th 2020 introduction the case of the comfort women originated from the victims known wianbu or jugun ianfu, demanding justice. jugun ianfu came from japanese language, ju means go, gun means army or military, ian means comfort or entertainment and fu are women. policies of comfort women are a policy sex slavery cruel, sadistic and systematic, created to satisfy the lust of japanese soldiers in a brothel (soh, 1996). comfort women mailto:gulia.ichikayamitzy@civitas.unas.ac.id mailto:tri.wahyuningrum@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 179 in south korea start to happen when japan annexed the korean peninsula, which at that time still under the leadership of a king and is regarded as the only path that can connect the japanese for control of china. policy comfort system starting from the aggression of the japanese military in nanjing, china. in this aggression, the japanese managed to destroy nanjing. this incident is known as “the rape of nanjing”. this term is used because in addition to destroying nanjing, the japanese army also commits sexual crimes against girls and women in nanjing. many girls and women who become rape victims of the japanese army. this event eventually became the spotlight of many international media (argibay, 2003). see the number of international reporting related to the issue of comfort women, emperor hirohito then discusses with the minister, consul, and commander of the war. this discussion aimed at finding a solution to resolve this issue and restore the honor of japan or the “honor of japan”. in addition, it also to stop the flow of news from the international media. for this discussion, there are two ideas that can be applied. first, by changing the code of conduct of the japanese military. and the second, creating a system that is called by the japanese military as “comfort system”. the comfort station has been built since 1932 in some places near the barracks of the japanese military in china. the comfort station even has a license granted by the empire of japan. the emergence of policy comfort system is constituted by several reasons. the first reason is related to the “honor of japan”. include sexual slavery is expected no more events like “the rape of nanjing”. through this facility, the government can control the behavior of the japanese army in order not to make actions moral which would be detrimental and damaging to the honor of japan. a further reason is to keep the image of japan in the area of colonization of his. the presence of the immorality of the japanese army to provoke anti-japan sentiment in the occupied areas. feeling this then adversely affects the image and the japanese military. the last reason is to maintain the health of japanese soldiers and reduce the cost of health. many japanese soldiers were stricken with the disease and even the need to go back to japan before he began to fight. this is clearly detrimental to the japanese military at that time. in addition, the spread of sexual diseases this then causes swelling of health care costs for the japanese army. the recruitment of the comfort women itself is done by the recruitment veiled, that by offering young women to be workers, nurses or other occupations. the work is said as a form of “voluntary”. however, in practice the women are even forced to join and then put into brothels and used as comfort women. women who become the target of policy is usually still a virgin, unmarried, not from japan and not contracted sexual diseases. the reason japanese women cannot be the comfort women is because they become the object of the mission of the japanese "the national mission of motherhood” (soh, 1996). comfort women policy is supported by general okamura yasuji, who served as chief of staff of the expedition tent in shanghai. yasuji argue that this way can avoid the rape committed by the soldiers. yasuji claim, the army needs sexual satisfaction on the battlefield. it is common knowledge that during the war, the japanese soldiers treat the citizens of the colony are not humane, especially for the victims of the comfort women. from the point of view of japan, women are not sex slavery. they claim that what journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 180 happened is prostitution. women who satisfy the sexual needs of the soldiers voluntarily, and gets paid from the army after serving them. a brothel that used to be called by ianjo, in english, is called the comfort station (tanaka, 2002). the existence of ianjo is actually not known exactly when it was formed the first time, because of the absence of evidence to show it. in addition, the system of recruitment of comfort women happened to be closed so that there is no official document that contains the data of recruitment of comfort women. recorded in 80,000 up to 200,000 women to be comforted women during world war ii with a percentage of 80% comes from korea (chang, 2009). victims of comfort women much of the affected vd (venereal disease), namely a sexually transmitted disease. the victim also mentioned that the woman is a sex slave should do a hysterectomy (removal of the uterus), if it does not undergo removal of the uterus they have to bear a pregnancy, forced to shed the fetus or the birth in the comfort station. in addition, if there are women who have the disease with a severity level high enough in the brothel, they will be thrown into ditches and left to die. after the corpses collected quite a lot, and the corpse burnt by the japanese soldiers or officers of the comfort station (tanaka, 2002). the issue brings the sentiment of anti-japanese for the citizens of south korea up to the present. whereas the east asian region began not stable because of the increased strength of china and the threat of a nuclear north korea (columbia, 2020). finally, the government of japan and south korea agreed to resolve the comfort women, assisted by the united states as a mediator (januzi, 2020). this settlement resolved through an agreement on comfort women, which was signed by the two countries on 28 december 2015. but in fact, this decision is made unilaterally by the president park geun hye in handling the relief fund of japan. this raises a lot of protest from the public related to the decision of the government combined with the status of the involvement of the president of the park with the problem of corruption that occurs. one of the protest it as done by one of the monks in south korea named no sung kang. he was willing to burn himself up critically as a form of protest related to the receipt of such assistance. in addition, there are many more actions from the community and activists to oppose the attitude of the government. they assume that the government does not ask for the approval of the comfort women are still alive. there are 37 women survivors of comfort women are still alive until now and the community feel that the government needs to hear their voice (bbc, 2019). however, this deal does not get a good response from the activists and the activists of the comfort women because it was considered not promising justice for the hundreds of thousands of other victims throughout asia. it is feared japan is occur the absence of although the agreement has been made irreversibly. in addition, diplomatic relations between the two countries deteriorated on december 21, 2018 after the south korean government under president moon jae-in, decided to cancel the agreement unilaterally and close the foundation to finance the victims of the war formed japan in 2016 (hun, 2019). on july 1, 2019, to answer the decision, the japanese government decided to restrict some exports of chemicals to south korea(anandtech, 2019). whereas in south korea is the center of the large companies such as samsung electronics, lg electronics and sk journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 181 hynix, which plays a role in producing two-thirds of the production of the chip world. if this problem continues to occur, japan and south korea will not be able to resist the domination of the chinese economy literature review an overview of the main focus, namely the international agreement, made as peace efforts japan and south korea to become the main point in the concrete steps taken to resolve the issue of women's comfort. the agreement, which is set to be the compass for the bilateral relations between the two countries. international agreement international agreements are one of the most important elements in international law. there are 2 conventions that became the basis of international agreements, namely, the vienna convention of 1969 on the international agreement made between countries and vienna convention of 1986 on international agreements between the state and international organizations or among international organizations. through international agreements, each country outlined the basis of their cooperation, arrange a variety of activities, complete a variety of problems of survival of society itself (mauna, 2008). boer mauna argues that the international agreement is the juridical instruments that accommodate the will and consent of the state or subject of international law other to achieve a common goal, which is where the manufacturing is governed by international law and pose legal consequences that are binding for the parties who made it (mauna, 2008). the concept of human rights according to the opinion of jan materson (from the un human rights commission), in the teaching of human rights, the united nations, was quoted as saying by the baharu lopa assert that human rights are inherent in every human being, without the human, it is impossible to live as a human being. john locke stated that human rights are the rights given by the creator god as a right that is not supernatural (effendi, 1994). human rights exist and are inherent in every human being is universal, meaning it applies anywhere and to anyone and cannot be taken by anyone. this right is needed by human beings in addition to to protect themselves and the dignity of humanity is also used as a moral foundation in the mix or connect with fellow human beings. bilateral cooperation international relations are also known by the term global relationships, in the sense that the political aspects and aspects of the process of global relations. the political aspect can be interpreted in the form of the interests of the military, economy, culture and so on. in this regard, the legal aspects become aspects of the formal which is a form of the completion of procedures for a wide range of interests which ultimately can and should be concluded as political interests (kusumohamidjojo, 1987). meanwhile, according to holsti, “bilateral cooperation is the interaction and transactions that occur directly between two countries that face problems or a specific journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 182 thing containing common interests.” furthermore, holsti is suggested in most cases, the government of the country concerned mutual to approach with a proposed settlement, negotiate or discuss the issue, said the technical evidence to approve the settlement or other negotiations with the agreement or understanding that particular satisfy both sides (holsti, 1980). bilateral cooperation is the desire or the good intentions of the countries that establish the relationship of the situation that is less good, towards a better situation through cooperation. method to answer the given research question, qualitative methods would be most appropriate to find an answer. literature on related topics suggests that qualitative methods are most appropriate. according to bogdan taylor, qualitative research is a research procedure that produces descriptive data or in the form of posts of people's behavior that has been observed (basrowi & suwandi, 2008). qualitative research is research that solving the problem is done by using empirical data. meanwhile, according to lofland in the book, qualitative research methods, lexy. j. moleong, the main source of data in qualitative research is words and actions, the rest is additional data such as documents and others (moleong, 2000). in addition, descriptive research is a form of research that is shown to describe or illustrate phenomena that exist, either a natural phenomenon or human engineering. this approach is used because this research wanted to understand more in depth about the international agreement that created the comfort women deal 2015 and its application to overcome a sentiment between the two countries were hostile up to now, as well as the consequences that arise if the agreement is violated by the parties. in addition, this research is arranged in contextualization, meaning that this research can only be done on the phenomenon of comfort women only and can not be used in general as in quantitative research to assess a study that considered similar in the community. data collection techniques used by the author using the techniques of literature (library research) to collect data. through the study of literature, collection of data is done by referring to articles, books, journals, documents, news media, online media that are relevant. techniques the study of literature is the data search for the paper writing with the purpose of the presentation of the facts and describe what the author carefully at the problem with this study (moleong, 2000). result and discussion in this study, south korea and japan are the two countries allies to build relationships to strengthen the economy after experiencing defeat in the world war. but, the relationship between the two countries should be hampered because of the issue of comfort women has not been finished until now. the existence of comfort women, this has actually ended in 1945 when japan surrendered to the allies. all records and documents related to comfort women destroyed, it is done so as not to cause problems in the future. although it has been disclosed in 1973, but the issues this new proven and got a response from the countries of the victims and activists in the 1990s (tanaka, 2002). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 183 policy and the treatment of the japanese in the past turned out, leaving deep wounds of the people of south korea and ultimately lead to sentiment or a negative perception in looking at japan. in fact, the anti-japan sentiment is also found among the young people of south korea, who was not involved in the era of the colonization of japan at that time. the four agreements of the republic of korea and japan agreed, among others : the agreement of the normalization, the agreement on property claims and economic cooperation, the agreement on the legal status and treatment of the people's republic of korea living in japan, the agreement regarding the role of fish and cultural cooperation signed on june 22, 1965, by yi dong won, minister of foreign affairs of the republic of korea, and shiina etsusaburo, minister of foreign affairs of japan as well as the applicable starting from december 18, 1965 (jaejoong, 2009). although korea and japan normalize their relationship by signing the treaty of normalization, it is still criticized for failing to resolve the issue of comfort women involving the two countries. the mastermind behind the making and the driving force of this agreement is the united states (us). there are two main factors, the first is as the international strategy of the united states, the second is economic factors between south korea and japan. the president of the us, franklin roosevelt at the end of world war ii has developed a strategy for northeast asia that aims to knock out japan completely so that japan will never start a war again, as well as build a working relationship with the union of soviet socialist republics (ussr) and china(jaejoong, 2009). however, this strategy is completely modified by the next president, namely, harry s. truman after the ussr became dominant in eastern europe this led to the us fear that if japan fell under the influence of the ussr and china to lead the security of the pacific region as well as relations with the us will be damaged. furthermore, president truman did the reorientation of u.s. strategy in northeast asia, with adopt japan as his partner in the cold war era. when the korean war broke out, the americans want to use japan as a line of defence against communism by revitalizing the japanese. in the middle of the state conflict, the united states suggested south korea and japan to normalize diplomatic bond them, so that the first negotiation to normalize relations with south korea and japan held in october 1951. this can be realized because of the desire of south korea and japan to revitalize their respective country. therefore, us considers the economic cooperation of south korea and japan is very strategic as well as allow it to continue for a period of 15 years, despite the difficult obstacles located on the historical relationship of the two countries. finally, the two countries signed the agreement on the normalization of the republic of korea and japan in 1965. the first round of negotiations for normalization between south korea and japan was held on february 15, 1952, after negotiations beginning on 21 october 1951 with the help of the director of foreign affairs for the allied forces, william j. sebald. until june 22, 1965, the agreement of the normalization of korea japan signed at the residence of minister of japan. in japan, left-wing groups strongly opposed the negotiations. they think that the alliance of anti communists, including the united states, japan and south korea, will involve japan in the conflict, and if the capital of the monopolistic japan entered south korea, it will lower the wages of japanese to a low level. however, no one in japan who was responsible for the colonial occupation of japan in korea, and no one criticized the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 184 revival of south korea by the capital monopolistic japan. the agreement that applies when the two countries exchange agreement that has been fixed on december 18, 1965. the main contents of the agreement are as follows : tabel.1 agreement of normalization 1965 agreement of normalization of the republic of korea – japan the contents of the agreement article i diplomatic relations and consular affairs should be made stable between the high contracting parties. the high contracting parties will exchange diplomatic envoys with the rank of ambassador without delay. the high contracting parties will also establish consulates at locations to be agreed upon by both the government. article ii ensured that all negotiations or agreements made between the empire of japan and the empire of korea on or before august 22, 1910, is null and void. article iii ascertained that the government of the republic of korea is the only lawful government in korea as specified in the resolution 195 (iii) of the general assembly of the united nations. article iv the high contracting parties will be guided by the principles of the charter of the united nations in the relationship of reciprocity that exists. article v the high contracting parties will hold negotiations on the date that can be practiced the earliest to the conclusion of negotiations or agreement to put the trade of each country, maritime and other commercial relationship with a base of stable and friendly article vi the high contracting parties will conduct negotiations on the date of which can be practiced most start to find the conclusion of the agreement relating to air transport for a civilian. article vii this agreement will be ratified. the instruments of ratification shall be exchanged at seoul as soon as possible. this agreement shall take effect from the date on which instruments of ratification are exchanged. source : foreseen and unforeseen in historical relations between korea and japan the agreement above has become the basis for japan's claim that every bilateral issue between the two governments, including the issue of "comfort women", has been resolved. on the other hand, korea continued to claim that the clause does not cover the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 185 issue of "comfort women" and another has not been resolved. the agreement between korea and japan, which was signed in 1965 has been the target of widespread criticism of activists and observers of the issue of comfort women, although the agreement approved formally by the two countries. there is a saying that the agreement was "embarrassing" and "in haste, without carefully." others said that the agreement should be amended or even the two governments have signed a new agreement (iou-chung, 2019). up to the activists and citizens of korea asked for the option to change and even make a new covenant that can not be accepted by the japanese. this is done because of the agreement of 1965 is considered not to fully reflect public opinion in both countries and is written using the expression or understanding that is not clear. up to both countries to interpret the phrase "already null and void" with a rather different. while south korea interpret this expression as meaning that all of the covenants and agreements made earlier between the two countries since the "beginning" null and void, whereas japanese interpret this expression means that they become null and void since “august 15, 1945, in which korea was liberated.”(jaejong, 2019). the two countries have a different interpretation on the agreement until the cause of the problem until now. according to the interpretation of south korea, south korea has the right to ask for the responsibility of japan for damage caused during the colonial occupation of japan in accordance with international law. however, the japanese want to deny the colonization of korea to justify the annexation of korea as a legal agreement, created between the two countries. in this case, the two countries have not reached an agreement. bilateral talks about the agreement effectively regulated by the us for the reason that south korea would not demand war indemnities (tselichtchev, 2019). at that time, washington had already bet on tokyo to become a key ally new in the region, which is expected to withstand the threat of communism. simultaneously with the agreement on the normalization, japan and south korea signed the agreement on claim and economic cooperation, where japan gives economic aid large-scale to south korea, which is considered to pay for the losses received in south korea in the colonial period. generations of the korean people that still survive after going through the colonial period has been hating japan more and grow revenge after knowing fully the problem of comfort women in the late 1980s (youn, 2008). although the japanese colonial government has ended, both countries require 20 years to normalize their bilateral relations. then both countries are negotiating the return provided by the us to reach an agreement which is final and cannot be disproved, that the covenant of comfortable women 2015. bilateral cooperation is the desire or good intentions of the countries that established a relationship situation that is less good, against a better situation through cooperation. but in fact, the agreement that created precisely without the intervention of the victim as well as forget about the principle of accountability for war to make the south koreans upset and doing a demonstration which makes the japanese government would not accept because it considers that the agreement has been agreed. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 186 discussion through the findings of the previous findings, the impact caused by the issue of comfort women is enough to make the economy of south korea shaken. economy of south korea (rok) was developing a little slower than forecast in the third quarter and in line with the previous quarter because of the decline in investment in korea. construction investment shrank 6.4 percent, this decline is the loss of the largest since the asian financial crisis of 1997-1998. due to restrictions of the investors in south korea are reluctant to increase investment because of the worry with global demand. in the property sector, the contractors have cut their spending because the government restricts the residential market, while the prospect of workers the level of weak forced to be reduced. from a year earlier, the economy of south korea rose 2%. the figure was much lower compared with the second quarter, namely 2.8% and the amount of the assessment is missed, namely 2.2 percent, largely due to the expansion on top of the trends seen in the year-ago period. furthermore, the data growth predicted by the central bank reached 2.9% it only reached 2.7%. for more details, the following will be described what areas of the course that are experiencing shocks: the withdrawal diplomatic representatives of japan in busan the government of japan draws while ambassador to south korea. the withdrawal is related to the problem of the statue of comfort women, which was established near the consulate of japan in busan city, south korea. bronze sculpture as high as 1.5 meters is a picture of a young woman sitting on a bench barefoot. the statue commonly known as with pyeonghwabi. pyeonghwabi built as a symbol of the injustice experienced by the victims of the comfort women from korea and became a symbol of the struggle of the victims to obtain a formal apology and compensation from japan. the statue was first installed in 2011 in a demonstration activist to mark the anniversary of 1000 years of colonization carried out by the japanese. the action was held to gather an apology and compensation from japan, which is conducted every wednesday. this action is known as the wednesday demonstration. activists of south korea put the statue in busan on december 28, 2017 as a form of protest against the deal comfort women deal have been made without involving the victims, in which japan apologized and promised to provide 1 billion yen or equivalent to idr 114 trillion as compensation for the victims of the "sex slaves" from korea (bbc, 2019). the statue of comfort women was built to commemorate the victims, they were forced to work in brothels by the japanese military in world war ii era. however this action is only considered as the wind past by the japanese. japan argues that the statue built in front of the office of the embassy of japan has violated the treaties between the two countries in the process of completing the issue of women even in the era of the second world war (.christiastuti , 2019). japan claim that the statue that was erected outside the embassy in seoul was illegal because it violated the vienna convention 1961, which states that the host country must protect the premises of diplomatic missions. therefore japan decided to withdraw its representative for a few months from south korea. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 187 japanese restrictions on export of commodity semiconductors in south korea great anxiety that other will be facing south korea is a shortage of components manufacture of electronic equipment. the problem is, most of the components and material required is very dependent on japan. on the contrary, south korean products imported to japan is not so have added value or is important. the impact is also believed to be spread to other industrial sectors. the tension and hostility the two countries started on 1 july, when japan announced the export ban 3 chemicals to south korea, namely, fluorinated polimides, fotoresist and hydrogen fluoride. the third of these chemicals is an important commodity for south korea to manufacture semiconductor products. based on data from un comtrade, commodity semiconduktor used for the purpose of production of electronic equipment is inserted into the hs code 8486 and 8541. in 2018, total exports products hs 8486 is obtained to us$ 79,48 billion, of which around 12% are exported to japan, and about 8% are exported from south korea. then total exports products hs 8541 valued at us$ 74,57 billion, about 31% were sent from japan and 11% are exported from south korea. the two companies, the technology giant of south korea's samsung electronics co. and sk hynix inc., bear the burden of the restrictions japan. shares of samsung fell 2%, while sk hynix 3%. semiconductors made in korea have a panic attack. according to the data of customs service of korea, the export of the south during the first 20 days down to 14% from a year earlier. semiconductor sales fall 30%, when exports to china, the largest buyer for the goods south korea, slumping 19% compared with june. south korea not only distressed sanctions from japan, but is also affected by the trade war between the u.s. and china. the south korean economy relies on exports of electronics declined during the last eight months which resulted in a decrease in demand for chips global. the cause is because the offer from china declined sharply to cause the price to fall obliquely. south korea is home to semiconductor products giant companies as suppliers 61% of the components used in the manufacture of the chip global. therefore, if the two countries do not cooperate with each other well, it's not possible the east asian region will experience the shock of a feud the two countries, which benefitted is china that will be the only great power that is stable in the region. in addition, both countries will also seek the help of other parties that will make the u.s. fires to see the two countries allies actually arguing. the rescission of currency swap in 2011, the constitutional court of south korea calling for accountability for the crimes of the military carried out by japanese related “comfort women” (hiromichi, 2019). however, japan and south korea resulted in an impasse in finding a solution to this problem. this issue occurs because the south korean president, lee myung-bak, visited the island dispute, namely the island of takeshima / dokdo to invite the anger of the japanese government who feel the island is its sovereign territory in 2012. this resulted in the desire of japan to decide on a bilateral agreement related to the foreign exchange (currency swap) with south korea in 2012. a bilateral agreement has been carried out since 2001 under the agreement the multilateral chiang mai initiative. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 188 japan agreed to provide $ 10 billion u.s. to south korea and increased to $ 70 billion us in 2011 (mukoyama, 2019). however, since the issue of territorial conflict dokdo/takeshima back in 2012, relations between japan and south korea are getting worse and evidenced by the decline in the number of currency swap amounted to $54 billion us to $13 billion. in the end, japan decided to let this agreement be the expiry as a form of economic sanctions against south korea in the year 2015. currency swap is the exchange of foreign currency as the currency of reference performed by 2 or more countries. currency swap is usually done to avoid any risk or loss of trade or economic activity of international (das, 1994). since 2007, the central bank began to initiate to do the swap both bilaterally and multilaterally. currency swap is expected to protect the central bank or the activities of the international economics, such as international trade from the risk of uncertainty or fluctuations in the value of the currency. japan and south korea are also conducting bilateral swaps against the yen (japan's currency) and the won (south korea). it is going to see increasing foreign investment and make the investor do the agreement currency swap to avoid foreign exchange risk. foreign exchange risk means the losses obtained by the company due to the difference in damages against the depreciation of a foreign currency values. in addition, the agreement of currency swap can happen because the parties who made the agreement have the need to borrow foreign currency in order not to experience a currency loss when the domestic currency experienced a devaluation. boycott flight service and tourism to japan korean air lines co., ltd. (kal) is one of the few airlines with a four-star rating from skytrax with 1,150 destinations of the flight in more than 175 countries specific 12 destination city towards japan (korean air, 2020). however, kal will now suspend flights to busan, south korea to sapporo, japan. these steps have been carried out from 3 december 2019. a decrease in demand occurs due to the tapering of his dissension between japan and south korea. this feud has been pushing a boycott that extends to the products and services of japan. a spokesman for korean air said it is considering to reduce the number of flights and advises users to switch to a smaller plane starting in mid-august 2019. whereas tourists from korea is the second biggest visitors to japan after china. not only kal, the airline that has the predicate affordable cost, i.e., t'way water will stop the flights regular from south korea to the 3 airports on the island of kyushu, japan. even the city government of busan has issued a statement that will terminate the exchange program with japan (hasugian, 2020). according to data from the japan national tourism organization (jnto), last year the number of visit reach of 24.2% (respati, 2020). now, south korean tourists visiting japan have fallen by about 58% in september on an annual basis. data last month showed the picture is more bleak because of the number of overseas visitors fell for the second time in the last 6 years, pulled down by a decline of 48% of the tourists from south korea. when tokyo will host the 2020 olympics, but it seems like the number of visitors will not be according to the target of 40 million visitors expected by prime minister shinzo abe. in addition to the airlines, the owners of the business environment journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 189 also felt a great loss. the island of kyushu, is a popular destination weekend in between pick korea because of easy access only by ferry or airline of low cost. as a result, the tourism business has now decreased to 80% from the previous year. boycott products from japan japan refused to recognize the export restrictions that it does is a result of south korea that ask for compensation of japan for his war crimes. unfortunately koreans do not fully believe and participate in reply to boycott japanese products in korea. anti japan sentiment in south korea encourages the boycott movement broadly against products and services originating from japan products such as beer, clothing and services, travel agency, korean people, both consumers and business owners agreed not to use it. the owner of a supermarket in south korea start boycotting japanese products after relations between the two countries is increasingly tenuous (saputra, 2020). one of the owners of the supermarket named cho min-hyuk began to withdraw japanese products from the shelves of his store after tokyo imposed restrictions on exports to south korea. chou, who manages purunemart supermarket with an area of 1,500 sq. m in seoul with more than 200 supermarkets and grocery stores in other states voluntary action against the japanese. two department store top cu and gs25 in south korea run by bgf retail gs, said sales of japanese beer each fall 21.5% and 24.2%, in the first two weeks of the month november from the previous month. the foundation culture of hongcheon, organizers of the beer festival even cancel the order of 1.2 tons of kirin beer(saputra, 2020). whereas, the brand accounted for one-tenth the revenue from the event. according to euromonitor, south korea buy the 61 percent of japanese beer, spend 7.9 billion yen ($1 trillion) in 2018(saputra, 2020). asahi super dry is a brand of japanese beer most popular in south korea, with sales three-fold in the last five years. shopping center lotte said they stop airing a tv ad for a tour package to japan because they expect bad results. fashion brand "fast retailing" japan, uniqlo, which sells clothes with a value of approximately 140 billion yen (6.6% of revenues) in the 186 store south korea also participated in the boycott(saputra, 2020). not only pemboikot products of daily needs, residents of south korea also agreed to reduce the use of automotive products from japan. data about association of suppliers and distributors automotive korea (kaida) release toyota motor sales falling 32% compared with a year ago. meanwhile, honda's sales decreased by 34%. south korea boycott of japanese cars like toyota, honda, and nissan. data released kaida, sales of japanese cars in august, down 57% and can only sell 1,400 units. this condition is proportional inversely with european cars, where sales actually increased significantly. while the original brand from south korea, such as hyundai holds a 70% share of the market (cnn, 2020). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 190 conclusion the relationship of south korea with japan has been established for more than 70 years, but the relationship of the two countries is not good. the problem of comfort women continues to haunt the two countries makes each country is reluctant to make peace. comfort women who were victims of the second world war are still demanding the rights that they deserve. japan continues to try to apologize, but continue to do things contrary to the wishes of the victim. japan also has the two great powers in the country, the strength of the right who agree – just agree to apologize and the stronghold of the opposition is vehemently opposed to the idea of making the japanese government also can not act with certainty. the united states as the country of the allies of both countries also contribute to help the peace of the two countries by making it as a mediator's negotiation settlement of the issue of comfort women is. here are some of the impacts caused by the breach of the agreement in the field of economics to lead to a second trade war: a. japan drew representatives of the country of south korea as the ambassador and other officials because it considers south korea has made the situation not safe and convenient for the representatives of his country. b. japanese restrictions on export commodities semiconductors towards the south korea, although japan says the policy is taken not because of the issue of comfort women, but the decision taken coincides with the situation after the japanese got demands redress. south korea is furious because the japanese mix up the political and economic problems did not stay silent and come to remove japan from the list of white within the boundaries of the compromise of import and export transactions international business other. c. japan and south korea decided to postpone the cooperation of currency swap which was originally to be built reset to the second state in the face of global competition in the east asian region. d. south koreans do a boycott of japanese products, although the government already tries to control the tense situation, but the majority of south koreans doing the movement itself. the boycott carried out, among others, is to not use products from japan such as uniqlo, pens, vehicle, and all goods of daily needs. now south koreans prefer the domestic product. even the alliance of supermarkets in south korea to come as well as not to trade buy japanese products. e. citizens of south korea do boycott the services of tourism services. korean airlines along with several other airlines decided to limit the flight to japan, there are even airlines which closes the regular flight to japan. business tourism is also doing the same thing, the citizens of south korea who reduce the attractions in japan make a lot of hassle and provider of travel services in japan suffered losses, especially in the regions of kyushu, japan. various ways have been done, including the promotion to other regions, but south korea precisely busan is the closest to kyushu and most of the visitors are from busan. so the owners of the inn suffered a loss that is quite severe up to 80% if compared to the previous year. however deadlocked to produce a new agreement. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 191 the two countries finally decided to suspend the matter for the sake of the face of a global threat that is currently happening due to the problems of nuclear and the threat of the corona virus that spread globally to weaken the world economy. references anandtech (2019), “japan’s ministry approves shipments of industrial chemicals to south korea”, retrieved august 27, 2019, from https://www.anandtech.com/show/14730/japans-ministry-approves-shipments-ofindustrial-chemicals-to-south-korea on argibay, carmen m. 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(2002). japanese comforter: sexual slavery and prostitution during world war ii and us occupation. psychology press. tselichtchev, ivan (2019)"why can’t japan and south korea get past their battle scars?" retrieved november 9, 2019, from https://www.scmp.com/weekasia/geopolitics/article/2141313/why-cant-japan-and-south-korea-get-past-theirbattle-scars wi tack-whan and chang iou-chung, (2019) “1965 korea-japan agreement should be re-estimated”, retrieved november 9, 2019, from http://www.korea.net/newsfocus/history/view?articleid=134245 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 193 youn, myoung – sook. (2008). controversies surrounding the question of the japanese army’s comfort stations and ‘comfort women in hyun dae-song (ed), the historical perceptions of korea and japan, nanam publishing house. yudha saputra, eka (2020) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 3, august, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 194 . “warga korea selatan boikot produk jepang”, retrieved january 2, 2020, from https://dunia.tempo.co/read/1226401/warga-korea-selatan-boikot-produk-jepang journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 291 trends of sadfishing phenomenon and disappearance of self-privacy on social media tiktok annisa putri ramadhani, citra eka putri, radja erland hamzah university of prof. dr. moestopo (beragama), jakarta, indonesia citraputri@dsn.moestopo.ac.id abstract: content creators are competing to increase viewers and enter the tiktok homepage or commonly known as fyp (for your page). the existence of this fyp encourages content creators to start doing something that makes their tiktok account viral, one of which is creating sad content or sadfishing. sadfishing has become a trend where this trend occurs because artists, actors or even ordinary characters share unimportant sadness to get the attention of many people so that they will feel satisfied and are encouraged to continue to sell their sad stories to bring fame. this study uses the basic concept of sadfishing and dramatism theory. the approach in this research is qualitative with case study research method. the data collection technique was carried out by in-depth interviews. the data analysis technique uses a method that is carried out in three stages, namely: data reduction, data presentation, and conclusions or verification as a technique for compiling research. the results show that influencers who own tiktok accounts share sadness or sadfishing because of the "trend" insistence on tiktok social media in order to gain sympathy and empathy, content creators will increasingly look for ways to keep their content liked by many people. the point of it all is that they just want to go viral and be famous. keywords: sadfishing, self-privacy, social media, tiktok. submission : may, 23rd 2022 revision : june 19th 2022 publication : august 30th 2022 introduction information obtained from the databox of telephone, internet and social media users according to wearesocial (2019), the population in indonesia is 268.2 million users, while telephone users are quite high at 355.5 million users, this contains telephone users higher than the population itself. . the use of mobile phones to access the internet is 150 million users, the internet is also used to open social media or around, and those who open social media actively are about 150 million users or 56%. then it went up coupled with social media users using cellphones reaching up to 130 million users or about 48% of users of the total population (databoks.katadata.co.id, 2019). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 292 figure 1. indonesian phone, internet, social media user data in 2019 source: (databoks.katadata.co.id, 2019) it can be said that in indonesia almost all people use cell phones and use the internet. from the internet, most of its functions are used to access social media, so it is not surprising that indonesia occupies the third largest position in the use of social media in the world. in technology and communications, social media use in asia has grown 21 year over year, with 482 million new users signing up during 2016. only five countries accounted for more than half of that growth: china (with 134 million new social media users over the past year). ), india (+55 million), indonesia (+27 million), usa (+22 million), and brazil (+19 million) (technicasia, 2017) (amaritasari & pangestu, 2020). social media today has a major impact on the development of the era, the more people who use social media, the more issues or problems that occur. social media is a media platform, one of which focuses on the existence of social media users who facilitate them in their activities and collaboration. therefore, social media can be seen as an online facility that binds so that it can strengthen between one user and another as well as a social bond. social media invites anyone who is interested in certain content to participate and provide feedback in the form of likes, shares or comments. usually the information provided spreads faster in cyberspace (w. s. r. putri et al., 2016). the rapid development of technology brings the reality of today's social features in various phases and stages that challenge many aspects of people's lives in terms of security, privacy, communication, interaction, and trust. opinions and narratives can be manipulated and mislead (amaritasari & pangestu, 2020). tiktok is a short video social media platform supported with a variety of music. the music is usually used for dance, role playing or as a video background. users are encouraged to imagine freely and include their expression freely, the content created can be shared with friends or the whole world. tiktok itself is claimed to use a facial recognition method at high speed which will suggest attractive facial features, cute, cool, silly and embarrassing expressions (annur, 2021). tiktok social media is a medium that is currently being widely used by all ages from small children, teenagers, and even the elderly. tiktok itself is a medium that can convey information in the form of audio or visual with a certain duration, in using tiktok social media users will be busy creating creativity or something new so that it can be seen by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 293 the public. not only creativity but users tend to share sadness in their tiktok account, which is the goal to get people's attention or what can be called viral. media content is part of information and news published using media platforms (bahanan, 2020). the trend of "sadfishing" or what is called the trend of sharing sadness on social media is where social media users create charms to provoke reactions, comments or sympathy by posting sad things and sharing sad stories (c. e. putri et al., 2020). when there are features in their posts, they will make those who see the content give sympathy by liking or commenting on the post (health, 2020). this sadfishing phenomenon aims to actualize feelings of disappointment, anger or deep sadness in order to attract the attention of many people on social media, with specific goals such as going viral and getting sympathy (c. e. putri et al., 2020). in general, tiktok social media users use their creativity to get attention in the form of tiktok likes and comments. however, there is currently a lot going on with the trend of expressing sadness to get attention as well as sympathy from other users. as social media develops, it turns out that more and more people are using this method to increase followers and viewers of the content they create. when tiktok social media became popular in indonesia, it turned out that social media was the main target for creating sadfishing content, from telling stories of sadness due to family problems, friendships, romantic relationships, to infidelity. as an example of the "sadfishing" phenomenon that occurred in one of the content from the @geminiexpert and @fannyagustinalisdian tiktok accounts, the account created one of the content that indulged in sadness and had a viewer count of up to 5.6 m, thus making the number of followers increase drastically and get likes and comments in the form of sympathy. the @geminiexpert account tells of her personal problems on tiktok social media because of getting bad treatment from her ex-husband during their marriage, the @geminixpert account tells in the content that during dating the ex-husband was never rude and treated his lover very well, however, when he decided to marry everyone started to change from verbal and non-verbal violence all experienced by the @geminiexpert account and all these stories were poured into one of the content on tiktok social media. another example is the @fannyagustinalisdian account which creates content related to his sadness because his late father left him, where in the content the @fannyagustinalisdian account makes poetry and then reads it and is accompanied by quite sad music. in the poem the @fannyagustinalisdian account says that he misses his father very much because his beloved father has lived for 13 years and says that the @fannyagustinalisdian account must live life without a father. this content is enough to get the attention of other tiktok accounts, which is getting more than 500 views. issues in social media are a negative factor for social media, at this time social media users are not only teenagers but children, housewives and the elderly participate in using social media, problems in social media are detected from how negative comments thrown at user accounts and there are also posts that tell them they have experienced violence both in the real world and on social media. social media makes users very interested, especially teenagers, they use social media to provide information related to their personal data, such as photos, home addresses, school addresses or even personal content, social media is considered less attention to the privacy issue of its users (widianingsih, 2018). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 294 social media platforms provide analogue society with the ability to reach a global audience, and are instrumental in connectivity tools to seek information, socialize, and influence, unfortunately it also provides openings for breaches of privacy and security of users' personal data (revilia & irwansyah, 2020). talking about privacy or self-limitation, the presence of social media and discourses on privacy are complex things in indonesia, especially without the concept of private space that exists in an offline context. moreover, with the existence of self-polymediation, which refers to the practice of multiplication of one's self in social media channels, where we and our reality are fragmented in many spaces at once (herbig, herrmann & tyma, 2015) in (fandia, 2020). self-polymediation is when we have many accounts in one social media channel, or use many social media, so that we are divided into these social media channels, thus the context of our privacy that we share in that social media channel is getting wider and wider. , social media users are increasingly unaware of posting their privacy stories to bring fame on social media or what we usually know as viral. as for some of the previous studies that the researcher took as reference material as follows, the first research related to sadfishing was taken from a journal entitled “sadfishing phenomenon of #justiceforaudrey (hashtag) on twitter” (c. e. putri et al., 2020). this study analyzes the sadfishing phenomenon named audrey, who is a teenager who shares sad content on social media claiming to be the victim of the beating of 12 high school students. in this case, many people are deceived because it is easy to believe before the real information is revealed. the police said that audrey was declared to have no bruises including any "vital" organs, then the public started trending with the hashtag that previously #saveaudrey became #justiceforaudrey. this proves that the internet can spread information quickly whether it is true or false. in just a matter of seconds an event will be easily spread, with the addition of this sadfishing phenomenon that is increasingly rampant without being realized by indonesian teenagers. they think social media is a place to create personal content that can attract the attention and compassion of many people in the hope that it will go viral. another previous research that supports this research is "analysis of social media phenomena and millennials: a tiktok case study". the purpose of this study is to show young people that social media, which is commonly known as a medium for seeking entertainment, can be a medium that can provide many positive things such as a source of information or a business area. in addition, this application can also provide space for anyone who wants to be creative in expressing themselves or developing creativity. that what teenagers do to their social media or tiktok is something that should be the responsibility of the teenagers themselves, both negatively and positively, because in this case tiktok has given users the freedom to become "content creators" making music, movements, and even educational content. to make users more creative (saputra et al., 2020) in this era of technological advancements, people tend to try to attract the attention of the audience, whatever and in any way they try to give the best charm of their life's problems in social media. there is a trend like this that makes researchers interested in discussing this trend, the researcher takes a case from one of the content created by the @geminiexpert and @fannyagustinalisdian accounts which contains content that indulges in sadness. the tiktok account has uploaded content that should be the privacy journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 295 of the account owner. the researcher wants to find out about the trend carried out by the @geminiexpert and @fannyagustinalisdian accounts in creating sadfisihing content and why these accounts choose tiktok as a medium for creating sadfishing content and what are the limitations of their privacy when they upload content about their life problems on social media. based on the explanation above, the researcher is interested in analyzing the sadfishing trend phenomenon and disappearance of the value of personal privacy on tiktok social media, the researcher wants to know and analyze the trend of the sadfishing phenomenon on the personal privacy value of tiktok social media users. method the research paradigm used in this study is the term constructivism by littlejohn used to describe a theory which states that each individual interprets something and behaves according to the conceptual categories of his mind. reality does not just appear in raw form but must be filtered according to one's perspective on every thing that exists (littlejohn, 1999) in (semiawan, 2010). constructivists believe that in order to know the "world of meaning", they must interpret. they must also investigate the process of meaning formation that appears in the language or social actions of actors (schwandt, 2015). the approach in this research is qualitative in (albi anggito, 2018). qualitative is defined as a methodology that provides various tools in understanding deep meaning related to complex phenomena and processes in the practice of social life (denzin and lincoln) in (brady, 2015). another definition was also revealed by strauss and corbin (2017) that qualitative research is a type of research whose findings are not obtained through statistical procedures or other forms of calculation. the type of research in this study is descriptive (rukajat, 2018). descriptive method is a method in researching the status of human groups, an object, a set of conditions, a system of thought or a class of events in the present. the purpose of descriptive research is to make a systematic, factual and accurate description, picture or painting of the existing facts, nature and relationships between the phenomena being investigated. descriptive characteristics not only describe situations or events, but also explain relationships, examiners, hypotheses, make predictions and get the meaning and implications of a problem to be solved. in collecting research data using interview techniques, with several written questions that have been prepared and interview guides. the method in this research uses case studies in which researchers explore certain cases in more depth by involving the collection of various sources of information (semiawan, 2010). with this method, the researcher explores the related systems or cases. an interesting case to study because of the distinctive features of the case that have meaning in other people (creswell, 2015). the researcher explores the specificity and complexity of a single case and seeks to understand the case in a particular context, situation and time (patton, 2002). the object of this research is sadfishing on tiktok social media. while the subject of this research is the owner of the tiktok account @geminiexpert and the owner of the tiktok account @fannyagustinalisdian and adds to the data validity technique in the form of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 296 triangulation of sources by interviewing experts or experts who become supporting informants, namely social media experts and psychologists. the most important step in conducting this research is data collection. with data collection, researchers used several techniques to complete and deepen the subject to be studied. in qualitative research, data collection is carried out in natural settings, primary data sources, and data collection techniques are more on participatory observation, indepth interviews, and documentation (sugiyono, 2015). result sadfishing trend on tiktok influencer social media currently, social media has become a place to express themselves in various ways, in this social media people are free to express themselves to create jokes, educational content and artificial dramas as well as personal lives, content creators or what can be called content creators. similar to the definition related to social media, namely social media platforms that focus on the existence of users to facilitate users to collaborate. what is being loved by school children, teenagers and even the elderly is the tiktok social media application, where the tiktok application gives its users the freedom to make the best use of the tiktok application. as stated in the cmc theory, communication is involved between technologies, the technology used is social media as a medium and tiktok as a forum for expressing content creators. many of the content creators are competing to increase viewers and enter the tiktok homepage or commonly known as fyp (for your page). the existence of this fyp encourages content creators to start doing something that makes their tiktok account viral, one of which is creating sad content or sadfishing. from what researchers have researched on the @geminiexpert account creating content by sharing sadness through tiktok social media, one of the tiktok content from @geminiexpert tells of the domestic violence treatment that her ex-husband got from physical to mental violence. the tiktok account @geminiexpert has not explained why it only uses tiktok as a forum for creating the content, whereas according to the researcher's analysis that @geminiexpert has other social media such as instagram, but @geminiexpert does not create similar content on his instagram, in instagram @geminiexpert only photos of himself and also his son, in contrast to his tiktok social media from the results of the analysis of the @geminiexpert account researchers continue to create content that contains sadness or sadfishing such as strengthening himself through a 15-60 second video in the form of writing combined with photos of children from @geminiexpert and always discussing the destruction of the house stairs caused by a third person and domestic violence. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 297 figure 2. @geminiexpert sadfishing content with 6.7m views (source: @geminiexpert, 2021) however, the tiktok account @geminiexpert denies that the content it creates contains sadfishing, @geminiexpert says that the account does not act sadfishing. from the sadfishing concept that is used, which is to share their sad stories through stories to share their feelings of sadness, they actually have other intentions and goals, for example to get more attention and also to go viral. the owner of the @geminiexpert account said that tiktok's content was created to be a lesson for teenagers to think more about careers than love. according to the researcher's analysis, the statement from the @geminiexpert account contradicts the researcher's analysis in its content. the @geminiexpert account made stories on tiktok containing sad content or what is called sadfishing because the content created by @geminiexpert reached 6.7 m viewers and made an increase in followers of 28.3k followers (figure 2). it can be said that content that smells of sadness is able to invite a lot of sympathy and compassion from other social media users, so that many content creators sell their willingness to go viral, they even put aside their limitations or privacy that they post on social media, some of them too. they don't feel they are selling their sadness, they argue that they share their experiences of failure so that other social media users can learn from the failure. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 298 figure 3. sadfishing content with high viewers and viral on youtube (source: youtube, 2021) from the viral content, @geminiexpert was invited into grite agatta's youtube podcast to tell about the domestic violence experienced by the account owner. after the content went viral, the @geminiexpert account continued to create content related to the violence she experienced and also always made content related to her child where each post had a large number of 11 thousand viewers (figure 3). so it can be said that the sadfishing content produced is able to attract many followers and views as a form of support for compassion and sympathy. the bad impact of going viral with sad content will result in an increase in the encouragement of lies to create new sadness and be sold on social media to get more attention and sympathy from other social media users. dramatism in tiktok content in dramatism it is said that humans are actors who are very difficult to predict because humans play their roles by using their actions, scenes that are performed, actual events or not and use these events as motivation to act, as for indicators in dramatism theory; first, act. in the view of materialism, it is explained that all the facts in the researcher's analysis are that the actions taken by @geminiexpert and @fannyagustinalisdian are to create content that gives a touch of sadness value, to bring sympathy and compassion from many people. sometimes the sad content he creates contains dramatic elements, for example the @fannyagustinalisdian account makes poetry as a form of longing for his late father. so that many difficult problems for him when his father was not there were revealed through the tiktok content, from the results of in-depth interviews with sources, one of fanny's goals in making the content was actually because she wanted to get support from her late father's family and many other social media users. second, forming a scene, this content from @geminiexpert gets a scene of attention from other tiktok users in addition to the attention of content created by @geminiexpert getting enough viewers so that the owner of the account can be invited into content from youtuber gritte agatha. because she was able to tell her domestic violence case with her ex-husband, showing scenes of commotion and even uploading the contents of her exhusband's angry text into her tiktok content. the third is the selection of the agent position, the agent according to pentad dramatism is the person who takes the action, the person who takes the action in the @geminiexpert journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 299 content is shella as the owner of the @geminiexpert account. where shella is a person who feels the violence perpetrated by her ex-husband and spit it out on social media tiktok. then the person who takes action in the @fannyagustinalisdian account is the owner of the account itself named fanny, fanny said that the content created was purely by herself. to give a sadfishing charm, fanny deliberately spit out her protracted sadness over the loss of her father on tiktok social media. fourth, namely the agency. the agency in this dramatism pentad is the methods used to complete the action, in this case what is done by the @geminiexpert account in its content provides an article that tells the experience that he felt before marriage was different from the experience after marriage, then @geminiexpert showed the violence committed by the former her husband by providing photo slides, chat evidence, damaged items due to blows or encouragement by the ex-husband, then showing that the owner of the @geminiexpert account was injured and treated at the hospital due to violence by her exhusband and there is a photo where the account owner's conversation @ geminiexpert with his friend that he will report to the police station because he was physically beaten and also feels that he is already badly hurt mentally. meanwhile, what the owner of the @fannyagustinalisdian account does is where fanny expresses her longing for her late father through a poem she wrote and read by fanny and accompanied by quite sad music, fanny also does not hesitate to post her family problems related to her father's death earlier. fifth, purpose. according to the @geminiexpert account, the purpose of creating this content is to educate women, what they feel during marriage is wrong, and to let them know that career is more important than love. according to him, making vt (video tiktok) is not to get followers/viewers. but to share experiences and lessons that the future is more important than love” (shella, 13 june 2021) in this case shella wants to educate tiktok users. however, the analysis from the researcher is that this is in stark contrast to what shella did, due to the fact that shella continues to produce sadfishing or sadness content that she experienced one year ago into her tiktok content, even shella seems not to think about her boundaries or the value of privacy in her personal problems. in fact, there is a lot of content that contains high privacy values that are deliberately displayed on her tiktok in the form of documentation of chats with her ex-husband, documentation of violence and injuries that she received, to documentation of when she was fighting with her husband. then the owner of the @fannyagustinalisdian account has the goal of getting a response from the father's family and at the same time pouring out his longing through the sad content created, but the researcher analyzes that fanny only wants to create content to attract viewers' attention and excessive sympathy and sadness, even though the father has passed away 13 years ago, but the sad content continues to be produced to get the satisfaction of the support and attention of many other tiktok social media users. discussion self privacy limits of sadfishing phenomenon on social media tiktok to deepen the data obtained by the researchers, the researchers used the source triangulation technique together with the account owners @geminiexpert and @fannyagustinalisdian as resource persons from the owners of the sadfishing content. in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 300 the analysis of this research, it is also necessary to support from the point of view of social media observers and psychologist counselors as a way to strengthen the data found in the field. there are things that were found by the researcher where the researcher considered that the account studied by the researcher had done sadfishing by sharing the content of sadness experienced by the owner of the account, through the results of content analysis and also the results of interviews with the owner of the account. spreading sadness on social media is no longer impossible, until finally expressing sadness can be said to be a trend where almost all content creators make posts related to the sadness they experience. sadfishing has become a trend where this trend occurs because artists, actors or even characters share unimportant sadness, to get the attention of many people so that they will feel satisfied and are encouraged to continue to sell their sad stories to bring fame. in the content analysis that the researcher did, that sadfishing is indeed a trend and the goal is the same to get attention, the @geminiexpert account denied that he was doing sadfishing, however, from the content about violence experienced by the account, it can be seen that almost everything that is personal and private is shared. as sadfishing content, such as chat results, photos of fights, photos of violence with ex-husbands to third people who are the reason for divorce, of course this should be a fairly personal problem and doesn't need to be posted on tiktok social media. furthermore, the @fannyagustinalisdian account which revealed that he wanted to get attention from his late father's family who never knew him, opened up family problems related to his father's death so that it was also seen as a form of expressing sadness on social media. in the content that the researcher analyzes that the @geminiexpert account gets a lot of viewers so that the account gets endorsed from several brands to enter gritte agatha's youtube, for the @fannyagustinalisdian account it doesn't have too many followers but there is an increase in followers and it can be seen that the two accounts that posted sadness can be said to be successful and get a lot of attention from other social media users. social media observers state that their desire to become an influencer is very possible and many people find it difficult to identify who is truly sad and who is just trying to gain sympathy by doing sadfishing. from the analysis that the researchers did, tiktok social media is the main choice for creating sad content or sadfishing where the content is always entered on the homepage or fyp (for your page) and gets quite a lot of sympathy from its users. the tiktok application facilitates features to create sadfishing content and is not only viral because of tiktok but viral because the content is shared to other social media. in social media, especially tiktok, many use sadfishing as a charm to get sympathy from the public, so many artists do this, they do sadfishing because of the lack of identification of social media users so it is difficult to distinguish content that is really sad or just pretending to be sad to do sadfishing. , negative comments do not prevent them from being famous. they are even willing to sell their personal problems to be known by many people on social media. so it is difficult to distinguish between reality and facts. people have been flooded with information or posts that are sadfishing too often so that people no longer easily believe that this is factual, this is something real and does need help or requires sympathy, so this mocking comment occurs on a post that should journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 301 respond to this really sympathetic. finally something that really asked for help was not achieved, because of that we were already flooded with sadfishing. so that it can affect the mentality of the post creator, for example being bullied, that will not happen if we understand whether it requires sympathy or help. factors of social media users doing sadfishing on tiktok sadfishing can affect the mentality and attitude of the sadfishing content creator so that it can cause anxiety and loss of confidence if it doesn't match their expectations, this is also approved by psychologists. the owner of the @fannyagustinalisdian account is getting attention and also new friends for uploading the post, so fanny doesn't have to worry about the problems fanny is facing. in this case the psychologist also confirms that it is not always negative things that are accepted but there are positive things as well. if sadfishing is used as an excuse as self-expression or expressing emotions on social media or an expression of longing as fanny said, then there is no need to share things that should be private, there are many ways to vent emotions on social media. in this study, researchers compared the two tiktok accounts that were sadfishing or sharing sadness, there were several factors that accounted owners were sadfishing. first, there is a desire to get sympathy and empathy. the owner of the tiktok account @geminiexpert has experienced violence from loved ones, but when he doesn't get that attention and instead gets bad treatment or domestic violence, the @geminiexpert account finally tries to get sympathy and empathy through social media, especially tiktok. meanwhile, tiktok account user @fannyagustinalisdian also did the same thing to get attention. fanny very clearly said that creating this content was so that her late father's younger brother cares more about fanny, so that is what underlies fanny to create sadfishing content. second, because he wants his story to be widely known to the public, the tiktok @geminiexpert account has its main goal so that teenagers don't feel what the owner of the account feels and should care more about career than love. it's the same as what fanny did where fanny did this so that the wider community knew that she was feeling longing for her late father and also wanted to tell the family of fanny's late father that she really missed a father figure. third, wanting to be known by the wider community in order to attract more attention on social media in the form of viewers and followers. the owner of the @geminiexpert account continues to create content that is confusing and also contains sadness by provoking the audience to feel curious and sympathetic (out of pity). the bitterness he experienced and got quite a lot of followers and viewers, namely 38.03k followers and reaching 6.7m viewers. the @fannyagustinalisdian account also achieved the same thing where fanny is a new user who started with 17 followers and also few viewers, but the poetry content about her late father got quite a lot of viewers for new users, namely 218 viewers while fanny's followers rose from 17 followers to 83 followers after the content was posted and until now continues to rise. although there is no statement that the goal is to get followers and viewers, from the results of the analysis it can be seen that the @fannyagustinslidian and @geminiexpert accounts created the content with such intent and purpose. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 302 fourth, there is a desire to go "viral" or enter the fyp (for your page), the @geminiexpert account deliberately creates the content not only to educate but also wants to be known and can go "viral" because of the stories from the content created by the @geminiexpert account. is a story that is quite old, but only recently revealed this to the social media tiktok. telling stories and recalling experiences that they think are painful are inappropriate, according to researchers, supported by psychologists' statements because they will only add to the burden on oneself and can damage the mind. the tiktok account @fannyagustinalisdian also just expressed his longing after 14 years fanny lost her father and expressed her longing only through tiktok social media, according to researchers that this was not good. there are other ways to express longing for his late father, for example by praying for him or remembering his father's kindness. of the two tiktok accounts, there are differences in the use of sadfishing, where the @geminiexpert account gets more sympathy, empathy, is better known and viral. this is different from the @fannyagustinalisdian account where the account is a new user who gets sympathy and empathy but not as much as @geminiexpert because according to the researcher's analysis the levels of sadfishing use are different and also seen from tiktok social media that cases of violence or domestic violence get more attention than cases that experienced by @fannyagustinalisdian. not all things that use sadfishing can provoke the public for sympathy and empathy, but the use of sadfishing still gets a major position on tiktok social media because the use of sadfishing or expressing sadness can make the audience curious about the continuation of the story and also make the audience feel the sadness they feel. conclusion spreading sadness on social media is no longer impossible, until finally expressing sadness can be said to be a trend where almost all content creators make posts related to the sadness they experience. sadfishing has become a trend where this trend occurs because artists, actors or even ordinary characters share unimportant sadness, to get the attention of many people so that they will feel satisfied and are encouraged to continue to sell their sad stories to bring fame. sadfishing has indeed become a trend and the goal is the same to get attention, although there are those who deny that he is sadfishing, however, from the content about the violence experienced, it can be seen that almost everything that is personal and private is shared as sadfishing content, of course this should be a serious problem. quite private and does not need to be posted on tiktok social media. if sadfishing is used as an excuse as self-expression or expressing emotions on social media, then there is no need to share things that should be private, there are many ways to express emotions on social media. there are several factors that tiktok account owners do sadfishing, namely; a desire for sympathy and empathy; because he wants his story to be widely known by the public; want to be known by the wider community in order to attract more attention on social media in the form of viewers and followers; and the desire to go "viral" or enter the fyp (for your page). not all things that use sadfishing can provoke the public for sympathy and empathy, but the use of sadfishing still gets a major position on tiktok social media because the use of sadfishing or expressing sadness can make the audience curious about the continuation of the story and also make the audience feel the sadness they feel. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 303 references albi anggito, j. 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(2018). perilaku perlindungan privasi pada pengguna instagram di kalangan siswa sekolah menengah atas kota surabaya. jurnal.fisip, 2(59). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 304 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 154 social movements observations in virtual space towards tamansari residents’ eviction by the bandung city government (case study of the tamansari melawan community account on instagram) sekarwati,1 fathurahman saleh2, bilal sukarno3 1,2,3, upn veteran jakarta department of political science sekarwati@upnvj.ac.id , fathurahmans@upnvj.ac.id, bilals@upnvj.ac.id abstract; land evictions by the government against urban slums (slum areas) have become one of the dilemma problems commonly encountered in big cities. this dilemma occurs when the government tries to beautify urban areas. on the other hand, displaced communities feel their rights are deprived only for the benefit of the government alone. in line with this, some people who do not accept often put-up resistance and manifest it into a social movement. using the collective action frame theory of benford and snow, this paper tries to analyze one of the social movements in the case of land evictions that occurred, namely the tamansari melawan movement, as a form of resistance against the bandung city government. using ethnography studies, the data source referenced is tamansari melawan’s account on instagram social media, and analysis was conducted on 995 posts and comments and used scientific literature sources such as books, journals, articles, and other literature that can be accounted for. this paper concludes that the core framing task, namely the diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frame, has been found in the content of tamansari against account uploads such as the attachment of the narrative of injustice carried out by the bandung city government, the demands that must be met by the bandung city government, to the invitation to join the tamansari melawan movement. the reaction and community impact that arises from the framing carried out by tamansari melawan also varies, ranging from moral support, space activation, student action, and studies to donation assistance. keywords: social movement, rw 11 tamansari bandung, tamansari melawan, framing, social media. mailto:sekarwati@upnvj.ac.id mailto:fathurahmans@upnvj.ac.id mailto:bilals@upnvj.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 155 submission : january, 13th 2023 revision : march 24th 2022 publication : may 30th 2023 introduction indonesia, which has a high population, causes the need for space in various cities across indonesia to increase, where the space is usually used for trade or transactions, entertainment, and even a place to live. some of the aspects that cause this is the urbanization process, a series of urban development processes that includes the development of urban space, infrastructure, and demography and often ends in population concentration in a city. urbanization, which is said to be the town’s progress, has a significant impact on the people in the city itself, both in terms of politics, socio-culture, and the economy of the city community (henderson, 2003) . the urbanization process will gradually occur in linear line with technological developments that demand patterns of change in the structure of society. however, when the adaptive abilities of the people cannot accompany changes that are too fast, it will cause residues in the social structure in society, when the process of urbanization that was too fast was only made by and for a few circles. the method of urbanization that is exposed in a city in a third-world country is usually very full of capital interests, where the domination of urban spaces is under the hands of capitalists, who prioritize urban spaces as exchange value or exchange value, rather than use. value or use value. this condition eventually led to the emergence of urban slum areas (slum areas), which later conflicts over the management of slum settlements ended in evictions. according to the asian coalitions for housing rights in 2013, there has been some speculation regarding evictions in urban slum areas, including high urbanization, large-scale infrastructure projects, market power, efforts to beautify cities, to ineffective government regulations. (ramadhan, 2020). eviction conflicts against slum areas in various cities in indonesia itself are not a new phenomenon, which we can see from various evictions that have occurred in several cities such as jakarta, for example in the kampung pulo area, kampung akuarium, and so on, as if making this conflict an event. a similar phenomenon also occurs in the city of bandung, especially in the tamansari rw 11 area, where the bandung city government is trying to evict the area considered a slum that journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 156 will be replaced with a row house. one building, consisting of 160 types of 30 units, will be rented out to residents whose homes have been demolished. in addition, there is a larger hospital comprising 319 units of type 39, with better facilities, which will be rented out to the upper middle class. (kharisma, 2020). however, with the concept of a more luxurious rudet, of course, creates conflict among the tamansari community, where it seems that the government has made the area a place of business. some research that discusses the problem of tamansari evictions includes a journal entitled " konflik kepentingan lahan warga rw 11 tamansari dengan pemerintah kota bandung dalam kasus realisasi program rumah deret " by ali ar-ridho and ishartono and the journal "analysis of land dispute conflicts in the tamansari village area, bandung city using the conflict tree” by tella fahira and muhammad ferdyansyah from faculty of social and political sciences of university of padjajaran. the research above only focuses on the beginning of the conflict, and the settlements carried out by various actors involved such as ngos and legal aid in dealing with the eviction cases. the author of this study tries to focus on the actors involved in the tamansari social movement against the bandung city government. the tamansari social movement does not only move directly to the field with a hasty process to fight against the bandung city government but uses various strategies, one of which is by building movement framing, to invite the public to know the issue of evictions in-depth, to map conflicts between actors, to persuade people to join the social movement. this framing activity will later become the focus of the author's discussion in this study by adopting the concept of collective action frames from benford and snow. previous research that has discussed the concept of collective action frames such as the scientific journal by debbie goh and natalie pang entitled protesting singapore government: the role of collective action frame in social media mobilization, was published in 2015. by analyzing 1805 posts and comments on blogs and facebook, the journal concluded that the posts and comments contained various words representing diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frame aspects, and succeeded in mobilizing thousands of people to join the movement, but could not sustain the movement. the research that the author will present is undoubtedly different from previous research. this research tries to focus on the framing built by the instagram journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 157 account tamansari melawan with the account username @tamansarimelawan as the object of research regarding the eviction process of tamansari rw 11, bandung city. literature review collective action frames the concept of frames was first stated by goffman (1974) who called frames a “schema of interpretation” which allows individuals "to find, see, identify, and label" events in their living space and the world in general. frames help make events or incidents meaningful and thus organize experiences and guide action (benford & snow, 2000). from understanding these frames, benford and snow try to develop the concept of frames used in social movement studies. these collective action frames are part of the social movement organization (smo) process that seeks to mobilize community support for movement activities. (gahan & pekarek, 2013). benford and snow themselves stated that collective action frames are formed and are part of social movements, which contain a shared understanding of some problematic conditions or situations that they feel require a change, make attributions about who or what is to blame, articulate a series of alternative arrangements, and urge others to act together to achieve the change (benford & snow, 2000). collective action frames are formed by two characteristic features: the first concerns their movement orientation function which benford and snow call "core framing tasks", and the second refers to interactive and discursive processes that pay attention to core framing task tasks that can run well. the core framing task used by smo to build the framing has several aspects, namely the diagnostic frame, the prognostic frame, and the motivational frame. in the diagnostic frame, gamson (1982) refers to this aspect as an "injustice frame" where smo tries to build a framing of the injustices received by various parties from policies made and carried out by opponents or perpetrators of injustice. (benford & snow, 2000). according to benford and snow (2002), a diagnostic frame tries to present actions, social conditions, or aspects of life that are unjust and unbearable because they violate social, political, or religious morality standards. this aspect also tries to identify who is responsible for injustice, and some social movements often use journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 158 negative stereotypes against perpetrators of injustice and emphasize the material harm and emotional suffering caused by them. (goh & pang, 2015). in the aspect of the prognostic frame, smo tries to build a framing that contains a solution to an issue or problem that they carry and identify a strategy to implement it. diagnostic and prognostic frames are a bounded unit that aims to make smo gain support from the community. however, this process is, in fact, a contestation, where smo's opponents will also respond to the framing that has been built and aimed at them where benford and snow call this a "counter framing task", and it is the role of the media and public opinion that determines the contestation between both sides (gahan & pekarek, 2013). the last aspect is the motivational frame, in which smo tries to build framing to persuade people why they should join their movement. benford and snow refer to this aspect as a "call to arms", in which this aspect seeks to legitimize action, minimize costs and risks, and emphasize rewards and successful participation. the motivational frame consists of individual and collective agency sub-frames which involve the selection of vocabulary to encourage individuals to become aware of their shared identity and enhance their feelings of both personal and collective power. (goh & pang, 2015). in this study, the limitation of the concept of collective action frames from benford and snow is only to the core framing task which the researcher will later use to help explain the framing built by the tamansari melawan community movement on instagram social media against their opponent, the bandung city government. method this study uses the netnographic method from the internet and ethnography, which is an online-based method, by looking at computer-mediated communication (cmc), as a data source to arrive at ethnographic understanding and representation of cultural or communal phenomena. the use of the term netnography, in this case, tries to see the importance of computer-mediated communication in the cultural life of members of a community, to obtain data using data collection strategies to achieve online cultural understanding, and netnography has a uniquely adapted set of practices and procedures that journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 159 distinguish it from research. directly face-to-face (kozinets, 2010, pp. 60-62). various kinds of literature have discussed netnographic methods, such as christine hine who calls netnography virtual ethnography. hine said that virtual ethnography can be used to explore mediated interaction relationships. still, even though netnography is stated as a form of ethnographic adaptation, netnography does not have ethnographic originality which is rooted in direct face-to-face interaction and direct involvement in the field. but according to kozinets, when netnography is used correctly, it can provide researchers with an overview of objects’ natural behavior, such as communal discussions, which can then carry out collaborative participation and member interviews, to increase the understanding of the data findings. regarding the netnographic method, kozinets stated that several steps must be followed in using the netnographic method, including: (i) definitions of research questions, social sites, or topics to investigate; (ii) community identification and selection; (iii) community participant-observation (engagement, immersion) and data collection (ensure ethical standards); (iv) data analysis and iterative interpretation of findings; and the last (v) write, present and report research findings (kozinets, 2010). kozinets in the sage dictionary of social research methods says that netnography is an adaptation of 'participant-observational ethnographic procedures'. the observational approach analyzes interactive conversation data from online communities and treats it as qualitative data or 'content analyzed'. in line with this, kozinets emphasizes the importance of participation in the netnographic method, because when researchers remove their participatory role from netnography, it also directly eliminates the opportunity to understand the culture in a community. without in-depth knowledge and experience of cultural contexts, the researcher's interpretation may be compromised because the ethnographer is forced to discuss cultural meanings he does not fully understand. this participatory function distinguishes the netnographic method from mere coding activities (kozinets, 2010, pp. 74-75). in using this method, the data source that the author will refer to is the tamansari melawan instagram social media account, with the account username @tamansarimelawan. the data collection method is carried out first by observing the interactions these accounts make on instagram social media, through the content they have uploaded on their instagram page. the author tries to see how the tamansari melawan account interacts with other movement actors and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 160 followers of their performance in building movement framing. that matter. all data collected through these observations will later go through an analysis process by the author, to answer research questions explained in the discussion section. result and discussion tamansari framing against the bandung city government on instagram the beginning of the conflict started with presidential regulation number 2 of 2015 concerning the 2015-2019 national medium-term development plan which instructed the development of urban areas through handling the quality of the residential environment, namely improving the quality of slum settlements, preventing the growth of new slum settlements, and sustainable livelihoods. in the rpjn, the most emphasized is reducing urban slum settlements to 0 hectares. (ramadhan, 2020). in 2017, conflict occurred when the pupr ministry issued a letter regarding the city without slums (kotaku) program, which led to the birth of the decree of the head of the pupr office for the city of bandung number 538.2/1325a/dpkp3/2017 which broadly legitimized the construction of row houses in the bandung city area, one of the only one is in the tamansari rw 11 area. the tamansari area is in the center of bandung city and is included in the category of strategically located areas. in carrying out the evictions for the row house program in the tamansari area, there were problems with the land area because the land is still in dispute status so the bandung city government considers the residents living in the area illegal. the residents protested the government's general treatment of land with certified status and land whose status had not yet been completed. this is the problem of land disputes between tamansari residents and the bandung city government. this resulted in resistance and protests from residents of the tamansari area to the bandung city government. in addition to conflicts over land disputes, in fact other conflicts make residents feel awkward because residents of the tamansari area think that there is a power play by the bandung city government, namely in the form of regulations, norms, and resources, to assistance from other parties so that the residents felt that the bandung municipal government gave a unilateral decision in carrying out a compensation program that the residents considered to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 161 be not commensurate with what the eviction residents received. residents of the tamansari area felt that the treatment carried out by the municipal government was in the form of terror and coercion using the police and public order enforcers police (satpol pp) which led to violence in carrying out the program. (fahira & fedryansyah, 2019). as a result of this incident, it was suspected that there was repressive treatment from the enforcers, namely the satpol pp, such as chasing and beating tamansari residents. this condition is the background for the emergence of protests from the residents of the tamansari area because their rights to live, live, be protected, and determine their future feel violated by the bandung municipal government. the tamansari bandung resistance movement against the bandung city government was initially only mediated by advocacy parties, namely lbh bandung. still, over time, the tamansari land conflict has received the attention of many parties, including the anti-eviction people's alliance (arap), which focuses on defending the community's human rights. tamansari. later, several other elements such as the student union which became a citizen communicator and media maker for resistance, the forum for the environment (walhi) which focuses on environmental aspects, and various other organizations, also concluded the struggle on behalf of the forum juang tamansari. suppose we highlight the resistance media formed by this student union. in that case, we can find it on instagram social media with the tamansari melawan account username where they have 25.1 thousand and the number of content posts is 995. picture 1. instagram account of tamansari melawan source: author documentation it should be noted that social movement organizations often form resistance media to attract public attention to an issue, in line with the statement from norris journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 162 (2000), where the mass media has 3 functions of its own, namely as a citizen forum (civic forum), supervisor of government institutions and public institutions, as well as agents for mobilizing public support for a political position (valerisha, 2019). in the success of the tamansari melawan resistance movement, movement framing was built which was filled with various narratives of the action in their content uploads on instagram social media. in the success of the tamansari melawan resistance movement, movement framing was developed filled with various narratives of the direction in uploading their content on instagram social media. using the collective action frame theory as an analytical knife where there is a core framing task that contains diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational frames. our research on the tamansari melawan instagram account found several frames built by the tamansari melawan community through narration in their uploaded content. in the diagnostic frame, it is shown by several injustice frames raised by tamansari's accounts against through some of their content accompanied by narratives of injustice committed by the bandung city government to the tamansari people themselves. the narrative of injustice raised by the tamansari account includes the following: 1. the bandung city government betrayed the people because the heads of families in rw 11 were only 197 families with 90 buildings, while the detention center prepared by the city government was 500 units. 2. seize the residents' rights to the land because it refers to uu pa, where land rights become ownership when occupied for at least 20 years, while residents of rw 11 have inhabited it for 50 years. 3. the city of bandung as a city that is considered friendly to human rights, turns out to be close to evictions, where the kotaku (city without slums) program is considered by the community as an extension of the imf (several other evictions such as the dago elos area and kebon jeruk vs pt. kai) 4. out of 90 buildings, only 25 houses were willing to receive 20% spiritual money from the njop and compensation money of 26 million. the rest of the residents who refused had to fight against the brutality of the apparatus (satpol pp, tni, mass organizations, and so on). 5. reinforcing the narratives of land grabbing, expelling land demons, rejecting row houses, and the regime of evictions. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 163 picture 2. diagnostic frame on tamansari melawan uploaded content on instagram source: author documentation in addition to the discovery of uploads containing the condition of tamansari residents being hit by injustice by the bandung city government, prognostic frames are found in various uploads containing tamansari's condition not being in good condition and several things that became the objection point of rw 11 tamansari bandung residents to the bandung city government. content uploads to the @tamansarimelawan account also demand accountability where the tamansari melawan community has filed demands that the bandung city government must meet regarding the eviction phenomenon of rw 11 tamansari including the following: 1. rejected rudet development; 2. mencabut perwal no. 1384 year 2016; 3. dismiss the head of the dpkp3 service, arif prasetya; 4. stop all forms of intimidation and terror against citizens; 5. stop development that is not pro-people; 6. requesting the bandung city government to thoroughly review the residential area planning policy, considering the rights of residents.. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 164 picture 3. the demands filed by the tamansari account against the bandung city government source: author documentation in the motivational frame, there is also a discovery of uploads in the form of an invitation from tamansari melawan to the public on instagram to participate in the social movement of resistance under the collective identity tamansari melawan to reclaim the rights of the people of rw 11 tamansari which the bandung city government has taken away. if we do periodization, indeed the framing that is built is quite dynamic according to the conditions that occur in the field. for example, throughout 2017, various content uploaded by the tamansari melawan community account contained calls to reject all forms of outreach and the rumah serai program from the bandung city government by placing banners. throughout 2018, various framing aimed at escorting the bandung state administrative court trial over the lawsuit by lbh bandung as the attorney for the resident of tamansari rw 11 against the decree of the department of housing and settlement land and landscaping areas (dpkp3) no. 538.2/1375a/ dpkp3/2017 with an invitation to act in front of the bandung administrative court building by the people's alliance against eviction (arap). throughout 2019, in december to be precise, calls for resistance because of forced evictions journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 165 have occurred, among others, carried out by satpol pp, community organizations, tni, and police. picture 4. tamansari melwan's call for solidarity against the evictions made by the bandung city government source: author documentation community reaction to framing built on instagram the framing built by the tamansari melawan community is not just content that is uploaded without a purpose, but in it there are various strategies and continuous uploads so that the framing that is built reaches the attention of the community. priming and framing theory to be used to help understand the intent and content of this research. according to this theory, the mass media can influence society to focus on specific issues raised by the media, above other issues. on the other hand, the media also conducts framing with what is known as a set up which aims to influence the interpretation of readers, viewers and listeners about an issue. (marijan, 2010, pp. 282). the various framings built by tamansari melawan have attracted much attention from netizens and other elements of society such as students, ngos and other organizations. as an example of the content below, the @tamansarimelawan account builds a framing of mass solidarity in upholding justice in tamansari even though they have different backgrounds. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 166 picture 5. community support for tamansari residents during a football match source: author documentation in addition, before and after the evictions by the bandung city government, space activation was also carried out by elements belonging to the tamansari melawan community by turning the tamansari area into a real public space: a political space that encourages direct interaction; a space in which state power and capital interests are restricted. when formal aspirational spaces do not allow them to claim their rights or express opinions, then the people can create their own space to demand socio-political rights. in that room, they will be seen and heard. the city festival forum, discussions, collective workshops, music, theatre, poetry, etc show some space activations. this is done not without reason, among others, to strengthen members' sense of solidarity in the collective movement. several university student organizations also expressed their stance which criticized the bandung city government for the forced management in rw 11 tamansari bandung. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 167 picture 6. spatial activation as a form of defense and resistance against tamansari source: author documentation the impact that arises over the framing of tamansari against after the community saw and observed the upload from the @tamansarimelawan account, this had an impact on various levels of society, which resulted from framing the account, the community responded and helped the victims in the form of a statement demanding the bandung city government both from the community and from student organizations for the eviction of the park. sari to assist in the form of donations. the social movements carried out by tamansari residents since 2017 should have had an impact in the form of postponing evictions. however, in fact, in 2019 the evictions were still being carried out by the bandung municipal government. this has had an impact on tamansari residents to find out why the evictions are still being carried out even though human rights violations could occur in them, as well as to examine the linkages regarding issues regarding the imf and the world bank as the masterminds of the many evictions that occur, by frequently making joint studies and discussion forums. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 168 picture 7. solidarity support for tamansari bandung residents from farmers in japan source: author documentation in addition, the tamansari community has become more aware of cases of land grabbing that have occurred in indonesia by holding joint discussion forums, statements of attitude, and providing hands-on assistance and donations to other areas affected by land evictions such as participating in actions and the tamansari solidarity stage with the pancoran forum uniting on eviction of land in the pancoran area, south jakarta. the taman sari against social movement does not stop at the instagram account @tamansarimelawan, but the framing of the account is spread and has an impact in the form of encouragement for the community to participate in the movement, one of which is on the twitter platform where people tweet about the injustices experienced by the taman sari community using the hashtag #tamansarimelawan. using these hashtags, people from indonesia and other countries provide opinions and invitations to donate to help the taman sari community get their rights. conclusion based on the results of the findings we got from us, we hypothesize the instagram account @tamansarimelawan that the use of the instagram social media account was used as a medium to frame a social movement by taking advantage of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 169 tamansari's situation during the evictions which the process was colored by the conflict between tamansari residents and the bandung city government when eviction and post-eviction. this is intended to get the attention and support of the people of bandung and outside bandung as well as organizations to participate in tamansari's action against rejecting row houses and upholding the human rights of tamansari residents whom the bandung city government has violated. by utilizing social media accounts for framing matters regarding evictions, and injustices perpetrated by the bandung city government so that the solidarity action contains an invitation that encourages the community to take action and provide assistance to the taman sari community, with the support provided by the community it is hoped that the amount if there are quite a lot of people who aspire to taman sari's voice, the government can listen and can also change the situation of the victims or the taman sari community. the evictions in the tamansari community made the community more aware and learn about the law being enforced by establishing a discussion forum with human rights activists to build solidarity among tamansari residents with the forum fighting tamansari coalition for the tamansari action. in addition, tamansari residents also participated in helping other areas that experienced land eviction in the form of solidarity actions, art stages, statements of attitude, and donations. this was done to express their disappointment as victims of evictions to the government because their human rights to live and live their lives have been violated and demanded 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(20c.19). body shaming di dunia maya: studi netnografi pada akun youtube rahmawati kekeyi putri cantika. promedia, volume ke-5 no. 1, 166188. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 171 \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 117 post truth and role of international relation study case study: security concept on terrorism case in asia region ‘ amaritasari, indah pangestu bhayangkara jakarta raya university, indonesia abstract: post truth era is defined as the era when the truth seems right but actually not always correct. it is also an era characterized by media and journalism concerns, especially in the face of false statements by politicians. it flourishes post-truth society, phenomenon, and politics especially when referring to the two big political moments in 2016: the discharge of the united kingdom from the european union (brexit) and the election of donald trump as president of the united states. post truth is also connected with the issue of war on terror where trump was criticized to be a post-truth and demanded for such response. thus, security becomes an issue, which is being discussed, debated, and applied in this situation in international relations, which emerge onto deepening and broadening security. one subject that can be the material to support the discussion is the international relations, which associated with realism and liberalism approach. this paper explores the post truth and analyses using two main approaches of international relation study by extracting and examining the security concepts and terrorism in asia region. keyword : security, securitization, extremism, human rights, and post truth submission : feb, 11th 2020 revision : march 11th 2020 publication : may 30th 2020 introduction international politics congested with the context of post truth phenomena in 2016 to 2017, which can be seen in europe and usa. the united kingdom’s decision to leave european union and donald trump’s won that shocked many polluters, journalists, academics (crilley, 2018). in international relations, it gave three responses: (1) international relations as a form of combat between strategic narratives fought upon the complex media terrain; (2) the norms underpinning the current international order such as human rights and international law constitute a robust architecture that imposes cost of falsehood (forst and michelsen, \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 118 2017); (3) reflection made by international relation study on what ‘post-thruth’ means today in relation to the legitimacy of its knowledge claims (forst and michelsen, 2017). in 2017, the munich security conference addressed the rise of the maximum uncertainty due to international relationship and security. it was the year when huge changes began. the new elected president of us and elections in some countries in europe raised the issue of populism and the question of the relationship with russia. at the same time, syria was involved as a catastrophic giant and can be considered to be associated with a western foreign policy. additionally, europe is facing a crisis with the east, too(conference, 2018). in asia, the region is growing with some significant powers including economic power. asia plays a pivotal role in globalization and as the main driver in growth of worldwide market today. some analysis predicted that the global power is shifting from the west to the east particularly in economic issues (guardian, 2017). the potential power is challenged with the potential risk of post truth era and terrorism. currently, countries in asia are categorized as medium to low development of human index(wikipedia). in the international relation security studies (iss), the term is used as third world even though it has been criticized. the issues of peace and security become significant in asia as the shift to interest in war in the third world (zinckle, 1996) also created a turn from inter-state war to wars within states(berdal, 1996). the situation is contested with the development of technology that can speed up the distribution of information and communication, which has a tendency to disregard the correctness of the news. in technology and communication, the use of social media in asia has grown 21 percent yearon-year, with 482 million new users signing up over the course of 2016. just five countries accounted for more than half of that growth: china (with 134 million new social media users over the past year), india (+55 million), indonesia (+27 million), the us (+22 million), and brazil (+19 million)(technicasia, 2017). the rapid development of technology brings the reality of current social political feature in different phases and stages that challenge many aspects of people’s life in terms of security, communication, interaction, and belief. opinion and narrative can be manipulated and misleading, but in many aspects, they can also be beneficial to prevent and give understanding of a conflict. new ways of using innovative technology create a term called ‘post truth’ that is actually associated with the progress of technology long before it becomes advanced like now. insufficient understanding of human rights associated with freedom of speech and information in connection with post truth can be counterproductive for peace and security. the data can also be manipulated in the case of post truth, which can lead to a malfunction of democracy. how does this situation affect asia? how is security interpreted in order to produce an effect on the development of international and regional peace especially after the cold war and particularly in the post truth era? what is it like with regard to war on terror? what is exactly post truth particularly in relation to widener and deepener? \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 119 method this paper uses qualitative method in analyzing the problem with secondary recourses that accessible publicly. the data can be reports, journal, books, and media that verified though triangulation mechanism. the analysis made using international relations theoretical by scooping detail to a case to get more results. result and discussion realism perspective on the issue of post truth and security the term of ‘post truth’ came into oxford dictionaries in 2016 after the united kingdom (uk) left the european union (eu) and donald trump was elected as us president. the dictionaries define ‘post truth’ as a situation “in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief.”( dictionaries, 2018) the word becomes word of the year in the same year as it is produced. the ecosystem of media nowadays refers to what president barack obama states, as new media ecosystem of everything is true and nothing is true(romerick, 2017). post truth politics was used to describe the paradoxical situation in the us where the republican party was nevertheless able to present itself as more bipartisan since individuals of the democratic party were more likely to support republican policies than vice versa (grits, 2010). in the environmental politics, the situation of the post truth techniques to attack environmental measures were meant to combat climate change to benefit industry donor (john, 2011). the munich security conference 2017 addresses post truth with post west and post order. in the conference, the concept of post truth was interpreted as people are dealing with a new level of fake news, public warfare, of using the digital words to disseminate information that is nothing but propaganda. the instrument used for distributing the propaganda is more effective today by using social media; it can influence many millions of people with not true and not so-true information, as it is the case with cambridge analytica and the victory of trump as president of the us and the referendum that led to brexit (guardian, 2018). the former director of cambridge analytica, alexander nix, argued that cooperation like google, facebook, amazon, are large companies that are monetizing people’s data. this situation is a challenge to world peace and cooperation in the international system. post west refers to the questioning of an era of illiberalism where authoritarian government is going to replace more and more traditional west value-based democracy. this is a decline of classic leader of the us and the disappearance of the classic leader of the west lead by us. the post truth and post west raise the issue of post order in general. it is questioning the work of global governments such as osce or un(ischiger, 2018). security cannot be defined in a single term in this complex situation. buzzan and weaver treat a security sector as a lens and a value-based logic, rather than a well-defined part of society (buzan, barry, ole wæver and jaap de wilde, 1998:8). it argues that security discourse as a prism (andrej zwitter and jaap de wilde, 2008). as a prism, there is a \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 120 derivative concept of security. there are three elements – security as a derivative concept, the idea of a broadened security agenda, and challenging the assumption of the state as the referent object of security – might be said to be common points of discussion in all the ‘critical’ approaches to security: emancipation, community, and identity. emancipation means that the critical security study (css) argue that the corporeal, material existence of human beings should be the central focus of security studies: that is, security should ultimately be concerned with the real world security of human beings. consequently, for css, the study of security should seek to illuminate the wide range of constraints on human well being that exist in many parts of the world, and challenge the forms of security knowledge and practices that perpetuate these constraints (williams, nick vaugh. 2010: 24). security is usually identified as the concept to secure something using the means of control, but also what security does (buzan and wæver, 2003: 491). discussing security is unable to be detached from the context of securitization. it is because security is not understood as its substance but through its performance namely securitization (guzzini, 2011: 330). it is a process when state actors transforming subjects into matters of security (buzan and wæver, 2003: 491). the securitisation underlies concept on subjective and objective in the context of security study, the concept and/or definition of security is challenged after the end of the cold war especially by widening and deepening security in the study of international relations (iss). the main drivers of post cold war traditionalism are great power politics, technology, events, institutionalism, and academic debate (hansen, 2009). terrorism is one of the items that contributes as sub-drives under events. the academic debate on epistemology can also supply for the post cold war traditionalism. as the nature of cold war is changing after the cold war, the post cold war traditionalism and the approaches of security concept are expanding including the issue of the legitimate contestants between widening and deepening approaches, namely conventional and critical, constructivism, post colonialism, human security, critical security studies, feminism, copenhagen school, and post structuralism. the challenge is mainly on the issue of operational definition and/or normative one and where is the un materials particularly on human rights standards position to shape and/or help the problem particularly the post truth era. mohammad ayoob, ole waever, michael klare and daniel thomas definitions are considered as the wideners to the concept and definition of security whereas ken booth and spike peterson are regarded as deepeners. tarry argued that all of these definitions are fundamentally normative and so general as to be analytically meaningless (tarry, 2018). there is a risk of having the concept of security unstable since there is a widespread disagreement. tarry argued that it is only on methodological grounds that this apparent gap between perspectives can be bridged and the widespread disagreements resolved with respect to this "essentially contested concept." the unresolved security concept is more complex and contested in the post truth era and the case of the war on terrorism. the securitization highly occurs in many aspects, which can, to \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 121 certain extent, jeopardizing the goal of security at individual and national level especially when it comes to the issue of human rights. the securitization as the concept to discursive construction of issues in relation to the process between ‘security’ and ‘security threats’ and is applied into the context war on terror (mcdonal, nd). the european states had been built on an understanding of security as oriented towards external threats, and rested upon ‘a strong identification of the security of the state with the security of its citizens’ (krause, 1996). this understanding of security implies that state-centric conceptions of security provide neither an analytical nor a normative position from which to identify the threats that regimes may pose to their own citizens. while the concept of security is still varied in definition among international relations scholars, the theory of securitization arises. it is being contested, but some scholars still use it to provide an explanation about security. securitization theory seeks to explain the politics through which (1) the security character of public problems is established, (2) the social commitments resulting from the collective acceptance that a phenomenon is a threat are fixed and (3) the possibility of a particular policy is created. in the last decade, research on securitization has grown significantly (balzacq, 2015). it is argued by balzacq that securitization theory is agnostic as to the reality of threats. indeed, according to securitization theorists, the collective acceptance that something counts as a threat is not decided solely on the basis of the correspondence between discourse and reality. exposure to relevant evidence cannot, in itself, account for the belief of a community in a phenomenon; the interests and the needs of the community are equally constitutive of how a community sees, thinks about and deals with a phenomenon. this argument is supported by most of the empirical studies examined above and has important consequences. in the post cold war era, the definition of the issue of securitization can highly occur with the involvement of state centric and traditionalist approach concept of security and it is the beginning of a fundamentally different political environment both in a real and in a theoretical sense. as discussed in the previous paragraph, securitization was agnostic to the reality of threats and it is also something that a community sees and thinks through: the use of technology for disseminating information and communication with the possibility of disregarding the concept of correctness of facts and/or through fact-checking methods seems to be accepted under the securitization processes. this argument is supported by most of the empirical studies examined above and has important consequences. however, this phenomenon can be highly manipulated using technology by expanding any mechanism to support the argument of securitization using strategies such as through algorithm system, psychological mind fraud/trickery, hoax, etc. this becomes more complex to explain about war on terror as measure to combat terrorism. in general the typology of a counter terrorism strategy (cts) is divided into three: (1) war model of cts; (2) extended criminal justice of cts; and (3) criminal justice of cts (privedarshi, 2010). each of this typology has the risk of human rights violation while proceeding the case, but one can contribute a greater risk than the other. human rights \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 122 standard produced by united nations can be as guidance for states’ cts. the human rights standpoint responding to terrorism and post truth while the iss remains difficult to justify security, the united nations (un) with human rights instruments are trying to provide a ‘solution’ toward the problem of terrorism and post truth in the name of security by ‘putting aside’ the debate of security and leaving security and terrorism undefined. the united nations (un) and key regional human rights experts have actually responded to this phenomenon of post truth by calling on state actors to ensure that they disseminate reliable and trustworthy information, including about matters of public interest, such as the economy, public health, security and the environment. in the un-joint declaration states that “state actors should not make, sponsor, encourage or further disseminate statements which they know or reasonably should know to be false (disinformation) or which demonstrate a reckless disregard for verifiable information (propaganda),” the latest un cts is concerned with tackling the root cause of terrorism. the approach is socalled ‘prevention of violent extremism’ (pve). before the un launched the plan of action on pve, there have been a number of resolutions issued by the un security council addressing terrorism and extremism. after the september 11, 2011 attacks, the un adopted resolution 1373 on the counter terrorism committee (ctc). five years later, (2006), there was a consensus to change from reactive action toward prevention and more comprehensive approaches to terrorism by working on areas of "conducting the spread of violent extremism", including strengthening the state, and law and human rights enforcement as a basis for rejecting terrorism. another resolution issued was 2122, i.e resolution on the importance of increasing attention to women, religion and security, which are relevant areas. resolution 2129 was the establishment of counter-terrorism committee executive directorate (cted). resolution 2178 encourages states to strengthen local communities, non-state actors to create counter narratives, including empowerment of young people, families, women, religion, culture and education. in addition to a resolution directly responding to terrorism and extremism, the un also issued a more specific resolution to address the conditions of women in conflict areas known as resolution 1325 on women, peace and security. in october 2015, the united nations organized a global study on the implementation of resolution 1325 in various parts of the world. this resolution is in the form of the national action plan (nap), and the increased commitment of many countries related to the women's agenda, peace and security. there are also very serious findings related to the rise of fundamentalism and extremism in conflict-affected and post-conflict countries, which was then responded by the un security council by issuing resolution 2242 on the integration of pve into the women's agenda of peace and security. the emergence of the pve approach announced on 15 january 2016 by the un secretary general marked a shift in both counter terorism and counter violent extrimism approaches, as it still features a security-oriented approach. pve approach with seven pillars that exist are: 1) dialogue and prevention of conflict; 2) strengthening of \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 123 governance, human rights and rule of law; 3) strengthening community involvement; 4) youth empowerment; 5) gender equality and women's empowerment; 6) education, skills and working facilities; 7) strategic communication, the internet and social media, is expected to shift the approach of un member states to pay more attention and intervene in the root causes of problems that foster terrorism. of these resolutions, the question is still remaining to address is in relation to the new phenomenon of terrorism called lone wolf. it becomes more complex and problematic in the post truth area where the use of the internet can actually influence someone to be a lone terrorist fighter without having to directly affiliate with a terrorist group. at the same time the new strategy played by isis where it wants its members to go back to their home country to be terrorists. of this isis approach to terrorism, un has issued a resolution; take an example of one of the un resolutions on ct, 2178. however, this resolution is difficult to be implementable. in regard to banning the fund that supports terrorism, un issued a list of suspected organizations, which are assumed to fund terrorism activity. the list was developed and/or formed based on the resource from the internet. as what happens in the case of the cambridge analytic, the source of the internet can be manipulative in the era of post truth. at national level, it becomes more complicated, the state is forced to ‘criminalise’ certain groups and/or individuals, which might breach the concept of fundamental human rights, namely presumption of innocence and/or due process of law. thus, it is not surprising that the un security council’s report on countering terrorism announce that there are two countries in asean that implement preventive/administrative detention to prevent terrorism and rehabilitate and reintegrate foreign terrorist fighters into society, rather than prosecuting them under the criminal justice system. such initiative of un resolutions without proper human rights guidance can be misleading. this creates the possibility for the state to breach human rights and fundamental freedom that might foster violent extremism. of these measures, how can they prevent lone wolves and/or someone to be a lone wolf? if the term of lone wolf is still debated, the question that is still remaining to address is how all of the un measures in balance between human rights and counter-terrorism strategy can prevent individuals from being attracted to and/or getting involved in violent extremism and/or terrorism act? it is still a question that remains to be asked. the logic behind the un pve strategy was the identification of grievances and push and pull factor of violent terrorist ultimately can prevent someone from not becoming a lone wolf. but, this logic remains to be challenged with evidence and data. projecting asia’s security in the post truth in relation to war on terror and the use of human rights standards asia’s security in this section is divided into south asia and south east asia regions. the regional threat of south asia, which consists of afghanistan, india, bangladesh, maldives, pakistan and srilanka, is victimized region. attacks in this region represent the continuation of a pattern that began to emerge more than two decades ago and shows no signs of \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 124 abatement. india continues to be among the world’s most consistently targeted states. since the 1990s, it has endured multiple terrorist attacks linked to individuals who have trained or fought with al-qaida associates in pakistan and afghanistan. veterans of terrorist networks in afghanistan have conducted a number of terrorist attacks in pakistan (un, 2015). the use of social media to spread news in the post truth era has indicated that abuse of the internet to recruit foreign terrorist fighters is a major concern. states have taken steps to prohibit recruitment and counter violent extremism in accordance with resolution 1624 (2005). although these steps are encouraging, it should be noted that an overly vigorous response by law enforcement to counter the recruitment of foreign terrorist fighters, especially through the internet, may violate fundamental rights, such as the freedom of expression and the freedom of association. in regard to south east asia, although many states of south-east asia continue to be vulnerable to the threat of international terrorism, many positive trends and developments have emerged in the past few years, and the nature of the threat has evolved significantly. the capacity of some terrorist groups (including the al-qaida-related jemaah islamiyah)1 to commit terrorist acts has been undermined by robust law enforcement and community engagement. in addition, recent peace agreements2 between governments and separatist groups have helped to prevent terrorist incidents. however, the region faces a new terrorism threat in the form of foreign terrorist fighters travelling from south-east asia to fight with isil. a special military unit called “katibah nusantara”, mostly consisting of malaysian and indonesian foreign terrorist fighters, was created inside isil six months after its establishment. in april 2015, the unit demonstrated military capability by capturing several kurdish-held territories in iraq. katibah nusantara is assisting isil in achieving its ambition to make south-east asia part of its worldwide “caliphate”. isil uploads propaganda to its websites in the malaysian and indonesian languages,3 and katibah nusantara is thought to be taking care of families of south-east asian foreign terrorist fighters and developing a network in the region. the threat of isil has expanded rapidly across south-east asia since the summer of 2014. the number of foreign terrorist fighters from south-east asia has significantly increased. governments officially acknowledge that 209 indonesians, 80 1 jemaah islamiyah has stated that it aims to establish an islamic state in south-east asia, including indonesia, malaysia, singapore, southern thailand, brunei darussalam and the southern part of the philippines.
 2 the philippines concluded a comprehensive peace agreement with the moro islamic liberation front in march 2014; indonesia concluded a peace agreement with the free aceh movement in 2005; and myanmar has concluded peace agreements with several ethnic groups. 3 around 10 malaysian language websites and 70 indonesian language websites had been detected in june 2015.
 \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 125 malaysians and two singaporean families are fighting for isil.4 the linkage between katibah nusantara and experienced returnees exacerbates the terrorist threat in the region. indonesia, malaysia and singapore have detected several terrorist plots organized by isil returnees. around 30 south-east asian terrorist groups, including jemaah islamiyah in indonesia and the abu sayyaf group in the philippines, have publicly pledged allegiance to isil.5 however, the linkage between the abu sayyaf group and isil has not yet been proved. since the group is considered to be more money-oriented than ideological (it frequently engages in kidnapping for ransom and extortion), this alliance may be a means to generate financial and logistical support from isil. two states use preventive/administrative detention to prevent terrorism and rehabilitate and reintegrate foreign terrorist fighters into society, rather than prosecuting them under the criminal justice system. un security council has noted that this could raise human rights concerns. this region is also under threat of the use of social media to recruit the terrorist foreign fighters. in a much bigger scope, the use of social media and the internet can be highly manipulated by owner politics people and/or wealth class. in the case of indonesia, the growth of cyber 4 as at january 2015, the government of the philippines was aware that two filipinos had been killed in the syrian arab republic, but had no evidence of filipinos having fought for isil. 5 the moro islamic liberation front and the moro national liberation front in the philippines have condemned isil. picture 1: cyber muslim army \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 126 army for disseminating the concern of muslim friends-foes through the use of social media whatsapp is a raised (picture 1). in the recent cases of indonesia bombing in east java and police stations has a connection with the mako brimob (paramilitary police headquarters) detention facility’s riot, in which the facility was housing terrorist prisoners. manzi, ali fauzi's nickname on the battlefield, said the surabaya bombs was part of a revenge related to the incident at mako brimob. in the video clip, instagram, it was clearly picturizing extremist prisoners being fed by the police because their both hands were handcuffed on a bus journey to nusakambangan, a penal island off the south coast of java. this trigger anger among the terrorist prisoners networks that are all affiliated with isis (kompas, 2018). the future of asia security in the post truth era is blended with hope and fear as the development of technology can be hijacked for the use of weapons for war whether physical or psychological. conclusion in the era of post truth where facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief because of the use of internet and social media does increase a concern for the future of asia’s security especially in relation to countering violent extremism. while terrorism is still the global impended threat, an unstable concept of security and/or national security in the study particularly in international relations and terrorism can lead to an arbitrary and/or possible breach of human rights standards with the concept of securitization. on the other hand, the breach of human rights standard can foster the growth of violent extremism as indicated by the un national action plan for the prevention of violent extremism that can lead to terrorism. in-depth study is needed to identify an effective measure to use human rights standards for protecting the life of individuals and society as a whole especially in relation to the situation in the post truth era. in the asian context, the threat of the internet and social media may pose a different impact compared to the other regions because this region has its largest and populous continent in the world with most various ethnicity and beliefs. thus, the security concept, and the use of social media and information technology combined with the measure of using human rights needs to pay close attention to the social construct of asia in order to avoid an improper approach of security measures which can lead to instability and make an impact on peace for the region. \ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 127 references balzacq, t., léonard, s., & ruzicka, j. 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(2008). introduction. in terrorism and the politics of response (pp. 1– 15). routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203889336.ch0 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 141 north korea’s denuclearization treaty with the united states of america in 2018 marcellino abel harnanda, suhanto international relations department, faculty of social and political science, universitas nasional suhanto@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: this research discusses the denuclearization agreement between the united states and the republic of korea, known as the “123 agreement,” in 2018. this study explains the process of the denuclearization agreement between the two countries and the reasons behind the denuclearization agreement using the de securitization concept, interdependency theory, denuclearization concept, and principal negotiation theory. this research method is qualitative research using library research and official document. the results of this study indicate that peace efforts through denuclearization negotiations experienced ups and downs in the process, and the achievement of the denuclearization negotiation process was based on the respective interests of the united states and north korea. north korea has an interests economic sector. north korea is being hit by poverty and it can be said that the country will go bankrupt. with this agenda, north korea denuclearizes to secure the economic sector. this research concludes that the denuclearization agreement failed at the second meeting in hanoi, vietnam. this failure is because the united states does not want to lift the sanctions imposed in full even though north korea has stopped testing and closed its nuclear development site. keywords: denuclearization, peace, treaty submission : january, 13th 2023 revision : march 24th 2022 publication : may 30th 2023 introduction weapons of mass destruction are weapons specifically designed to kill, exterminate and destroy on a large scale. a country will deploy various kinds of efforts to fight the enemy on a large scale as its defense system (goniewicz et al., 2019; khan et al., 2021). nuclear, biological, chemical, radiological and bomb weapons are various types of weapons of mass destruction (weapon of mass destruction, 2021). the use of weapons of mass destruction is still often found even though it has been banned in various international regulatory instruments, such as treaties, conventions, etc. in practice, it turns out that the use of weapons of mass destruction can not only be reviewed when a country launches its military action, but can also be found when applying these weapons tests. the first weapons of mass destruction used during the war were nuclear weapons in world war 2, when the united states bombed the japanese in the cities of hiroshima and nagasaki. nuclear is one of the most dangerous types of weapons of mass destruction. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 142 this weapon is very powerful, one nuclear fruit is able to destroy a city, country and even a continent in just an instant because of the very wide scale of its explosive power. in addition to having a very powerful explosive power, nuclear also has another impact, namely nuclear radiation. the impact of nuclear radiation and inhibiting human dna, can also cause cancer. the impact of nuclear radiation can disrupt cells in the body and interfere with the dna of living things. however, apart from being a lethal weapon, nuclear has a positive side, such as a nuclear energy power plant (pltn). various conflicts that are often discussed related to nuclear weapons include developing and owning these weapons. countries on this earth that have nuclear weapons are the united states, russia, britain, france, china, india, north korea, pakistan, and israel. still, it is known that iran is also suspected of developing nuclear weapons. the international community always pays attention to nuclear development by non-nuclear weapon state (nws) countries. along with using the modernization of defense systems and senses, now nuclear weapons can be launched in various ways, including bombers, guided missiles, ballistic missiles, and intercontinental missiles (neufeld, 1990). at this time the country that has the most nuclear weapons globally is dominated by russia and the united states, russia has 6,375 nuclear weapons with 2,060 weapons retired, 4,351 in stock, and 1,326 in strategic development. while the united states has 5,800 nuclear weapons using 2,000 retired weapons, 3,800 in stock, and 1,373 in strategic development (washburn, 2023). to prevent unwanted things, the world's countries have agreed to control nuclear weapons, which is claimed by the nuclear nonproliferation treaty (npt). the nuclear non-proliferation treaty is an agreement that limits the possession of nuclear weapons signed on july 1, 1968. the purpose of this agreement is to limit the possession of nuclear weapons where there are three primary pillars related to the commitment to nuclear disarmament, non-proliferation, and the use of nuclear materials for peaceful purposes (disarms and non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, 2019). although several sovereign states follow this treaty, two of the seven countries that possess nuclear weapons and one that may possess nuclear weapons have not ratified this treaty. the country that proposed this agreement was ireland and the country that first signed this agreement was finland (umy digital repository, 2015). since 1970, this treaty has become effective and has been ratified by britain, the soviet union, the united states, and 40 other countries. in 1995, in new york, united states, more than 170 countries agreed that this treaty would continue indefinitely and indefinitely. 4 countries refuse to sign this agreement, namely india, israel, pakistan and north korea. this agreement has put pressure on global countries to share nuclear weapons (nailufar and nada, 2020). of the 4 countries that refused to sign the npt agreement, north korea is considered the most dangerous country because it is closed to the outside world and led by a cruel tyrannical dictator. the country that is known to possess and develop nuclear weapons is north korea. north korea has three reasons to build nuclear weapons: strategy, politics and prestige. the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 143 first is for strategic reasons: filling the void of conventional weapons and preventing aggression from foreign threats. then the political causes and prestige, namely wanting to increase the bargaining position in international politics and the balance of regional power in east asia (balance of region), as well as efforts to change the map of existing strengths in the region. north korea's nuclear and missile programs have developed over the years. the arms control association released data estimating that north korea has 20 nuclear warheads and has the relative materials to make 30-60 such nuclear weapons (arms control and proliferation profile: north korea, 2018). having nuclear weapons is commonplace for north korea because these weapons are capable of being a tool in fulfilling its national interests, as follows: 1. the safety of the regime as well as the state. 2. nuclear is national pride. 3. legitimacy of domestic government. 4. prestige in international politics. 5. dealing with large power differences using conventional military force (why does north korea want nukes?, 2018). north korea tested long-range nuclear-powered ballistic missiles twice in 2017. the impact of this test was an earthquake with a magnitude of 6.3 (north korea's hydrogen bomb test caused a 6.3sr earthquake, 2021). this test shows that north korea's ability to create nuclear weapons cannot be underestimated. this makes the united states, which is a superpower, and the world's police worried about world security because north korea is a closed country and is led by a notorious dictator. in addition, when viewed from a historical perspective, the correlation between the two countries was not good when the united states became an ally of south korea in the korean civil war. there are many opinions about the possibility of war between the two countries because the united states is intolerant of north korea's nuclear activities. the united states is the most intolerant country towards nuclear development and production outside the npt treaty, even though the united states was the first country to possess and use nuclear power during world war ii in 1945. the united states' foreign policy generally follows its national interests by establishing itself as a world peacekeeper. the specific interests of the united states are as follows: 1. they are preventing the threat of weapons of mass destruction. 2. we are ensuring the national security of allies. 3. preventing the emergence of major powers that have the potential to become enemies. 4. prevent the exit of poor countries near the territory of the united states. 5. ensure the viability and stability of the world system of trade, financial markets, energy supply and the environment (p. allison, 2010). during the donald trump administration, relations between the united states and north korea became increasingly heated since president donald trump punished north korea for violations due to frequent nuclear tests and still sharing nuclear weapons of mass destruction. not only that, kim jong-un as the supreme leader of north korea did not journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 144 consider the sanctions given by america to be punishment and ignored them, but instead responded by carrying out nuclear tests again. in 2018 in singapore an unanticipated event occurred, namely the president of the united states donald trump and the supreme leader of north korea kim jong-un meet in person to normalize bilateral relations and discuss the denuclearization of north korea(strigunov et al., 2019). the united states and north korea do not have diplomatic relations. instead, consular services are limited to the people of the united states, through stephen biegun or the swedish embassy in north korea as the united states special representative for north korea. north korea also has no diplomatic representation in washington dc. instead, north korea has representation in the united states through its representation at the united nations in new york, united states (u.s relations with the democratic people's republic of korea, 2021). the two leaders of this country are known to have a stubborn nature and do not want to lose, they even had time to attack each other's comments through social media. however, the meeting of the two heads of state, known to be stubborn and don't want to lose has become history and international discussion because this is the first time the two countries have met each other. based on the background explanation, the paper's research question is "why did north korea and the united states of america make a denuclearization treaty?" literature review desecuritization concept desecuritization is a process in which actors move certain issues away from security and re-enter the normal political sphere. once an issue is desecuritised, it will not be handled with security logic and will not be declared a threat but returned to the ordinary public sphere. desecuritization can be done by not discussing an issue as a threat, managing the issue so it is not securitized, and moving the issue back to normal politics. wæver (2003) argues that it is important to work more on desecuritization, because of 'optimal longterm political goals'. in this regard, kim and lee (2011) note that the process of desecuritization can be seen as a transformation of problems from “high politics” to “low politics”. as a result, the main aim of desecuritization is 'efforts to move problems away from the security agenda (wæver, 1995). the authors used this theory to analyze that north korea stop nuclearization into denuclearization in order to desecuritize any issues for long term objectives. principal negotiation theory principle negotiation theory explains that conflict occurs because the parties' positions are not aligned and there are differences between the parties. supporters of this theory argue that to resolve a conflict, conflict actors must be able to separate their interests from problems and negotiate based on interests and not in a fixed position (elsig, 2011; journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 145 miller, 2005). this theory explains how the united states is trying to moderate an agreement to denuclearize north korea through soft power. denuclearization concept denuclearization is the act of eliminating the use and operation of nuclear weapons by one or more countries to achieve peace between countries. denuclearization can be defined as a political stance towards nuclear disarmament, with a total ban on nuclear weapons as the goal. the ultimate goal of denuclearization is to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons (derek da cunha, 2000). the term denuclearization is commonly used in making a treaty to prohibit, abolish, disarm and regulate the possession of nuclear weapons by countries in the world. this denuclearization concept serves as the basis for explaining and linking specifically the components of the 2018 north korea-united states denuclearization agreement. method in this research, the approach method used is qualitative. a qualitative approach is an approach that is used to understand the phenomenon of what is experienced by research subjects holistically by describing it in the form of words and language in a certain natural context and utilizing various scientific methods (lexy j. moeleong, 2007). the research method in this study is a descriptive-analytical approach. descriptive-analysis is a research method that describes or provides an overview of the object under study through data or samples that have been collected as they are without analyzing and making conclusions that apply to the public (sugiono:2009,p.29). in other words, this qualitative descriptive-analytical research is a research method that seeks to explain north korea’s denuclearization treaty with the united states of america in 2018. result north korea’s nuclear objective possession of nuclear weapons can make the situation very prone to conflict and cause new problems in all corners of the world, such as north korea's nuclear program in east asia. the initial goal of north korea's nuclear development was research. however, as time goes by, north korea used its nuclear technology to become a weapon or a means of defense. in addition, north korea has successfully produced medium and long-range nuclear missiles, these types of missiles are taepodong-1, taepodong-2, hwasong-5, hwasong-6, hwasong-7, hwasong-12 and hwasong-13. among these missiles, the one with the greatest explosive power is taepodong-2 with taepodong-2 explosive power which has a cruising range of 4,400-6,700 km and an explosive power of 15 kilo tons of tnt (daniel a. pinkston, 2008). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 146 north korea has recorded several ballistic and nuclear missile tests. six recorded ballistic missile tests have been carried out, namely in 1993, 1998, 2004, 2012 and 2017. specifically for the 2017 test, this test was considered a provocation because the first missile was launched in japanese waters and the second passed through the island of hokkaido, japan. north. nuclear weapons tests have been carried out six times, namely on october 9, 2006, may 25, 2009, february 12, 2013, january 6, 2016, september 9, 2016 and the last time on september 3, 2017 (baker spring, 1999). with north korea's success in developing nuclear weapons and carrying out frequent tests, the international community condemns north korea's actions, especially the united states, south korea and japan because they are considered to threaten peace, regional and international security stability, violate the will of the united nations security council, as well as thwart the efforts of the treaty prohibiting the use of nuclear. with this, the un finally imposed sanctions as an economic embargo and isolated it from international events. north korea who does not care about the sanctions again tested nuclear or other missiles, shows that criticism and sanctions from around the world including the united nations are to stop north korea from continuing its nuclear program. this nuclear program is not only for security but also for its foreign policy strategy, namely as a tool for coercive diplomacy with opposition countries to achieve their country's national interests (paul kerr, 2003). using this coercive diplomacy, north korea threatens the united states and its allies back. this nuclear program is believed to be an effective diplomatic instrument to lead the united states to use negotiations. when viewed from the interests of north korea by having nuclear, it aims to: 1. they are protecting the security of the north korean state, because north korea considers the united states the main threat in the east asia region. 2. by possessing nuclear weapons, north korea is advantageous in negotiations in international politics, especially with the united states. through improved relations with the united states, north korea achieved perfect security for its regime. with nuclear, making north korea can meet the country's resource needs. when north korea is asked to shut down and stop its nuclear development, north korea will get a reward, namely the lifting of the economic sanctions imposed and a large supply of diesel fuel. the united states viewpoint of north korea’s nuclear the united states' view regarding the development of north korea's nuclear program, the united states is a country that strongly condemns the development of the nuclear program. the united states is a super power country, the country's first nuclear owner and a permanent member of the united nations security council. as the country's first nuclear owner, the united states feels responsible for world peace and tranquility by making various efforts to deal with the problem of north korea's nuclear program, consisting of: 1. termination of permits for nuclear materials and equipment. 2. find out plans for the development of nuclear weapons. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 147 3. promote nuclear non-proliferation together with allies. 4. the united states' defense against nuclear weapons is strengthened (national strategy for countering weapons of mass destruction terrorism, 2018). the united states has always tried to denuclearize north korea with its various policies, then the united states also invited the united nations and international countries to impose sanctions to make north korea willing to negotiate to stop its nuclear program. the united states is very ambitious to denuclearize north korea because in the united states' view nuclear can pose various threats to international peace and order and interfere with united states interests in the east asia region. in addition, only five countries are allowed to have nuclear weapons or reactors by the nuclear non-proliferation agreement (npt), the five countries are the united states, russia, britain, france and china. with this, the united states considers north korea a dangerous country, especially since it has already left the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (npt), so if this is allowed to continue, it will be very dangerous. the united states has a policy towards north korea's nuclear in order to achieve security and peace in east asia and the world. the united states has always made policies related to north korea's nuclear power since the administration of president george h. walker bush to president donald trump. but only when donald trump managed to get the two heads of state to meet in person. ideas and efforts to make a denuclearization treaty seeing north korea's behavior which greatly disturbs peace and tranquility, not only in the regional area but also in the international area, the problem of north korea's denuclearization must be resolved quickly so that it does not become a prolonged problem. denuclearization is dismantling military facilities and components used to produce nuclear weapons (z.n. gastelum). the international community must work together to solve these problems, especially countries with the potential to have relations with north korea, such as south korea, japan, the united states, and china. these countries must think carefully about the actions that must be taken in dealing with north korea so as not to trigger north korea to do reckless things that threaten world peace. the resolution of the denuclearization issue is carried out using soft diplomacy, namely negotiations so that the two countries reach a good agreement. however, diplomatically, north korea and the united states do not have bilateral relations. june 12, 2018 was a historic moment for both countries and the international community as the two leaders of the united states and north korea met for the first time in singapore. president donald trump and leader kim jong-un signed a statement of mutual agreement for the normalization of bilateral relations between the two countries, including the denuclearization and establishment of a new relationship between the united states and north korea that had never existed before in history. on february 27, 2019, president trump and kim jong-un met again as the second meeting that took place in hanoi, vietnam. this meeting did not result in an agreement journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 148 that the two countries could sign, as north korea's request for sanctions to be lifted in full in exchange for partial denuclearization by the united states was rejected. these negotiations stagnated without any meaningful agreement results (masterson, 2020). the meeting between the united states and north korea will not run smoothly without the important roles of other countries, namely south korea and china. in this case, south korea and china act as mediators and facilitators so that the two countries agree to meet, they work behind the scenes on the occurrence of the meeting. as is well known, the two leaders of both countries, donald trump and kim jong un, are very stubborn, so there needs to be the involvement of south korea, which is the liaison between the united states and north korea, and china, which helps persuade north korea to want to make a deal to denuclearize its nuclear weapons. with the united states. following are the roles of south korea and china in the denuclearization process. south korea’s role in denuclearization treaty idea as a middle power country, south korea has an important role in the denuclearization agreement between the united states and north korea, namely as a mediator. the following is a description of south korea as a mediator: 1. south korea's initiative to mediate the crisis in us-north korea relations (m. e. manyin, e. chanlett avery and b. r. williams, 2019). this is so that both countries agree to hold a meeting and prioritize negotiations over military action. 2. south korea took steps to make a deal with china, the main ally of north korea. this agreement is about securing the peace and stability of the korean peninsula (k. mcguire, 2018). this was done by south korea so that china also supports the denuclearization of north korea. chinese role in denuclearization idea as a superpower in east asia and the only major ally of north korea, china has also played a role in the issue of north korea's denuclearization. china's role in the denuclearization agreement is like that of south korea as a mediator and helping persuade north korea to want to enter into a denuclearization agreement. this is done for the sake of maintaining national security and interests. according to china, the imposition of sanctions from the united states on north korea could cause a refugee influx crisis and instability in the chinese border region. the crisis will lead to the end of north korea's existence as a country and an opportunity for the creation of korean unification under the south korean regime supported by the united states. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 149 the contents of the denuclearization treaty the contents of the agreement from the first meeting between united states president donald trump and north korean leader kim jong-un are as follows: 1. the united states and north korea will commit to building a new relationship for peace and prosperity by the wishes of both countries. 2. the united states and north korea will work together to build a peaceful, stable, and lasting government on the korean peninsula region. 3. north korea is committed to the complete denuclearization of the korean peninsula. 4. the united states will recover and return the remaining soldiers who died during the korean war in 1950-1953 (k. schallhorn, 2019). based on the contents of the first meeting agreement between north korea and the united states, it can be seen that the agreement between the two countries is running smoothly. the agreement outlines improving bilateral relations between the two countries, maintaining security stability and denuclearization. discussion based on these results, it can be seen that there is an important meaning in the denuclearization agreement, namely to achieve the national interests of the united states and north korea, its impact on east asian peace and the results that make peace on the korean peninsula. the united states has national interests to be achieved against north korea, namely political, economic and security. from a political point of view, the interest of the united states is to rebuild its image. as is well known, the united states in north korea's view is a dangerous country since the civil war on the korean peninsula. the united states has built a good image for north korea by normalizing bilateral relations between the two countries and is willing to negotiate directly to gain north korea's trust. from an economic perspective, the united states intends to provide humanitarian assistance by lifting economic sanctions imposed on north korea if they want to denuclearize fully. the purpose of the united states in providing humanitarian assistance is to improve relations between the two countries. in addition, to help north korea improve its economy. regarding security, the united states wants to ease tensions in the east asian region due to north korea's nuclear threats. in addition to nuclear, the united states also has to deal with china regarding issues in taiwan so that the national interests in terms of east asian security can be achieved (national security strategy, 2017). north korea has interests to achieve political, economic and security. in terms of politics, north korea wants to be recognized that its country is on par with the united states, which means that even though the country is in trouble, it can still compete with the united states in military and weaponry. in terms of economy, north korea is being hit by poverty and it can be said that the country will go bankrupt. to prevent this, north korean leader kim jong-un seeks to reduce the country's financial deficit by entering into denuclearization and normalization agreements (ahn, 2011). north korea asked for security guarantees from the united states if they carried out full journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 150 denuclearization to avoid threats from outside and from the united states itself. north korea's gross national income per capita was 1.408 million won ($1,184.79) in 2019, about 3.8% of south korea's income. this issue forced north korea to cooperate with other nations in economic development. the impact of this denuclearization agreement is the stability of the east asia region, international support and reconciliation of relations between north korea and the united states. in the stability of the east asia region, denuclearization of north korea will make the east asia region more secure and stable, so that the allied countries of the united states such as south korea, japan and taiwan will also feel safe from nuclear threats and conflicts. apart from nuclear, economic stability will also have an impact, where the trade process is no longer restricted. the international community supports the united states to denuclearize north korea so that there is no longer a nuclear threat that can endanger world security. this denuclearization agreement also aims to reconcile relations between the united states and north korea, which since the korean peninsula war the two countries have never had formal diplomatic relations. the results of the denuclearization agreement were an agreement to stop the development of nuclear weapons, a declaration of peace on the korean peninsula and the agreement's failure. in the nuclear weapons development deal, north korea agreed as long as the united states would lift all sanctions. in the korean peninsula peace declaration, north and south korea agreed to make peace and end the civil war. the agreement failed because the second meeting in vietnam between the united states and north korea did not reach a meaningful agreement where the united states had not yet lifted full sanctions against north korea and north korea was still carrying out nuclear weapons tests. conclusion international countries, especially the united states and its allies in the east asian region, namely japan and south korea feel threatened by north korea's nuclear program. as a result of nuclear possession which is very dangerous, north korea is subject to sanctions in the form of an economic embargo, isolation from the international community and severance of diplomatic relations with countries that have relations with it. a country cannot survive without cooperation with other countries, including north korea. even though north korea has a nuke, north korea still needs the cooperation of other countries to support its regime. the sanctions imposed on north korea make it even more difficult for the country. therefore, north korea is willing to make a denuclearization agreement with the united states so that the sanctions are lifted and north korea can restore the country's economy. the united states has improved relations with north korea through a denuclearization agreement. the united states has a national interest: establishing good relations with countries worldwide and denuclearizing non-nws countries. the united states has not journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 151 established diplomatic relations with north korea since the korean civil war. north korea, which develops and produces nuclear weapons, worries the united states about the stability of world security and the east asian region. denuclearizing north korea become priorities of america since the administration of george h. w. bush to donald trump. however, only during the administration of president donald trump did this denuclearization. us leaders donald trump and north korean leader kim jong-un met face-to-face for the first time to conclude a denuclearization agreement and improve diplomatic ties at the singapore summit in 2018. the summit between the united states and north korea received assistance from other countries, namely china and south korea. china helped by persuading north korea to want to improve relations with the united states. this agreement will prevent north korean bankruptcy and later cause trouble for china, a major ally of north korea. then, south korea helps by being a liaison or facilitator between the united states and north korea. this is so that nuclear weapons no longer threaten the security of the south korean state, and for the sake of achieving peace on the korean peninsula. but, the denuclearization agreement failed at the second meeting in hanoi, vietnam. this failure is because the united states does not want to stop the sanctions imposed in full even though north korea has stopped testing and closed its nuclear development. north korea and the united states' trust in the singapore summit ended and north korea redeveloped its nuclear power. in addition to the denuclearization agreement to stop nuclear, there are also other things, that the 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(2023). russia has the most nuclear weapons in the world—here are the other countries with the largest nuclear arsenals. february. https://www.forbes.com/sites/emilywashburn/2023/02/24/russia-has-themost-nuclear-weapons-in-the-world-here-are-the-other-countries-with-thelargest-nuclear-arsenals/?sh=5b0a4c4d9300 https://www.apnews.com/86626d21%20ea2b45c79457a873a747c452 https://www.apnews.com/86626d21%20ea2b45c79457a873a747c452 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 82 way of the samurai: understanding japan’s energy security strategy post-fukushima disaster ibrahim hugo, indra kusumawardhana international relations department, faculty of communication and diplomacy, universitas pertamina ibrahimhugowidodo@gmail.com, indra.kusumawardhana@universitaspertamina.ac.id abstract : the fukushima disaster in 2011 posed a challenge to japan's energy security. before the disaster, japan was very dependent on nuclear power plants to fulfill its energy mix, mainly the fukushima daiichi nuclear power plant. energy security is prominently japan's priority agenda because they do not possess natural resource endowments. therefore, japan must pay attention to provide energy availability access, emphasizing accessibility elements to maintain a secure position at global economic levels. departing from this background, this paper analyzes japan's energy security strategy after the fukushima disaster. the article questions the post-fukushima disaster, how does japan maintained their energy security under the dynamics of current geopolitics of energy after fukushima disaster?. the finding obtained from the analysis is that japan focuses on import policy to fulfill its national energy security. meanwhile, the current international political situation has prosecuted japan to china's foreign policy competitiveness and its impact on the geopolitical map. moreover, japan's energy security strategy is based on energy policy amid geopolitical energy competition to pursue energy security through two levels, namely the domestic and international sectors. keywords: japan, strategy, energy security, geopolitics of energy, fukushima disaster submission : september, 13rd 2022 revision : november 24th 2022 publication : february 28th 2023 introduction japan is not a country that is blessed with abundant energy resources, even though it consists of four big islands, making it an archipelago country. it has little to no fossil energy reserve potential to support its development as a country. this condition forces japan to thrive using innovation and advanced technological engineering to support its effort to develop new and renewable energy. before 2011, japan was the third biggest nuclear-powered power plant behind the united states and france 13% of its electricity comes from nuclear power. however, in 2019 it is decreased to 3% (us energy information administration (eia), 2020). the explosion of the fukushima nuclear power plants is the main reason for the energy share decrease because the japanese government has to reassess its nuclear power plant infrastructure. historically, because it lacked energy resources, especially in oil and natural gas, japan has a high demand for energy imports and relied heavily on the middle east countries (evans, 2006). japan’s significant reliance on imports of energy has been going on for mailto:ibrahimhugowidodo@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 83 decades. it can be traced back to 1950 when the matsunaga plan commenced as japan’s first energy security strategic policy after world war ii. its reliance made japan experience a significant gross domestic product (gdp) reduction in the 1970s because of the oil embargo from the organization of the petroleum exporting countries (opec), which peaked in 1973. the petro-politics dynamics consequently made oil prices spiked up to 200%, especially the embargo by kuwait during the saudi arabia-israel conflict as the gulf states own most oil reserves. the expensive oil price delivers severe damage to japan’s economic fundamentals because of its heavy reliance on oil imports. the damage consequently increases many sectors’ service fees, creates massive unemployment, and triggers political instability (mihut & daniel, 2012). ultimately, it also hurt the japanese economy from 1970 to 1975 (see graph.1). graph.1 japan’s economic growth 1970-1975 cognizant of the impact of oil price on its economy, in 1979, japan constituted the law concerning the rational use of energy as its cornerstone in achieving energy security. this law serves as the umbrella of all japanese efforts to meet its energy needs and rely less on fossil fuel. this strategy made japan distribute its energy mix by utilizing its advanced energy to develop other energy resources, focusing on nuclear power. kansai electric power company and japan atomic power company were appointed to build nuclear reactors to achieve japan’s energy needs. by 1993, japan had developed 46 nuclear reactors, and in 2010 the number was increased to 54 reactors, fulfilling 30% of domestic energy needs. the strategic energy plan plays a vital role in japan’s success in developing nuclear energy. the strategic energy plan 2010 explains that japan will keep relying on nuclear energy and increase the capacity to 85% of total electricity production by 2020 (camilia, 2018). however, the japanese strategy in overcoming its dependency on fossil energy did not go according to the strategic energy plan 2010. the fukushima disaster in 2011 scatters the critical part of japan's energy supply. 9.0 richter scale earthquake and a tsunami destroy fukushima. this disaster also resulted in the leaking of three fukushima nuclear reactors and caused long-term damage to the surrounding environment due to the radiation. the miserable condition led the international atomic energy agency (iaea) to withdraw the sumber: mihut, m. i., & daniel, d. l. (2012). first oil shock impact on the japanese economy. procedia economics and finance, 3, 1042-1048. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 84 active status of all nuclear reactors in japan. this withdrawal or decommissioning significantly affects the future of japan's energy security. therefore, japan needs to reactualize its energy policy to find the best way to meet its energy needs after the fukushima disaster. in 2014, the japanese government created a new strategic policy derived from the fourth strategic energy plan. that law directs japan to reposition its energy mix without nuclear power. on this point, japan's strategy in facing energy security challenges after fukushima becomes very interesting to be analyzed. the reposition of the energy mix depends on the shift from nuclear energy to fossil energy. however, japan does not have any fossil energy reserves; therefore, japan needs to look into other countries to fulfill its fossil energy needs. furthermore, to meet its energy needs, japan needs to be more adaptive in the development of geopolitics of energy. the energy dynamics in asia have a competitive nature as china controls most of the potential energy in that region. through the belt and road initiative (bri), china tries to seize control in terms of geopolitics from asia to europe. thus, the political situation regarding international energy demands the states to issue dynamic policies to respond to the political map. the main question of this paper is how the japanese strategy to achieve energy security in the contemporary geopolitical dynamics after the fukushima disaster is? to answer the question, this writing uses energy security theory to argue that japan bases its energy security strategy on domestic and international levels. on the domestic side, this paper explains that japan is trying to consolidate its energy mix fulfillment after the fukushima disaster using a strategic energy plan that will be explained more later in this paper. this writing finds 3 (three) tactics that japan articulates to answer the geopolitics of energy challenges on the international scope. first, realigning with china as the main competitor in asia. second, ensure the security of energy supply through diplomacy and strengthen the relations with central asian region countries, russia, and saudi arabia. third, strengthening the maritime security in chokepoints of fossil energy imports. method starting from the context above, this paper focuses on understanding japan’s strategy in achieving energy security through the contemporary geopolitical energy dynamics. this research concretely presents an analysis of the dynamics and polemics that can affect japan’s energy security mission in the scope of geopolitical energy. the research approach is a qualitative approach that intends to understand what phenomena are experienced by research subjects holistically, and by means of descriptions in the form of words and language, in a special natural context and by utilizing various sciences. (moloeng, 2007:6). literature review this writing concentrates on a framework thinking that was built upon energy security concepts and energy geopolitics in analyzing japan’s energy security strategy. definitively, according to iea, energy security is defined as the uninterrupted availability journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 85 of energy sources at an affordable price.1 based on this definition, energy security is placed on the logic of all dynamics in energy are affected by states interaction in the energy sector. in more detail, iea provides the following definition, “uninterrupted availability of energy sources at an affordable price. by many aspects: long-term energy security mainly deals with timely investments to supply energy in line with economic developments and environmental needs”. however, according to meti definition (2015) japan embodies the energy security as: “to secure adequate energy at reasonable prices necessary for the people’s lives, and economic and industrial activities of the country through principle of energy security, safety, environment and economic efficiency”. based on the elaboration of the definition above, security energy is an action to maintain and build the availability of energy reserves for a certain amount of time. the energy security strategy can support national development and help achieve energy availability for the future generation. in addition, understanding the dynamics of energy security cannot be separated from the political-economy element that is embedded in energy as a strategic commodity. consequently, energy security depends on how states do their export and import activities in the energy sector. in other words, energy security demands safe access to energy supply from the global market. in the development, energy security is increasingly institutionalized along with the growth in the human population. thus, the world is faced with the reality that international politics and economic situations contribute to energy security, which holds a crucial role in a state’s national development (arfani, 2006). state mistakes in maintaining energy security have a logical consequence of political-economic instability as it fails to secure energy supply that directly affects the country’s development. the energy availability problem significantly impacts the livelihood of a state and its people, as all activities, starting from people’s mobility to the manufacturing process, need energy. therefore, in maintaining energy security, the state must effectively manage the end-toend energy cycle both domestically and externally. because these two aspects can synergistically provide certainty of energy availability for a country. according to aleh cherp (2014), there are four significant elements to understand a country’s energy security. energy security is linked closely to the availability factor (availability), the cost to access the energy resources (affordability), access to exploit the energy resources (accessibility), and how these energy resources are welcomed by the surrounding environment (acceptability). this paper will only focus on the accessibility factor in analyzing the japanese energy security strategy post-fukushima disaster. the rationale in choosing the accessibility element stems from the restriction of japan from using its nuclear energy after the fukushima disaster. this condition creates an accessibility gap as japan loses a significant amount of its energy resources. so japan needs to find a replacement for nuclear power. therefore, japan focuses on importing energy through the maritime route to gain more access to energy resources. besides securing energy access, japan, in achieving energy security after the fukushima disaster, also deals with contemporary geopolitical energy dynamics. from major 1 see energy security definition by iea that is accessible online through: http://www.iea.org/topics/energysecurity/subtopics/whatisenergysecurity/. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 86 countries like the us or china to middle-power and small-power like japan, every state has different energy needs. succinctly, ian skeet (1996) explains energy geopolitics as “the effect that location of resources has on the politics of states.” one decade later, jeanmarie chevalier (2009) defines energy geopolitics as the balance of power between states and corporations in accessing energy resources and managing resources related to energy issues. as exporting countries, energy geopolitics is associated with seizing oil and gas money and its allocation in the decision-making process. as for the importing countries, energy geopolitics is regarded as one of the vital national interests, so it has a notable impact on its stability. (suhartini et al., 2018). based on the definitions above, energy geopolitics is a state's energy policy based on considerations of geographical features. as every country has its own energy strategy, energy geopolitics triggers contestation within international politics. this difference is gained from the state's different understanding and needs regarding energy sectors, making the means to reach energy security differ based on the state's interpretation. energy geopolitics can help states support and achieve energy security by utilizing the country's geographical features and surroundings. the geographic utilization includes energy resources management, control on areas with the potential of multi-sectoral cooperation, and the fulfillment of domestic energy needs. result and discussion japan’s energy policy post-fukushima disaster geographically, japan is located in the ring of fire which is prone to natural disasters. the disasters that challenge japan range from earthquakes, tornadoes, to the tsunami that can destroy buildings and take many lives. however, this unideal condition actually spurred japan to turn its lack of natural resources into achievements with its advanced technological engineering. this determination has led japan to be asian tiger by dominating various sectors, including the economy and mastery in energy. japan currently is the fifth biggest energy consumer in the world. to meet those needs, japan imports fossil fuel from several countries and generates electricity using nuclear power (vivoda, 2012). before the fukushima disaster, nuclear energy contributed a notable impact in ensuring japan’s energy needs. nuclear power is one of the biggest and most important energy sources of japan at that time. data shows that in 2010, japan increased its electrification by 29.30% by lowering its dependence significantly on fossil fuels (meti, 2017). this achievement is met through a fundamental transformation in japan’s energy mix by being the third biggest country globally in terms of nuclear reactor utilization. sadly, japan’s comfort needs to come to an end after the fukushima disaster. after the tsunami in tohoku, iwate prefecture, miyagi, and fukushima, the leaking of the fukushima nuclear reactors resulted in the decommissioning of all japan’s nuclear energy. the 9.0 richter scale earthquake and tsunami severely damaged six fukushima daiichi and fukushima daini nuclear reactors. japan’s success in increasing 29.30% of electrification through nuclear power suddenly scattered, and tokyo needs to find a new alternative to cover up the void left by nuclear energy. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 87 graph.2 japan’s energy consumption (tfc) source: iea, 2016 the restriction on the use of nuclear power resulted in the loss of 30% of japan’s domestic energy supply. responding to this challenge, japan relied on expensive fossil fuel, especially liquified natural gas (lng), to meet its energy needs. by the end of 2013, the shift from nuclear to fossil energy caused a drastic increase in japan’s energy import to 94% from 80% in 2010. this condition brings about a 16% rise in household electricity price and 25% for the industry. additionally, fossil energy usage increased japan’s yearly co2 emission by a fourth (iea, 2016). at this point, japan is forced to secure energy security to fulfill domestic needs. in the aftermath of the fukushima disaster, the japanese government has made comprehensive efforts to ensure and reach energy security amid a problematic situation. japan’s strategic moves have considered all available options to safeguard its energy security: strengthen access to foreign energy sources, diversify the energy mix, and increase energy consumption efficiency. to guarantee this, japan’s ministry of economy, trade, and industry (meti) constitutes the strategic energy plan as the base of japan’s energy policy until 2030. the fifth amendment of the strategic energy plan has revised and reconceptualize the japanese understanding of the needs and challenges amidst the current energy geopolitics dynamics. the principles in the strategic energy plan target japan’s strategic effort to build a more stable energy supply and maintain economic, environmental, and safety efficiency through flexible energy diversification (iea, 2017). in the domestic political context, the important actor in this transformation is prime minister naoto kan from the democratic party of japan (dpj). radically, naoto kan proposed a revision regarding the strategic energy plan by initiating an energy policy oriented around zero nuclear reliance. this approach is the complete opposite of japan’s pro-nuclear strategic plan. however, japan’s political dynamics did not allow the idea to happen. the domination of the liberal democratic party (ldp) in the japanese parliament with the election of shinzo abe as the new prime minister signaling an end to the djp’s zero nuclear reliance proposition (igha, 2017). shinzo abe ends political instability by deciding that japan will continue to use nuclear energy as the long-term means of fulfilling japanese energy needs. perdana menteri shinzo abe mengakhiri journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 88 instabilitas politik jepang serta memutuskan penggunaan energi nuklir untuk memenuhi kebutuhan energi dalam jangka panjang dengan berbagai alasan. this political decision became the pivotal point that underlines the 2014 revision of the strategic energy plan. graph.3 japan power energy supply plan source: (ihs markit, 2021) japan’s domestic strategy in achieving energy security focuses on the actualization of the energy mix management. on the 4th strategic energy plan, the japanese government emphasized five main focuses in maintaining energy security until 2030. this five focus includes applying and developing new and renewable energy, reducing nuclear power usage, increasing the independent development of fossil energy, energy efficiency, and increasing domestic energy reserves. referring to that document, fossil fuel still becomes an essential source in the japanese energy mix as lng and oil hold vital roles in japan’s economy. japan tries to shortly remove nuclear energy from its energy mix until 2016 (picture.2). japan’s energy policy principle in the 4th strategic energy plan focuses on the 3e+s, which is creating a stable energy supply, economic efficiency, environmentally friendly, and safety (meti, 2014). furthermore, japan will continue to develop its nuclear energy by re-establishing and upgrading the safety standard to shift back to nuclear power and use it to fill 22% of japan’s energy mix in 2030. in other words, japan’s short-term plan is to use fossil energy until its nuclear technology and infrastructure are safe and advanced enough to support japan’s energy. the energy policy in the 4th strategic energy plan will focus on securing energy resources comprehensively and strengthen the domestic energy supply. hence the approach is focused more on scaling up the synergy within domestic energy policy. picture.4 japan’s energy mix 2019 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 89 source: (us energy information administration (eia), 2020) to close the short-term energy void left by nuclear power after the fukushima disaster, japan relies heavily on fossil energy imports. in 2019, iea data shows that japan had distributed its energy mix due to nuclear power use restriction, which dropped the percentage to 3% (picture 1). japan’s energy mix is dominated by petroleum with 40% of total consumption, followed by lng, increasing its number in the japanese energy consumption mix by 21%. this extensification of fossil energy is essential to cover up the loss from nuclear restriction. lng is the elemental fuel for japan’s middle-class power plan. from 2011 to 2014, japan’s lng import was increased from 70.6 metric tonnes per annum (mtpa) to 89.1 mtpa (yoshida, 2018). fossil fuel extensification had successfully avoided blackout after the fukushima disaster. however, the high price of lng resulted in the rise of electricity bills for households and industry. the usage of lng as the primary fuel of most of japan’s power plants and the restriction of nuclear power pushes japan to use the strategy energy plan aggressively to get more access to fossil energy. meti put this strategy as one of the top priorities, which can be seen from the meti initiative to create an international forum on lng in 2012, the lng producer-consumer conference. this conference serves as a dialogue platform for lng to create a more competitive exchange between lng exporting and importing countries, including japan. japan took advantage of the global gas commodities market condition, which was experiencing an excess of supply. in 2015, the copious lng created what is called a “buyer’s market.” maximizing this condition, japan bought significant portions of lng through japan’s energy for a new era (jera); the alliance of tokyo electric power company and chubu electric company, tokyo gas; kansai electric power company; and osaka gas. these corporations were pushing for a more flexible system and competitive market for japan’s lng. nonetheless, year by year, the lng price keeps on rising, along with oil price. therefore, japan focuses on coming back to nuclear energy in 2031 to minimize the dependence on lng and fossil energy imports. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 90 japan’s strategy in the contemporary energy geopolitics according to saul bernard cohen (2014:44), there are two structures in geopolitics, geostrategic realm and geopolitical regions. the structural dimension of the geopolitical regions is the lower level of geopolitics. the understanding of this structure is segregated based on the geographical division of the world’s region, but all those regions are still connected politically, culturally, and militarily. meanwhile, the geostrategic dimension is at the top level in geopolitical understanding. the understanding of the geostrategic element of a state is built upon the strategic function of the geographical feature to support the interest of major countries, the region, and the countries around it. the framework of thinking related to the geostrategic must capture the circulation pattern between humans, goods, and ideas to be maximized strategically. as stated by cohen, these realms are parts of the world large enough to possess characteristics and functions that are globally influencing and that serve the strategic needs of the major powers, states, and regions they comprise. their frameworks are shaped by circulation patterns that link people, goods, and ideas and are held together by control of strategically located land and sea passageways (cohen, 2014: 41). to create geostrategy, a state must first understand the geopolitics structure of the subject. a state’s geostrategy may depend on whether a country wants to pursue a continental approach depending on whether they want to use a continental approach that focuses more on land or a maritime approach that focuses more on the sea. this different geographical condition is crucial in determining what geostrategy will give the best result. based on the understanding of regional geopolitics above, japan is located in the asiapacific rim geopolitics area, a maritime zone that extends to indonesia and australia. even though japan is an archipelago country, it is close to the asia mainland. russia has a significant role in the eurasia region due to the ownership of major gas pipelines to europe. this makes russia have geographical advantages in the eurasian continental realm. meanwhile, china, the leading japanese competitor in asia, lies in the east asia geographical realm that flanks the indochina region. to understand japan’s energy geostrategy, it is essential to know that japan cannot rely on itself to close the energy gap left by its nuclear power. therefore, japan needs to look into other countries to increase its fossil energy supply to support its fundamental energy needs. this challenge requires japan to secure the logistic route to redound its energy import activity. hence, japan needs to use a maritime geostrategy approach as the japanese fossil energy progression depends on the security of the sea trading routes around the south asia geopolitics, the african horn, and the middle east shatterbelt. thus, japan must maintain maritime security as most of the fossil energy export-import activities from the middle east are using the sea route. the analysis of this paper captures that the japanese policy makers acknowledge the important elements that should be the focus of the strategic energy plan. so, in formulating the energy security policy, japan needs to concentrate on three significant variables to its energy security. first, china as a country that emerges as one of the major powers is currently very aggressive in spreading its influence all over the world. second, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 91 the security and sustainability of japan’s energy supply from the gulf states. third, the security of the sea lanes of communication (sloc) as the main route for japanese energy import. from those variables, there are three strategies that japan needs to do: realign its relationship with china, strengthen the strategic cooperation for energy supply security, and involve in maintaining the maritime security of the energy imports routes. re-aligning the relationship with china by using strategic projects according to watanabe (2018), the east asia region is currently contested by many countries geopolitically. the phenomenon is called daitōa chiseigaku or greater east asia geopolitics. this phenomenon was based on the competition between japan and china over the east asia region. historically, the 1970-1980 period was the golden period for the energy relationship between the two countries with solid cooperation based on mutual interdependence. moorthy (2012) stated that the cooperation position between japan and china cannot be separated from china’s abundant energy reserves, making beijing have the leverage when interacting with japan. “the have” and “the have not” difference between china and japan in the energy sector place japan as the needy one in their relationship. secondly, the relation between china and japan was also built upon non-energy sectors: economic potential, political stability, and the strategic condition in the cold war era. in that period, japan and china had a strategic confrontation type of relation. however, after 1980, the relationship between the two countries changed into strategic embracement (zhimin & zhijun, 2004). the shift was affected by the urge from china to keep up with japan economically. referring to kusumawardhana (2016), the world economic globalization process pushes states to manage, access, and regulate every activity happening within their sovereignty border and the cross-border dimension. currently, japan and china are cooperating in non-traditional energy issues focusing on the environmental and social aspects. some of the cooperation undertaken by japan and china includes the prevention of ecological damage from excess energy exploration and overcoming air pollution from china’s energy and industry activities (moorthy, 2012). china realizes that the aggressive behavior in its foreign energy policies can lead to confrontation with japan. therefore, china seeks to offset this behavior by creating a positive image and avoiding energy conflict in areas disputed with japan. in many ways, china has emulated japan’s success in tackling energy security issues. moorthy (2012) further explains that japan is also active in transferring its technology to help china solve its energy problems. thus, both countries agree that walking together is far better than conforming in the pursuit of energy security. 2017 was a golden period for japan-china cooperation. the majority of japan’s alliance with china, or about 48.7%, is in environmental conservation technology and infrastructure development. the culmination of the increasingly convincing cooperation between japan and china was seen at the da nang summit. this summit shows the commitment of both countries to intensify their relationship. in this summit, china is involving japan in its bri project. previously, the japanese government sent its delegation to the belt and road forum for international cooperation in 2017, led by the ldp’s general secretary, toshihiro nakai, and the meti vice minister, yoshifumi matsumura. as a result, japan officially announced that it provides cooperation and financial support for the bri’s cross-border infrastructure development of usd110 billion. the funds are journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 92 channeled through jica and the asian development bank (adb). this initiative was later called the partnership for quality infrastructure (pqi), which aims to expand japan's presence in developing countries. those cooperation support japan’s mission in promoting regional stability and prosperity and ensuring energy security access (shutaro, 2018). strengthening strategic cooperation for energy supply security asia is the center of the world's energy reserves potential, mainly oil and natural gas. japan's interest in asia is primarily to secure energy import access from countries with abundant energy reserves. countries linked closely with japan's energy needs are spread in three main world axes, the central asian countries, saudi arabia in the middle east, and russia. learning from the 1973 energy crisis, japan was massively affected because 99.6% of its oil comes from the middle east, and 40% was used for the japanese industry (oystein, 1983). hence, it is imperative for japan to strengthen its relation with oilexporting countries, bilaterally or multilaterally, to secure access and availability. in the central asia region, japan uses various approaches to strengthen its relationship with the member countries. japan uses the official development assistance (oda) to reinforce bilateral and multilateral relations. oda is the primary tool in the japanese foreign-policy-making process to help japan achieve its national interest abroad. oda's scope of work includes cooperation in human resources development, infrastructure, economy, technology transfer through grants, financial assistance, and bank loans. japan has built the eurasia diplomacy since 1991, and to date, japan received the transfer of liquified natural gas from several countries such as kazakhstan, kyrgyzstan, tajikistan, turkmenistan, and uzbekistan via the three main routes, trans-siberian railway (tsr), china land bridge (clb) and turkmenistan-iran's chabahar port (mangi, 2011) japan's policies towards central asia were supported by oda funding contribution worth 2.57 million usd and increased to 16.81 million usd in 2016 (mofa, 2018). in addition to fulfilling lng supplies, japan is also interested in the large natural reserves in central asia. according to suhartini et al. (2018), turkmenistan, kazakhstan, and uzbekistan are known as the big three since the three countries have 15% of the world's uranium reserves, 15% of the world's natural gas reserves, and 5,300 metric tonnes of gold. thus these natural resources invite japan to cooperate in the energy sector for its future use and interest. then, japan also paid serious attention to its relationship with russia regarding energy supply in mainland asia (heartland). japan has made substantial progress in energy cooperation with russia, even though the two countries have some international disputes. two of them are japan and russia never signed a formal peace agreement after world war ii, and the dispute over hoppo ryoōdo or the kuril island dispute that is still ongoing. however, since the escalation of the conflict with ukraine, russian president vladimir putin stated that the direction of russia's energy business has shifted towards the asiapacific region through the russian far east (rfe) as the district is closer to china and japan. the orientation shift in russia's foreign energy policy through the go east strategy is based on russia's plan to target the east asia market and secure the energy supplier role to the ever-growing region and its vast energy demand. based on the long-term strategy of russia, it has been forecasted that moscow will create an asia pacific market that consumes 22%-25% of russian oil and 19%-20% of russian journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 93 lng. this forecast is welcomed by japan. more concrete cooperation between japan and russia comes in may 2016, when the japan bank of international cooperation (jbic) provides loans to the yamal lng project to support construction cost, procurement, and engineering. in 2017, the yamal project sent their lng to japan (rozman, 2014). japan continues to pursue solid cooperation with russia. yang konkrit antara putin dan shinzo abe. this can be seen in the multilateral forum of group of twenty (g20). shinzo abe and vladimir putin always hold bilateral meetings to discuss sustainable development and energy cooperation. in a short time, the discussion begets the first energy infrastructure project in the sakhalin island called the sakhalin-1 and the sakhalin-2. through this cooperation, through a private company sakhalin oil and gas development company (sodeco), japan successfully secured lng supply from russia. the sakhalin project is the fourth biggest lng supplier to japan and fulfills 18% of the japanese gas needs. the project also contributed to the increase of lng in japan's energy mix to 20% (lindgrenn, 2018). meanwhile, in the middle-east region, japan uses the "resource diplomacy" strategy to strengthen its relationship with the middle-eastern countries. this strategy is motivated by two intertwined factors: the japanese reliance on middle-east oil and japan-us relationship in the security sector. since 2000, japan uses resource diplomacy, which includes a diplomatic approach, economic activities, and involving private companies with oil and gas producers. japan's meti and mofa collaborated and acted as the corridor of japanese strategic partnership with the middle east region. japan's multilateral approach to the middle east resolved two issues at once: oil export facilities procurement and lng fulfillment. the bilateral resource diplomacy with saudi arabia and the united arab emirates as japan's two biggest energy suppliers fundamentally extends the relationship more than the energy business. to strengthen its relations with saudi arabia, japan has agreed to 20 memorandum of understanding (mou) in economic projects. this agreement boosted japan's oil import quota to 37.4% in 2016. the following year, the first strategic partnership for japan in the middle east was initiated by saudi arabia with the saudi-japan vision 2030, which has three main strategic pillars. first, building sustainable industrial development. second, strengthening the economy with innovation and technology. third, revitalizing sociocultural aspects of the two countries (japan imperial household agency, 2017). japan's success in building a strategic partnership with saudi arabia opened up eight ample opportunities in the energy sector that japan could utilize. some of them are essential in supporting japan's energy security, such as the joint crude oil storage with saudi arabia in okinawa, the hub of energy transportation in the south of japan, cooperation in the aramco initial public offering (ipo), joint-project of potential oil and gas energy infrastructure, energy efficiency and energy conservation promotion, new and renewable energy promotion, human resource development in the nuclear sector, power generation and grid development, and a low carbon energy system collaboration (mofa, 2017). it can be concluded that the japanese strategy in securing short-term energy supply after the fukushima disaster is through intensive and extensive resource diplomacy with the central asia region, russia, and the middle east using strategic partnerships. shinzo abe's annual high-level state visits are to build these strategic partnerships. participating in maintaining maritime and gulf security journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 94 many countries are using sea routes in the distribution of their international energy trade. this distribution passes through the hormuz strait, the center of the world energy trade, and the malacca strait as the hub before entering the asia pacific region. from the geopolitical maritime realm view, japan needs to be aware of the military disturbance, including piracy and terrorism. moreover, the malacca strait is close to scs, which is currently full of territorial disputes. the disturbance in the malacca strait today is often referred to as the malacca dilemma. as a country with a significant dependence on maritime energy transportation routes, japan needs to be aware of the obstacles known as choke point security. for example, in june 2019, a japanese oil tanker, kokuka courageous, sank because of an attack by a torpedo in the gulf of oman. iran is suspected as the attacker by several countries, especially the us, although there is still uncertainty regarding the attacker. because of this incident, for the first time in 41 years, shinzo abe made a special visit to iran to solve the problem and mediate iran’s conflict with the us (suzuki, 2019). the conflict escalation around the strait of hormuz prompted iran to close the strait for international trade. if this happens, japan will lose 20% of its energy needs. anticipating the lousy scenario related to the strait of hormuz, japan is considering sending the japanese maritime self-defence force (sdf) to investigate the gulf of oman and the strait of bab el-mandeb regarding the incident (suzuki, 2019). the strait of hormuz is a crucial point of japan’s energy logistic route. hence it is not surprising that tokyo thoughtfully responded to the incident. picture.5 sea lanes of communications of japanese energy imports source: chubu electric power, 2019 on the maritime security sector, japan, with the jieitai or the japan self defence force (jsdf) and the japanese coast guard (jcg), help guarding the sloc or the sea lines of communication and several other conflict-prone places, which often called chokepoints security in the asia and pacific region. several chokepoints are essential for japan as the entry route for its oil, such as the malacca strait, singapore strait, spratly island, and bashi canal (widyasari, 2008). jsdf holds a vital role in guarding the sloc as the sea poses a threat to energy security such as piracy, armed robbery against ships, and sea journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 95 lines blocking. an increase in maritime safeguarding is carried out every year by jsdf with assistance from the us military as the main ally. the us itself has military bases in okinawa and the seventh fleet headquartered in yokosuka, kanagawa prefecture, japan, to maintain international order from asia pacific waters. china also poses a threat to japanese energy security. nevertheless, this threat is more of a political one than an economy. this threat may worsen if the relationship between china and the us deteriorates. japan also paid particular attention to scs. china's militarisation in scs is a threat to japan's energy imports from the gulf states. as discussed by many academics and maritime security observers, the scs area is currently full of contestation between china and asean countries, including indonesia. indonesia is currently strengthening its political realism due to the violations of sovereignty by china and vietnam in natuna (anggraini et al., 2018; kantaprawira et al., 2019; kusumawardhana et al., 2020). the instability surrounding the scs is very unfavorable towards japan's energy imports activities. therefore, japan has two ways to face this challenge. first, by upgrading the military air bases around the senkaku islands and improving the aegis system in naval technology. in 2010, the jsdf had four advanced missile destroyers, 30 missile destroyer ships, and 14 conventional submarines with 2,700 tonnes. japan's efforts to improve maritime defense are inseparable from the cooperation carried out by the japanese government in international organizations. in addition to the military assistance, japan is taking a funding-based approach through the oda to malaysia and indonesia to strengthen piracy and terrorism (raj, 2009). japan's effort by involving the coastal states such as malaysia, singapore, and indonesia are forms of capacity-building programs aimed to maintain sovereignty and strengthen maritime security. conclusion based on the analysis of this study, japan’s strategy to energy security relies on both domestic and international dimensions. domestically, japan has strategy energy plans as their national energy policy rationale in pursuing energy security, creating economic growth with sustainable value, independence, improving life standard, and developing stable energy supplies. japan tries to create a structured energy supply and demand to support its economy. therefore, an evenly distributed domestic energy diversification also holds a vital role in this case. on the international scope, japan emphasizes three strategic efforts, realigns their strategic relations with china, ensures the security of energy supply through diplomacy and commitment to central asian countries, russia, and saudi arabia, and strengthens the maritime sector and safety of the gulf with jsdf. those efforts were to guarantee japan’s energy accessibility via energy import to fulfill domestic needs. therefore, japan’s primary weapons to achieve its energy security objectives are 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(2004). embracing or balancing: china’s search for a japan strategy. international review, 1-43. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 429 community communication behavior in adapting to the covid-19 pandemic yayu sriwartini communication department faculty of social and political science universitas nasional yayu.sriwartini@civitas .unas.ac.id abstract : this research aims to describe people's communication behavior during the pandemic, both before the new normal and during the new normal, from the perspective of the theory of expectation violations. the research used a qualitative approach that is descriptive with the data collection process using secondary data from digital data searches and other documentation. the data validity test is carried out by diligently conducting secondary data searches; while the transferability test is carried out by presenting data in detail, systematically, and comprehensively; the third is the dependability test by conducting discussions with colleagues who are expected to be able to audit the research process carried out and provide input. research shows that during the pandemic, there was a change in nonverbal communication behavior in the community, especially space and distance communication, touch communication, and regional communication. changes in communication behavior are a consequence of the existence of various government regulations (policies) during the pandemic and from the perspective of the theory of expectations violations, changes in communication behavior show public compliance expected by the government. conversely, violations that occur are a threat limit and become a negative valence because they cause social sanctions and even legal sanctions. keywords: communication behavior, pandemic period, expectation violation theory submission : august, 13rd 2022 revision : september 24th 2022 publication : november 30th 2022 introduction since it was announced for the first time that indonesia officially became one of the countries affected by covid-19 on march 2, 2020, by president joko widodo, indonesia has entered the first wave. the number of cases continues to increase. in the early days of the pandemic, to anticipate spikes and break the chain of the spread of the covid-19 virus, several local governments adopted policies to close school activities for 14 days. companies are also advised to ask their employees to work from home. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 430 not long after, the central government instructed all regional heads to carry out preventive measures including making policies on the process of learning from home for students and university students and making policies on some asns being able to work at home using online interaction, while still prioritizing services provided. prima to the community, postponing activities that involve many participants. this policy is known as "work from home, study from home, and worship at home". then came the term social distancing. it was anies baswedan, the regional head who first called on his citizens to practice social distancing because dki jakarta was the first city with the highest number of covid-19 infections in those early days. as quoted from www.jpn.com, social distancing is maintaining distance between residents, reducing encounters, avoiding physical activities, and staying away from places where large crowds gather. in its development, the term social distancing in the context of preventing the spread of covid-19 was then officially replaced by who physical distancing (news.onlineindo.tv, 2020), meaning that people can still carry out social relations but not face-to-face. some health protocols have also been implemented, including having to frequently wash hands with soap and running water, wearing a mask and always having hand sanitizer handy, don't touch the face area and don't shake hands or hugging, giving rise to a new style of greeting. in addition, we must also maintain social distancing, not gather in crowds, always clean things at home, and always pay attention to the ethics of coughing and sneezing. in essence, the policy emphasizes the public to always maintain personal and environmental hygiene and stay at home as best as possible if there is no urgent need. the rapid and massive movement of the covid 19 virus to various regions in indonesia has led to the desire of several regional leaders (especially jabodetabek) for the central government to impose a lockdown or regional quarantine. however, with various considerations, the government prefers to establish large-scale social restrictions (psbb). even on march 31, 2020 (setkab.go.id, 2020) the government finally issued a government regulation that regulates large-scale social restrictions. this regulation is contained in government regulation number 21 of 2020 concerning large-scale social restrictions in the context of accelerating the management of corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19). in this pp, what is meant by psbb is limiting residents' activities in an area suspected of being infected with covid-19 to prevent the possible spread of covid-19. dki jakarta was the first city to carry out psbb, followed by other cities in indonesia. the climax of the national psbb was when the government imposed a ban on going home for the entire community on april 24, 2020. the rules and sanctions were enforced quite strictly, ranging from stopping and prohibiting continuing travel for people caught going home to imprisonment and fines of hundreds of millions of rupiah. this emergency response period lasted until the end of may 2020 until finally in early june 2020 the government began to implement a "new normal" period. it is undeniable that the implications of the outbreak of the covid 19 virus have had a very significant impact on various aspects of life both socially, economically, culturally, environmentally, educationally, and so on, including people's communication behavior. this is not only happening in indonesia but also in the world. this fact can be proven through various kinds of academic research, among journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 431 others: research conducted by unicef (lifestyle.kompas.com, 2020) shows that the implementation of the psbb has created a child poverty crisis, a nutrition crisis, and a learning crisis. the explanation is as follows: families and children who fall into poverty in a short time will experience severe impacts in terms of household food security and limitations regarding access, availability, and affordability of healthy food. online surveys show that food needs are increasingly insecure. as many as 36 percent of respondents said they often reduce food portions because of financial problems. then the learning crisis. the imposition of restrictions on social interaction through closing schools, including in indonesia, has exacerbated disparities in access to education. poor and vulnerable students are the ones most affected by school closures. then the results of the study by taufik and ayuningtyas (2020) show that the covid pandemic has changed the business structure in the field of online platforms into 3 clusters of business activity conditions, including: first, the business survives or is stable, the second is a declining business, and the third is a growing business. a stable business through adjusting the interaction model using an online application platform is education, especially for the delivery of food/drinks and necessities, and health products. businesses that have declined are those based on visits or the presence of consumers in places greatly affected by the covid-19 pandemic, such as public transportation, tourism, hotels, offline retail, shopping centers, and people and goods transportation. businesses that are growing due to market dynamics and adjustments to interactions using online application platforms such as the telecommunications business, online shopping (basic needs and health products), pharmaceuticals, and health products, including msmes that are turning to innovatively produce health products needed during the covid-19 pandemic. the pandemic has also changed 180 degrees the behavior of using gadgets among the public. due to the implementation of the education system and jobs that are carried out online, it is no doubt that children and adults cannot be separated from the use of gadgets in their daily lives. a phenomenon that may have been strictly regulated by parents has now become a routine. of course, this is not without problems. the results of research conducted by syahyudin (2020) show: the negative impact of using gadgets experienced by students is in the form of lazy activities, physical fatigue, and addiction which results in spending money to buy credit reduced concentration in learning, and other forms of delinquency. the highest negative impact is the laziness of students in social activities by 81.81% and the reduced concentration power of students which even reaches 100% of the total students who use gadgets. the covid 19 pandemic is not over. currently, the whole world is entering an era where the "new normal" or what is called the new order adapts to covid 19. the standards for implementing new normal rules are regulated by the ministry of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 432 health (kemenkes) through minister of health decree number hk.01.07/menkes/328 /2020 concerning guidelines for the prevention and control of covid-19 in office and industrial workplaces in supporting business continuity in a pandemic situation. this rule also applies to the general public. of course, the hope is that in the new normal era, people will still obey the rules. even the government gives sanctions to those who ignore it. but in fact, the implementation of this new normal is considered as if covid 19 has passed. people seem to be more relaxed and no longer afraid of hanging around and crowding in public places, even though during this new normal period the number of positive cases of covid has again increased. this is more or less because many people are negligent and not disciplined with regulations. in the context of communication, all forms of regulations and their implementation show communication behavior. what is the description of the communication behavior of the indonesian people during the pandemic? is this communication behavior one of the reasons for the increase in cases? in this study, the focus of the research is not to prove the impact of communication behavior on an increase in the number of cases, but rather how to describe communication behavior in adapting during the covid-19 pandemic. the research objective is to provide an overview of people's communication behavior in adapting to the covid-19 pandemic from the point of view of the theory of expectation violations. literature review the theory used in this study is the expectancy violations theory (evt) put forward by judee burgoon. quoting griffin (2012), this theory states that when communication norms are violated, this violation can be viewed positively or negatively depending on the recipient's perception of the violator. there are three (3) assumptions that guide this theory, namely: the first assumption is that people have expectations in their interactions with other people. this means that hope encourages interaction. expectations can be interpreted as thoughts and behaviors that are anticipated and approved in conversations with others. therefore included in this expectation is a person's verbal and nonverbal communication behavior. judee burgoon and jerold hale (griffin, 2012) state that there are two types of expectations, namely (1) pre-interactional expectations include the type of knowledge and interactional skills possessed by the communicator before he enters a conversation; (2) interactional expectation refers to a person's ability to carry out the interaction itself. most people expect others to maintain a reasonable distance in a conversation. the second assumption is that people learn their expectations through the culture at large as well as the individuals in that culture. individuals in culture are also influential in communicating expectations. burgoon and hale point out how important it is to pay attention to differences based on our prior knowledge of other people, the history of our relationship with them, and our observations. the third assumption relates to the predictions people make about nonverbal communication. burgoon's early writings on evt integrated specific instances of nonverbal communication, namely personal space and the other person's expectation of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 433 distance when a conversation takes place. in communication, the science that studies the use of one's space is called proxemics. the use of space can affect the meaning and message. burgoon started his early work on evt by studying the interpretation of space violations. the expectation violation theory is heavily influenced by the works of anthropologist edward t hall who claims that there are four (4) proxemic zones (knap, hall, horgan: 2013 & devito, 2013), namely as follows: a). intimate distance this zone includes behavior that occurs at a distance of between 0 and 18 inches (46 centimeters). forms of communication behavior in this zone vary from touching and whispering to observing the shape of a person's face. b) personal distance this zone includes behaviors that occur over an area ranging from 18 inches (46 centimeters) to 4 feet (1.2 meters). behaviors in personal distancing include holding hands and keeping a person at arm's length. hall stated that within the zone of personal distance, the volume of voice used is usually moderate, body heat can be felt and breath or body odor can be smelled. c) social space social distancing is between 4-12 feet (1.2-3.6 meters). hall stated that the closest social distance is usually used in a casual social setting. d) public space this distance exceeds 12 feet (3.7 meters). the closest point of public distance is usually used for formal discussion. at this distance, it is very difficult to read facial expressions, except by using media such as video conferencing. e) territoriality according to altman, lyman & scott as cited by west & turner (2008) there are three types of regions, viz first, the primary area is someone's exclusive area such as workspace. people usually put their name on their primary area to further emphasize ownership of that area; second, the secondary area, which shows a person's relationship with an area or object, such as for students, the campus library is a secondary area. third, the public area is an open area for everyone. territoriality is often followed by deterrence and reaction. people will prevent entering a certain area or will give a certain response when their territory is violated. communicator reward valence and stimulation what happens if our expectations are not met in conversations with others? according to burgoon (littlejojn & foss, 2010), when people stay away from or deviate from expectations, the deviation is accepted depending on the potential rewards from other people. not all violations of expected behavior lead to negative perceptions. the deviation has a "stimulus value". that is, when a person's expectations are violated, the person's interest or attention will be stimulated so that he will use certain mechanisms to deal with the violation that occurs. 1. cognitive arousal is alertness or orientation to violations. when we are cognitively stimulated, our intuitive senses are heightened 2. physical stimulation includes behaviors that communicators use in an journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 434 interaction—such as getting out of a conversation distance that makes them uncomfortable and adjusting during the interaction. threat limits and breach valence as soon as the stimulus arises, the threat will appear. the threat threshold is “the distance at which the person interacting experiences physical and physiological discomfort in the presence of another person”. the violation valence is a positive and negative assessment of unexpected behavior. communicators attempt to interpret the meaning of an offense and decide whether they like it or not. communication behavior communication behavior is communication activities. according to chaplin as quoted by wardhany (2006), human behavior is everything that is carried out or experienced by someone. in a narrow sense, behavior is defined as a reaction that can be observed objectively. human behavior is often also called behavior in the form of a person's activities or actions of a person as a reaction to a certain stimulus. meanwhile, according to irmasari (sasongko, witjaksono, and harsoyo, 2014) communication behavior is an action that implements knowledge and attitudes that have been formed in humans. this is related to the norms that apply to society. behavior was also stated by thoha as a function of the interaction between an individual and his environment (rorimpandey & kalangi, 2016). meanwhile, communication behavior concluded by rorimpandey and kalangi (2016) is a verbal or non-verbal action that is seen in a person's behavior. meanwhile, according to roger, communication behavior is a habit of individuals or groups in receiving and seeking information indicated by participation in relations with the social system, cosmopolitanism, relations with agents of change, exposure to the media, activeness in seeking information, knowledge of matters new things in innovation (muharman & wahyuni, 2019). non-verbal communication non-verbal communication is any process of conveying messages through body movements and language. the forms of non-verbal communication are as follows: a. facial expressions facial expressions communicate a variety of emotions as well as qualities or dimensions of emotion. wallace v. friensen and phoebe ellsworth as quoted by rakhmat (2019) stated that facial messages can communicate at least the following six "groups of emotions": happiness, surprise, fear, anger, sadness, disgust/humiliation. dale leathers suggests that facial movements may also communicate confusion and resolve. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 435 b. eye movement according to ben jonson's poetic observations and scientific observations of contemporary researchers, the eyes are the most important system of nonverbal messages. the messages communicated by the eyes vary depending on the duration, direction, and quality of the eye behavior. c. body posture and leg position posture is also often symbolic and affects self-image. several studies were conducted to determine the relationship between physique and character or temperament. william sheldon's classification of body shape shows the relationship between body shape and temperament. he associated a fat body (endomorph) with lazy and calm nature; an athletic body (mesomorph) is assertive and confident; a thin body (ectomorph) is introverted and does not like physical activity. how to stand or sit is also often interpreted differently in each country. d. hand gesture we often accompany our speech with hand signals. in calling for example, even though the other person is not visible, we like to move our hands. “talking with hands” includes so-called emblems that have different meanings in different cultures. e. space communication the use of space expresses us as clearly and as surely as words and sentences. a speaker who stands close to his audience, with his arm on the listener's shoulder and his eyes looking directly at the listener communicates something very different from a speaker who sits crouched in a corner with his arms folded and stares at the floor. likewise, the executive office space upstairs with floor-to-ceiling windows, a private bar, and plush carpeting communicates something very different from the windowless boxes employees occupy. f. territoriality the extent and location of the human territory also describe status. the example of golden triangle area in jakarta, for example, is a very prestigious area. status was also implied by unwritten laws that gave the right to invasion. for example, people with higher status have greater rights to enter the other party's territory than vice versa. g. touch communication this communication is also called haptics (haptics). according to montague, this communication is the most primitive form of communication. from a developmental point of view, touch is perhaps the first sense we use. even from the womb, babies are stimulated by touch. immediately after birth, babies are held, comforted, patted, and petted. then, the baby begins to know the world through touch (touch). in a short time, the baby learns to communicate various meanings through touch. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 436 policy during a pandemic the first policy at the start of the pandemic was psbb (large-scale social restrictions). there are six core activities of the psbb rules in article 13 of permenkes 9 of 2020 as follows as written by widiyani (2020), namely closing schools and workplaces, limiting religious activities, limiting activities in public places or facilities, limiting social and cultural activities, restrictions on modes of transportation, restrictions on other activities specifically related to aspects of defense and security. next are the transitional psbb volume 1 and volume 2. as reported by abdi (2021), this transitional psbb was carried out to deal with a new normal which is called the new normal. the next policies are the java-bali ppkm (enforcement of restrictions on community activities), micro ppkm, thickening of micro ppkm, emergency ppkm, and ppkm levels 1-4. unlike the psbb, this ppkm is a policy from the central government that must be implemented simultaneously by all provinces affected by the rules. the restrictions, as reported from the kompas.com page (2021), are as follows: 1. restrict office workplaces by implementing work-from-home (wfh) by 75 percent and work-from-an-office (wfo) by 25 percent by imposing stricter health protocols. 2. carry out teaching and learning activities online. 3. essential sectors related to the basic needs of society can still operate 100 percent with more stringent regulations of operating hours, capacity, and application of health protocols. 4. make arrangements for the implementation of restrictions, such as restaurant activities (eating/drinking on the spot by 25 percent) and for food services via delivery/takeaway orders are still permitted by restaurant operating hours. restrictions on operating hours for shopping centers/malls until 7.00 pm. 5. permit construction activities to operate 100 percent with stricter implementation of health protocols. 6. allowing places of worship to implement capacity-limiting arrangements of 50 percent with stricter implementation of health protocols. in addition to making policies to limit movement, and the scope and scope of human activity, the government is also making policies with a health protocol approach by considering the health and economic aspects simultaneously. quoted from the kominfo page (yusuf, 2020), the 3m health protocol is aimed at community activities, while 3t, is intended for government activities including: a. campaigning and socializing the 3m movement as disciplinary behavior in daily life during a pandemic to suppress the spread of the corona virus-19, which includes the following behaviors: • wash hands properly • maintain a safe distance of 1-2 meters when in a crowd • use a mask the 3m movement was carried out considering that according to who data (www.who.int), covid 19 spreads between humans directly and indirectly (through journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 437 contaminated objects or surfaces), or close contact with infected people through mouth and nose secretions. these secretions include saliva, respiratory secretions, or droplet (splash) secretions. secretions are expelled from the mouth or nose, for example when an infected person coughs, sneezes, talks, or sings. people who are near (1 meter) an infected person can be exposed to covid-19 when infectious droplets get into their mouth, nose, or eyes. promote the 3 t movement, ie. b. promote the 3 t movement, ie • testing, testing through a pcr swab test • tracing, tracing people in close contact with covid 19 cases • treatment, care, or isolation of positive patients until they are fully recovered method this research is descriptive by using a qualitative approach and an interpretive paradigm which aims to build and construct something of social life based on natural settings (newman, 2014 & bruman, 2008). the object of this research is the nonverbal or verbal communication behaviors of the community that implements regulations during a pandemic. data search was carried out using literature studies and data searches on the internet which describe public communication behavior during a pandemic. after that, the researcher reduced and categorized the data and presented it in narrative form. the data validity test is carried out by diligently conducting secondary data searches; while the transferability test is carried out by presenting data in detail, systematically, and comprehensively; the third is the dependability test by conducting discussions with colleagues who are expected to be able to audit the research process carried out and provide input. result and discussion since the first psbb period, people's lifestyles have started to change, but they are still adapting. many people experience culture shock. for example, when the school policy had to go completely online, most people experienced problems, especially people who had rarely or never had contact with technology and the internet before, they felt troubled. not to mention in terms of infrastructure, not all people have computers or cell phones, resulting in many students not being able to participate in education to the fullest. coupled with the geographical factor which often hinders the signal, making some people constrained, so the learning process is not optimal as expected. this condition had raised pros and cons. in addition, there are also changes in communication behavior in society. communication itself is a process of conveying messages both verbally (written and spoken) and nonverbally in the form of kinesesic, postural, paralanguage, proxemic, olfactory as well as the artifacts or accessories used. one's communication behavior is certainly expected to meet expectations, meaning that it does not violate the proper norms or rules. however, during the covid 19 pandemic, many communication behaviors that were previously (normal) were unusual, in fact, during the pandemic, they became commonplace and even mandatory. changes in communication are formed from the emergence of various regulations. this means that communication journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 438 behavior must comply with government regulations during a pandemic. if you do not follow the rules, it is declared a violation of expectations. in detail, the following are people's communication behaviors that change following government regulations and become something true from the viewpoint of the theory of expectation violations. mask usage the mask is an accessory and represents artifactual non-verbal communication. in normal times, wearing a mask is not a problem some people use it all the time. in normal times, the use of masks is not mandatory for all people without exception. but during the covid 19 pandemic, the use of masks is mandatory, and you will receive sanctions if you don't use them. people will feel ashamed of themselves if they don't wear masks. not only when on the road, but masks must also be used when in a room where there are other people. when viewed from the theory of expectation violations, the regulation on the use of masks is a pre-interaction expectation and its implementation by the community reflects interactional expectations. if you examine the facts, there are not a few people who violate interactional expectations. therefore, the application of social sanctions to legal sanctions is a solution to discipline. several regional governments, such as the dki regional government, at the beginning of the pandemic, set penalties for people who did not use masks properly, especially those who did not use them at all. the penalty is to pay a fine of rp. 250,000 per individual or doing social work by sweeping the streets. this form of sanction is a cognitive stimulus. maintaining distance keeping distance is a representation of nonverbal communication in the proxemic category or space communication. during the covid 19 pandemic, apart from having to wear a mask, everyone is also required to keep their distance when they are in a certain room, at least 1-2 meters. the goal is to avoid other people's droplets. the distance that is applied includes the category of social distance. as a form of compliance, all places apply distance limits by giving signs. the communication behavior of people who adhere to keeping their distance is what is expected. however, it often appears that the threat limit is shown by some people. for example, regardless of distance restrictions. space and distance communication during a pandemic can be seen in many ways, among others: 1. driving behavior. during the early psbb period to emergency ppkm like in dki jakarta, the use of vehicles was regulated in such a strict way. sedan private car with a capacity of 4 people, can only be used by two people, with 1 driver position and 1 person sitting behind. the position represents the social distance between the passengers. 2. eating behavior in restaurants as a form of compliance, every restaurant that is allowed to open, as in ppkm level 3, must still comply with health protocols and other regulations. the distance and seating arrangement is a representation of personal distance journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 439 communication because it is only interspersed with one (1) bench. the same thing can be seen in several public/community service offices. some adjust the distance between their seats by 1 bench and some pause with 2 benches. this pause indicates a different distance communication. 3. avoiding contact covid 19 gave birth to a new culture of interaction. because the coronavirus can be transmitted through touch, hand touching is automatically no longer allowed. hand touch is a nonverbal communication which is often called touch communication. the shape and meaning of this hand touch varies and is influenced by the culture of each region. but during a pandemic, the touch of a hand has a negative meaning. people touching hands is considered a form of violation of expectations. people who touch other people's hands will intentionally panic and immediately sterilize their hands with hand sanitizer or water. this kind of behavior becomes normal and a necessity during a pandemic. precisely people who stick out their hands to touch like a handshake will be rejected. to comply with government expectations and policies, touch communication during a pandemic has also undergone modifications. the handshake is replaced with a wave or other forms such as a fist or a sundanese greeting. 4. online events the covid 19 pandemic has changed the culture of interaction in all aspects, education, business, religious activities, and others. society is forcibly encouraged to be digitally literate. even though at the beginning of the pandemic many people were culturally shocked because they were not used to using digital media for various activities, slowly the community was able to adapt. various activities are ultimately held virtually through various online interactive communication applications such as zoom, gmeet, spy, and others. during this pandemic, we are familiar with the terms work from home (wfh), study from home (sfh), pray from home (pfh), and others. the process of teaching and learning, work, and other activities in the early days and during the "peak" of the pandemic was no longer face-to-face directly but was mediated by digital media at home. this is what is called virtual communication, namely in virtual space. this is where the creativity of teaching communication emerges for teachers/educators to understand the material to their students activities that are transferred virtually have added forms of spatial and territorial communication (space and territory communication). if during normal times, regional communication focuses on the physical use of certain areas, and that represents a person's status, but during this pandemic, everyone is not differentiated by the use of a particular space. why? because of all activities in the same virtual space. there is no difference in a person's socioeconomic status. this change in regional communication behavior has become a new culture that may now be a comfortable area for some people. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 440 during the early psbb period, there were almost no violations of expectations in teaching and learning activities. all schools of various levels of education comply with the regulations. all of them do teaching and learning activities at home. according to data compiled by databoks.katadata.co.id, 1317 companies are not exempt from violating the psbb throughout april 2022, including because: 1. activities as usual in the office. this face-to-face meeting in the office is a communication behavior that violates expectations. 2. companies that have ministry permits and continue to carry out their business activities, but do not implement health protocols. wearing masks, maintaining distance, washing hands, and providing hand-washing equipment is mandatory. this behavior is a form of non-verbal communication, and ignoring this behavior is a form of violating adaptive expectations of regulations during the pandemic, both before the new normal and during the new normal. conclusion people's communication behavior during a pandemic has changed and illustrates the opposite behavior during normal times. this is inseparable from the influence of regulations from every policy rolled out starting from psbb to ppkm levels 1, 2, 3, and 4. it becomes a violation of expectations when people's communication behavior is the same as during normal conditions. from the results of the study, communication behavior that has undergone many changes in society is non-verbal behavior, especially communication of space and distance, touch communication, and regional communication. in general, these non-verbal communication behaviors reflect a new culture in life during a pandemic. it can be said that this pattern of behavior reflects compliance with government regulations, and this is in line with expectations. however, it cannot be denied that many people violate the rules, so they must get sanctions, both social sanctions, and punitive sanctions. references abdi, h (2021). kebijakan pemerintah dalam penanganan covid-19 dan dampaknya, dari psbb hingga ppkm. www.hot.liputan6.com 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(2022). the future of pesantren as islamic education. educatio: journal of education, 7(2), 115-120. richard & turner, lynn. (2008). pengantar teori komunikasi; analisis dan aplikasi (buku 1 ). jakarta: salemba humanika widiyani, r. (2020). ini enam inti aturan dan sanksi psbb di beberapa daerah. www.detik.com. diakses dari link https://news.detik.com/berita/d-4984195/inienam-inti-aturan-psbb-serta-sansan-di-several-territories who. diakses dari tautan https://www.who.int/indonesia/news/novelcoronavirus/qa/qa-how-is-covid-19-transmitted yusuf. (2020). 3m dan 3t, langkah pemerintah cegah penyebaran covid-19. diakses dari link https://kominfo.go.id/content/detail/30757/3m-dan-3t-jurusgovernment-prevent-sebaran-covid-19/0/berita https://news.detik.com/berita/d-4984195/ini-enam-inti-aturan-psbb-serta-sansan-di-several-territories https://news.detik.com/berita/d-4984195/ini-enam-inti-aturan-psbb-serta-sansan-di-several-territories https://www.who.int/indonesia/news/novel-coronavirus/qa/qa-how-is-covid-19-transmitted https://www.who.int/indonesia/news/novel-coronavirus/qa/qa-how-is-covid-19-transmitted journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 129 digital literacy and access to technology in the empowerment program for persons with disabilities during the covid-19 pandemic: the case of natural dyes batik smes in tarakan nonon saribanon1, muhammad abrar putra siregar2, luthfi kurniawan joshi2, zuhriansyah, rubyawan 1department of agriculture, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 2pt pertamina ep asset 5 tarakan field, tarakan, indonesia email: (nonon.saribanon@civitas.unas.ac.id) abstract: access to and use of digital technology promise positive impacts on young adults with disabilities’ social and economic integration, and on supporting their autonomy, and facilitating their inclusion into society. we conducted a scoping review and participatory approach to examine the barriers to access and utilization of digital technology to support the transition stage needs (in relation to education, daily living, community integration, and employment) of young adults with disabilities during covid-19 pandemic. identified barriers included affordability, availability, infrastructure, and access to community activities. the review highlights the importance of facilitators for promoting digital inclusion of 20 young adults with disabilities whose making batik with natural dyes. they are members of the kubedistik smes in tarakan. online-based activities carried out during the covid-19 pandemic show positive impacts, both in terms of increasing insight, skills, access to technology and literacy skills, as well as on self-confidence, work motivation, and potential for increased economic activity. results suggested the need for greater emphasis on modeling and facilitating strategies to enhance skill, positive work-related cognitions, and appropriate non-verbal and paralinguistic styles. keywords : persons with disabilities, digital literacy, facilitation, kubedistik submission : jan, 09th 2020 revision : march 13th 2020 publication : may 30th 2020 introduction the existence of persons with disabilities is often not accompanied by support for them to be able to work. these conditions can make people with disabilities lack confidence, and their potencies are not explored. challenges of persons with disabilities such as economic and social problems make people with disabilities hampered in getting education and employment. like others, people with disabilities are also spread to various ages. children, adolescents, middle-aged, and elderly people with disabilities require special and in-depth mailto:syarif.hidayat@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 130 attention to realize the proper needs for them and raise their rights in the social community environment (hadiati et al., 2019). persons with disabilities have the same rights in law and government as regulated in undang-undang no. 8 of 2016 concerning persons with disabilities. which the disabled person is a part of indonesian society who has an equal position, rights, obligations, and roles. they also have the same rights and opportunities in all aspects of life and livelihood. disability problems arise caused by physical or intellectual disruption which impedes social, economic, and political activities impacted to reduce the rights of the disabled person (barua and molla, 2019). persons with disabilities are vulnerable to discrimination, especially in employment opportunities. the essential reasons are about the low quality of the resources owned, so people with disabilities are unable to compete in the work environment and are vulnerable to poverty. therefore, it is necessary to plane their skills and achieve an increase in their income. one step should be taken to solve these problems, as though to empower them in business activities (maharani et al., 2014). one of the empowerment programs carried out in tarakan, north kalimantan, is to establish a business group making batik with natural dyes. the use of natural dyes in making batik is an effort which more environmentally friendly and utilizes the biological resources available in the region (widagdo, 2017). the higher demand in batik trades, makes the batik makers challenged to supply the needs of consumers. thus, most of them use synthetic/chemical dyes for a rational aspect such as practical and easily found on the market. the use of synthetic or chemical dyes will have an impact on environmental and health damage (widjajanti et al., 2011; kant, 2012). making batik with natural dyes material is expected to improve the skills and economic avtivity of people with disabilities. the opportunity among them needs to work out to achieve a steady income. natural coloring dyes are substances obtained from natural materials such as animals, plants, and microorganisms who have pigmented matters. according to visalakshi and jawaharlal (2013), natural dyes can be obtained from plants, animals, or minerals. in the dyeing process, one kind of process of absorbing dyes into the fiber called with the exothermic reaction (emitting heat) and balances. in the dyeing process, three important events occur namely migration, adsorption, and diffusion (zulikah & adriani, 2019). the category of dyes divided by pure carotenoids including canthaxanthin (red), apocarotene (red-orange), and beta-carotene (yellow-orange) (kurniasari & maharani, 2015; lestari et al., 2018). the natural dyes own very natural color effects, such as low pigment concentration, low pigment stability, and also the color spectrum is not as broad as synthetic or chemical colors. eventually, it needs to be treated so the natural dyes possess an adequate quality such as synthetic or chemical dyes (enggar & yasmi, 2016). batik artisans and traditional weaves have known plenty plants which used to dye textile materials; some of them are tilapia (indigofera sp.), tea leaves (camelia sp.), angsana bark (pterocarpus indicus), and avocado leaves (persea americana mill.) (handayani & mualimin, 2013; kristijanto & soetjipto, 2013; prayitno, 2013). et al., 2014; lestari & satria, 2017). in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 131 tarakan, they usually use the mangrove tree bark, according to the potential of the coastal area. the covid-19 pandemic period in indonesia, which began in march 2020, has impacted in all social activities at outside to be temporarily stay at home. the government has announced widely as though some activities should be focussing on doing at home(wajdi et al., 2020). similarly, the pandemic also impacts on the implementation of the kelompok usaha bersama disabilitas batik (kubedistik) programs in tarakan. therefore, an understanding and facilitating of digital access and technology for people with disabilities is needed to continue working in their home. the purpose of this research was to observe the effectiveness and potencies of digital access intended for persons with disabilities while continuing to improve product quality, increase the capacity of batik craftsmen with natural dyes, as well as institutional strengthening, especially for the target groups of the empowerment of kelompok usaha bersama disabilitas batik (kubedistik) programs in the tarakan city. literature review digital literacy defined as knowledge and skills to use digital media, communication tools, or networks in finding, evaluating, making information and using it in a wise, intelligent, accurate, precise, and law-abiding manner in order to foster communication and interaction in daily life. digital literacy is an opportunity for people with disabilities, especially during the covid-19 pandemic to minimizes direct and/or simultaneous activity. the current global facts regarding persons with disabilities according to the international labor organization (2020) are as follows: • about 15 percent of the world's population are people with disabilities, or more than one billion people. they are considered the largest minority group in the world. • around 82 percent of people with disabilities are in developing countries and live below the poverty line and often face limited access to health, education, training, and decent work. • people with disabilities classified as more vulnerable to poverty in each country, whether measured by traditional economic indicators such as gdp or, more broadly, in non-monetary financial aspects such as living standards, such as education, health, and living conditions. • women with disabilities have a greater risk than men with disabilities. their poverty is related to their very limited opportunities for education and skills development. • nearly 785 million women and men with disabilities are of working age, but the majority of them not in work. those who work generally have a smaller income, compared to non-disabled workers in the normal economy with little or no social protection. • the exclusion of persons with disabilities from the workforce results in a loss of gdp of 3 to 7 percent. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 132 • persons with disabilities are often excluded from education, skills training, and job opportunities. • more than 90 percent of children with disabilities in developing countries do not attend school (unesco) while only 1 percent of women with disabilities can read (undp). according to pusdatin data from the ministry of social affairs, in 2010, the number of people with disabilities in indonesia was 11,580,117 people, including 3,474,035 people with visual disabilities, 3,010,830 people with physical disabilities, 2,547,626 people with hearing disabilities or deaf, 1,389,614 people with mental disabilities, and 1,158,012 people with chronic disability. in the future, support to obtain productive and decent work for persons with disabilities is needed to realize their aspirations, improve their living conditions and so they can participate more actively in society. besides, a disability perspective is expected to be realized in all aspects of labor policies and regulations as well as effective law enforcement, implementation and enforcement of effective laws and disability policies, and provide equal employment and training opportunities. these can be factors that contribute to poverty reduction and the inclusion of people with disabilities socially and economically in indonesia (ilo, 2020). one effort to support empowerment programs for persons with disabilities is to develop micro, small and medium enterprises (msmes), which have high competitiveness so they can be developed into creative economic activities until they develop more broadly on a digital basis. the creative economy is a concept in a new economic era where intensifies information and creativity by relying on ideas and knowledge from human resources as the main factors of production. john howkins defines the creative economy as the creation of value as a result of an idea, so that intellectual property rights become an important pillar in developing the creative economy (howkins, 2001). figure 2. shifting economic activities for craft-based msmes based on these concepts various aspects can be identified to reflect the performance of the msme-based creative economy development strategy. in-between, the uniqueness of the product brand, the characteristics of the product, the quality of the product design, and others (rufaidah, 2015). for this reason, the involvement of all stakeholders, including academics, the private sector or industry, the community, and the regional government, is very necessary to realize excellent msme products that will be developed in an area. method the research on the empowerment of kelompok usaha bersama disabilitas batik (kubedistik) with environmentally friendly natural dyes, was conducted in tarakan city in february to may msmes creative economy digital economy journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 133 2020. the research method was done through a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis. data collection methods, includes: 1. observation the observation can be done direct or indirect. direct observation was done through direct observation of the object at the place where the activity held. whereas indirect observations were made through events as outlined in photographs, writings and so forth. 2. in-depth interview in-depth interviews aim to explore the information needed from respondents. there are 2 (two) ways to conduct in-depth interviews, namely structured and open interview guidelines. the interview was carried out not only to find answers, but also to construct them. 3. survey survey is a method to aim the answers certain circumstances to get certainty of information. the survey in this study consisted of several types, namely exploration, explanation and descriptive. survey activities were targeted at obtaining data on persons with disabilities, regional potentials, institutional analysis, and the effectiveness of online programs. 4. documentation review this technique was carried out to obtain secondary data by collecting data sourced from archives and relevant documents contained in institutions or managers directly related to the program. 5. fgd (focus group discussion) fgd was one of the participatory methods that can be used in a qualitative approach. in conducting fgds, data were obtained directly from the community in an interactive forum, where opinions from one another are mutually reinforcing, so they do not only look at one aspect. data analysis the data analysis to be used in this study is a qualitative analysis from miles and hoberman (2014), using an (interactive model analysis) which consists of three components of analysis, namely: (1) data reduction, (2) data display, and (3) conclusion drawing next, the analysis was done by combining (interactively) the three components. in general, data analysis can be described as follows: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 134 figure 1. data analysis framework data obtained in the field was presented in narrative form. the results of data collection were reduced by collecting incoming information under the problems and needs in drawing conclusions, thus finding themes and points considered relevant to research. in order to be able to see the whole design or a certain part of the research, data must be arranged systematically. data reduction and data presentation are two components of the analysis carried out with the data collection process. data reduction can be interpreted as the process of selecting a focus on simplification, abstracting and transformation of rough data arising from written records in the field. thus data reduction is an analysis of data that sharpens, classifies, directs, discards unnecessary, and organizing data in such a way that conclusions can be verified. the next process is drawing conclusions and verification. the data obtained from the beginning tried to conclude. the conclusions obtained at first are very tentative, vague, and doubtful. by the reason, they are only interpreted simply, then the conclusions are temporarily directed to draw broader conclusions. the process is quite simple, with the data increases continuously, conclusions determined to focus on the problem. result and discussion since 2019, the kelompok usaha bersama disabilitas batik (kubedistik) was formed which was supported by pertamina ep (pep) asset 5 tarakan field as a form of concern for vulnerable community groups and preserving the environment in improving the batik craft business. the activity is also an effort to develop local potential in the field of batik craft. in the early years of the formation of the group, there were 20 disabled batik workers. this group was fostered by sonny lolong, who was a batik craftsman. the activity was centered on rt. 03 no. 05 kelurahan kampung 1 skip, tarakan tengah district, tarakan, north kalimantan. kubedistik provides opportunities for people with disabilities in working place, motivates people with disabilities to be able to synergize with the surrounding environment, develop typical batik tarakan with more environmentally friendly, and increase the economy of people collecting data interview observation documentation fgd displaying data: • descriptive • qualitative data reduction : • selection • abstraction • categorize conclusion/ verification journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 135 with disabilities so they can be independent. supporting activities carried out in the form of training to improve the human resources (hr) of group members, as well as procurement of facilities and infrastructure for batik production. later on, to preserve the culture and utilize surrounding natural resources, the use of natural dyes from plants and animals was also enforced. natural dyes are often used by local people of tarakan city to dye fabrics. an example is the abundant and easily available mangrove tree trunks on the coast of tarakan city which are used as raw materials for making batik handicrafts (pringgenies, et al., 2013). in terms of motives, to preserve the culture of the city of tarakan, it could be performed with the culture of the tidung tribe, then developed a unique tidung motif, such as the fern batik motif, squid batik motif, and other batik motifs in accordance with the natural wealth and local culture. cooperate with the tarakan city social service, a data collection on persons with disabilities was conducted. 250 people with disabilities lived in the city of tarakan. twenty individuals found in kampung satu, kampung empat, and kampung enam (table 1). they formed some group in the city of tarakan under the name of the kelompok usaha bersama disabilitas batik (kubedistik). table 1. data collection of persons with disabilities in tarakan no. name recidence disabilities 1 khomsan n kampung enam mentally disabled 2 arif rahman hakim kampung enam mentally disabled 3 sri asih kampung enam physically disabled 4 shella kampung enam deaf 5 rahayu kampung empat mentally disabled 6 dita prastika kampung empat physically disabled and mentally disabled 7 cristina adam kampung satu mentally disabled 8 fergi andriani pamusian deaf 9 chandra r. kampung enam deaf 10 hadi sulistyawan karang anyar deaf 11 diana sebengkok deaf 12 delas kampung empat deaf 13 aprita kampung empat deaf 14 randha kampung enam deaf 15 sipianus karang anyar deaf 16 bareni karang anyar deaf 17 aldi markoni deaf 18 rezky karang anyar deaf 19 hairunnisa memburungan deaf 20 arlina sebengkok physically disabled note: 1) mentally disabled: below-average intelligence, 2) physically disability: physical deformities and deficiencies, 3) deafness: obstacles in hearing function. through this group, it is expected to be one of the models to improve the welfare of persons with disabilities. as well, always sustain the environment by using natural batik dye raw journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 136 materials, and to make the tarakan batik motif as a superior motif in north kalimantan. in addition, during the covid-19 pandemic, the development of access to communication, technology and digital literacy for persons with disabilities continued, as flows to being part of the efforts to respond the future challenges in the industrial era 4.0. persons with disabilities who are members of the kubedistik, continue to carry out activities when the covid-19 pandemic period occurs. some activities take place online, such as batik learning activities, training in designing batik motifs, and seminars. in addition, on several days in april, the activities were also interspersed with making masks, distributing masks, and digital literacy programs related to the enrichment of study in batik coloring techniques and waste treatment (table 2). the ease of digital access for people with disabilities is a challenge as well as innovation that must be developed to improve the ability and usability for people with disabilities (hutari, 2019). table 2. digital literacy program and access to digital technology in kudebistik during the covid-19 pandemic (february-april 2020) month program activity february focus group discussion (fgd) environmentally friendly batik program discussion of the results of a comparative study to the palbatu batik house in jakarta participating in an environmentally friendly batik talk show with the theme "kaltara culture" organized by rri tarakan rri tarakan's media visit to the batik production house kubedistik coach (sonny lolong) becomes chairperson of bpd asephi (association of indonesian handicraft exporters and producers) of north kalimantan march making new motifs and their philosophies creation of copyright documents following the indonesia green awards 2020 april online training on designing batik motifs and practices for making batik motifs, as well as developing natural color batik. introduction to making batik motifs with computer program online seminar: millennial generation of literacy batik by rumah batik palbatu jakarta may making batik catalogs with the content of natural dyes and innovations for batik-friendly houses with disabilities facilitate digital reference tracking on internet and use software for designing new motifs creating kubedistik talk apps group members of kubedistik do some activities at home during the covid-19 pandemic, although they are monitored by the coach. in addition, group activities are also continued through online discussions. activities at home have been carried out in accordance with the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 137 recommendations of several persons with disabilities who have been able to make batik and have facilitated batik equipment at their homes, so with this virus outbreak, persons with disabilities can still carry out their activities at home. an evaluation of kudebistik activities in the covid-19 pandemic period can be seen in the following table 3. table 3. evaluation of kubedistik activities during the covid-19 pandemic no. programs outcomes 1 conducting online-based activities, in the form of training and seminars to limit gathering activities during the covid-19 pandemic a. an increase in the skills of group members in designing batik motifs and the philosophy of batik motifs. b. an increase in the insight of members in understanding the potential of batik as a cultural treasures and economic activity. 2 facilitation of supporting facilities and infrastructure in the process of making batik that is more environmentally friendly and disability-friendly, including access to information a. the space and equipment for making batik are adjusted to the needs of persons with disabilities, so they are more comfortable to working b. internet facility device to browse various references needed 3 apps used and improvement to facilitate communication communication using digital media on text form messages (whatsapp) and the use of the voice-totext application specifically for the deaf. namely, “kubedistik talk” "kubedistik talk" is a digital application designed to help people with hearing impairment or hearing loss. the application makes use of automatic speech recognition technology from google, and kubedistik talk runs the transcription of speech and voice in real-time on the screen, so users can participate more easily in ongoing conversations around them. users also enable to actively participate in conversations by typing responses on the screen. kubedistik talk is expected to optimize communication among 19 people with disabilities who are natural color batik artisans and members of the kubedistik business group. in the future, this application expected to be used by various groups, including 52 people with hearing impairment in tarakan city. access to technology for people with disabilities is something that needs to be developed to increase their space to improve their ability to work (karellou, 2019). kubedistik talk designed to facilitate communication for the disability group. making this application makes it easy for them to maintain communication even at home, especially when the covid-19 pandemic occurred. besides, from the psychological view it also build and increase the confidence of people with disabilities in the digital era nowadays (seo and perry, 2019). to developing digital literacy, especially in the kubedistik group environment, it is necessary to pay attention to several essential elements (belshaw, 2012), including: 1. cultural, to understanding the various contexts of users in digital world. although in kubedistik itself, most people with disabilities are deaf, but each of them have different backgrounds, as well as the supervisors and program assistants; journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 138 2. cognitive, which is the mind power to evaluating content, here means to expected the substance given and discussed in the digital literacy program. whether it is selected or not which can stimulate the cognitive abilities of members, especially those relating to the development of design and management of batik businesses; 3. constructive, the creation of something valuable and actual. this element is to followup to the discussion process that went well, such as the realization of the design of new batik motifs after training, the implementation of the idea of making masks and soaps with natural dyes to be shared during the covid-19 pandemic, and the use of the internet and software for tracking references and designing new motifs; 4. communicative, which is understanding network and communication performance in the digital world, which can be sharpened through kubedistik talk communication facilities; 5. be creative, do new things in a new way during the covid-19 pandemic, including various online-based activities, as well as the implementation of creative ideas that arise due to pandemic conditions, such as the manufacture of masks and soap products with natural dyes that are packaged in batik bags as part of the campaign against covid-19; 6. critical in responding to content in online-based activities. these achieved by discussing the substance of each activity in various discussion opportunities with the coach and facilitator. the involvement of various stakeholders is needed to support kubedistik msmes to developing a creative economy and a digital economy. important stakeholders should be involved include universities, companies, communities, and the government (hudani & dhewanto, 2015). this is parallel with the quadruple helix concept who applied on the creative economy needs. it is remain to involve the four main stakeholders (rufaidah, 2015), specifically: 1. the universities. who applied the tri dharma of high institutions, namely the development of education, research and community service in the field of creative economy. 2. the companies. as an actor in the creative economy industry, or a company that supports creative economic activities through its social responsibility programs. 3. the government. take the role of regulator and facilitator in the development of the creative economy, in this case the government at the ministerial, provincial, regional and city levels, as well as the sub-district levels. 4. the association communities. as a forum that unites the interests of business actors in the industry to meet the wishes of the local stakeholders. the group supported by all stakeholders is a necessity. the support can be formed in the policies aspect, infrastructure, capacity and institutional development, also assistance. in the medium and long term, the development of msmes leads to branding strategies for further enhance market promotion and demand. based on the quadruple helix approach, the development of natural coloring batik in tarakan can be seen in the following chart. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 139 figure 2. branding strategy with quadruple helix approach based on the involvement of four stakeholders to implement a creative economy-based branding strategy, several steps that can be done together simultaneously. one step was the identification of several identity elements forming the uniqueness of an object (product, company, region). creative economy-based branding strategy for tarakan, bring the uniqueness of batik products with natural dyes from mangrove wood, with motifs that are following by local culture. the identity-forming can be supported through a policy established by the local government, for example through local regulations that specify certain batik motifs and the richness of natural dyes as part of regional superior products. besides, support for several traditional marketing communication tools (advertising, sales promotion, public relations, direct marketing) and non-traditional (social media such as instagram, facebook, twitter, etc.) is needed to introduce these concepts and superior products. the government and industry can join together to optimize the positioning strategy of an area through integrated marketing communication, to form a regional image based on a creative economy. entrepreneurship consists of a complex and multifaceted phenomenon, and entrepreneurs have many different roles to play. the role of an innovator is a crucial one. the notion of an entrepreneur as an innovator has been ascribed to joseph alois schumpeter, who placed the entrepreneur into the core of economic progress. economic development is a dynamic process in which the entrepreneur is the driving force (rebernik, 2009). likewise, with the kubedistik group, it is hoped that new entrepreneurs can emerge from the activities in the group. sonny lolong as the trustee has expected to also be able to play the role to encourage the emergence of innovation from kubedistik members. to build a strong branding, it depends on four decisions (kotler & armstrong, 2012), like brand positioning, brand name selection, brand support, and brand development. branding equity batik kudebistik natural dyes can be created and managed through several branding approaches, such as: 1. through an economic approach. the brand as part of the traditional marketing mix consisting of product components, prices, places and promotions; and how the four journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 140 elements of the marketing mix are used in north kalimantan-based creative economy branding strategy to influence consumers. 2. identity approach, where the brand is associated with the identity of the kubedistik group. the process of introduce the culture and corporate construction of that identity are the main keys. 3. personality approach, where the brand is considered as a human-like character. the personal approach is a prerequisite for and associated with a relational approach. 4. relational approach, where the brand as a viable relationship partner. establishing relationships with customers becomes one of the most important things in managing a brand. this can be done, among others, by forming virtual communities with customers interactively, so that customers are always informed of new motives and products offered. 5. community approach, where the brand as the pivotal point of social interaction. the community approach is based on anthropological research called brand communities. brand value is created through communities where the brand acts as a center for social interaction between consumers. tarakan as a bustling stopover city in the north kalimantan region, can make batik as a center of interaction for people who stop by before heading to various places, such as in the direction of nunukan, tawau malaysia, tanjung selor, berau, and other areas. unique batik can be a liaison for various communities to interact, both in workshops and galleries. 6. cultural approach, where the brand as part of the broader cultural fabric. this approach explains clarification through culture and how to integrate brands in the power of culture to create icons. the tidung dayak tribe, with its unique kalimantan motifs, can be the strength of the brand for tarakan batik made by kubedistik. women and men with disabilities can be part of productive members of society. in developed and developing countries, the programs of economic development rather on implemented to promote a more inclusive society, and it is an opportunity for people with disabilities to get the concern. this requires better access to basic education, vocational training in accordance with the needs of the job market, jobs that are in accordance with skills, as well as interests and abilities with various adaptations needed (shogren, 2013). some people with disabilities also recognize the need to break down other barriers, including by making the physical environment more accessible, providing information in various forms, and changing false assumptions about people with disabilities. conclusion empowerment of people with disabilities in the city of tarakan is done through the development of the smes of the kelompok usaha bersama disabilitas batik (kudebistik). this activity received support from pt pertamina ep asset 5 tarakan field through its corporate social responsibility program. the problems identified include affordability, availability of infrastructure, and access to community activities. the results of the study show the importance of facilitators to promote digital inclusion of 20 people in kubedistik members who make batik with natural dyes. the results of the study also indicate the need for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 2, may, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 141 greater emphasis on modeling and facilitating strategies to improve skills, positive workrelated cognition, and appropriate non-verbal and paralinguistic styles. online-based activities carried out during the covid-19 pandemic showed a positive impact, both in terms of increasing insight, skills, access to technology and literacy abilities, as well as on self-confidence, work motivation, and the potential for increased economic activity. acknowledgments the team would to thank with the universitas nasional for their full support for this research. in addition, gratitude was also conveyed to pt pertamina ep asset 5 tarakan field for supporting data collection in the field. references barua, p., & molla, m. h. 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(2017). pemanfaatan sumber daya alam sebagai bahan pewarna. jurnal disprotek, 8(1), 67-80. widjajanti, e., regina tp., dan utomo, mp. (2011). pola adsorpsi zeolit terhadap pewarna azo metil merah dan metil jingga. prosiding seminar nasional penelitian, pendidikan dan penerapan mipa. hal k115-k122, uny: fakultas mipa. zulikah, k., andriani. (2019). perbedaan teknik mordanting terhadap hasil pencelupan bahan katun primissima menggunakan warna alam ekstrak daun lamtoro (leucaena leucocephala) dengan mordan kapur sirih. gorga jurnal seni rupa volume 08 no. 01 january-june 2019, 209-213. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 20 the future of democracy in developing countries: a study on legislative and judiciary relations aluko, opeyemi idowu political science department ajayi crowther university oyo, oyo state nigeria opealukoheavenprogress@gmail.com oi.aluko@acu.edu.ng abstract: the beauty of democracy is freedom of expression that promotes growth and development in the country. cooperation among the various arms of government is vital to sustainable development of democracy. governance process will be in total chaos if the arms of government are totally independent of one another. the extent of interdependency is the extent of unity and progress. the collaboration however must have basic limitations so as to prevent the fusion of governmental powers into one hand. if these roles are jeopardised the political system might relapse into anarchy. in developing countries, the extent of cooperation or distinction is not certain if they are present at all. therefore the research questions posed are; what are the areas of collaborations of legislative-judicial relations in developing countries and how can they be improved. institutionalism theoretical framework analysis is adopted. the study concludes on the premise that good governance, accountability and transparency in the daily operations of the two arms of government are inevitable to national development in developing countries. keywords: democracy, development, good governance, judiciary, legislature and rule of law submission : september, 13rd 2022 revision : november 24th 2022 publication : february 28th 2023 introduction the whole essence of government is to provide basic amenities to the people, make life secure and easy to live for the citizenry. government all over the world organise their states in such a way so as to ensure and enhance the greatest happiness and satisfaction of the greatest number of the people. this is achieved through the interrelations of the various arms of government –executive, legislature and the judiciary. intergovernmental relation is a key factor of promoting peace, checks and balances, harmonious relations and sustainable development in any country (aluko, 2019). governance process will be in total chaos if the arms of government are totally independent of one another. the extent of collaboration and interdependency is the extent of unity and progress. mailto:opealukoheavenprogress@gmail.com mailto:oi.aluko@acu.edu.ng journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 21 the collaboration however must have basic limitations so as to prevent the fusion of governmental powers into one hand. this is because power corrupt and absolute power corrupt absolutely. this implies that if the same person or group functions as the legislatures, judiciary and or as the executives, they will misuse power. the legislative and the judiciary however have major roles to play in the political system (jellum, 2008; murana and bakare, 2019; uwakwe, 2019). if these roles are jeopardised the political system might relapse into anarchy. they have to collaborate to some extent and at the same time be distinct in their functions. governments across the world permit some uniformity in the role play by the legislatures and the judicial arms of government. this centres on law or constitution of the country. the role of the legislative arm of government is basically law making and provide the pathway for governance. they also have oversight functions on other arms of government such as on the judiciary and the executive to some degree. the judiciary arm of government on the other hand has the mandate to interpret the laws. they are the custodian of the constitution. they also have the mandate of law making through adjudication (kambhampati, 2020). in nigeria as a typical example of a developing country (aluko and ogunubi, 2018), the legislative powers, duties and roles are confined in the part two sections 4 of the 1999 constitution as amended. it is vested in a national assembly of the federation, which consist of a senate and a house of representatives. the national assembly have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the federation or any part thereof with respect to any matter included in the exclusive legislative list set out in part i of the second schedule to the 1999 constitution as amended. also within their powers is the mandate to legislate on any matter in the concurrent legislative list set out in the first column of part ii of the second schedule to the 1999 constitution as amended. the judicial powers duties and roles on the other hand are enclosed in the part two sections 6 of the 1999 constitution as amended. the judicial powers of the federation are vested in the courts being courts established for the federation. these include the supreme court of nigeria; the court of appeal; the federal high court; the high court of the federal capital territory, abuja; a high court of a state; the sharia court of appeal of the federal capital territory, abuja; a sharia court of appeal of a state; the customary court of appeal of the federal capital territory, abuja; a customary court of appeal of a state; as provided in the section six subsections 5 a-j of the 1999 constitution as amended. however, in the principles of separation of power, the section four subsections (8) of the 1999 constitution as amended provided some limitations to the powers of the legislatures not to impede on the powers of the judiciary arm of government. the exercise of legislative journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 22 powers by the national assembly or by a house of assembly shall be subject to the jurisdiction of courts of law and of judicial tribunals established by law, and accordingly. the national assembly or a house of assembly shall not enact any law that ousts or purports to oust the jurisdiction of a court of law or of a judicial tribunal established by law. section six and subsection 4 a and b also restricted the legislative arm of government from establishing courts, other than those to which relates with subordinate jurisdiction to that of a high court. also, the national assembly or any house of assembly, which cannot abolish any court which it has power to establish or which it has brought into being (nwoye, 2019; ali, abubakar and ali 2019). therefore the research questions this study tends to proffer answers to are; what are the areas of collaborations of legislative-judicial relations in developing countries and how can they be improved? the institutional approach theoretical framework of analysis is adopted to explain the legislative-judiciary relationship in developing countries. the methodology utilises data from afrobarometer to analyse the performance of the legislative and judiciary arms of government and the level of trust the citizens have on the two institutions. these data collected will be descriptively analysed. the study is organised to clarify the concepts of judiciary, legislature and legislativejudiciary. the theoretical framework of analysis of institutional approach is used to explain the importance of collaboration among arms of government, literatures reviews on the nature and issues on legislative-judiciary relations in developing countries (nigeria), data presentations on performance of the legislative and judicial arms, strengthening legislativejudiciary relations in nigeria and conclusion which is premised on the inevitability of good governance, accountability and transparency in the daily operations of the two arms of government so as to enhance national development in developing countries. literature review judiciary, legislature, legislative-judiciary the judiciary is the arm of government that utilises the operational system of courts to interpret and applies the law for the state. the judiciary also provides a mechanism for the resolution of disputes. the term judiciary is also used to refer collectively to the personnel, such as judges, magistrates and other adjudicators, who form the core of a judiciary – bench, as well as the staffs who keep the system running smoothly (egheosase and okeke, 2018). the judiciary does make common law; they interpret law and apply it to the facts of each case by setting precedent for other courts to follow. das (2018) as well opined that the judiciary generally does not make statutory law which is the responsibility of the legislature or enforce law which is the responsibility of the executive. they have the power journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 23 to change laws through the process of judicial review. courts with judicial review power may annul the laws and rules of the state when it finds them incompatible with general norms and good governance. in the opinion of diescho (2003) and chinwuba (2015) the judiciary is that part of the government system which encompasses –the structure and jurisdiction of the courts and the officers of the courts, the judges and their tenure, and judicial processes, by means of which the constitution and the laws of the country are interpreted, their implications adjudicated, and disputes between citizens scrutinised and mitigated under accepted rules and by duly qualified people, whose findings are respected by all concerned. salihu and gholami (2018) also posited that they use the courts to apply the law, settle disputes and punish law-breakers according to the law. encyclopædia britannica (2019a) hibbitts, (2020) and jones, (2020) affirmed that the judicial system is a key aspect of democratic way of life. it upholds peace, order and good governance. citizens look up to the judiciary to uphold their rights and governments look to the courts to interpret laws. to ensure this, the judiciary must act without fear of powerful interests, and without favouring individual parties. however, only a court of appeal can overturn the ruling of a lower court. therefore, a court’s ability to deliver justice depends on its power to enforce its rulings. for the judiciary to be able to enforce its rulings, it must be independent. some basic principles as proclaimed by the united nations universal declaration on human rights of 10 december 1948 include; judges are free to evaluate objectively the facts of the disputes placed before them by applying the constitution existing laws and ordinances objectively and without duress from other organs of government. the judicial arm of the state operates independently vis-à-vis the legislative and executive spheres of the same socio-political system which created them all. officers of the courts are independent from one another, and seniority in terms of the judicial hierarchy does not affect their judgement in relation to one another. it is noteworthy to say that all matters of a judicial nature are attended to by competent members of the legal commission. assignment of judges to handle cases is undertaken by senior officials of the court solely on clear and convincing evidence of their ability to perform the required tasks. for national integration and development, bakari, (2017), yusuf, yusoff, and zengeni, (2018) opined that the tenure of judges lasts until retirement in terms of conditions established by appointed members of the legal enterprise. the state allocates sufficient financial and other resources to the judiciary to obviate temptations that arise as a result of financial insecurity. disciplinary action against judges is taken journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 24 solely on convincing grounds of inability to perform and the selection and appointment of judges is purely on selective criteria in accordance with the merit system. the legislature on the other hand is the lawmaking arm of a government. legislative houses may be unicameral or bicameral system. their powers in some climes may include passing laws, establishing the government's budget, confirming executive appointments, ratifying treaties, investigating the executive branch, impeaching and removing from office members of the executive and judiciary, and redressing constituents' grievances. members may be appointed or directly or indirectly elected; they may represent an entire population, particular groups, or territorial sub districts. in presidential systems, the executive and legislative branches are clearly separated; in parliamentary systems, members of the executive branch are chosen from the legislative membership (ijaiya, 2018; encyclopædia britannica, 2019b; jhaveri, 2019; weis, 2020). loewenberg (1995) corroborated by oni, olanrewaju and deinde-adedeji (2019) conceptualizes legislatures as assemblies of elected representatives from geographically defined constituencies, with lawmaking functions in the governmental process. in the same vein, jewell (1997) identified two features that distinguish legislatures from other branches of government. according to him, legislatures have formal authority to pass laws, which are implemented and interpreted by the executive and judicial branches and their members normally are elected to represent various elements in the population. legislative-judicial relations are therefore the conglomerations of events that bring together the duo of the legislative arm of government and the judicial arm of government. also, it is the mode of operations that link together both the legislatures and the judiciary in the business of the state. however, it is also the harmonious or disharmonious events that make the legislatures to relate or react to the judiciary’s advances in a political system. this implies that the relationship can be harmonious or in acrimony. whenever the relationship between the legislative and the judicial is in harmony, it will propel peace and rapid development in the political system. on the other hand, if the relationship is in disharmony, acrimony, rancour and personal aggrandisements will be promoted which will not lead to rapid development in the political system. it is impossible for some gray areas not to occur in the pursuance of the legislative-judicial relationships. however, this must be kept in the lowest ebb so as to attain smooth running of the day to day activities of the government. institutional approach the study of institutions or institutionalism is well-developed as one of the principal approaches to the study of political science. according to north (1990) institutions are a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 25 set of rules, compliance procedures, moral and ethical behavioural norms designed to constrain behaviour of individuals in the interests of maximizing wealth or utility of principles. guy (1999) examines the development of institutional study within the discipline. in particular, he identifies four attributes that distinguish the study of institutions from other approaches. these include; i. the study of institutions must involve some form of structure, which can either be formal (such as legislature or judiciary) or informal (such as a network). this structure must transcend individual actors; it cannot simply be broken down into its individual components. ii. it must be enduring over time; the structure must outlast the individuals who comprise it. iii. institutions must affect individual behaviour, or more specifically, they must constrain behaviour. iv. finally, there must be some sense of shared meaning or norms for a structure to be classified as an institution. without a level of common understanding, an institution cannot function effectively atkinson (1993) elaborates on the informal qualities of institutions, arguing that their salient quality is the ‘networks of organizational capacity’, and the connections between individuals and groups which present a sense of structure. weaver and rockman (1993) see institutions as important frameworks of rules, capabilities and constraints which determine the behaviour of actors. this includes the constitution of a country. these create explicit boundaries that strongly affect any participants such as the legislatures, executive and the judiciary or their activities, including policy outcomes in government. there are various reasons for institutionalization in governance. it provides the basis for the initial interaction from which institutionalization may arise. to address common concerns facing multiple governments and a movement to harmonize policy across boundaries in order to limit potentially detrimental effects of competition. beyond basic interactions, parker (2010) posited that there are several reasons can be identified for governments choosing to form institutions. firstly, governments may seek to construct an enduring relationship among the various arms of government. secondly, governments may seek to codify existing norms, strengthening them through an institution. institutionalization may strengthen norms by providing clarity – judicial interpretations by creating explicit rules – legislations and providing a means of enforcement – executive. thirdly, governments may attempt to institutionalize in order to create more effective cooperation through a number of qualities that an institution may possess and they can clarify rules and procedures whose ambiguity may have impeded cooperation. this includes the cooperation of legislative-judiciary or including the executive arm of government. fourth, governments may create agreements and interactions as a means of resolving previous conflicts. they may be a solution to existing disputes or simply as a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 26 means of preventing or reducing the incidence of future conflicts. this implies that the arms of government cooperate because areas of conflicts must be suppressed before they emerge. finally, agreements may be used for political reasons, specifically making an explicit statement or action on a particular issue. different arms of government and policymakers can use them to demonstrate that they are addressing topics of concern to citizens and interest groups. there are a number of possible variables that could impede the creation of an institutionalism. the simplest reason why institutionalization may not occur is that participants may not agree on the existence of a problem or a common solution in negotiations. there is no guarantee that an agreement can be reached on a common course of action even in the existence of an issue of common concern among participants. a failure to institutionalism is the lack of fiscal resources necessary to enact an agreement. political factors and pressures can impede the formation of an agreement. another factor is the degree of constitutional overlap and shared responsibilities that exist among the institutions and the extent of how centralized or decentralized the constitutional division of powers is between governments. another factor that may affect the institutional collaborations is the scope of the welfare state and the level of government intervention in the economy. the more the level of government intervention in the economy, the greater the number of potential interaction, cooperate, and conflict. in theory, this could lead to the hypothesis that the larger the scope of government activity, the greater the degree of institutionalization that should occur. in essence, government arms such as the legislative, executive and the judiciary can interact effectively whenever there are constitutionally provided areas of collaboration and the extents spelt out so as to prevent fusion of functions and duplication of roles. performance of legislative and judiciary in developing countries (nigeria) the performance of the legislatures as opined by nigerians in afrobarometer time series 2002 to 2018 survey is presented and analysed in this section. the performance of the judiciary is also measured using afrobarometer 2018 survey data. finally, the extent of relationship or separation of powers of the institutions is considered using afrobarometer 2018 survey. table 1 presentation and analysis of data on trust on the legislatures round journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 27 category total r2 2002/20 03 r3 2005/20 06 r4 2008/20 09 r5 2011/20 12 r6 2014/20 15 r7 2017/20 18 not at all 36.4% 44.1% 42.0% 25.3% 30.6% 35.8% 43.1% just a little 37.0% 40.0% 32.7% 36.8% 41.9% 36.7% 32.0% somewhat 19.3% 10.2% 18.0% 26.1% 22.7% 21.9% 16.3% a lot 4.2% 0.7% 3.8% 6.8% 3.5% 4.3% 7.5% don't know/hav en't heard enough 2.9% 5.0% 3.4% 5.0% 1.3% 1.3% 1.0% source: afrobarometer 2020 figure 1 the performance of the national assembly from 2002 to 2018 is seen as transient from the data in the table 1. the number of nigerians that opined that they did not trust the national assembly in 2002, 2005 and 2018 surveys are at the high ebb with the percentage average of about forty three percent (43.0%) of nigerian affirming that the legislatures performances is not good enough to be trusted. in the same period of years, the percentage average of nigerians that opined that by the legislators’ performances, they can be ‘trusted just a little’ was about thirty five percent (35%). 44,10% 42,00% 25,30% 30,60% 35,80% 43,10% 40,00% 32,70% 36,80% 41,90% 36,70% 32,00% 10,20% 18,00% 26,10% 22,70% 21,90% 16,30% 0,70% 3,80% 6,80% 3,50% 4,30% 7,50% 0,00% 5,00% 10,00% 15,00% 20,00% 25,00% 30,00% 35,00% 40,00% 45,00% 50,00% r2 2002/2003 r3 2005/2006 r4 2008/2009 r5 2011/2012 r6 2014/2015 r7 2017/2018 rounds trust parliament or national assembly not at all just a little somewhat a lot don't know/haven't heard enough journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 28 the survey also showed that in 2008, 2011 and 2015 the percentage average of nigerians that affirmed that the performance of the legislators can be rated and trusted in just a little mood is about thirty nine percent (39%) while the percentage of nigerians that opined that they cannot be trusted at all in the same survey period is thirty one percent (31%). the total percentage average of nigerians that has ‘total trust’ on the performance of the legislators is below five percent (5%). this implies that the legislatures have not performed up to the expectations in the developing countries in terms of law making and other oversight functions. the study of murana and bakare, (2019) and fashagba and mu’awiyya, (2019) corroborate this finding that the legislatures are suffering from the problem of trust. the table 2 and figure 2 below shows the performance level of the judiciary in nigeria. table 2 judiciary is neutral or favours particular people or parties round category total r7 2017/2018 agree very strongly with statement 1 31.4% 31.4% agree with statement 1 25.5% 25.5% agree with statement 2 12.6% 12.6% agree very strongly with statement 2 21.7% 21.7% agree with neither 1.1% 1.1% don't know 7.6% 7.6% source: afrobarometer 2020 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 29 figure 2 it is observed that the performance of the judiciary in nigeria shows a lopsided outcome. the survey revealed that fifty seven percent (57%), a combination of strongly agreed and agreed respectively affirmed that the judiciary are neutral in the discharge of their duties. this was opposed by thirty six percent (36%) a combination of strongly agreed and agreed respectively of nigerian that affirmed that the judiciary favours some people or parties in the discharge of their duties. this shows that the judiciary have not gotten a clear cut performance in the discharge of their adjudication and oversight duties in the developing countries (nigerian). table 3 independence of executive, legislative and judiciary round category total r7 2017/2018 strongly disagree 7.7% 7.7% disagree 15.9% 15.9% neither agree nor disagree 12.3% 12.3% agree or strongly agree 56.8% 56.8% don't know 7.3% 7.3% source: afrobarometer 2020 31,40% 25,50% 12,60% 21,70% 1,10% 7,60% 0,00% 5,00% 10,00% 15,00% 20,00% 25,00% 30,00% 35,00% agree very strongly with statement 1 agree with statement 1 agree with statement 2 agree very strongly with statement 2 agree with neither don't know judiciary is neutral vs favours particular people or parties round 2017/2018 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 30 figure 3 this section shows the extent of cordiality, relationship, and collaboration of the various arms of governments in nigeria. the logic is that the higher the level of independence, the lower the tendency of interrelations and cordiality between the institutions. the survey revealed that the level of independence or non interrelationship is about fifty seven percent (57%). the extent of lack of dependency or extent of collaborations is about twenty four percent (24%). this implies that the level of harmony among the arms of government in nigeria is not very significant and more clashes and disunity is inevitable in such regards. the submission from the studies of egheosase, and okeke, (2018), uwakwe (2019) and aluko, (2021) supports these findings that intergovernmental collaboration is weak and it seldom leads to rivalry and conflict in nigeria and other developing countries. legislative and judiciary relations in nigeria in the nigeria constitutional contest as a yardstick for other developing countries, legislatures are expected to make laws through a given procedure in the national assembly. the judiciary are expected to interpret the laws in accordance to the legal framework. there are seven major areas of relationship through which the legislatures and the judiciary relates. these include; i. constitutional review session ii. court cases involve procedure of the house (illegal impeachment) iii. chief judge nominee approval iv. advisory roles(advising the judiciary to take up an action) v. oversight functions of the legislatures on legal matters(legislative investigation of courts and vice versa) vi. judicial law making and vii. inauguration of a new political year. 7,70% 15,90% 12,30% 56,80% 7,30% 0,00% 10,00% 20,00% 30,00% 40,00% 50,00% 60,00% strongly disagree disagree neither agree nor disagree agree or strongly agree don't know independence of executive, legislative and judiciary round r7 2017/2018 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 31 the legislatures and the judiciary relates on constitutional review sessions. in this context both the judicial officers and the legislators discuss issues in a joint session to be able to fine tune some constitutional matters (tejuoso, alawode and baruwa, 2018). this matter easily becomes a bill sponsored to correct some constitutional anomalies which will eventually become a law when passed by the legislatures. constitutional review session is also an avenue of cross fertilising ideas on the salient matters affecting the constitution and the entire body of law of the country. it is also an informal avenue for legislators to inquire some legal principles from the judiciary based on official or unofficial matters. another areas of relationship is in the court cases involve procedure of the house. whenever a course is unlawfully carried out by the legislatures against a member, he has the right to seek judicial redress if the house refuses to reverse the illegal trend. this was seen in the case of illegal suspension of a member of the eighth senate but he sought for judicial redress. this shows that the legislatures are independent but must follow their own rules so as to promote unity. in cases of illegal impeachment or suspensions the judiciary intervene to correct the anomalies through court redress. it is expedient to note that the procedure of enthroning the chief justice of nigeria is not complete without the cross-examination and approval by the national assembly. the national judicial council recommends a qualified legal luminary to the chief executive –the president, he examines his credibility base on the recommendation and if suitable base on his judgement, he will then second him to the national assembly for confirmation. at this point, the nominated chief judge may be dismissed base on the cross examination of the legislators or confirmed for the office. the interplay of politics and negotiations goes into play at this stage of legislature-judiciary relations. however, the legislator freely relates with the judiciary on advisory roles. they advise the judiciary to take up an action or to speed up an action for the good of the country. the national assembly in nigeria had advised the judiciary to find a lasting solution to the backlog of cases pending in the various courts of law. this was a reaction to the large number of cases of inmates in the prisons who are awaiting trials. in de facto, some of the inmates had spent a long number of years which could have exceeded the years they would have been jailed if found guilty. they had also advised the judiciary to ensure speedy trail of cases especially election matters so as to prevent lopsided general elections dates in which some states elections date became different from the general election year. this was a result of excessively prolong election litigations which saw states like kogi, ekiti, ondo and ogun states having different election periods other than the general election year. furthermore, oversight functions are performed by both the legislatures on legal matters and judiciary on legislative matters. these oversight functions are forms of check and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 32 balance between these two arms of government. the legislatures in nigeria seek to know the performance of the budget allocated to the judiciary arm of government so as to checkmate wastages and corruption (aluko, 2020a). this is usually done through special or statutory committees on judicial matters. the judiciary on the other hands tends to render some laws made by the legislatures as ultra vires if it contradicts the provisions of the constitution. this was the case of the purported changes to the regulations guiding the code of conduct bureau and the code of conduct tribunal as relating to the immunity of the principal legislative officials. the insinuation was dismissed base on the fact it is contrary to the provisions of the constitution. the principal officers are mere elevated colleagues of the other legislators. therefore, any immunity for their offices should also cover the whole legislators (aluko, 2020b). in addition, the judicial law making role is a unique area of linkage between the legislators and the judiciary. the legislators are primarily meant to make laws but the judiciary through judicial reviews and judgements of the supreme court do make law. the judicial reviews are special sections which are conducted by judicial officials to remould, strengthen and or outlaw some previously made laws which have been proven to be contrary or otherwise. the outcome of the judicial reviews becomes the modus operandi for the judiciary on both civil and criminal matters in the country (fagbadebo, 2020). also, the judgement of the supreme court becomes a binding precedent and a statue on the political system. in these cases, the judiciary had cross into the roles of the legislators by exercising quasi legislative law making roles. finally, there are institutional interrelations during the inauguration of a new political year. the judiciary through the chief justice of nigeria swear-in the new political year during the may 29 democracy day ceremony in nigeria. this event includes the swearing-in of the executive president of the country into the full capacity executive office. this as well marks the beginning of the new legislative calendar year. prior to this period the old legislative officers’ still performs their full legislative functions until the judiciary swearing-in ceremony that ends their actions for the new or retuning members to assumed duties. conclusion the beauty of democracy is when all the arms and organs of government are allowed to function with all sense of freedom. this will impact on the cordiality and development in the society. the future of democracy may become crippled if these political, social and economic freedoms are restricted and the arms of government are in conflict of interests. good governance and development cannot be fully attained when the arms of government journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 33 are working on a parallel basis. there must be a synergy between them so as to promote unity peace and harmony in the process of governance. the constitution in developing countries must clearly spells out the roles and duties of the different arms of government. arms of government in include the executive, the legislatures and the judiciary. they have mostly work at variance with one another. the lines of relationship are very weak and the little time they relate does often lead to rancour, acrimony and battle for supremacy. the legislatives in developing countries are saddled with the constitutional responsibilities to make laws for the development of the country often do that in more egocentric ways. laws are usually made to protect their personal interests and their cronies. undue lobbies, bribery and other corrupt acts are prominent when bills are originating from the judiciary, the executive arm of government or the concerned publics. their over sight functions are as well done mostly to victimise the recipient who are usually either the judiciary agencies, judicial commissions or the executive agencies and executive commission. this kind of relationship therefore widens the fissure in governance and promotes more disunity among the arms of government. in the light of this, the judiciary on their part when interpreting the laws, they exert their judicial power of law reviewing to amend some of the provisions of the obnoxious or perceived selfish laws. the supreme court in nigeria on its part also make slight or total adjustments to the operations of principle of the laws that were made by the legislatures during constitution amendment sessions so as to ensure equity, fairness and tranquillity in the governance process. this shows the presence of lacuna instead of synergy in the system of law making and interpretation in nigeria. to this end, the interpretations of the various courts of the law on an amended section of the constitution may be different and creating more confusion in the political system. the major problems that can be palpated in the legislature-judicial relations in developing countries include; corruption, nepotism, selfishness, ethnic chauvinism, religious bigotry, unprofessionalism, inadequate intellectual capacity, suspicious trust, inter and intra institutional rivalry, battle for supremacy, political aggrandisement and poor political will to ensure development in the country among other ignoble demeanours. in the light of the foregoing, there is a rapid need for synergy to be restored between the various arms of government especially the legislative and the judiciary who deals directly with the body of law and the constitution of the country. this is because the constitution is the instrument that regulates human behaviours and ensures the sacrosanct of the integrity of the country. to ensure peace, good governance and sustainable development in the country, the legislature and the judiciary should promote and embark on the following; create an inter journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 34 institution forum for regular meeting when important sections of the constitution is about to be amended so as to ensure proper guidance and acceptable procedures and outcomes supported by the bench which will interpret such laws. the legislators should have official judicial aid which is assigned by the judicial commission to assist the legislatures on legal matter and not the usual informal or personal legal aid system. legislative arm should as well include judiciary relations course in the pre work training they usually embark on before they commence the legislative year. the judiciary as well through the judicial commission should be ready to render to the legislative arms free consultative windows for collaboration and brainstorming for the development of the body of law and good governance in developing countries. all of these things will lead to good governance, accountability, transparency and advance healthy relationship in the daily operations of the legislatives and the judicial arms of government in developing countries. reference afrobarometer data. (2020a). presentation and analysis of data on trust on the legislatures in nigeria [dataset]. [online url: http://www.afrobarometer.org] accessed on jan 4, 2020. afrobarometer data. (2020b). judiciary is neutral or favours particular people or parties in nigeria [dataset]. [online url: http://www.afrobarometer.org] accessed on jan 4, 2020. afrobarometer data. (2020c). independence of executive, legislative and judiciary in nigeria [dataset]. [online url: http://www.afrobarometer.org] accessed on jan 4, 2020. ali, m. a., abubakar, y., & ali, h. (2019). the executive, legislature and the judiciary: toward democratic governance in nigeria since 1914. journal of economic info, 6(1), 43-48 aluko, o. i. (2021). the ‘under carpet’ syndrome of urban violence management in developing countries. humanities, arts and social sciences studies (former name silpakorn university journal of social sciences, humanities, and arts), 21(1): 139-149. aluko o. i. (2020b) backdoor politics: permitting informalities for formal development in african democracy teme journal for social sciences vol. xliv, no 1 209-229 aluko o. i. (2020a) breaking the cycle of corruption in nigeria: the myth and reality journal of co-operative and business studies (jcbs) vol.5, issue 1 pp 115-125 aluko o. i. (2019). theorising truth and justice in governance: a study on truth commissions polish journal of political science volume 5 issue 4 pp 91-116 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 35 aluko o. i. & ogunnubi, o (2018) nigeria’s soft power and economic diplomacy in africa journal of african foreign affairs (joafa) volume 5, number 2 pp 189-206 https://doi.org/10.31920/2056-5658/2018/v5n2a10 atkinson, m, (1993) governing canada: institutions and public policy. toronto: harcourt brace jovanovich canada. bakari, s. (2017). national integration in humanities and development: the way forward. ujah: unizik journal of arts and humanities, 18(2), 358-374. bogdanor, v., (1991), (ed.) the blackwell encyclopedia of political science, oxford: blackwell publishers p.329 chinwuba, n. n. (2015). ending inequality in nigeria: a refreshing approach from the nation’s judiciary. international journal of law, policy and the family, 29(3) das, v. (2018). judicial corruption: the case of nigeria. journal of financial crime, 25(4) diescho j. b. (2003) the paradigm of an independent judiciary: its history, implications and limitations in africa. london egheosase, d. o. o., & okeke, m. a. (2018). influence of work-life balance on work performance among judiciary personnel in anambra state, south-east nigeria global journal of applied, management and social sciences, 15. encyclopædia britannica (2019a). judiciary. encyclopædia britannica ultimate reference suite. chicago: encyclopædia britannica. encyclopædia britannica (2019b). legislature encyclopædia britannica ultimate reference suite. chicago: encyclopædia britannica. fagbadebo, o. (2020). the judiciary and the politics of impeachment in nigeria’s political system. in impeachment in the nigerian presidential system (pp. 265-321). palgrave macmillan, singapore. fashagba, j. y., & mu’awiyya, a. (2019). a comparative analysis of the roles of the legislature in nigeria and south africa: the central legislature in focus. in perspectives on the legislature and the prospects of accountability in nigeria and south africa (pp. 63-83). springer, cham. guy p. b. (1999) institutional theory in political science: the new institutionalism. london; new york: pinter. hibbitts, c. b. (2020). disrobing the judiciary: the systematic stripping of judicial power by the legislature. kentucky law journal, 108(3), 5. ijaiya, n. o. a. (2018). publicity of subordinate legislation in nigeria: an appraisal. kiu journal of humanities, 3(1), 351-356. https://doi.org/10.31920/2056-5658/2018/v5n2a10 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 36 jellum, l. d. (2008). which is to be master, the judiciary or the legislature-when statutory directives violate separation of powers. ucla l. rev., 56, 837. jhaveri, s. s. (2019). reflecting on constitutional change in singapore: the role of the executive, legislature and judiciary. in constitutional change in singapore (pp. 236-262). routledge. jones, b. (2020). the judiciary and politics. in british politics today. manchester university press. kambhampati, a. (2020). (bull) ying their way out of the judiciary: a critical appraisal of the prevention of cruelty to animals (tamil nadu amendment) ordinance, 2017. dublin l. & pol. rev., 1, 79. loewenberg g. (1995), legislatures and parliaments in seymour martin lipset 9ed), the encyclopedia of democracy, volume iii, london, rutledge, p.736 malcolm e. j., (1997) legislature in the encyclopedia americana international (ed.) volume 17, connecticut: grolier incorporated, p172 murana, a. o., & bakare, a. r. (2019). constituency–legislature relations in nigeria. in the nigerian national assembly (pp. 73-89). springer, cham. north, d. c. (1990) institutions, institutional change, and economic performance: political economy of institutions and decisions. cambridge; new york: cambridge university press. nwoye, i. s. (2019). cherry-picking of constitutional provisions and its debacle of the nigerian economy. available at ssrn 3328474. oni, s., olanrewaju, f., & deinde-adedeji, o. (2019). the legislature and law making in nigeria: interrogating the national assembly (1999–2018). in the nigerian national assembly (pp. 15-31). springer, cham. parker j. (2010) constructing a theory of intergovernmental agreements: an institutional approach paper prepared for presentation at the annual meeting of the canadian political science association, montreal, quebec, june 1-3, 2010 salihu, h. a., & gholami, h. (2018). mob justice, corrupt and unproductive justice system in nigeria: an empirical analysis. international journal of law, crime and justice, 55, 40-51. tejuoso, o., alawode, g., & baruwa, e. (2018). health and the legislature: the case of nigeria. health systems & reform, 4(2), 62-64. uwakwe, f. c. (2019). separation of powers: panacea for good governance in nigeria. nnamdi azikiwe university journal of international law and jurisprudence, 10(1), 140-150. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 37 weaver, r. and rockman b. (1993) do institutions matter? government capabilities in the united states and abroad. washington, d.c.: the brookings institute. weis, l. k. (2020). the constitutional office of the legislature. university of toronto law journal, 70(supplement 2), 214-230. yusuf, y. a., yusoff, k. z. b. h., & zengeni, k. t. (2018). the legislature and the constituency projects in nigeria international journal of management research and reviews, 8(3), 1-6 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 133 indonesia's global health diplomacy in the time of covid-19 pandemic asep setiawan, debbie affianty, nurul fitralaila tanjung political science department, faculty of social and political science university of muhammadiyah jakarta asepsetia@gmail.com abstract : covid-19, which has been sweeping the world since 2020 and has caused a high human toll, profoundly impacts almost all countries to focus on public health. indonesia also felt the impact of covid-19; therefore, it needs to participate in various activities in maintaining global health and seeking vaccines from the international world. this study aims to examine how indonesia's global health diplomacy during the covid-19 pandemic. the research used a qualitative method with data collection techniques through secondary data and interviews. the study found that indonesia conducted global health diplomacy through multilateral channels to maintain global health governance and promote international efforts in dealing with the covid-19 pandemic. indonesia also uses global health diplomacy through multilateral and bilateral channels to gain access to vaccine provision. indonesia's global health diplomacy was also conducted to obtain assistance in dealing with non-health problems, namely economic and social issues. keywords: health, diplomacy, global, pandemic, covid-19 submission : january, 17st 2022 revision : march 19th 2022 publication : may 28th 2022 introduction international relations during the covid-19 pandemic have changed dramatically (covid19.who.int). the interaction pattern between countries is strongly influenced by health issues that previously limited attention to only one or two regions. since january 2020, when it was first called coronavirus in wuhan, china which has taken its toll and then spread globally, it has since become a global threat. it is called a global threat because it drops human casualties and other areas receiving adverse impacts ranging from economic to educational and socio-cultural. with this dire situation, the covid-19 pandemic has become a global health issue and it affects almost all countries in the world by 2020 and continues until 2021. the effect of this pandemic is mainly on the health of the population in a country. many people from various countries died or became ill due to the covid-19 mailto:asepsetia@ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 134 pandemic. as a result, each government focuses on providing health facilities and medicines, including its health workers. indonesia and other countries conduct health diplomacy to manage global health affected by the covid-19 pandemic. from the data released by who until april 2022, there were around 500 million positive cases of covid-19, and about six million people died (covid19.who.int ). the who also shows that almost 4 billion people from 7.9 billion in the world have undergone first vaccination. several studies have discussed indonesia's global health diplomacy, especially at the beginning of the pandemic. according to wicaksana (2020), the public health agenda recognizes by indonesia as an essential matter in international relations; however, the implementation of indonesia's foreign policy on health issues is mainly related to pandemic covid-19 is relatively no significant. domestic factors, especially the marginalization of the diplomatic position in the management of the national crisis, are an obstacle to the performance of the ministry of foreign affairs. in addition to the less manageable situation internally are the functional and institutional weaknesses of the indonesian diplomatic bureaucracy. meanwhile, albert triwibowo (2020) mapping the role of diplomacy during the covid-19 pandemic. as a country with a large population, indonesia is perceived to have no ability to carry out rapid tests. therefore, indonesia is collaborating with china and south korea regarding health protection. indonesia was also active in encouraging resolutions in dealing with the coronavirus at the un general assembly. however, in the asean, indonesian leadership in coping with covid-19 is not as active as the united nations dan the who. asean announced a declaration at the 2020 asean coronavirus disease summit but did not significantly raise funds to address covid-19. another assessment came from jessica martha (2020) which mentions that indonesia needs to use public diplomacy's instruments such as those carried out by taiwan and georgia. with public diplomacy, the benefits obtained include promoting values that can increase the country's stability, creating mutual understanding and correcting misunderstandings, and building a reputation. public diplomacy could be used to support some efforts in overcoming the crisis caused by covid-19 through making sense of events, networking, and craft messages and events. natalie shambi (2020) asserted that as an aspirant on developing the indo-pacific forum, indonesia should encourage its role to build cooperation in the health and scientific field amidst covid-19 raged. for example, the collaboration is how the coordinating ministry in indonesia and the indian ocean rim association (iora) focus on vaccine research and the availability of medical equipment and health protection. in her study, shambi noted that indonesia's policy towards the indojournal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 135 pacific would continue even though indonesia had budgetary difficulties economically due to covid-19. as part of health diplomacy, wangke (2021) and setiawan (2020) reviewed health diplomacy through international cooperation. wangke explained that indonesia, in its diplomacy, emphasizes the importance of international collaboration and access of all countries to obtain vaccines. indonesia emphasizes principles in global health governance during pandemics through unanimous resolutions. the proposed principles include strengthening affordable national health services, preventing discrimination in pandemic management, and cooperating with non-government parties. indonesia is also actively cooperating to obtain medical devices and vaccines. indonesia's role in global health diplomacy was active in various world institutions during the period of president susilo bambang yudhoyono (hieber:2013). indonesia became chair of the global fund to fight aids, tuberculosis, and malaria as proof that indonesia was an active actor in global health diplomacy. hiebert also noted indonesia's role in global health diplomacy was paramount when president susilo bambang yudhoyono became co-chair of a panel of 27 people to compile a global development agenda after 2015. likewise, indonesia's global health diplomacy was seen when 2013 hosted the asia pacific economic cooperation forum (apec), which also discussed the principles of health financing in the asia pacific. the research would fill the gap on how indonesian global health diplomacy was conducted. the research puzzle is how indonesia addresses global health in the various forums and how indonesia attempted to get access to medical protection support and vaccines from multiple countries. before explaining indonesia's effort on global health diplomacy amidst the covid-19 pandemic, the paper explores the conceptual framework on global health diplomacy. the article is later assessing indonesian global health diplomacy during pandemics both in multilateral and bilateral tracks. method the research on indonesia’s global health diplomacy employs a qualitative approach. secondary resources on indonesian global health diplomacy such as books, articles, and media reports were primarily collected from electronic sources. official statements from the ministry of foreign affairs were also collected from electronic sources. data was also collected from an in-depth interview with diplomats, officials from the ministry of foreign affairs, and an academician. the interviews were carried out through semi-structured form via virtual communication. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 136 result and discussion since it was officially announced that indonesia was exposed to the coronavirus, the government has also formed a covid-19 task force at the ministry of foreign affairs. the objective of the task force is to take advantage of the international environment in addressing domestic health. at the beginning of its formation at the ministry of foreign affairs, the task force attempted to obtain the necessary medical protective equipment in indonesia (simanjuntak:2021). when the pandemic raged in indonesia initially, it was known that it did not have protective equipment for health workers and the public, including masks and sanitizers (djumala:2021). the lack of medical equipment in indonesia shows that there was no anticipation of a global scale pandemic. in contrast to south korea and hong kong, which had experience and attention to the sars case in 2003, indonesia was entirely new for the use of masks in the face of a pandemic. therefore, indonesia's initial response is to seek and get as much as possible of this protective health equipment. this protective equipment is especially needed by health workers who deal with covid-19 patients, whose numbers in the first three months, march to april 2020, increased rapidly. the need for health-protective equipment is pursued by carrying out bilateral and multilateral cooperation. at the bilateral level, indonesia opens international doors in assisting in dealing with this pandemic. indonesian efforts to gain benefit from global health diplomacy are based on three pillars. firstly, mobilization of global efforts to mitigating health issues in multilateral diplomacy. secondly, indonesia engaged in bilateral diplomacy in seeking vaccines and non-health security issues such as social and economic needs. global mobilization world health organization (who) declared that covid-19 become a pandemic in the world on march 11, 2021. indonesia itself announced the covid-19 pandemic officially occurred on march 2, 2021. however, the pandemic that started in wuhan, china, has spread to various countries since january and february 2020. therefore, indonesia was perceived late in recognizing the pandemic covid-19 even though several international experts said that indonesia had experienced covid-19 before march 2, 2021 (kumar:2020). indonesia has begun to actively voice its government's affirmation towards covid19 by inviting solidarity action at the united nations on the international level. indonesia has a role in supporting the adoption of the un general assembly resolution "global solidarity to fight covid-19" on april 2, 2021. this resolution was reported to be the first issued by the united nations related to the coronavirus (covid-19) since the announcement of the global pandemic status by who on journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 137 march 11, 2020. indonesia worked with ghana, liechtenstein, norway, singapore, and switzerland to pass a resolution at the united nations. the resolution emphasizes the importance of international cooperation in responding to the 2019 coronavirus pandemic or covid-19. in one of its parts, the resolution calls for increased international cooperation to stem, manage and eradicate pandemics by exchanging information, knowledge, and policies and implementing guidelines from who. the resolution also urges the united nations to cooperate with its various members to mobilize a global response to the pandemic and its impacts on social, economic, and financial fields. in general, in multilateral diplomacy, indonesia worked together with three major institutions of global access facilities to covid-19 or covax. the three institutions are who, the coalition for outbreak preparedness innovation (cepi), and the global alliance for vaccines and immunization or gavi (simanjuntak:2021). indonesian health diplomacy in these three institutions follows a primary purpose: to realize a fair and quality global health standard. indonesian slogan for health diplomacy is health for all (kemlu:2018). with indonesia being active in various international forums, djumala (2021) noted some developments. for example, the indonesian minister of foreign affairs was successfully elected as the co-chair of the covax advance market commitment (amc) engagement group (eg) in an election virtually in geneva, january 8, 2021. covax amc eg is a consultation forum that brings together amc countries and countries. donor countries for the procurement and distribution of vaccines for amc countries. the covax facility has a target of procuring vaccines for up to 20% of the population of each amc country and supports the readiness of amc countries to undertake a national vaccination plan. indonesian role in covax amc eg was seen as a stepping stone to benefit, particularly in managing vaccines for domestic needs. indonesian foreign minister became co-chair of amc-eg and the ethiopian health minister, and the canadian minister for international development. indonesia received the most votes, namely 41% of the 92 votes of the economies that are members of the covax amc. according to djumala (2021), the election of indonesia with the most votes reflects two things: firstly, it is a form of international trust, especially in developing countries in indonesia; secondly, it is indonesia's big responsibility to achieve equal access to vaccines for all countries. with indonesia being active in health diplomacy, indonesia received several benefits in line with the national interests. as co-chair of the covax advance market commitment (amc) engagement group (eg) amc-eg, indonesia was seen to contributes significantly to the discourse in the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 138 covax facility regarding accelerating the development, production, and equitable access to the covid-19 vaccine. djumala and simanjuntak (2021) described that indonesia's leadership at amc-eg prioritize national interests to all countries in the world, namely: 1) the provision of vaccines for all amc countries; 2) ensure the selection of a suitable vaccine portfolio for distribution through the covax facility mechanism; 3) ensuring the fulfillment of up to 20% free dose supply and distribution for amc countries; 4) finalizing the concept of sharing the covax facility, and 5) finalization of the concept and procedure for no-fault compensation from the covax facility for serious adverse events (sae) that may occur from the impact of the covax facility vaccine. the indonesian foreign minister retno marsudi chaired the first amc-eg meeting on january 27, 2021, and firmly and consistently to national interests, including voicing the principle of equal access to vaccines for all countries. indonesia claimed that equality could only be realized through cooperation and solidarity (setnas asean:2021). due to jakarta's active policy at the international level, 1,113,600 vaccines originating from the british pharmaceutical company, astra zeneca, arrived in indonesia on march 8, 2021. the arrival of the astra zeneca vaccine through the multilateral cooperation scheme of the global alliance for vaccines and immunization (gavi) covax facility. the facility is a vaccine development collaboration between the world health organization (who) and gavi. with its activeness in international forums, djumala explained that the indonesian embassy in vienna through diplomatic efforts to fight for the national interests of the republic of indonesia through two significant achievements, firstly, technical assistance and cooperation, especially medical devices and covid-19 disease detection devices in collaboration with the international atomic energy agency (iaea), secondly, establishing norm settings, particularly unido resolutions related to the mitigation of the covid-19 pandemic, in which indonesia chaired the 48th meeting of the industrial development board (idb) of the united nations industrial development organization (unido). indonesia took the international organization to gain benefit such for a health product. from march until april 2020, the indonesian embassy in vienna facilitated iaea technical assistance through the coordination of the national task force for covid-19 of the ministry of foreign affairs, which resulted in an agreement to submit two covid-19 disease detection devices in the form of a real-time polymerase chain. reaction (rt-pcr), diagnostic kits, and consumables to two journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 139 locations in indonesia, namely the regional health laboratory (labkesda) of west kalimantan province in pontianak and the laboratory of the center for veterinary research (bb-litvet) of the ministry of agriculture in bogor. the selection of the two destination locations for equipment assistance has been coordinated with the covid-19 national task force and the ministry of health. furthermore, during the period april september 2020, the iaea carried out a series of deliveries of equipment, detection materials, and ppe to both destination locations. the indonesian embassy in vienna facilitated the communication of aid delivery with batan as the national facilitator and facilitated the arrangement and participation of the two laboratories to conduct virtual training on the use of covid19 detection equipment. indonesian diplomacy in europe in the form of facilitating the follow-up of the indonesian government's participation in the long-term cooperation program for the detection of covid-19 disease. this program called zodiac (zoonotic disease action program) is an extension of the vetlab collaboration where the indonesian government has previously actively participated and is expected to increase the indonesian government's capacity in zoonotic disease detection. for the national focal point, the indonesian government appointed bb litvet to the ministry of agriculture as the national zodiac coordinator. the indonesian embassy in vienna has officially conveyed the determination of the national corridor to the iaea in february 2021. indonesia, as chair of the 48th meeting of the industrial development board (idb) of the united nations industrial development organization (unido), encourages the 48/11 resolution, namely "unido's response to the covid-19 pandemic," which is unido's resolution related to the response and mitigation of covid-19 (kemlu:2021). this resolution describes three integration approaches. firstly, "prepare and contain," namely the first stage to maintain the production chain, industrial sector, and labor in efforts to mitigate the pandemic and its impact on the economy and economic development. secondly, "respond and adapt," namely the second stage that encourages the adaptation process of the industrial sector by utilizing appropriate technology and digital economy, as well as encouraging solutions and support for micro and small and medium enterprises (msmes), finally "recover and transform, "which is the third stage towards an inclusive, resilient and sustainable economic recovery. in addition, resolution 48/11 conveys a political message about the importance of international unity, solidarity, and cooperation in efforts to mitigate the global pandemic covid-19. djumala described that indonesia was elected by acclamation as president of the industrial development board (idb) of the united nations industrial development organization (unido) in november 2020 and the ambassador / permanent journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 140 representative of the republic of indonesia to the united nations in vienna chaired the 48th idb session which took place on 23-25 november 2020 and chaired various idb meetings outside the session during the period november 26, 2020, to july 2021. in the 48th idb meeting, indonesia highlighted several issues of national interest, including related to global industrial cooperation for the recovery of the impact of the pandemic and the achievement of sustainable development goals (sdg / sustainable development goals) (kumparan.com:2021). the idb is one of the critical unido policy-making organs. it is tasked with formulating and reviewing the progress of the un agency's work program and budget and making recommendations to the unido general conference on various policies, including the appointment of the director-general. the idb has 53 members, and indonesia is a member until 2023. diplomacy for searching vaccines according to djumala (2021), indonesia's health diplomacy to get vaccines is carried out both bilaterally and multilaterally. through the multilateral tracks, based on its primary objective, vaccine diplomacy could be divided into two purposes, namely: (i) vaccine diplomacy to ensure the availability of vaccine access/supply through participation in the covax facility. (ii) vaccine diplomacy to strengthen vaccine research and development through participation in the coalition of epidemic preparedness innovations (cepi). the covax facility is a global collaboration managed jointly by the world health organization (who), the coalition of epidemic preparedness innovations (cepi), and the vaccine alliance (gavi), which focuses on access to vaccines. the covax form of participation is divided into two: 1) self-financing (for high-income countries) and 2) advance market commitment (amc) (for developing / lowand low-middle-income countries). as a part of 92 members amc countries, indonesia has access to fully subsidized vaccines (free of charge) for 20% of the population or 54 million people or around 108 million vaccine doses by the end of 2021. djumala stated that some of the diplomatic efforts that have been made in the context of the covax collaboration are: a) submission of an expression of interest for indonesia's participation as amc 92 and a bilateral consultation with the ceo of gavi and the director-general of who on october 16, 2020; b) escorting and signing the mou-unicef mou regarding cooperation in the procurement and distribution of the covax vaccine on november 27, 2020; c) escort and send complete covax facility application documents: (i) request for technical assistance, november 27, 2020; (ii) vaccine request form part a, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 141 december 7, 2020; (iii) vaccine request form part b, january 8, 2021; (iv) expression of interest for pfizer biontech mrna vaccine, january 15, 2021. the covax vaccine delivery is carried out in stages, with the first delivery to 3% of the population of around 17 million doses estimated in the 1st semester of 2021. as an amc country, indonesia is not entitled to choose the type of vaccine; determined the type of vaccine will be carried out by the joint-allocation task force gavi based on the results of the readiness review. in the multilateral diplomacy track, djumala (2021) explained a multilateral cooperation for vaccine research and development through the cepi or coalition of epidemic preparedness innovations. as a form of indonesia's participation in multilateral cooperation to support access to equal, affordable, safe, and effective vaccines, the government of indonesia is actively participating in the cepi (coalition for epidemic preparedness innovation). indonesia's active participation in cepi is reflected in the following activities (djumala:2021): a) the foreign minister's visit to london on october 13, 2020, the ceo of cepi has conveyed the results of bio farma due diligence as drug product manufacturers for the covid-19 vaccines, which are declared good. this strengthens national health security, particularly the capacity of the indonesian health system and industry in responding to future pandemics. b) on november 24, 2020, a bilateral contribution agreement was signed by the a) secretary-general of the ministry of foreign affairs and the ceo of cepi for a contribution of usd 1 million. with this, indonesia will become part of the investors council in november 2020-december 2021. indonesia's participation in cepi will be beneficial to r&d in anticipation of emerging infectious diseases beyond covid19. b) on november 30, 2020, the deputy indonesian government at ic cepi, secretarygeneral of the ministry of foreign affairs, attended the investors council meeting, which was attended by investor councils from the state, private sector, and other philanthropists who discussed the cepi 2022-2026 strategy and engagement of low middle-income countries lmic). c) indonesia is also in the process of exploring opportunities for cooperation between cepi and bio farma. in this context of bilateral cooperation, it is noted that several necessary actions have been taken in indonesia's global health diplomacy. throughout 2020, indonesia is currently drafting a memorandum of understanding on cooperation in the health sector, particularly regarding the exchange of data and information regarding regulations and best practices for the covid-19 vaccine as follows (tarmizi:2021). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 142 a) since september 2020, indonesia is exploring collaborative research on developing the sars-cov-2 vaccine and capacity building between pt bio farma and the french pasteur institute. b) in october 2020, a letter of intent (loi) was signed regarding the initiation of facilitation for vaccine procurement discussions between the ministry of health and astrazeneca (az) / oxford. c) in december 2020, signed a contract to purchase 50 million doses of astrazeneca / oxford vaccine, with an option to add 50 million doses. az will start delivering 150,000 doses in april 2020, and gradually until december 2021, it will reach 11.9 million doses. d) at the bilateral meeting between the ministry of foreign affairs and the indonesian ministry of health and russia on june 5, 2020, it was agreed to cooperate in exchanging information and experiences in handling the covid-19 pandemic, developing the covid-19 vaccine, and an early detection system for infectious diseases. a small team was also formed to finalize the draft mou on health and the joint plan of action and determine the target date for completing the draft mou. e) on october 15, 2020, an mou was signed between the russian direct investment fund (rdif) with pt pratapa nirmala (fahrenheit) and pt magenta citra energy to promote the sputnik v vaccine in indonesia. rdif is currently exploring cooperation with sanbe farma, bunda farma, and temposcan pacific. f) indonesia, through the ministry of research and technology / indonesian national agency for research and technology, also has cooperation in the development and production of the covid-19 vaccine and other collaborations related to handling covid-19 with the turkish ministry of technology and industry. as a follow-up to the two ministers' meeting, on october 19, a technical session on the development of the covid 19 vaccine was held. forms of cooperation that will be explored include co-creation, co-production, and exchange of visits by researchers from the two countries. the vaccinations program in 2021 showed that indonesia had gained access to acquire vaccines. this indicates that indonesia is rather faster to obtain vaccines compared to several neighboring countries in southeast asia. diplomacy to have access to vaccines through purchasing and cooperation in manufacturing and transfer of technology is one sign that indonesia can procure this rare and expensive product in the era of covid-19. indonesian finance minister sri mulyani, at the end of 2020, stated that indonesia had spent a budget of idr 637.3 billion on buying the initial stage of the coronavirus (covid-19) vaccine. the budget will be used for vaccines produced by sinovac and also cansino. some of them entered indonesia on december 6, 2020, from sinovac, totaling 1.2 million vaccine doses. sri mulyani said that in 2020 the ministry of health had spent 637.3 billion rupiahs for the procurement of vaccines, namely for the 3 million dose journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 143 vaccines from sinovac and 100,000 from cansino. a total of 1.8 million sinovac vaccines arrived in january 2021. vaccine procurement is said would continue until 2021 and 2022. the indonesian government stated that in 2020 the vaccination budget was provided for 35.1 trillion rupiahs. meanwhile, in 2021 the budget prepared for handling covid-19 and vaccinations is 60.5 trillion rupiahs. the addition of 18 trillion rupiahs is in anticipation of the procurement of the covid vaccine and 3.7 trillion rupiahs in anticipation of the immunization or vaccination program. in addition, the budget will also be used to purchase facilities and infrastructure amounting to 1.3 trillion rupiahs. of this figure, 1.2 trillion rupiahs were carried out by the ministry of health and 100 billion rupiahs by the food and drug supervisory agency (bpom). indonesia acquired covid-19 vaccines from several countries, such as china, united kingdom, germany, india, and the usa. health minister budi sadikin said that the supply of vaccines in indonesia by june 2021 is estimated to have only reached 80 to 90 million doses. the amount is about 24 percent of the total needs. a total of 363 million vaccinations are for 181.5 million people. from the explanation above on indonesian diplomacy to develop cooperation and obtaining necessary health support, it is understood that the program involves several domestic private and state institutions. global health diplomacy required domestic health infrastructure, which is to some extent not fully available. for example, indonesia needs health institutions to develop and distribute to the large population for the vaccination program. the domestic support to accelerate what is achieved from health diplomacy is not in a position soon to be applied. diplomacy on non-health issues from the study above, it appears that indonesia's global health diplomacy did not only focus on providing personal protective equipment, masks, and procurement of vaccines, also because of the character of the indonesian government of joko widodo's foreign policy which emphasizes the protection of indonesian citizens. hence, citizens are also the focus of attention. djumala (2021) explained that the protection of indonesian citizens continues to be one of the foreign policy priorities and becomes increasingly important during the pandemic. protection intensification was carried out during the pandemic, which began with the evacuation of indonesian citizens from wuhan, china. in addition to evacuation, protection is also carried out by providing repatriation facilitation, distribution of necessities for indonesian citizens in several areas that are in need, and security for indonesian citizens exposed to covid-19 overseas. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 144 efforts to protect indonesian citizens are carried out in the field and up to the establishment of norm settings at the global level. on the initiative of indonesia and supported by 71 un member countries, on december 1, 2020, the un general assembly (smu), by consensus, passed a resolution regarding the protection of crew members or seafarers during the pandemic. according to data released from the ministry of foreign affairs in october 2020, more than 150 thousand indonesian citizens have been sent home. in detail, 306 people were repatriated from wuhan and diamond princess in yokohama, japan. indonesia sends home 157.758 people from 62 countries. in addition, jakarta helps indonesian citizens overseas with a 531,525 aid package. indonesia's budget in allocating for the covid-19 pandemic is enormous (liputan6.com:2020). the government has issued a budget for the procurement of the covid-19 vaccine amounting to 34.23 trillion rupiahs. in addition to vaccines and supporting equipment for health workers, the covid-19 vaccine budget is included in the health cluster in the national economic recovery (pen) program. the government had previously reallocated the pen budget so that the health budget increased to rp. 97.26 trillion from rp. 87.55 trillion. the health budget consists of rp. 45.23 trillion for handling covid-19, rp.6.63 trillion for health workers, rp. 60 billion for health workers' death benefits, rp. 4.11 trillion for jkn contributions, and rp.3 trillion for the covid-19 task force. table 1 health budget for addressing covid-19 handling covid-19 rp. 45.23 trillion for health worker rp. 6.63 trillion health worker death’s benefit rp. 60 billion health insurance contribution rp. 4.11 trillion covid-19 task force rp. 3 trillion tax incentives in health sector rp. 3.49 health care and covid-19 vaccines rp 5 trillion vaccination program and social protection rp 29.23 trillion total rp. 97.26 trillion source: liputan6.com (2020) in addition, there is still the provision of tax incentives in the health sector of rp. 3.49 trillion, reserves for health care and covid-19 vaccines of rp. 5 trillion, and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 145 reserves for the vaccination program and social protection 2021 rp. 29.23 trillion. the government has allocated a budget for the procurement of the covid-19 vaccine amounting to idr 34.23 trillion. minister of finance sri mulyani stated that the government had prepared a budget of rp. 60.5 trillion for the procurement and distribution of the corona or covid-19 vaccine in indonesia. this budget is a continuation of the procurement of 1.2 million doses of vaccines that have just entered indonesia on december 6, 2020 (cnnindonesia.com:2020). sri mulyani explained the plan to use the fund allocation. first, worth idr 18 trillion for the procurement of the next phase of the corona vaccine. second, the anticipated immunization and vaccination program reached rp. 3.7 trillion. third, the procurement of vaccine laboratory facilities and infrastructure reached rp. 1.3 trillion. fourth, funds for research and development as well as pcr tests conducted by the ministry of health rp1.2 trillion. fifth, for the evaluation of the food and drug supervisory agency (bpom) rp. 100 billion. indonesian central bank explains that 2021 funds have been prepared from the remaining purchase of securities (antaranews.com:2021). the government again offers bonds in retail government bonds (ori) series ori-019 to the public. the proceeds from the sale of these bonds will meet the 2021 state budget (apbn) financing target. in addition, cooperation for indonesia's recovery due to the covid-19 pandemic was taken in the form of bilateral cooperation. for instance, indonesia was collaborating with australia in dealing with the impact of covid-19. the australiaindonesia comprehensive strategic partnership has elevated bilateral relationships and sets an ambitious plan for deeper and broader cooperation across all facets of our partnership. indonesia faces a major challenge from covid-19, made more difficult by the size and density of its population and the archipelago itself. health and economic impacts continue to unfold and threaten indonesia's hard-won economic and human development gains. in this situation, australia is supporting indonesia to maximize its efforts to tackle covid-19 through policy and technical advice on the health response, the expansion of social safety net programs, and economic stimulus and recovery strategies. indonesia also carried out diplomacy to get international assistance. indonesia has received help in dealing with health security aspects from several countries. for example, the minister of foreign affairs, retno marsudi, witnessed the symbolic handover of 100 ventilator units from the united states (us) government to the indonesian government to handle covid-19 in indonesia, which took place at the ministry of foreign affairs on july 28, 2020 (kemlu:2021). this assistance realizes president donald trump's commitment to president joko widodo during a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 146 telephone conversation on april 24, 2020. the ventilator produced by vyaire medical is the first shipment of usd 1.5 million, which was channeled through usaid, out of a total of 1000 units. in may, indonesia announced a commitment to international aid totaling us $ 100 million. the ministry of foreign affairs noted that indonesia had received nearly us $ 100 million in assistance as of may 26, 2020, from abroad to deal with covid -19. acting spokesperson for the ministry of foreign affairs teuku faizasyah said that from such a large amount of funds, 30% or around the us $ 30 million had been realized. the ministry of foreign affairs noted that as of may 26, 2020, there were 113 international supports, consisting of 11 government assistance, 12 international organizations, and 90 non-international entities. with a total value of nearly us $ 100 million, about us $ 30 million was materialized. table 2 international aid source value 11 government assistance usd 100 millions 12 international organizations 90 non-international entities source: ministry of foreign affairs (2020) minister of foreign affairs retno marsudi also expressed his appreciation for canada's assistance which provided assistance of up to the us $ 850,000 to deal with covid-19. this assistance was channeled through the indonesian red cross (pmi) and unicef. help from friendly countries also continues to arrive, such as south korea, the united arab emirates, singapore, australia, the united states, and others. minister of foreign affairs retno marsudi said there was cooperation in joint products, especially ventilators, between pt inka (persero) and the canadian side. meanwhile, on may 11, 2020, indonesia also received an injection of us $ 2 million from the un covid-19 response fund or the un covid-19 response and recovery fund. this is as reported by the united nations development group. this assistance was delivered within the framework of the protecting people: supporting the government of indonesia and key stakeholders to scale-up inclusive social protection programs in response to covid-19 (kabar24bisnis.com:2021). since april, indonesia has reportedly received 58 state and non-state aid. foreign minister retno marsudi said the support came from various international elements. he detailed, nine government assistance, 42 non-government assistance, and seven came from international organizations or other institutions. the governments assisting indonesia are china, japan, the united states, singapore, vietnam, south journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 147 korea, australia, new zealand, and the united arab emirates. meanwhile, international organizations consist of who, abd, iaea, undp, iom, global fund, and unicef (wartaekonomi:com:2021). a total of 42 non-governmental assistance came from the private sector and nongovernmental organizations from nine countries. they consist of china, singapore, south korea, vietnam, france, russia, germany, japan, and sweden. the most widely received aid at this time is masks, rapid test kits, and pea or ppe. these international supports for indonesia show that diplomacy during the covid19 pandemic gave benefits, including non-health issues. ministry of foreign affairs emphasized that indonesia was also active in international forums in discussing the need to fight covid-19. in april, foreign minister participated in the international coordination group (icg) with the ministers of foreign affairs of turkey, south africa, singapore, morocco, france, canada, australia, germany, brazil, peru, and the uk. in evaluating indonesian global health diplomacy, i gede wahyu wicaksana (2021) stated that indonesia does not have an indonesian foreign policy in the face of covid-19. there should be three aspects in the discussion about a policy: ideas (what idea), resources (how to mobilize resources), and traditional policy concepts. for example, the indonesian ministry of foreign affairs does not throw a different idea from the aspect of ideas. indonesia is said to have no general view. foreign minister retno marsudi is bureaucratically skilled but underperforming in the context of producing spectacular ideas or instead of creating an exciting discourse to discuss except simply "confirming what the president wants, carrying out what the palace wants, and so on." second, from the resource aspect. "we also look at what resources the ministry of foreign affairs deployed during the pandemic. in fact, in february 2020, when the pandemic has spread, and the situation of indonesia is beginning to be threatened, the pro-active attitude of the ministry of foreign affairs continues to use conventional resources," said i gede wahyu wicaksana. for example, through the second statement, flying indonesian citizens (wni) from wuhan or doing things that were the traditional domain of the ministry of foreign affairs. in addition, the mobilization of indonesian resources is also still in the order of not yet called breakthrough. in short, the resource and mobilization of indonesian resources are mediocre. finally, when the pandemic became a real and actual threat to various parts of indonesia, the ministry of foreign affairs becomes a secondary actor. the primary actor is the task force handling the pandemic under lt. gen. doni monardo. indonesia's foreign policy is only subordinate, and other ministries have a more vital journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 148 role to play. wicaksana said that indonesia's foreign policy in the face of the covid19 pandemic is not satisfactory. conclusion at the beginning of the covid-19 pandemic, indonesia was entirely unprepared for global health diplomacy because it was a new, altogether international affair. therefore, criticism of indonesia at the beginning of the pandemic did not have a comprehensive policy, including for foreign affairs. however, after a year of the covid-19 pandemic, indonesia began to understand what was needed from the international community. based on research on how indonesia's global health diplomacy in the era of the covid-19 pandemic, several conclusions could be drawn as follows: firstly, indonesia engaged in global mobilization to deal with the pandemic with the slogan "health for all." in the spirit of helping the world during the pandemic, particularly in low and middle-income countries, indonesia was involved in the decision-making process in dealing with global health problems caused by the covid-19 pandemic. indonesia retains a position in an international forum in whorelated forums such as covac facilities; therefore, the government could provide access to health protection for all countries. secondly, indonesia has carried out global health diplomacy to find medical equipment and vaccine candidates for indonesia. indonesia engaged in multilateral and bilateral diplomacy for searching vaccines and health products. in addition, indonesia evacuated more than 150 thousand people during the early covid-19 pandemic thirdly, indonesian global health diplomacy also tried to get foreign assistance to address non-health problems such as social and economic issues. various aid has been received by indonesia, both in health products and cooperation assistance in handling socio-economic issues. acknowledgment the research was carried out with a grant from the faculty of social and political sciences, university of muhammadiyah jakarta number: /f.1-umj/ii/2021. references adisasmito, wiku, anung sugihantono, odo rm manuhutu, putri viona sari, sudeepa abeysinghe. 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https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1905/berita/indonesia-pimpin-pertemuan-ke-48-industrial-development-board-united-nations-industrial-development-organization.%20date%20november%2023 https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1905/berita/indonesia-pimpin-pertemuan-ke-48-industrial-development-board-united-nations-industrial-development-organization.%20date%20november%2023 https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1905/berita/indonesia-pimpin-pertemuan-ke-48-industrial-development-board-united-nations-industrial-development-organization.%20date%20november%2023 https://kumparan.com/kumparannews/indonesia-terpilih-sebagai-presidenhttps://kumparan.com/kumparannews/indonesia-terpilih-sebagai-presidenhttps://www.kemkes.go.id/article/print/20070200002/kemenkes-harus-siap-jalani-diplomasi-kesehatan-di-era-new-normal.html.%20accessed%20december%2027,%202020 https://www.kemkes.go.id/article/print/20070200002/kemenkes-harus-siap-jalani-diplomasi-kesehatan-di-era-new-normal.html.%20accessed%20december%2027,%202020 https://www.kemkes.go.id/article/print/20070200002/kemenkes-harus-siap-jalani-diplomasi-kesehatan-di-era-new-normal.html.%20accessed%20december%2027,%202020 https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1521/berita/kerja-sama-ri-amerika-serikat-tangani-pandemi-covid-19-di-indonesia https://kemlu.go.id/portal/id/read/1521/berita/kerja-sama-ri-amerika-serikat-tangani-pandemi-covid-19-di-indonesia https://mediaindonesia.com/humaniora/313543/lawan-pandemik-covid-19-melalui-diplomasi-kesehatan-global.%20accessed%20december%2026%202020 https://mediaindonesia.com/humaniora/313543/lawan-pandemik-covid-19-melalui-diplomasi-kesehatan-global.%20accessed%20december%2026%202020 http://setnas-asean.id/siaranhttp://setnas-asean.id/siaranjournal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 153 interview with indonesian ambassador in austria darmansyah djumala, march 15, 2021. interview with african director ministry of foreign affairs daniel simanjuntak, march 19, 2021. interview with spokesperson the ministry of health siti nadia tarmizi, april 20, 2021. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 332 materialism versus post-materialism, political participation and attitudes towards democracy: an empirical examination of tocqueville’s idea liu yongbo1, shen lihe2 1institute for social science research & life course centre the university of queensland 2school of sociology, china university of political science and law yongbo.liu@uq.net.au* lihe.shen@cupl.edu.cn * corresponding author abstract : tocqueville suggested that materialism may result in a lower level of political participation and lower support for democracy. in this study, using the joint dataset of the world values survey (wvs) and the european values study (evs) 2017-2020, we examine the influence of materialism/post-materialism on people’s support for democracy. from a hierarchical linear model, our results indicate that materialism against post-materialism is associated with a lower level of support for democracy, which supports tocqueville’s thought. furthermore, using causal mediation analysis, we find that political participation mediates 9.92% of the effect of materialism/post-materialism on support for democracy. our results show that materialism/post-materialism is an important determinant to people’s support for democracy. political participation is an important value in supporting democracy. keywords: democracy, materialism, post-materialism, political participation submission : auguts, 23rd 2022 revision : september 19th 2022 publication : november 30th 2022 introduction many studies have found that people’s support for democracy is influenced by multiple social factors, such as political trust (chang, 2021; marien & hooghe, 2011), social capital (dowley & silver, 2002), modernization (ciftci, 2010), government effectiveness (magalhães, 2014), economic crisis (cordero & simón, 2016) and public safety (fernandez & kuenzi, 2010). however, there is an insufficient discussion about the impact of people’s values, such as materialism and post-materialism, on people’s support for democracy. it should be pointed that support for democracy is defined as support for democratic political institutions in this study. except for social determinants for the support for democracy, people’s values may also import factors. materialism and postmailto:yongbo.liu@uq.net.au mailto:lihe.shen@cupl.edu.cn journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 333 materialism are two popular values in contemporary societies (salonen & åhlberg, 2013), which may influence people’s support for democracy. materialism may have a negative impact to democracy. tocqueville indicates that the pursuit of happiness in modern society caused less political participation, and the inclination of political system.(de tocqueville, 2015). some empirical studies agree with the idea of tocqueville. some researches found that materialism leads to lower public participation (watson, 2015) and negative attitudes towards environmental protection (hurst et al., 2013). conversely that the insufficient empirical researches on whether materialism leads to low support for democracy needs more thoughts. comparing materialism with the post-materialism may have positively associate people’s support to democracy. post-materialism made the greater importance of non-material goals such as self-expression, autonomy, freedom of speech, gender equality and environmentalism (inglehart, 2015; salonen & åhlberg, 2013). the post-materialism value paid more attentions to public affairs, which leads to more political participation (cantijoch & san martin, 2009; copeland, 2014). post-materialism leads to more attentions to participate in the public affairs. conversely, the opposite people which againts materialism, may have more possibility supporting democracy. to summarize that the post-materialism created the differences to strengthen democracy. political participations creates a mechanical association in order to support democracy. the insufficient empirical exploration resulted the impact of materialism that support democracy and the mechanism of it. this study using the sample from many countries to proof that influence of materialism/post-materialism on people’s attitudes to democracy and explore the mediation role of political participation by mediation analysis. in order to expand the understanding of determinants of the attitudes to democracy by estimating the impact of people’s values. furthermore, to show profound explanation of the relationships between people’s values, political participation, and political attitudes. literature review influence of materialism on political participation and political attitudes tocqueville argues that people’s social status is indicated primarily by their wealth rather than by their lineage or birthright in modern society (de tocqueville, 2015). there is a greater desire to achieve social status through the pursuit of wealth. pursuing wealth may cause people to become indifferent to public affairs and look for a more authoritarian government to manage public affairs on their behalf. mazower shares a similar view. he criticizes that after world war ii, europeans did not really believe in democracy but capitalism, so indifference to public affairs can often be seen in the functioning of contemporary european democracy (mazower, 2009). the low turnout of european voters bears this out (van der eijk & van egmond, 2007). many empirical studies have examined the effects of materialism on political participation and political attitudes. some of these studies have found that materialism reduces people’s participation in public affairs (kilbourne & pickett, 2008; mcleod, 2001; journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 334 torlak & koc, 2007). for example, based on data from a survey of 300 adults in the united states, mcleod finds that materialist values negatively affect participation through watching television entertainment (mcleod, 2001). materialism leads people to devote more time to recreational activities and reduces their participation in public affairs. other studies have found an association between materialism and people’s political attitudes. materialists are more likely to be racist (paxton, 2002; roets et al., 2006) and have more negative attitudes towards environmental protection (hultman et al., 2015; hurst et al., 2013; sreen et al., 2020). previous research has provided some analyses of the effects of materialism on political participation and political attitudes. as predicted by tocqueville’s idea, people’s materialistic tendencies may make them more indifferent to public life and less politically engaged. these empirical studies partly provide evidence for tocqueville’s doctrine. nevertheless, another part of tocqueville’s idea is that people may be more likely to support a political system with authoritarian overtones because they pursue material wealth and are indifferent to public affairs. people who are more inclined towards materialism are more likely to favour authoritarianism over democracy in their preferences for political systems. the current empirical research on this problem has not given an adequate answer. the current study explores this problem. influence of post-materialism on political participation and political attitudes along with the economic boom after world war ii, human society began to transfer from industrial to post-industrial society (bell, 2019), with highly developed productivity, gradually improving social welfare systems, and more concerning environmental issues. inglehart developed the concept of post-materialism to show the new value in postindustrial societies (inglehart, 1981). unlike materialists, who prioritize economic growth and wealth possession, post-materialists are more concerned with ecology, quality of life, and self-actualization. post-materialists may have more active political participation and more support for the democratic political system than materialists. first, post-materialists are more concerned about issues such as environmental protection than materialists. these issues are public affairs, which can only be pursued by political participation. this provides more possibilities for the post-materialists to participate in politics to achieve their goals. second, under the influence of post-materialist values, people are increasingly pursuing the realization of self-worth and the meaning of life. the democratic environment is conducive to the operation of various subnational organizations and has better protection of free speech, which benefit post-materialists to achieve their goals. existing empirical research has also found that post-materialists, compared to materialists, are more likely to support political issues, such as environmental protection and gender equality and the empowerment of ethnic and sexual minorities (wong & wan, 2009), and more likely to engage in political activities both offline (henn et al., 2021; paloniemi & vainio, 2011) and online (theocharis, 2011). for example, using data collected using a survey of 512 young people (ages 15-30) living in finland, paloniemi journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 335 and vainio suggest that post-materialist values and political competence increased interest in environmental and political action (paloniemi & vainio, 2011). however, there is limited research about the influence of post-materialism on people’s attitudes to democracy. an example is, using data from the european values survey, pavlović and mentalities show that post-materialists against materialists are more included to support for democracy in eastern europe countries (pavlović, 2016). however, there is limited exploration of countries in other areas. furthermore, as tocqueville’s idea suggests, political participation may mediate the association of materialism/post-materialism and people’s attitude to democracy. the mediation role of political participation needs more exploration. method data and analytical sample the joint dataset of the world values survey (wvs) and the european values study (evs) 2017-2020 is used. in line with it, evs has been responsible for planning and conducting surveys in european countries, using the evs questionnaire and evs methodological guidelines. wvsa has been responsible for planning and conducting surveys in countries outside europe and several european countries (andorra, cyprus, greece), using the wvs questionnaire and wvs methodological guidelines. five countries (germany, romania, russia, serbia, and ukraine) conducted surveys in both waves, evs 2017 and wvs7. data from 81 countries and territories are collected in the joint dataset. every country or territory is surveyed once from 2017 to 2020 in this dataset. all countries employed random probability representative samples of the adult population, which gives the data good representativeness. this data includes the key variables about materialism/postmaterialism and people’s degree of support for democracy, so it is proper data to be used in this study. the used sample size is 135000 in this study, including cases from all surveyed countries. the summary information of the variables used in this study, including the information about the missing values, can be found in the supplementary materials. measurements outcome variable a likert scale measures the attitude towards democracy with four questions: the respondents are asked, “i am going to describe various political systems and ask what you think about each as a way of governing this country. for each one, would you say it is a very good, fairly good, fairly bad or very bad way of governing this country?” 1) having a strong leader who does not have to bother with parliament and elections journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 336 2) having experts, not government, make decisions according to what they think is best for the country 3) having the army rule the country. 4) having a democratic political system. for each question, there are four potential answers: [1] very good, [2] fairly good, [3] fairly bad, [4] very bad. specifically, for the fourth question, “very bad” is recoded to 1, “fairly bad” is recoded to 2, “fairly good” is recoded to 3, and “very good” is recoded to 4. then the scores of the answers to four questions are summed to generate the outcome variable “support for democracy”. explanatory variable materialism/post-materialism is measured by two questions, 1) if you had to choose, which one of the things (on this card) would you say is most important? 2) and which would be the next most important? for each question, there are four answers: [1] maintaining order in the nation, [2] giving people more say in important government decisions, [3] fighting rising prices, [4] protecting freedom of speech. it is constructed by coding as materialists those who select aims 1 and 3, post-materialists those who select aims 2 and 4 and mixed those who select aims 1 or 3 and aims 2 or 4. we recoded “post-materialism” to 0, “mixed” to 1, and “materialism” to 2. this way generates the variable “materialism”. mediator a likert scale measures political participation with three questions. the respondents are asked that “i am going to read out some different forms of political action that people can take, and i would like you to tell me, for each one, whether you have actually done any of these things, whether you might do it or would never, under any circumstances, do it.” 1) signing a petition, 2) joining in boycotts, 3) attending lawful demonstrations for each question, there are three potential answers: [1] would never do, [2] might do, [3] have done. the variable political participation is generated by summing the scores of the answers to these questions. measurements of confounders several confounders are adjusted in this study, including people’s occupation group, marital status, education attainment, religious denomination, health status, attitude towards income inequality, and countries and territories. the occupation group is measured by asking, “to which of the following occupational groups do you belong?”. the potential answers are [0] never had a job, [1] professional journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 337 and technical, [2] higher administrative, [3] clerical, [4] sales, [5] service, [6] skilled worker, [7] semi-skilled worker, [8] unskilled worker, [9] farm worker, [10] farm owner, farm manager, [11] other. marital status is measured by asking, “what is your current legal marital status?”. the potential answers are [1] married, [2] living together as married, [3] divorced, [4] separated, [5] widowed, [6] single/never married. the level of education attainment is measured by asking the question, “highest educational level attained”. the potential answers are [0] less than primary, [1] primary, [2] lower secondary, [3] upper secondary, [4] post-secondary non-tertiary, [5] shortcycle tertiary, [6] bachelor or equivalent, [7] master or equivalent, [8] doctoral or equivalent. 0-2 are recoded to “lower”, 3-4 are recoded to “middle”, and 5-8 are recoded to “upper”. religious denomination is measured by asking, “do you belong to a religious denomination? (if yes) which one?”. the potential answers are [0] do not belong to a denomination, [1] roman catholic, [2] protestant, [3] orthodox (russian/greek/etc.), [4] jew, [5] muslim, [6] hindu, [7] buddhist, [8] other christian (evangelical/pentecostal/free church/etc.), [9] other. health status is measured by asking, “all in all, how would you describe your state of health these days? would you say it is:”. the potential answers are [1] very poor, [2] poor, [3] fair, [4] good, [5] very good. attitude to income equality is measured by asking, “on this card, you see a number of opposite views on various issues. how would you place your views on this scale?”. the potential answers are from 1 to 10. 1 means “incomes should be made more equal”, and 10 means “we need larger income differences as incentives”. a more significant number shows higher support for higher income equality. countries or territories of respondents and the age and gender of respondents are also adjusted. first, adjusting the confounders, we use a hierarchical linear model to explore the influence of materialism/post-materialism on the degree of support for democracy, which puts the variable “country or territory” in the second level, and the other variables in the first level. this approach solves the autocorrelations of features with the same country or territory (schonfeld & rindskopf, 2007). following that, mediation analysis is made by the causal mediation analysis method (imai, keele, & tingley, 2010; pearl, 2014). it should be emphasized that the term “causal” is used because this method is based on the counterfactual framework, which has a clear definition of causal relationships between the explanatory variable, the mediator and the outcome variable. compared to the traditional approach to mediation analysis, such as baron-kenny method (baron & kenny, 1986) and structural equation model (woody, 2011), the causal mediation analysis can show the proportion of the total effect mediated by the mediator by percentage. in this study, it can show what proportion of the effect of the impact of materialism on the degree of support for democracy is mediated by political participation. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 338 in the causal mediation analysis, four estimations are reported: natural indirect effect, natural direct effect, total effect, and proportion of mediated (pearl, 2014). the causal mediation analysis method has several estimations. in this study, the natural indirect effect (nie) means the indirect effect of materialism on support for democracy through political participation. the natural direct effect (nde) means the effect of materialism, not through political participation. it should be pointed out that technically the nde is the direct effect. however, theoretically, it may include the effect of other potential mediators, which are not discussed in this study. the total effect is the sum of nie and nde. furthermore, the “mediated proportion” is calculated by nie/total effect, which means what proportion of the total effect is mediated by political participation. in the mediation analysis, all confounders are also adjusted. the r package “mediation” is used to make causal mediation analysis in this study (tingley et al., 2014). although we adjust several confounders, there may be other unobserved confounders. therefore, we make a sensitivity analysis from imai and his group’s approach (imai, keele, & yamamoto, 2010) to test the robustness of the mediation effect of political participation. this approach uses a sensitivity parameter ρ to estimate the potential influence of unobserved confounders, the details of this method can be found from imai and his team’s work (imai, keele, & yamamoto, 2010). results descriptive analysis figure 1 shows respondents’ mean scores for materialism and support for democracy in the studied countries (figure 1). generally, this figure demonstrates that people of developed countries, for example, germany and sweden, have the lowest inclination to materialism (highest inclination to post-materialism) and a higher degree of support for democracy. furthermore, a negative correlation between materialism and inclination to support democracy can be found. generally, people of a country with a higher inclination to materialism against post-materialism also see a lower level of support for democracy. this preliminarily indicates that materialism is a determinant to support democracy at the country level. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 339 figure 1: mean score of materialism and support for democracy of countries and territories figure 1 shows the mean score of materialism and support for democracy for different countries. the x-axis shows the mean score of materialism, and the y-axis shows the mean score of support for democracy. because post-materialism is frequently seen in developed societies, we show the results separately for developing and developed countries. the developed countries are defined by the criterion by international monetary fund (long & ascent, 2020). generally, figure 2 demonstrates that in developed and developing countries, people, either young or old, with materialistic values against post-materialism values, have lower support for democracy (figure 2). this preliminarily finding supports the hypothesis that materialism negatively impacts support for democracy. a surprising result is that in both developed and developing countries, the support for democracy sees a decline for younger people. this confirms that the worry about the decline of support for democracy should not be ignored. though developed countries have a higher level of support for democracy, regardless of their value, materialism or post-materialism, the decline of support for democracy among young people should be given enough attention. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 340 figure 2 support of democracy for people with materialism versus postmaterialism: change over people’s birth year figure 2 shows the degree of support for democracy for people with materialism versus postmaterialism values, varying over people’s age in developing and developed countries, respectively. scatter plots with quadratic fit lines are shown in the figure. the gap of support for democracy between different values are larger in developed countries, which indicates that materialism/post-materialism has higher impact on support for democracy in developed countries. in developing countries, the gap also exists, but is much smaller. this mainly because the general degree of support for democracy is relatively low in developing countries where democracy is not well developed. the potential development of democracy in developing countries may lead to larger gap of support for democracy for between materialists and post-materialists. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 341 the influence of materialism/post-materialism on support for democracy as stated in the section of methods, a hierarchical linear model is used to estimate the impact of materialism on the inclination of support for democracy. table 1 shows the results of the regression analysis (table 1). model (1) only adjusts the confounders, and model (2) also adjusts the mediator (political participation). it can be seen that a higher level of materialism leads to lower support for democracy in both models (1) (beta=0.206, p<0.01) and model (2) (beta=-0.192, p<0.01). this supports the hypothesis that materialism against post-materialism negatively impacts the possibility of supporting democracy. table 1 the impact of materialism on support for democracy (1) (2) support for democracy support for democracy materialism -.206*** -.192*** (.015) (.015) occupation group never had a job professional and technical .227*** .183*** (.037) (.038) higher administrative .115** .075 (.054) (.055) clerical .084** .047 (.038) (.039) sales -.011 -.039 (.035) (.035) service -.053 -.078** (.039) (.039) skilled worker -.063 -.083** (.04) (.041) semi-skilled worker -.121*** -.145*** (.042) (.043) unskilled worker -.141*** -.147*** (.041) (.042) farm worker -.257*** -.288*** (.048) (.049) farm owner, farm manager -.178*** -.201*** (.057) (.058) other -.268** -.292** (.136) (.137) gender male journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 342 female -.039** -.022 (.019) (.019) age .019*** .02*** (.001) (.001) marital status married living together as married .073** .066* (.036) (.037) divorced -.016 -.018 (.046) (.047) separated .009 .024 (.06) (.061) widowed -.19*** -.173*** (.044) (.045) single/never married .11*** .106*** (.025) (.025) education attainment lower middle .341*** .313*** (.024) (.025) upper .51*** .463*** (.029) (.03) religious denomination do not belong to a denomination roman catholic -.107*** -.113*** (.032) (.032) protestant .118*** .109*** (.04) (.04) orthodox .133** .123** (.061) (.062) jew .027 .035 (.157) (.159) muslim -.152*** -.12** (.047) (.047) hindu -.349*** -.322*** (.103) (.105) buddhist -.063 -.067 (.05) (.051) other christian .078 .071 (.053) (.054) other -.06 -.051 (.065) (.066) health .027** .029*** journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 343 (.011) (.011) attitude to income equality .002 .003 (.003) (.003) political participation .061*** (.005) _cons 10.184*** 9.776*** (.174) (.173) observations 57316 55075 standard errors are in parentheses *** p<.01, ** p<.05, * p<.1 note: the variable “country or territory” includes too many categories. the coefficients of the dummy variables for the variable “country or territory” are omitted in this table. mediation analysis table 2 shows the mediation analysis results, using political participation as the mediator (table 2). the mediated proportion of political participation is 9.92% (p<0.01). this shows that political participation mediates 9.92% of the association between materialism and inclination of supporting democracy. political participation is a mechanism between materialism and inclination of supporting democracy, as supposed by the theory. table 2 the mediation effect of political participation on the association between materialism and support for democracy estimate 95% ci lower 95% ci upper p-value significance nie -0.0225 -0.0258 -0.02 <0.000 *** nde -0.2049 -0.2395 -0.18 <0.000 *** total effect -0.2274 -0.2623 -0.20 <0.000 *** proportion of mediated 0.0992 0.0795 0.12 <0.000 *** *** p<.01, ** p<.05, * p<.1, sample size used: 47248 note: nie is the indirect effect of materialism through political participation; nde is the effect of materialism not through political participation; total effect is the sum of nie and nde; proportion of mediated shows what proportion of total effect is mediated by political participation, which is calculated by nie/total effect figure 3 shows the sensitivity analysis to the potential influence of the unobserved cofounders to the mediation effect of political participation. the analysis indicates that the original conclusion about the direction of the nie of political participation (represented by the dashed horizontal line) would be maintained unless ρ is higher than 0.06. this implies that the mediation effect of political participation is relatively robust. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 344 figure 3 sensitivity analysis for the mediation effect of political participation figure 3 shows the results of the sensitivity analysis for the mediation effect of political participation. the solid line represents the estimated nie for the mediator (political participation) for differing values of the sensitivity parameter ρ. the gray region represents the 95% confidence interval. the horizontal dashed line is drawn at the point estimate of the original estimated nie. conclusion tocqueville argues that democracy is crucial influenced by social structure and people’s values. our study examines the impact of materialism versus post-materialism on journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 345 people’s support for democracy to make an empirical answer to tocqueville’s idea. our findings suggest that compared to post-materialism, people with a higher inclination to materialism have a lower degree to support for democracy. the impact of materialism/post-materialism on support for democracy is partially mediated by political participation. first, our study extends the research on the relationships between people’s values and political attitudes. previous studies have made contributions to the association between people’s values and participation in public affairs. our study finds that materialism/postmaterialism also influences people’s inclination to support democracy. except for socialeconomic factors such as the growth of the economy (hahn & logvinenko, 2008), religion(ben-nun bloom & arikan, 2012; cordero & simón, 2016), level of socioeconomic inequality (kang, 2015; muhtadi & warburton, 2020; schäfer, 2012), people’s values are also essential to support for democracy. when discussing people’s attitudes towards democracy, not only socio-economic factors but also people’s values should be paid enough attention. second, there is a debate about whether democracy is declining in current times, and our study partially answers this question. though optimistic scholars argue that democracy is increasing globally (pinker, 2018), there has been a worry about the decline of democracy in recent years (ágh, 2016; diamond, 2016). the report from freedom house shows that from 2005 to 2021, in most years, more countries see declines in the aggregate score of democracy than countries see improvements in the score (house, 2022). for example, in 2021, 60 countries saw declines in democracy, and only 25 countries saw improvements in democracy. this makes it essential to know the determinants of the trend of democracy to know the future of democracy. our study shows that both in developed and developing countries (and territories), materialism is a negative factor in support for democracy. this supports the idea that materialism may lead to the decline of democracy. people’s values should be paid enough attention to when discussing the future of democracy. additionally, a worrying result is that though the transformation from materialism to post-materialism may make people to supporting democracy more, it does not reverse the trend of the decline of degrees in supporting democracy of young people. the more crucial problem is for the developing countries. these countries have weaker systems of democracy in general, and the materialism of people in these countries makes people have relatively low support for democracy. on the one hand, post-materialism versus materialism is vital for people’s support for democracy. on the other hand, the optimistic future of democracy should not be overly estimated by arguing that post-materialism is expanding in modern industrialized societies. post-materialism is a positive determinant for support for democracy, but to estimate the future of democracy, its role should be considered with other factors such as inequality (kang, 2015; muhtadi & warburton, 2020) and social capital (nur-tegin, 2021; woolcock, 2010). third, our results also evidence that political participation is a mediator of the association between materialism/post-materialism and support for democracy. political participation partially explains why a high inclination towards materialism is associated with low support for democracy. as tocqueville’s idea suggests, the inclination of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 346 materialism drives people to care about accumulating wealth and getting higher social status through it, which leads to lower interest in participating in public affairs. this makes it more likely that these people will be inclined to support an authoritarian political system to manage public affairs for themselves. oppositely, people who hold post-materialist values are more active in political participation. compared to materialists, post-materialists attach more importance to various public affairs, such as environmental protection and social justice, as meaningful to them. as putnam points out, participation in public affairs is a form of social capital, making democracy work better. in political participation, people experience the advantages of democracy and recognize their contribution to public affairs, which makes them more likely to support it. previous studies have shown the influence of materialism versus post-materialism on political participation. our study shows that another part of the story is that low political participation of materialists will lead to low support for democracy. the impact of materialism versus post-materialism is not only on political participation but also on political attitude. our study has some limitations. first, we mainly focus on the impact of materialism/postmaterialism on political attitudes, but further studies should make the determinants of why people have the materialism or post-materialism value more explored. our study suggests that the country’s economic status may be a determinant of people’s values. nevertheless, there may be other determinants, such as culture, historical traditions, and people’s demographic characteristics (such as education attainment). to make a deeper understating of the role of materialism/post-materialism on politics, further studies may explore the determinants of these values. second, based on tocqueville’s idea, we examine the mediation effect of political participation on the association between materialism/post-materialism and support for democracy. the result of mediation analysis shows that about 10% of the total effect is mediated by political participation. there may be other mediators. for example, in authoritarian political systems, people are more likely to gain material benefits through power rent-seeking (aidt, 2016). perceptions of power rent-seeking may also be a mediator. further studies may make more explorations of these mediators to deeply explain the mechanisms between people’s values and attitudes towards democracy. acknowledgments we sincerely acknowledge prof. jennifer pan from stanford university for her suggestions to the conceptions and methods of this study. declaration of interest statement all authors declare that they have no conflicts of interest. data availability statement: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 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(2010). the rise and routinization of social capital, 1988–2008. annual review of political science, 13, 469-487. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 350 appendices appendix: summary of variables used in this study overall (n=135000) support for democracy mean (sd) 11.6 (2.45) median [min, max] 12.0 [4.00, 16.0] missing 20290 (15.0%) materialism mean (sd) 1.15 (0.625) median [min, max] 1.00 [0, 2.00] missing 5348 (4.0%) occupation group never had a job 11400 (8.4%) professional and technical 10684 (7.9%) higher administrative 2779 (2.1%) clerical 7672 (5.7%) sales 9116 (6.8%) service 6436 (4.8%) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 351 overall (n=135000) skilled worker 6677 (4.9%) semi-skilled worker 5307 (3.9%) unskilled worker 5233 (3.9%) farm worker 3515 (2.6%) farm owner, farm manager 2110 (1.6%) other 339 (0.3%) missing 63732 (47.2%) gender male 62383 (46.2%) female 72540 (53.7%) missing 77 (0.1%) country and territory albania 1435 (1.1%) andorra 1004 (0.7%) argentina 1003 (0.7%) armenia 1500 (1.1%) australia 1813 (1.3%) austria 1644 (1.2%) azerbaijan 1800 (1.3%) bangladesh 1200 (0.9%) belarus 1548 (1.1%) bolivia 2067 (1.5%) bosnia and herzegovina 1724 (1.3%) brazil 1762 (1.3%) bulgaria 1558 (1.2%) canada 4018 (3.0%) chile 1000 (0.7%) china 3036 (2.2%) colombia 1520 (1.1%) croatia 1487 (1.1%) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 352 overall (n=135000) cyprus 1000 (0.7%) czechia 1811 (1.3%) denmark 3362 (2.5%) ecuador 1200 (0.9%) egypt 1200 (0.9%) estonia 1304 (1.0%) ethiopia 1230 (0.9%) finland 1199 (0.9%) france 1870 (1.4%) georgia 2194 (1.6%) germany 3698 (2.7%) great britain 1788 (1.3%) greece 1200 (0.9%) guatemala 1203 (0.9%) hong kong sar 2075 (1.5%) hungary 1514 (1.1%) iceland 1624 (1.2%) indonesia 3200 (2.4%) iran 1499 (1.1%) iraq 1200 (0.9%) italy 2277 (1.7%) japan 1353 (1.0%) jordan 1203 (0.9%) kazakhstan 1276 (0.9%) kyrgyzstan 1200 (0.9%) lebanon 1200 (0.9%) lithuania 1448 (1.1%) macau sar 1023 (0.8%) malaysia 1313 (1.0%) mexico 1739 (1.3%) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 353 overall (n=135000) montenegro 1003 (0.7%) myanmar 1200 (0.9%) netherlands 2404 (1.8%) new zealand 1057 (0.8%) nicaragua 1200 (0.9%) nigeria 1237 (0.9%) north macedonia 1117 (0.8%) norway 1122 (0.8%) pakistan 1995 (1.5%) peru 1400 (1.0%) philippines 1200 (0.9%) poland 1352 (1.0%) portugal 1215 (0.9%) puerto rico 1127 (0.8%) romania 2870 (2.1%) russia 3635 (2.7%) serbia 2545 (1.9%) singapore 2012 (1.5%) slovakia 1432 (1.1%) slovenia 1075 (0.8%) south korea 1245 (0.9%) spain 1209 (0.9%) sweden 1194 (0.9%) switzerland 3174 (2.4%) taiwan roc 1223 (0.9%) tajikistan 1200 (0.9%) thailand 1500 (1.1%) tunisia 1208 (0.9%) turkey 2415 (1.8%) ukraine 2901 (2.1%) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 354 overall (n=135000) united states 2596 (1.9%) vietnam 1200 (0.9%) zimbabwe 1215 (0.9%) age mean (sd) 45.8 (17.2) median [min, max] 45.0 [16.0, 82.0] missing 643 (0.5%) marital status married 74189 (55.0%) living together as married 7066 (5.2%) divorced 8364 (6.2%) separated 2509 (1.9%) widowed 10034 (7.4%) single/never married 32085 (23.8%) missing 753 (0.6%) education attainment lower 36623 (27.1%) middle 53115 (39.3%) upper 44181 (32.7%) missing 1081 (0.8%) religious denomination do not belong to a denomination 35072 (26.0%) roman catholic 28289 (21.0%) protestant 14139 (10.5%) orthodox 17674 (13.1%) jew 244 (0.2%) muslim 26624 (19.7%) hindu 600 (0.4%) buddhist 4987 (3.7%) other christian 3258 (2.4%) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 355 overall (n=135000) other 2837 (2.1%) missing 1276 (0.9%) health mean (sd) 3.77 (0.898) median [min, max] 4.00 [1.00, 5.00] missing 295 (0.2%) attitude to income equality mean (sd) 6.00 (2.96) median [min, max] 6.00 [1.00, 10.0] missing 2141 (1.6%) political participation mean (sd) 6.00 (2.96) median [min, max] 6.00 [1.00, 10.0] missing 2141 (1.6%) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 64 the role of international trade agreements on the competitiveness of the vietnamese clothing industry atina izza international relations department faculty of social and political science universitas nasional atina.izza@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: the clothing industry is a labor-intensive industry and many developing countries like it as a quick way towards industrialization. the clothing industry can absorb large amounts of labor and reduce unemployment as it creates jobs for unskilled labor. therefore, the clothing industry is seen as ounces of way of reducing a country's poverty and bringing economic growth. the end of the multi-fibre arrangement in 2005 transformed the global framework, marked by the expansion of global value chains and production networks, making competition in the international apparel market more intense. as a result, maintaining international competitiveness is crucial for success in the international clothing industry. vietnam, as a developing nation, has experienced substantial economic growth and has become a strong competitor for other developing countries in attracting foreign direct investment. this study aims to investigate the impact of international trade agreements on vietnam’s competitiveness in the international economy, providing insights into how the country has been able to maintain its competitiveness in the challenging global apparel market. keywords: trade agreements, apparel industry, competitiveness, vietnam submission : september, 13rd 2022 revision : november 24th 2022 publication : february 28th 2023 introduction the international trade of the apparel sector has been regulated by international trade regimes for over four decades. it was originally governed by the general agreement on tariffs and trade (gatt) and later became the world trade organization (wto). agreements governing the global apparel industry have undergone numerous transformations during this time, ranging from the short-term agreement (sta) to the agreement on textiles and clothing (atc). the atc was established to oversee the tenyear transition process that ended the multi-fiber arrangement (mfa) on january 1, 2005 (heron, 2012). the elimination of the mfa in 2005 marked the end of quota restrictions in the global apparel trade, leading to significant changes in the structure of world trade, international systems, the spread of production sites, and the type of work (pickles et al, 2015). mailto:atina.izza@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 65 the elimination of the multi-fiber arrangement (mfa) in 2005 had a profound impact on the global apparel industry. the elimination of quotas under the mfa has been widely viewed as a factor favouring asian countries with low labour costs such as china, bangladesh, vietnam, indonesia, india, cambodia in their quest for greater world market shares (bernhardt, 2013; fredrick & staritz, 2012; frederick et al., 2015). according to the international labour organizations (ilo), the asian pacific region’s share of global exports of garments, textiles, and footwear has risen dramatically from 43.8% or 178.3 billion usd in 19995 to 59.5% or 601.1 billion usd in 2014 (huynh, 2015). the value of global apparel exports has also increased by 45% from 2005 to 2011, reaching a total of 412 billion usd (huynh, 2015). the lifting of restrictions on the global apparel trade has had a noteworthy effect on the progress of vietnam’s apparel industry. like other advanced nations, vietnam’s apparel industry is a crucial driver of industrialization and has been a significant source of employment for thousands of underprivileged and untrained laborers, resulting in substantial contribution to the economy of vietnam (robertson, 2012). before the phaseout of the mfa, vietnam’s clothing industry was relatively small and insignificant. however, following the global shift in textile and apparel trade policy in 2005, vietnam’s apparel industry experienced faster growth compared to other developing countries in this sector (wto, 2016). in 2000, vietnam’s share of the world’s apparel exports was only 0.9%. however, after the mfa phase-out, the apparel industry in vietnam rapidly expanded, and by 2015 it had captured a 4.8% market share of global exports (wto, 2016). porter (1990) contends that a country’s prosperity is not something that can be inherited from previous generations or created automatically. rather, a country’s competitiveness must be actively developed by its industries through constant improvement and innovation. to maintain a competitive advantage, companies must continually innovate and improve their products, as competitors can quickly overtake those that become complacent (porter, 1990). to achieve sustained success, companies must embrace a global approach and actively work to create more sustainable advantages. upgrading is crucial to maintaining a competitive edge, as the ever-changing landscape of global competition continually increases pressure new challenges (porter, 1990). ernst, ferrer, and zult (2005) argue that international competitiveness in the apparel industry is influenced by a range of factors, including labour costs, skilled workforce availability and quality, production processes, transportation, foreign direct investment (fdi), macroeconomic environments, and other production costs. while labour costs are important, they are not the only determinant of competitiveness at the international level. for example, china has low labour costs but has managed to improve its economy despite not having the lowest labour costs in the world. instead, a combination of factors such as small production and distribution costs, diverse production system and markets, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 66 and a strong macroeconomic environment can lead to success on the international market (ernst et al., 2005). given the many factors that influence competitiveness in the apparel industry, this research will explore the importance of state involvement in international trade agreements and global value chains (gvcs) in determining competitiveness. therefore, the objective of this research is to see how international trade agreements and global value chains can affect the competitiveness of the apparel industry. literature review industrial competitiveness vu and pham (2016) define international competitiveness as an industry’s capacity to contend in global markets. for an industry to be competitive on an international level, it must be establishing its own competitiveness, as it cannot be inherited (porter, 1990). the intense competition in the global market has created a competitive environment within the apparel industy, which has placed significant strain on exporting countries. the industry cannot rely solely on low prices to survive in this cutthroat market. competitiveness is determined by multiple factors such as quality, flexibility, delivery speed, reliability, production capacity, transportation time, and cost (gereffi & memedovic, 2003; schaumburg-müller, 2009). international competitiveness has a significant impact on both the trade performance of a country and the well-being of its citizens, as noted by fagerberg (1996) and mulatu (2016). competitiveness is a valuable tool for identifying potential causes of unequal prosperity among nations (boltho, 1996; mulatu, 2016), and has thus been incorporated into development strategies for many years to improve industrial policies at the country level (reinert, 2011; chang, 2013; mulatu, 2016). competitiveness is not solely focused on enhancing firm efficiency and productivity, but also on enhancing a nation’s standard of living through participation in high-value sectors that improve overall national economic performance (mulatu, 2016). in addition to economic factors, the competitiveness of a country cannot be fully determined by its gdp and productivity alone, as firms must also navigate the political, educational, and cultural dimensions of each country, as noted by imd (2000) according to chang (2013), it is difficult to determine whether a country is economically developed or not because a nation must establish its own competitiveness through deliberate decision-making. similarly, porter (1990) argues that companies must actively pursue improvements, innovation, and product development to gain advantages in the market. an example of a successful country that has increased its competitiveness is korea. korea would not have developed successfully like today, if it had focused only on its comparative advantage in agriculture, as noted by stiglitz (2011). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 67 global value chains and the importance of government’s role the expiration of the mfa in 2005 had a significant impact on global apparel production, trade, patterns, employment, and the structure of inter-firm relations in various countries and regions. one of the most notable changes following the end of the global apparel trade regime has been the rise and growth of industrial organizations and governance, which are now commonly known as global value chains (gvcs) and global production networks (gpns) (pickles et al., 2015). the apparel industry is experiencing changes in its competitive dynamics and sourcing policies, leading to an increase in pressure related to global competition and pricing (frederick and gereffi, 2011; staritz, 2011; frederick & staritz, 2012). this is due in part to the expansion of global production and the global division of labour, which is a defining feature of global value chains (fung 1997 in rahman & sayeda, 2016; pietrobelli & rabellotti, 2011). according to rahman & sayeda (2016), lead firms or buyers, including large retailers and branded manufacturers, have more options in their sourcing decisions and benefit from the global value chains (gvcs). these firms focus on finding the most competitive companies that can offer cost-effective solutions in terms of price, flexibility, quality, and reliable delivery, which helps to reduce their costs (humphery & schmitz, 2002; gereffi and frederick, 2010). nevertheless, integrating into gvcs also provides some benefits to apparel manufacturing firms in low-cost developing countries. in addition to gaining access to new markets for their products, inclusion in gvcs also helps developing countries to acquire more knowledge, which enhances learning and innovation (pietrobelli & rabellotti, 2011). by integrating with gvcs, baldwin and yan (2014) argue that firms from developing countries can enhance productivity and this improved performance can continue to increase over time. firms from developing countries can learn how to improve their productivity by upgrading their processes, which can be influenced by global buyers. for firms in developing countries that are new to the global market, this upgrading process has a very significant impact on their success (schmitz & knorringa, 2000; humphery & schmitz, 2002). the global economy has undergone a transformation in which gvcs have taken center stage. these gvcs involve a significant transfer of activities that add value to products to developing countries. as a result, there has been a surge in demands for government intervention in industrial policy to improve the competitiveness of manufacturing. the apparel industry is highly dependent on gvcs and global production networks (gpns), and it is more vulnerable to the impact of government policies on national development strategies, as well as trade patterns and apparel production at various level (szalavetz, 2015; pickles et al., 2015). according to wade (2016), the government has a crucial function in the economy, which is not limited to simply following the market but rather leading it. in this context, leading the market refers to the state directing its resources towards activities that private sector is not likely to undertake without significant government support. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 68 according to wade (2016), the government has a crucial function in the economy, which is not limited to simply following the market but rather leading it. in this context, leading the market refers to the state directing its resources towards activities that the private sector is not likely to undertake without significant government support. foreign direct investment many countries aim to enhance their industrial competitiveness, and one potential means of achieving this is through foreign direct investment (fdi), which is often viewed as a primary method for developing nations to boost their industrial capabilities. by investing in a foreign country, multinational corporations (mncs) can introduce new technologies, which necessitates the transfer and development of new skills. this, in turn, fosters knowledge-sharing between the mncs and the host country, as argued by grossman and helpman (1991), potterie and lichtenberg (2011), and zhang (2014). in addition to technology, foreign direct investment (fdi) is also bringing capital to host countries, creating new job opportunities, filling savings gaps, financing budget deficits, and encouraging industrial productivity, which is thought to enhance a country's economic growth and welfare (suyanto, bloch, & salim, 2012; bonelli, 2015). according to sjöholm (2016), multinational corporations (mncs) contribute more to economic growth than local firms because they can provide a path for developing countries' products to enter the international market, thanks to their larger international networks and their dominance in international trade. however, the rise of mncs has also had negative consequences, as it has reduced a nation's ability to shape its own economic policies and achieve economic development, as argued by chang (2006). under mncs and transnational corporations (tncs), a country's control over its private business sector is weakened (tyler, 1993), and tncs can even make a nation powerless by controlling its economy (strange, 1996). while some countries have been successful in attracting significant foreign direct investment (fdi), others have been less successful even after liberalizing their economies. when host countries participate in global value chains (gvcs) organized by multinational corporations (mncs) through fdi, they may not gain industrial capabilities and may only become suppliers of labour-intensive products to the leading firms, resulting in industrial downgrading of developing country firms controlled by mncs in global production networks (blomstrom & sjoholm, 1999; zhang, 2014). the spill over effects of fdi, therefore, depend on the absorptive capacity of the host country, which is determined by the level of local human capital (girma, 2005; crespo & fontoura, 2007; zhang, 2014). according to phusavat et al. (2012), human capital is even more important than technology and machinery because intellectual capital can lead to innovation. however, the benefits of fdi in enhancing the economic development of host countries do not automatically arise (zhang, 2014). governments play an important role in leading the national development strategy in gvcs and global production networks (gpns). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 69 international trade agreement to attract and maximize the benefits of foreign direct investment (fdi), it is important for the government to play an active role in leading the market. one effective way for the government to drive local firms towards the international market is through international trade agreements, which can increase foreign investment flows into member countries (büthe & milner, 2008; pickles et al., 2015). bilateral agreements, as well as multinational agreements, can be used to attract fdi flows to host countries (macdermott, 2007; li & maani, 2016; braymen et al., 2016; reed et al., 2016). by participating in an international agreement, a country can enhance its competitiveness in the eyes of foreign investors, as it demonstrates the government's commitment to liberal economic policies (kim, 2007; büthe & milner, 2008). however, regional trade agreements between countries with wage cost asymmetry may be advantageous for lowwage countries but disadvantageous for high-wage countries, as lead firms are more interested in investing in low-wage countries for cost efficiency. participating in a trade agreement can have a positive impact on foreign investment for host countries. the degree of difference in welfare and number of fdis between countries can be influenced by a state's participation in the trade agreement (braymen et al., 2016). while not all trade agreements lead to fdi, most agreements have been successful in attracting foreign investment to member countries (adam et al., 2003). according to a study by adam, six out of nine preferential trade agreements (ptas) had an impact on investment creation, one agreement affected investment diversion, and two agreements had no impact on investment at all. a country's previous and future engagement in a free trade agreement (fta) can also be related to its current fdi. li and maani (2016) suggest that market size is crucial for foreign investors, and a small market may not be attractive enough for them to invest in. as investors seek out new markets, they are more likely to invest in free trade agreements (ftas) that can open a considerably larger market. in addition to market size, ftas that are formed with countries in the same production value chains can also be attractive to foreign investors. such agreements can facilitate the development of production value chains, leading to increased trade in the region, which is often seen as a positive factor by foreign investors. method this study has been designed as a qualitative research study, as it aims to explore underlying reasons, motivations, and opinions in depth. qualitative analysis is more appropriate for handling subjective data that cannot be measured precisely, unlike quantitative analysis (walliman, 2005). donley and grauerholz (2012) support this argument by stating that qualitative methods are more effective in dealing with textual data than quantitative methods. bryman (1988) also suggests that qualitative research is useful in providing an in-depth view of the phenomenon being observed, allowing the researcher to get as close as possible to the research subject. qualitative methods are journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 70 particularly effective in uncovering trends in opinions and thought and provide a comprehensive understanding of complex themes. result and discussion the vietnam apparel industry numerous people contend that industrialization serves as the primary driver of growth and progress. it is generally seen as the most significant path for developing nations to develop and narrow the gap with developed nations (szirmai, 2012; szirmai & verspagen, 2015). throughout history, several nations, such as the united states, great britain, and japan, among others, have undergone an apparel phase during their economic development (robertson, 2012). the apparel industry plays a crucial role in the industrialization process of developing countries, serving as a gateway. due to its labour-intensive nature, the apparel industry can employ a substantial number of unskilled workers from impoverished communities. as a result, the apparel industry has the potential to make a significant contribution to reducing poverty and promoting economic development in the country (robertson, 2012; vixathep & matsunaga, 2012; gabagambi, 2013). vietnam's initial attempt to enhance its economy was through a transformation of its economy known as the doi moi reforms, which began in 1986, and are considered as the country's first step towards integrating its economy into the global economy (schaumburg-müller, 2009; pereira, 2013). since the implementation of doi moi, the apparel industry has played a critical role in the vietnamese economy, particularly due to the country's export-led growth strategy (nadvi et al., 2004; le & wang, 2017). the industry has experienced substantial growth and has outperformed its regional competitors in the export market (le & wang, 2017). it has become the second-largest exporting industry after oil, contributing 11.51% to vietnam's gdp (vu & pham, 2016). following vietnam's efforts in trade liberalization, the country has attracted a significant inflow of foreign direct investment (fdi), which has contributed to the industry's competitiveness (nguyen et al., 2008). today, vietnam has become one of the world's leading apparel exporters, as multinational companies establish manufacturing plants in the country (pereira, 2013). the apparel industry in vietnam is dominated by transnational corporations (tncs), which have helped provide market access internationally and export revenue for vietnam either directly or as contract manufacturers (asean secretariat, 2013). major brands and retailers like nike, walmart, ll bean, gap, and h&m source their products through agents in vietnam. vietnam exports apparel to 180 countries worldwide, with the largest importers being the united states, japan, korea, and european countries (le & wang, 2017). in the united states, japan, and the european union, vietnam is the second-largest exporter after china. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 71 vietnam’s trade agreement and its effect on fdi the doi moi reforms, which were implemented in 1986, marked vietnam's initial move towards liberalization. however, during the early stages of vietnam's transformation, the country's industry struggled to compete in the global market, and foreign direct investment (fdi) remained limited throughout the 1990s (perkins & anh, 2010). in 1996, the fdi boom came to an end, according to athukorala & tien (2012) and pereira (2013). the government of vietnam then recognized the need to make its industry more attractive and increase its participation in the global economy by making export activities a development strategy (gabagambi, 2013). while companies' choice of strategy is not necessarily determined by government policies, giroud (2007) suggests that the government can influence comparative advantage and the business environment, which can ultimately affect firms' location choices. vietnam's decision to join the asean in 1995 and the asia-pacific economic cooperation (apec) in 1998 was a strategic move that contributed to a significant increase in fdi in the 2000s (pereira, 2013). during the early stages of vietnam's transformation, the country's industry struggled to compete in the global market, and foreign direct investment (fdi) remained limited throughout the 1990s (perkins & anh, 2010). in 1996, the fdi boom came to an end, according to athukorala & tien (2012) and pereira (2013). however, the government of vietnam recognized the need to make its industry more attractive and increase its participation in the global economy by making export activities a development strategy (gabagambi, 2013). while companies' choice of strategy is not necessarily determined by government policies, giroud (2007) suggests that the government can influence comparative advantage and the business environment, which can ultimately affect firms' location choices. vietnam's decision to join the asean in 1995 and the asia-pacific economic cooperation (apec) in 1998 was a strategic move that contributed to a significant increase in fdi in the 2000s (pereira, 2013). vietnam, as a member of asean, participated in the signing of the asean free trade agreement (afta) in 1995, which granted the country 97% tariff-free access to other asean member countries. by being part of asean, vietnam was also able to take advantage of the benefits provided by free trade agreements between asean and other countries, such as china, korea, india, japan, australia, and new zealand. these agreements allowed vietnam to have a 90% tariff-free access to china through the asean-china free trade agreement (acfta), an 86% tariff-free access to korea through the asean-korea free trade agreement (akfta), a 90% tariff-free access to australia and new zealand through the asean-australia and new zealand free trade agreement (aanzfta), a 78% tariff-free access to india through the asean-india free trade agreement (aifta), and an 87% tariff-free access to japan through the asean-japan free trade agreement (ajfta) (kpmg, 2016). apart from being involved in multilateral agreements, vietnam is also actively engaging in bilateral trade agreements (btas) with various countries. for instance, vietnam journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 72 signed a bta with myanmar in 1994, with the usa in 2000, with india in 2010, with chile in 2015, with korea in 2015, and with the customs union russia-belarus-kazakhstan in 2015 (duong, 2016; kpmg, 2016; nguyen-huu & nguyen-khac, 2017). vietnam – us trade agreement over the last decade, the number of trade agreements has significantly increased, which has had an impact on the overseas operations of multinational corporations (mncs) and, in turn, has affected the inflow of foreign direct investment (fdi) to vietnam (nguyenhuu & nguyen-khac, 2017). one of the effects of vietnam's policy of actively signing various trade agreements with its trading partners is the inflow of fdi to the country. in 2000, a bilateral trade agreement (bta) was signed between vietnam and the united states, which came into force in 2001 (mccaig, 2011). the bta has allowed vietnamese goods to enter the us market with low tariffs, as the agreement included a reduction in tariff levels for vietnam's products from an average of around 40% to 4% (parker et al., 2005). the bta had a significant impact on vietnam's export of apparel to the usa, with the value of exports increasing from just $319 million in 1996 to $822 million by 2000 (binh & haughton, 2002). in the three years after the bta came into force in 2001, vietnamese exports grew about five times, according to parker et al. (2005). from 2001 to 2002, vietnamese exports to the us grew by 128%, and from 2002 to 2003, they rose by 90%. by 2004, vietnam's exports to the us accounted for 20.2% of the country's total exports, which was around 13% of its gdp (mccaig, 2011). the trade agreement between vietnam and the us provided access for vietnam's apparel industry to new markets. according to parker et al. (2005), the bta between vietnam and the usa paved the way for vietnam's accession to the world trade organization (wto). the trade agreements that vietnam has signed have had a more positive impact on the inflow of foreign direct investment (fdi). since the bta came into force, fdi in the clothing industry in vietnam has experienced significant growth, increasing from $60 million in 1998 to $42 million in 2004 (parker et al., 2005). many foreign investors came to vietnam with the aim of exporting to the usa, and most of the fdi in the apparel industry originated from other east asian countries, such as korea, hong kong, taiwan, and singapore, accounting for around 90% of the fdi between 2000 and 2004. however, after the bta, many leading buyers from the usa began sourcing heavily from vietnam. in 1997, only one firm out of thirty exported to the usa market, but in 2002, this figure had increased to thirteen companies that were selling to the usa market (nadvi & thoburn, 2003; nadvi et al., 2004). fdi in vietnam's apparel sector has increased significantly after the bta with the usa, and several factors have contributed to this growth. firstly, multinational companies expected to benefit from the elimination of the usa quota after vietnam's accession to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 73 the wto. secondly, the bta provided an opportunity to expand market access in the usa, which is a major market for vietnamese apparel. thirdly, the bta opened a new market for vietnamese apparel, particularly after policies limiting imports of apparel products from china to the usa and eu markets. in addition, vietnam signed an agreement with the european community on market access in 2005, but it was after vietnam's entry into the wto that fdi from the usa and other countries flooded into the vietnamese apparel industry. vietnam – european union trade agreement for many years, the european union (eu) has been an important trading partner for vietnam, particularly in the area of apparel exports. the eu is the second-largest importer of vietnamese apparel, accounting for about 15% of vietnam's global exports in 2015. in that same year, the eu was vietnam's second-largest economic partner after the us (duong, 2016). vietnam's access to the european market is significantly influenced by trade agreements between the two parties. in 2005, vietnam and the european community signed an agreement on market access, and in 2007, after vietnam's entry into the world trade organization, they replaced the 1995 cooperation agreement with a new partnership and cooperation agreement (nguyen-huu & nguyen-khac, 2017). in 2015, after several years of negotiations, the eu and vietnam reached a trade agreement (duong, 2016). vietnam benefits greatly from the trade agreement with the eu, which aims to eliminate tariff barriers and provide preferential treatment for goods and services between the two countries. while the eu's preferential access to vietnam has ended, the fta continues to be advantageous. duong (2016) notes that the preferential tariff rates obtained by vietnam under the agreement will make vietnamese entrepreneurs more competitive in the eu market, particularly against chinese products which are their biggest competitor. vietnam not only benefits from preferential access to the eu market, but it also receives significant foreign direct investment (fdi) from european countries, which could help boost the competitiveness of the vietnamese apparel industry. in 2013, eu foreign investment in vietnam reached $656 million, making the eu the 6th largest investor in vietnam (duong, 2016). given vietnam's strategic position in the global market, particularly in major markets like the eu and the us, many chinese investors have come to vietnam to take advantage of the policies resulting from the agreements vietnam has entered (liem, 2015). as a result, vietnam has become a highly attractive destination for many foreign investors. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 74 vietnam – south korea trade agreement in addition to its agreements with the eu and the us, vietnam has also signed a trade agreement with the government of south korea. since the normalisation of diplomatic relations with vietnam in 1992, korea has been an important trading partner for vietnam (phan & jeong, 2016). in terms of foreign direct investment (fdi), korean fdi in vietnam reached $24.816 million in 2013 (duong, 2016). according to blomenhofer (2017), korean fdi in vietnam has come in three waves. the first wave saw korea investing in labor-intensive manufacturing, particularly in the apparel and textile sector, in 1992. the second wave occurred in the early 2000s, and the third wave of investment followed vietnam's entry into the trans pacific partnership (tpp). vietnam and korea enjoy strong trade ties, with vietnam considering korea as its secondlargest importer and fourth-largest export market, while korea regards vietnam as its fourth-largest export market. over the years, vietnam's exports to korea have seen remarkable growth, rising from 57.3 million usd in 1992 to 7,167 million usd in 2014. to further strengthen their strategic partnership, vietnam and korea signed a free-trade agreement on may 5th, 2015, with the goal of boosting the trade volume between the two nations to 70 billion usd by 2020 (phan & jeong, 2016). the free trade agreement between vietnam and korea has significant implications for economic development, as such agreements can help to create larger, more attractive, dynamic, and efficient markets for the participating countries. in the case of the vietnam korea free trade agreement (vkfta), the elimination of 88% of the tariff rate on all tariff lines has resulted in an increase in the volume of vietnam's exports, particularly in the textile sector where some imported fabrics used for garment production come from korea (lu, 2016). this has allowed vietnam to acquire inputs for its apparel production at a more competitive price. additionally, the vkfta has provided vietnam with greater access to the korean market, particularly in the manufacturing of textiles and apparel, giving it a competitive edge over other asean countries (phan & jeong, 2016). therefore, the vkfta can serve as a strategic move for vietnam to avoid direct competition with other countries in the region. overall, the vkfta represents a significant opportunity for vietnam to enhance its economic growth and development. vietnam and trans-pacific partnership in february 2016, vietnam was involved in the signing of the trans-pacific partnership (tpp), a high-level free trade agreement (fta) that linked 12 pacific rim economies. this agreement represented about 40% of global gdp and was set to become the largest preferential trade agreement (pta) worldwide. the tpp is considered a significant fta and is expected to have a considerable impact on the global economy, society, and politics. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 75 it is the first trade agreement to be referred to as a mega-fta, as it aims to promote deep economic integration. vietnam's participation in the tpp has attracted the interest of global apparel firms, leading to an influx of foreign investors, particularly from china and korea, who have established factories in vietnam in anticipation of the tpp's benefits. the low tariffs offered by the tpp market were expected to be advantageous to these investors (liem, 2015). however, some experts argue that president donald trump's decision to withdraw the united states from the tpp may disappoint foreign investors in vietnam (blomenhofer, 2017). nonetheless, standard chartered's press release in 2017 suggests that vietnam's participation in the tpp has already brought significant benefits in terms of fdi inflows. although the us withdrawal from the tpp may have a minor impact, it will not be negative since fdi investment has been front-loaded in anticipation of the tpp (standard chartered, 2017). blomenhofer (2017) also argue that the collapse of the tpp after the us's withdrawal may only slow down fdi in vietnam, as many foreign investors, such as those from korea, invest for the long term. foreign investors are interested in vietnam as a manufacturing hub and expect to reap the benefits of the future version of the tpp. conclusion the vietnamese clothing industry has undergone significant transformation over the past decade, driven by various factors such as the country's favourable investment climate, low labour costs, and strategic location. vietnam is now one of the world's leading clothing manufacturers and exporters, with its clothing industry accounting for a significant share of the country's exports. however, the industry faces challenges in maintaining its competitiveness in the global market, particularly as it competes with other low-cost clothing producing countries. this paper examines the role of international trade agreements in shaping the competitiveness of the vietnamese clothing industry, with a focus on the impact of trade agreements on the industry's export performance, access to global markets, and competitiveness. the apparel industry in vietnam has experienced rapid growth since the country decided to integrate with the global economy. the doi moi reform in 1986 was viewed as vietnam's initial attempt to integrate its economy through trade liberalization. however, in the early stages of vietnam's transformation, the influx of foreign direct investment (fdi) into the country was limited, and its apparel industry struggled to compete effectively in the global market. as a result, the vietnamese government is working to enhance the competitiveness of its apparel industry by pursuing a more active role, such as participating in regional and international trade agreements and positioning the apparel industry as a key driver of the country's export-led growth strategy. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 76 vietnam has not only been active in participating in the regional organization but has also actively pursued strong bilateral relationships through agreements with myanmar in 1994, the usa in 2000, india in 2010, korea in 2015, chile in 2015, and the customs union of russia, belarus, and kazakhstan in 2015. vietnam's dedication to liberalization was further reinforced when it became a member of the world trade organization (wto) in 2007. by participating in multilateral and bilateral agreements, vietnam has been able to attract significant foreign direct investment (fdi) to the country. vietnam's apparel industry heavily relies on the usa and eu as its largest markets. the productivity of vietnam's apparel industry is significantly influenced by the bilateral trade agreements (btas) with the usa and the eu. the bta has provided substantial market access for vietnamese apparel exports by lowering tariffs on these products in the usa and eu markets. vietnam's bilateral agreements with the usa and the eu have also attracted many foreign investors from countries such as korea, hong kong, taiwan, and singapore to invest in the apparel sector. the elimination of quotas in the usa and the eu has further encouraged fdi in vietnam's apparel industry. vietnam's accession to the world trade organization (wto) in 2007 as its 150th member, which awarded it the status of a most favoured nation, has made its apparel industry more attractive to investors. in my understanding, various elements can impact a country's competitiveness, and it is my deduction that the government plays a significant part in enhancing it. this can be achieved by their involvement in international trade agreements. reference adams, r., dee, p., gali, j. & mcguire, g. 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 blomenhofer, m (2017). the rise of korean investment in vietnam how korean companies can continue to thrive in an exciting but challenging jurisdiction, kroll [online] available at: https://www.kroll.com/-/media/kroll/pdfs/publications/the-riseof-korean-investment-in-vietnam.ashx [accesses: 16 february 2023]. wto (2016). world trade statistical review 2016, world trade organisation, [online] available at: https://www.wto.org/english/res_e/statis_e/wts2016_e/wts2016_e.pdf [accessed: 10 june 2017]. zhang, k. (2014). ‘how does foreign direct investment affect industrial competitiveness? evidence from china’, china economic review 30, 530-539. https://www.kroll.com/-/media/kroll/pdfs/publications/the-rise-of-korean-investment-in-vietnam.ashx https://www.kroll.com/-/media/kroll/pdfs/publications/the-rise-of-korean-investment-in-vietnam.ashx https://www.wto.org/english/res_e/statis_e/wts2016_e/wts2016_e.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 1 the eradication of mental slavery through african intellectualism of black consciousness ndazalama mathebuala department of politics and international relations, university of johannesburg ndzali57@gmail.com abstract: the primary goal of this study was to analyse the eradication of mental enslavement and explore solutions to mental slavery according to the conceptualization of black consciousness through african intellectualism. this was achieved by exploring mental slavery and its contemporary forms, highlighting the different forms mental slavery takes, which tends to make the eradication process complex. the study provided the conceptual framework that was prominent in informing the recommendations and how black consciousness should be harnessed and operationalized to psychologically emancipate black people by four african intellectuals biko, fanon, nkrumah, and sankara. the findings of the study were based on a contemporary form of mental enslavement manifested through the notion-image of beauty skin bleaching and hair extensions. based on the research findings, the study recommends that black consciousness should be part of the education curriculum where the ideology will be taught as a way of life. furthermore, there should be collective efforts to celebrate and affirm true african identity as conceptualized by african intellectuals. keywords: mental slavery; black consciousness; african intellectualism; colonialism jel codes : f54, a13, d83 submission : august, 13rd 2022 revision : december 24th 2022 publication : february 28th 2023 introduction the year 2021 marks the 57th year since the state of decolonization. this accords african states' abolishment of colonialism and attaining political sovereignty, territorial integrity, and radical economic independence. though african states achieved their independence, colonialism did have detrimental effects on the political systems, educational systems, religious affiliations, and images of beauty in the african continent. however, the most severe aftereffect of colonialism in africa is the perpetuation of mental slavery. colonialism can be defined as a european process to scramble for africa, which took place during the new imperialism between 1881 and 1914 (saho, 2020). according to ocheni and nwankwo (2012), colonialism is when a country's geographical integrity and political sovereignty are directly and entirely dominated by another country, such as when britain directly and entirely colonized nigeria. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 2 ocheni and nwankwo (2012) maintain that colonization in the african continent resulted from changes in the mode of production in european societies, such as the rise of the industrial revolution, which introduced the new processes and ways of production dominated by machinery that needs raw materials and labor for their functionality. so did the slave trade in africa begin. kapoya (2012) further asserts that to enslave people and make them more susceptible to slavery, europeans established a process of primitive accumulation which led to the expropriation of land from africans. consequently, this process escalated to the forced alteration of african norms, religious affiliations, belief systems, education systems, and the african culture by the colonial rule, which they justified as civilizing primitive africans. this resulted in the mental enslavement of africans, which is still perpetuating in contemporary africa (chinweizu, 1978). isaak (2020) believes that mental slavery in africa was introduced to enforce the superiority of europeans over african natives. he defines this as a form of genocide that eradicated the autonomy of many african minds. the literature presented by europeans carried negative connotations of black people contrasted to the image of being white, which always had a positive intent. therefore, according to the european definition and literature, the darker the skin is, the dirtier one is, inferior, and shameful one should be about themselves. in this way, the idea that europeans have absolute superiority and intelligence was achieved. at the same time, african people regarded themselves as subhuman thus, do not have the cognitive capacity to think independently. on the other hand, shahadah (2017) defines mental slavery as the programming that protects itself from reprogramming. it is a mentality trapped in eurocentric views and having absolute confidence in the cosmology and epistemology of western beliefs. shahadah (2017) further asserts that mental enslavement tempers how individuals perceive their reality. irrespective of this preserved mental enslavement, solutions to these immaterial bondages have been numerously reviewed and revised by african intellectuals in the quest to eradicate the generational psychological bondage of africans. these movements include black theology, pan-africanism, the african renaissance, and black consciousness. all aimed at a positive connotation and representation of africa, so too, the discrediting of the european idea of africa. with mental slavery still prominent in contemporary africa, these ideologies hold great significance in achieving psychological emancipation. this research will explore solutions to mental slavery according to the conceptualization of black consciousness through african intellectualism. this will be achieved by exploring mental slavery and its contemporary forms, highlighting the different forms mental slavery takes, which tends to make the eradication process complex. literature review examination of mental enslavement through black consciousness journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 3 the effects of colonialism linked to the contemporary manifestation of mental slavery and the operationalization of black consciousness is not a new topic but rather a topic that has consumed vast attention in the academic arena. where african scholars have revised ways in which black consciousness has been previously implemented to eradicate mental slavery, this literature survey aims to review existing literature on the examination of mental enslavement through black consciousness so that it can be eradicated according to the ideology. bulhan (2015) asserts that classic colonialism in africa dates to the 19th century, where systemic violence was inflicted on africans, which he defines as organized, perpetual cultural domination, integrated with capitalism along with racism and european selfaggrandizement. he describes the final and enduring form of colonialism as meta colonialism, a socio-political, economic, cultural, and psychological system that comes with colonialism (bulhan, 2015). meta colonialism delves deeper into the mind and social connections than classical colonialism and neo-colonialism would. focusing on the realm of meaning and controlling the meta colonized psychologically and socially, it occupies and governs the meta colonizer's self or being. with no need for simple colonization techniques, those who have been subjected to subjective occupation and control immediately collaborate. accordingly, the perpetual circle of mental enslavement remains and occurs differently from time to time (bulhan, 2015). kiros (2004) argues that black individuals tend to deny being recognized as black individuals due to the humiliation and judgments that come with the colonizer's racial gaze (kiros, 2004). the racial gaze views a black individual as inferior, violent, barbaric, and sub-human. on this latter, a black person is unjustifiably granted a disadvantageous identity from birth. this further explains the perpetuation of the negative connotation of being black; hence africa is still stuck in the circle of eurocentric mental enslavement. in this contemporary african society, there are deeply entrenched mindsets of mental enslavement in black individuals who always identify and define themselves in accordance with colonialism instead of the great african history before colonialism. this is perpetuated by the racial gaze (prabhu, 2006). today's behavior of black individuals resulting from the racial gaze is fully equipped with language, books, teachers, and experts. the bible is the ultimate instrument to carry out the subjugation mission of black africans (premnath,2000). it is asserted that the whole african continent is one drowning society following a eurocentric manual booklet while persistently trying to conform to a given identity that does not embrace true african nature. consequently, the perpetual nature of mental enslavement remains, explaining why black individuals find themselves holding up a so-called superior social culture that was never designed to elevate them in any aspect of life (macey, 2002). colonialism is crude and overt with regards to dehumanizing the cultural personality of an african. the dehumanization was accompanied by a massive attack of european christian missionaries, anthropologists, and tourists (asamoah, 2005). furthermore, the educational system established by colonialism for black people cultivated the so-called inferior traits. an education system trained students to be inferior copies and caricatures journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 4 of the superior english man ((diop, 1974). this created ample dislocation for black students who were neither fish nor fowl as information about their actual african past was denied. furthermore, since culture carries thinking rules, colonialism ensured that the education system transported total european culture and nationalism (nkrumah, 1963). the mission of "civilizing black people" was further underpinned by an immaterial, unmeasurable, and easily manipulated instrument called religion, which preached the gospel of heaven and hell in a situation where sin, evil, and suffering equated with african culture and personality, with the key to heaven, of course, being western christianity (ogun and irene, 1978). with this establishment, european cultural imperialism and christian ideology were intertwined. missionaries preached that when an african served as a loyal and docile christian servant, this would remove all their allergies to africa, and everything european would be instilled in them. they would be "superior" (rodney, 1982). asamoah (2005) maintains that our history lessons were about europe and the white man's activities in africa. in douglas's (2007) view, colonization of the mind implies external force on six levels: a) the colonizer's intervention in subjects' psyches, b) the intervention affects the mental sphere of the subjects, c) the effects are long-lasting and hard to remove, d) the result is asymmetrical power relationships between the parties, e) parties can be unaware of the newly acquired relationships, and f) parties can be aware of the newly acquired relationships but choose to ignore them. the transfer of mental habits and other social structures over a long period may be responsible for the process. as ngugi wa thiong'o (1986) has highlighted, social activities such as education and religion can serve as essential methods of depositing colonial characteristics into victims' brains. hotep (2008) compares the process of colonialism to deculturalisation, seasoning, and miseducation. a form of pacification and control that strips victim of their culture, history, and traditional education while replacing them with foreign (eurocentric) ideals is deculturalisation. so that they can lose their cultural legacy and embrace foreign standards as fundamental and universal. africans are taught to be embarrassed by their cultural background (hotep 2008). contemporary manifestation of mental slavery in further elaborating how the above events have kept africa in a circle of psychological dependence, these are some of the contemporary manifestations of mental enslavement being witnessed in africa today. enaifoghe (2019) has been mindful of the contemporary issue of globalization and cultural integration, which may distort the true purpose and essence of african history where the history can be filtered for it to fit or conform to a certain status quo. in this instance, it is essential to acknowledge the dominant culture cosmology and epistemology and the integration. furthermore, nyoni (2019) attributes the persistence of mental slavery in africa to the educational curriculum in african higher institutions being highly eurocentric, which he calls caged colonial mentality (ccm). consequently, it becomes a challenge for africans to learn about their true history. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 5 on the other hand, memela (2017) believes that mental slavery has also made the south african youth feel that they are victims in the situation of the current crisis where they believe that the world owes them. memela (2017) discredits this belief as he believes that everyone should take ownership of their future. however, history presented so many injustices in the african continent; this gives no one reason for them not to succeed. he believes this is mental slavery since the current youth feel that they should be forever compensated for what happened. though there are compensation measures in place, they should have the agency to change their lives instead of forever blaming the colonial and apartheid government. therefore, instead of forever pointing fingers at past injustices, he believes that we should unite and bring solutions for a better tomorrow and better south africa. lastly, charles (2014) maintains that mental slavery has also been seen in the form of skin bleaching, where many black women bleach their skins to confirm the contemporary definition of beauty. however, as one may know that beauty can take many forms regardless of race. thus, this dismisses this notion of affirming beauty; he believes that this is mental slavery and self-hate amongst women of the black race. now, this signals the idea of fitting into the status quo and changing one's image to have selfconfidence. however, all these methods may not work since the mind remains enslaved to preserving self-hate and inferiority. black consciousness eradication of mental enslavement according to more (2014), black consciousness is a manner of being in the world rooted in consciousness. phenomenology, with its husserlian roots, seeks to get as close as possible to the raw material of experience, analysing and characterizing it as it comes to the observer's attention. consciousness may be defined as being aware of something while also being connected and intentional. when one is black in a racist culture, they are aware that their bodies are racially different. black consciousness is based on several ontological and teleological issues that need to be addressed. identity and liberation are at the core of black consciousness. biko describes black consciousness philosophy as one of "coming to consciousness echoes cesaire, but it also alludes to the phenomenological interpretation of black consciousness as the desire of black people to build their own identity and accept full responsibility for themselves. the following can be used to describe black consciousness: (1) black people being aware of an anti-black social reality; (2) black people acknowledging and being proud of their racial heritage (more, 2014). black consciousness was the black people's yearning for freedom to destroy this social reality and progress towards developing a new one, one that is fair and just as a prerequisite to humanism. africans existential philosophy embodies both black consciousness themes. these existential thinkers deal with the formation of black selfhood, suffering and embodiment, and freedom and enslavement. they are concerned with being black in the world (more, 2014). manganyi, a leading black consciousness theorist at the time, was the first to systematically articulate black consciousness' journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 6 philosophical foundation as a concern for the ontological concept of being, existentialist categories of freedom, bad faith, and consciousness. a reaction to racism in an openly racist society, 'black consciousness' explores the contradictions of racial diversity (turner,2008). black consciousness unifies the anc's pluralism and the pac's black nationalism, which is overthrown by it. biko describes a phenomenology of black alienation, but the logic of white domination can also be seen in their arrogant, self-confident sense of security that grew after they defeated the black liberation movement led by the african national congress and the pan-africanist congress (anc/pac) in the early 1960s. when the black consciousness movement arose, it threw the entire political system into a loop. a new debate of liberation arose because of the previous decade's logic of racial and political subordination. thus, biko's view of black humanity and its phenomenological mode of being has been transformed. self-reflection makes this a dialectical time, a time of freedom dialectics. consequently, the process is internalized to a greater extent. black consciousness might be defined as the opposite of white consciousness (gordon, 2008). that which is connected to oneself in forming a personal concept and belief about oneself is logically moving in the same direction. consciousness-object perception of approaching dissolution, its intuition of entering a close relationship with its objective, drives awareness to escape the dread of dissolution by making certainty itself an object. the advantage consciousness has over objectivity is that it can make the thing match its idea because of its conviction. whenever awareness has established notions about its object(s) based on subjective knowledge, certainty comes to know that its origin and way of connecting is its ego (gordon, 2008). nengwekhulu (2000) had a similar view on the oppressor's attempts to distort black minds to weaken their emotional and psychological defenses. 'black consciousness' was an attempt by biko to dissuade black people from viewing themselves and their place in society through white people's 'eyes and ideals' (mabasa 2007). he thought that the only way to change racism in south africa was for people who had lost their self-awareness to regain it (biko 2004). remembering that they were involved in the crime, they could regain their lost identities and become who they were (black and oppressed) (biko 2004). new humanity becomes more necessary as black consciousness evolves, according to gibson (2008). this movement aims to develop black people who do not see themselves as second-class citizens in a white society. black solidarity is the dialectical opposite of white racism. to achieve complete transcendence, race must be transcended. it is not a "synthesis" between white racism and black unity. when biko stated that he did not want to choose between the two, gibson (2008) claims that he was open to capitalism and communism, but he preferred african communism as a long-term plan. to him, society should be built on the concept of man, not merely his financial circumstances, but the concept of man in its whole. africa will make a significant contribution to put a human face on the globe. as biko could see, there was a great deal of ambiguity in this situation. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 7 since no one has provided a conclusive description, this interpretation is up to performance (gibson, 2008). how has african intellectualism conceptualized black consciousness? the postcolonial statefranz fanon fanon believes that the future country, which will take the place of colonial states, must be a functional state. at the same time, speaking about "class" for the first time, fanon aimed for the colonial intellectual elite who took advantage of formal independence to reassert their dominance in local politics (wiredu, 2005). pushing beyond existence towards forming the "new self" and living for the other is the means to achieve freedom. when the colonized are liberated, they should know that the colonizer may use force against them. he says that once blacks are free, they will have the power to demand freedom. however, gaining independence will be impossible without the unity and latitude of the black people. liberation is intrinsically related to african existential phenomenology since its philosophical underpinnings are centered on conveying identity and liberation. as the oppressor waged war on injustice, so did africana existential phenomenology (aep). if the oppressors are united in oppressing, isolating, and demeaning black people, liberation must be viewed as a community fight rather than an individual one. existential situations or lived experiences of black people were not chosen by them but rather manufactured and imposed on them. if they want to improve their situation, they must join the liberation struggle (wiredu, 2005). it is a constant back-andforth between the masses and the militants to develop meaning in fanon's liberatory philosophy. independent thinkers become activists, helping spread the word about the people's ability to govern themselves (kiros, 2004). according to nkrumah, africanism is vital for developing the african personality, which was briefly submerged under colonialism. humanity is reawakening to the bonds that connect us—our shared history, culture, and tradition as well as our aspirations (nkrumah, 1973). with his ideology of "african personality" and conceptualization of the african revolutionary route and pan-africanism, nkrumah pushed for an all-african union government/united state of africa, as well as (scientific) socialism. although nkrumah's fundamental pan africanist beliefs diverged from those of the africanists in the following organizations, there are some parallels between them (mthimkhulu, 2019). a paradigm change began to spread over africa in the late 1950s, according to ajala (1996), when political and economic independence began to sweep the continent. nowadays, the african personality is discussed so frequently that it is difficult to draw any connections between it and its many meanings. there are various ways to describe african nature: a combination of distinct characteristics that characterize an african's character and separate it from that of a european, as the state of being african. africa's distinct culture should be reflected through african art forms, including painting, carving, writing, dance, and music. according to nkrumah’s believe, a man's education should be evaluated on more than just his capacity to acquire financial stability and social position; it should also include his ability to understand and appreciate the needs of his fellow men so that he may serve journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 8 them (biney, 2011). well-educated people should be deeply concerned about the state of the world around them and devote their whole lives to improving it. nkrumah believed that educating children had a moral purpose and was also a civic obligation for the benefit of society. the success of the group benefited individuals (biney, 2011). black consciousness-steve biko there are many similarities between the black consciousness movement (bcm) and the negritude movement, including the circumstances under which it arose and the motives for adopting a seemingly negative, pejorative, and insulting name as an identifying tag for the group. as a response against racism, black parisian students in the early 1930s created a cultural, intellectual, political, and philosophical organization around the notion of negritude, led by aimé césaire (of martinique), léopold sédar senghor (of senegal), and léon-gontras damas (of guyana). negritude was coined by césaire, who viewed it to fight racism and assimilationist policies in france. a few decades after saso and black consciousness emerged in south africa, it is almost as if césaire is explaining their beginnings here. evidence of this goes back to the nineteenth-century african nationalists like robert mangaliso sobukwe (1924–78), julius nyerere (1922–99), kenneth kaunda (1924), and frantz fanon (1925–61), who advocated for african socialism and self-reliance as well as anti-racism, anti-colonialism, and actionality. black nationalism as espoused by malcolm x (1925–65). as a result of this heritage, the focus was on black resistance to white racism and white supremacy, black racial unity, group self-reliance, and pride in the history of black people (african people in particular). he describes black consciousness as a philosophy and movement that promotes black excellence and complete independence in all areas of life. hadfield (2017) black nations should have a strong sense of self-identity and participate in the economic progress of the rest of the world. as a practical guide, black consciousness shows africans how to free themselves from the bonds of mental enslavement. accordingly, steve biko emphasizes psychological emancipation because he feels it may help black people reclaim their identity as people of color (pithouse and hadfield, 2017). according to him, black consciousness is the understanding by black people that togetherness and pride in the black race should be prioritized and the reaffirmation of self-worth and confidence. this is a response to colonialism left behind by the apartheid regime in south africa (hadfield, 2017). steve biko also pushed for the economic independence of black consciousness as a practical aspect. according to him, the african continent needs to figure out how to make the most of its limited economic strength. buy black campaigns can achieve unity and financial support, and development plans that are both strong (pithouse and hadfield, 2017). the upright manthomas sankara journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 9 thomas sankara said that morality and ethics must govern the revolution in all its aspects. what was a failing state before sankara, and his political ideals emerged is now a nation with a strong sense of national identity. while pushing for an education system that firmly emphasizes the empowerment of burkinabe residents, sankara insisted that citizens of burkina faso by the principal actors in the country's development. he also stresses the importance of a moral revolution, which he envisioned. new national emblems and old pre-colonial rallying symbols were designed to provide perfect circumstances for burkinabe self-acceptance and freedom from colonial control. the local dialect was altered to burkina faso, meaning country of upright people, from the upper volta (haute volte). a new national song and flag were designed to erase burkina faso's colonial past. the participation of many people in revolution defense committees made it possible to implement these measures with broad support. to unite the masses behind his cause at a difficult period for socialist governments worldwide in the 1970s is a tribute to how well his thought coincided with the needs and aspirations of his people. the people's need for freedom had been fed by colonial humiliation and postcolonial economic and cultural exploitation, and he fulfilled that desire for them. in his view, there would be no stop to mental enslavement unless an emancipatory educational system re-emphasized indigenous political values like self-respect and pride while also instilling honesty in its students (yimovie, 2018: 192). overall, fanon emphasizes that africans are their masters. he names the postcolonial state; in essence, each of the identified thinkers above has offered their cure for the retained consequences of colonialism. when it comes to african identity, nkrumah is certain. thomas sankara also highlighted the significance of a moral revolution, which required the people of burkina faso to have honesty, integrity, self-respect, and a feeling of pride, calling the country the land of upright people. it is important to note that all the principles mentioned earlier, and values laid the foundation for black consciousness's fundamental beliefs and ideals. method the study made use of a desktop approach. this is an exploratory approach that aims to clearly define and understand the research problem and question while highlighting the need for a new perspective and approach to the matter (rose and irny, 2005). however, such research is limited to not providing final and conclusive recommendations. a qualitative research design will be adopted as this research seeks to understand the nature of mental slavery and black consciousness in africa. the appropriateness of adopting an exploratory approach to the study lies in exploring and diagnosing the causality of preserved mental slavery in the african continent as the research problem and question seeks to understand the perpetuation of mental slavery despite all efforts made to raise awareness of its perpetuation. measures include several theorizations and conceptualization of the african origin, movements with black consciousness being the prominent movement to be explored. furthermore, other efforts journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 10 have the quest to decolonize the education system, methodologies, academic literature, cosmologies, and epistemologies to portray the proper representation of all these paradigms; therefore, as these efforts are dated, it is challenging to understand this perpetuation. the poor operationalization of black consciousness has been identified as the gap and labelled as the priority to be further explored as this might be the key to absolute psychological emancipation. thus, using this exploratory approach will enable further understanding of the african intellectualism of black consciousness, and with sufficient awareness, so too will it cultivate the ability and capacity to implement the philosophy practically adequately. result and discussion instead of eradicating the invisible bondage, the perpetuation tends to entrench in different forms of everyday life. this can be witnessed in language, education system, social culture, images of beauty, and religion, to name a few; on the latter, it is fair to assert that mental enslavement in the african continent is anomalous and ubiquitous as water is since it can infiltrate everywhere while taking numerous forms and is certainly challenging to contain. throughout the early postcolonial era, mental slavery was apparent in a variety of ways. as a result, the unseen bonds have become more difficult to free yourself from due to the perpetuation's shifting nature. images of beauty have been used to show the slavery of people of color throughout history. it is possible to describe "beauty" as a grouping of good characteristics to look at and the brain (thompson, 1995). it is also possible to define beauty as having features that appeal to the senses or the intellect. the importance of beauty in determining what it is to be a woman has long been recognized. all women have voiced worries about being beautiful and accepted in their social circles, regardless of nationality, color, culture, ethnicity, or religious beliefs. black people's efforts to comprehend and place themselves in a society founded on western ideals are often greeted with sentiments of inferiority and subordination because they fail to achieve or conform to the "dominant" western identity, as stated by fanon (1986). bhabha (1994) argues that rather than being imposed and favored by dominant western ideals, identities should be formed through the constant interaction of different races, ethnicities, and cultures. the same western criteria often judge black women's attractiveness as white women. black women's self-identity is either acceptable or unacceptable depending on how well they match the western ideal of beauty. beauty and physical attractiveness serve as social positioning tools and being visually appealing (tate, 2007). to distinguish between historical conceptions of beauty and current manifestations, one must look at the history of beauty to see how specific ideas have developed and persisted through time. arnold says that fair skin has been associated with intelligence, order, and reason (2004). it has also been linked to having impeccable journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 11 manners. this has led to the assumption that people with dark skin are ugly and lacking in intelligence. they are also more prone to acts of foolishness and violence. slaves with fair hair and light skin had an advantage over their darker counterparts since they looked more like their white masters. the colonial mindset weakened african pride by teaching africans that it is decent and moral to hide and change everything african about africans that makes them unique (ribane, 2006). in south africa, for example, missionaries helped promote headscarves. this technique, which started as an act of worship, has developed into a way to control, and hide what is uniquely african about african women, especially their wild hair (ribane, 2006). the african custom of covering one's hair with a headscarf has been accepted to show respect. however, there have been claims that black women's use of weaves and extensions, and headscarves comes from complex racial currents and is motivated by their conditioned desire to appear white (ribane, 2006). transforming your skin and physique in sometimes damaging and unorthodox methods may have the same effect (ribane, 2006). beauty, social standing, and distinction are now measured by western physical features and actions mentioned above (hill, 2002). as a result, many black women are marginalized regarding beauty standards and must find a way to fit in with societally enforced beauty identities. black women tend to desire to appear like white european women because of a sense of racial inferiority (tembo, 2010). being black, according to du bois (1903), is a challenging experience for blacks. according to him, there is a double consciousness among africans, which forces them to see themselves through the eyes of both their black community and white culture. according to du bois and bhabha (1994), despite black people's desire for a distinctively black identity, they have no distinct identity from white people. even while beauty and body image go hand in hand, beauty is a broader notion that encompasses more than just one's outward appearance. problems with one's body image may arise because of a lifelong quest for beauty. most body image research focuses on the evaluative aspect of body components and is often referred to as dissatisfaction with the body's appearance. it is only within the context of interconnected "ism" systems that the body and beauty among african women be understood appropriately (e.g., racism, sexism, classism, heterosexist) the way black women see their hair in connection to issues of bodily satisfaction and attractiveness is understandable. one must deal with european beauty standards that encourage western ideals (craig, 2002). as a result, african women devote a significant amount of time and resources to maintaining their beauty. mindful enslavement may be defined as the state of mind in which the lines between freedom and servitude are blurred. a scenario in which a person gets entrapped psychologically due to false information about their identity and worldview. while it is true that african women are misinformed about what constitutes beauty, the definition does not take their natural appearance into account because being dark is not considered attractive. as a result, african women resort to extreme measures to be accepted, even if doing so harms their health. as a result, skin bleaching, and ideals of beauty are not only journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 12 in line with societal norms; they're also in line with how people perceive themselves concerning the rest of the world. during colonial times, african women were subjected to a slew of discrimination and devaluations in society imposed by european norms, which have persisted to this day. as a result, african women are now enslaved to the idea that they must have a fair or light skin tone to be accepted by society, regardless of their natural skin tone. african women should know that this myth has been revised so many times that it is now accepted as fact. instead of adopting a eurocentric view of beauty, african women should develop an african that represents an african image of beauty free from any foreign perspective or configuration. as a result, if african women appreciated their natural beauty instead of conforming to a particular ideal of beauty, they would not need to do so. figure 1: bleaching of the skin adapted from: paying a high price for skin bleaching | africa renewal (un.org) in modern africa, beauty is defined and imagined in terms of fair and lighter complexion; a genetic trait passed down the generations. as a result, since race is purely biological, it cannot be altered. despite this, 77% of nigerian women use skin bleaching chemicals to lighten their skin tones, as illustrated in the pie chart (brown, 2019). because of the dangers these bleaching chemicals have demonstrated to their users, nations like rwanda and ghana have prohibited their usage. however, banning these items does not address the root issue of white supremacy slavery or the widespread exploitation of being white. skin bleaching is just a symptom of a far more significant problem: mental slavery. white women's beauty culture throughout america's colonial and victorian periods, their fair complexion was considered the height of beauty. but that is only the beginning (cain https://www.un.org/africarenewal/magazine/april-2019-july-2019/paying-high-price-skin-bleaching journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 13 2008; zarrelli, 2015). white women's skin tones and physical features were highly prized for ethical, economic, and political reasons as well as for their physical attractiveness (flagg, 1834). it was believed that the paler a woman became, the further away she was from the undesired and submissive dark complexion, as well as the callous hands that came from working in low-class jobs all day. having the fairest skin was valued more since it signified a person's financial status, level of luxury, and, most significantly, moral character. appearing white represented purity, delicacy, humility, asexuality, and physical frailty, qualities valued among european nobility. when it came to beauty in the middle ages, the face being the mirror of the soul, a beautiful white face mirrored a clean and unstained heart and an absence of sin according to the toilette of health, beauty, and fashion (toilette of health beauty and fashion, 1834). whiteness was seen to be the pinnacle of femininity, while blackness was seen as immodest and animalistic and sensual and physically strong as men (tate, 2007). white women have tried a variety of methods to maintain and improve their whiteness because of these ideas. while others avoided sunlight and activities that would darken or redden their skin, others took precautions such as staying out of the bath and drinking warm drinks instead of cold ones; still, others avoided baths and cold drinks altogether; still, others abstained from both; and still, others read in the evenings instead of drinking alcohol (carin, 2008). they were ignoring health concerns in favor of trying to be the most equitably balanced (toilette of health, beauty and fashion, 1834). this was because having completely white skin had significant ramifications. it was a way to provide women a feeling of security by using their physical characteristics, such as their fair skin. having the whitest skin used to be seen as a social and economic advantage, and many people still hold this view today. according to julien (2014), skin bleaching involves using lotions, soaps, and other everyday household products to the skin to lighten its tone. the tabloids are now pushing skin bleaching by showcasing local celebrities who flaunt their "new, better, lighter" skin complexions obtained through risky skin bleaching treatments. they are currently promoting skin bleaching. for example, mshoza, a local artist, used lethal injections to lighten her skin (drum magazine 2011, p.11). 'i'm going to bleach till jesus arrives,' she said, according to another well-known south african lady, kelly khumalo (enca, 2015). individuals with little financial resources mix their skin-lightening treatments to create cost-effective but potentially dangerous cures without seeing a plastic surgeon or dermatologist (julien 2014). hair bleaching products are added to the mixture of skin lightening agents (julien, 2014). according to julien (2014), the harmful consequences of skin lightening concoctions are ignored by black women in south africa because of the stigma of blackness. black women in south africa may feel pressured to undertake cultural and physical changes to be seen as 'beautiful' if skin lightening procedures are widely used. as described by hall (1995), the bleaching syndrome is brought on by a desire to be completely white. there was an overemphasis on skin-lightening cosmetics and the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 14 advantages of having flawlessly pale skin in a british magazine, according to mcloughlin (2013). at one time or another, asian women also wished to look as white as possible, particularly while in public or at family gatherings. it was believed that fair skin was a sign of great value, youth, and fertility, which drove asian women to stress about having more fair skin than their western counterparts. apartheid left a legacy of self-perceptions based on skin colour despite considerable social, political, and economic advances in south africa. when it comes to describing individuals of african descent in south africa today, just a few terms are still in use. these include "high-yellow," "yellow-bone," "chocolate," and "blackberry." words like this communicate positive and negative connotations about the individuals being referred to (wilder 2010). the phrase 'yellow-bone,' which refers to light-skinned women, and the term 'blackberry,' which refers to dark-skinned women, show that black women are treated differently depending on their skin colour, according to ribane (2006). africans still define themselves in stereotypical ways that were imposed upon them by previous oppressive regimes. the findings showed that this mental enslavement manifests itself primarily through ideas of beauty, specifically about hair and skin complexion. what does all this mean? the obvious implication is that distorted notions of beauty are still dominant within african society, especially amongst women. this shows a lack of widespread efforts at conscientization. it is only through educational and informative activities that such distorted notions can be corrected. one example of the success of such educational programs is miss tunzi. she wore her hair short and natural. gyson (2019) describes tunzi's crowning as an affirmation of the bc slogan black is beautiful'. james brown's funk song "say it loud – i'm black and proud" or nina simone's "to be young, gifted, and black." it is not impossible to imagine that tunzi, or her family, was influenced by the black is beautiful movement that dated back to the 1950s in the united states. the activists and artists who launched the campaign calling for the celebration of african american characteristics and culture did so out of need. they decided to help women feel proud of their hair and blackness, says kwame brathwaite, an activist artist (chutel, 2018). by the middle of the 1960s, the black is beautiful movement had spread across the country. the symbolism and aesthetics connected with it contributed to the rise in the popularity of natural hair. the afro and the afro pick became well-known movement icons, paving the way for succeeding natural hair movements. however, there are too few women like tunzi out there. this attributed the absence of bc in the educational curriculum and its alignment to defining beauty (more, 2014). this means that the education system does not enable enforcement of black consciousness. on the latter, one can deduce that bc is not practiced as biko envisioned. instead, it is used as an index of reference inspired by events, for instance, when black individuals are side-lined, racism is central to the happening such as the clicks hair saga that transpired in 2020 where black hair was described as frizzy and dull" and "dry and damaged. this journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 15 erupted national outcry, especially amongst black women. at that moment, black society saw the need to affirm their identity and self-pride in alignment with black consciousness. furthermore, it can be argued that black beauty has been capitalized on, a big hair industry that capitalizes on an image of beauty. black consciousness and black beauty are being used with an underlying agenda of either capitalizing on self-pride or for "inclusive" purposes of silencing backlash of racist remarks projecting from the history of south africa. on the latter, the alignment of black consciousness and black beauty is not for empowering black individuals, but rather the alignment is used as a blanket strategy accompanied by a plan resulting in the actual operationalization of black consciousness not transpiring. one agenda accords to the capitalization of black natural hair products being very expensive. currently, the black hair care industry is oversaturated with high competition. according to a neilsen study, the 2019 black hair care sector expanded by 6.4%, with the godrej sa group of products performing the best (gill, 2020). gill (2020) further reiterates that natural hair care is an area in which practicality and sentimentality coexist—suggesting that they are selling self-love instead of hair stylers, which makes the profit. to stand out amidst the category noise and social media message, businesses must establish a personal connection with their target audience and provide compelling reasons for them to trust in their products. the link being affirmation to black consciousness through expensive hair products. from the above, one can deduce that the hair care industry is capitalizing on one's self-love and pride, resulting in the actual aim of black consciousness not operationalizing, one that accords to affirming black beauty, selfpride. muhlungu (2017) maintains that black individuals account for most of all customers. according to a recent article in the huffington post south africa, black people spend up to six times as much money on their hair compared to other races. the black hair care business in south africa is projected to be worth r9.7 billion per year. a 2010 study on the professional hair care market in south africa found it was the largest in the continent (tefu, 2020). according to a 2018 survey from mintel, a london-based market research business, 40% of black women have switched to chemical-free and no-heat style (tefu, 2020). natural hair products are slightly more expensive than relaxed hair products. because it takes longer and requires more products, treating and washing natural hair is more costly. most stylists do not want to work with natural hair; they say they will, but they will price you accordingly (tefu, 2020). one suggests that as much as black women affirmed to bc and were their natural hair with pride, hair industries do not share the same sentiment; they are not selling those products to affirm black consciousness. instead, they aim to make money. overall, the above analysis has outlined how black consciousness has been operationalized in defining and embracing black beauty and what impedes adequate operationalization. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 1, february, 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 16 conclusion in a nutshell, the study established, reviewed, conceptualized, and analysed the eradication of mental enslavement through the african intellectualism of black consciousness. furthermore, the study provided the conceptual framework that was prominent in informing the recommendations and how black consciousness should be harnessed and operationalized to psychologically emancipate black people by four african intellectuals biko, fanon, nkrumah, and sankara. this further involved projects that were informed by the ideology and how they embraced black consciousness. the findings of the study were based on a contemporary form of mental enslavement manifested through the notion-image of beauty skin bleaching and hair extensions. based on the research findings, the study recommends that black consciousness should be part of the education curriculum where the ideology will be taught as a way of life. furthermore, there should be collective efforts to celebrate and affirm true african identity as conceptualized by african intellectuals. references arnold, d. 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(1998). on decolonizing african religions. in coetzee and roux (eds.), 186 https://africanholocaust.net/mental-slavery/ https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/impact-colonialism http://www.themindingcentre.org/dharmafarer/wp-content/uploads/2009/12/rb9-mental-slavery-100106.pdf http://www.themindingcentre.org/dharmafarer/wp-content/uploads/2009/12/rb9-mental-slavery-100106.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 235 the effect of the russia-ukraine conflict on the potential use of nuclear weapons suci vajriyati, luthfi wahyu basuki, ayu kartika lessy, kinara inkan anieda, laila chumairoh kuswoyo, meysita meristiana international relations department, faculty of social and political scinces universitas nasional jakarta suci.vajriyati@civitas.unas.ac.id abstraction : this research aims to analyze the potential use of nuclear weapons in the conflict between russia and ukraine in 2022. based on a literature study, google trend analysis, and media review approach, there are four findings from this study. first, the goal of ukraine joining nato is to increase military strength and to obtain support as well as security guarantees from alliance countries is considered. as a result, russia responded by increasing its military capability to invade ukraine to maintain its national security. this situation represents the concept of the security dilemma. second, the threat of the use of nuclear weapons by russia as a deterrence strategy against nato intervention. this intentions have yielded little results, because nato continues to provide military support to ukraine. third, nato’s weapons assistance to ukraine has disrupted the balance of power in the international system. the increase in russian military weapons and nuclear threats as the implementation of the power struggle aims to prevent the nato alliance from becoming stronger which threatens russia's national interests. finally, the media trend analysis indicates that the potential use of nuclear weapons for war is still relatively small and become weaken. keywords: national interest and security, nato, russia and ukraine, nuclear weapons, balance of power, deterrence submission : may, 23rd 2022 revision : june 19th 2022 publication : august 30th 2022 introduction russia's annexation of ukraine which has taken place since february 24, 2022, is still happening today. this conflict has been going on for a long time because of the indirect intervention of the european union and the united states through mailto:suci.vajriyati@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 236 nato agencies. this intervention took the form of military weapons assistance (from portable drones to long-range missile systems) and was followed by economic sanctions imposed by the west on russia (bimo, 2022). this raises russia's doubts "against the victory of conventional forces" in the war against ukraine in eastern ukraine. as a result, russia has begun to increase its nuclear alert and there is a threat to use nuclear weapons in case of urgency (leatemia, 2022). according to a lieven (1999) in his work "ukraine and russia: a fraternal rivalry" historically russia and ukraine have closeness that is too complex to be separated. lieven believes that the future of ukraine is as an independent country with close cooperative relations with russia. on the other hand, yaroslav bilinsky (1999) in his work "endgame in nato's enlargement: the baltic states and ukraine" argues that accelerating the process of expansion of the nato alliance by forging alliances with four countries from russia's western borders, namely, latvia, livonia, estonia, and ukraine) arguing that such measures can create a safe environment and strengthen stability in eastern and central europe (korostelina, 2003: 142). since disintegration of united soviet socialist republic, relations between russia and ukraine have deteriorated and culminated in the ukraine revolution in 2014. this was followed by russia's annexation of crimea from ukraine and the separatist support of the donetsk people's republic and the luhansk people's republic of russia (mankoff, 2022). this condition strengthens ukraine alliances with western countries, especially the desire to establish security cooperation with nato. ukraine's desire to join nato became russia's geopolitical and geostrategic threat in eastern europe and made it an excuse for a military invasion of ukraine (mankoff, 2022). some of russia's wishes in the ukraine conflict summarized by bbc news include; (1) ukraine is neutral (concerning the desire to expand the alliance with the western/nato military), (2) demilitarized by the ukraine side without the intervention of nato and its allies, (3) denazification, (4) the donetsk, luhansk and crimean regions over russia, (5) use of the russian language in ukraine (kirby, 2022). these are the reasons for russia's invasion of ukraine. russia's invasion of ukraine has drawn criticism from many countries (kompas, 2022), but that didn't stop russia from retreating, on the contrary, it continued to invade ukraine. indirect intervention by western countries is considered by russia as an imbalance of security power. this imbalance of power poses a threat to russia and makes russia's potential use of nuclear weapons to protect its national interests. (gustav gressel, 2022) however, behind russia's threat to use nuclear weapons, it has increased the number and role of nuclear weapons in nuclear weapon states. according to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 237 wilfred wan, director of the program for weapons of mass destruction at the stockholm international peace research institute (sipri) (2022), russia's invasion of ukraine and western support for ukraine have created tensions among nuclear-armed countries in the world. as a result, countries holding nuclear weapons renew and upgrade their nuclear arsenals, and even some countries sharpen nuclear rhetoric and the function of nuclear weapons in their security/military strategies (ahmad, 2022). some observers argue that this raises concerns about the potential prospect of a nuclear confrontation with the west. based on this background, this paper focuses on the potential use of nuclear weapons in the russia-ukraine conflict in 2022 which is based on national interests and geographical factors. the time limit for this research is february june 2022 because this has triggered an international crisis, especially the potential use of nuclear weapons. this study aims to explain and identify the factors and conditions that can encourage the use of nuclear weapons in conflict. likewise, an analysis of western intervention in ukraine against russia's use of nuclear weapons will be provided. in addition, this research offers a solution so that nuclear war can be avoided. this paper departs from the preposition that an increase in one country's military power can threaten another country's security. western intervention that raises concerns russia poses the threat of using nuclear weapons in the ukraine conflict. the increase in power is intended to realize the national interest of a country and create security at home and abroad. this is what causes disruption of the concept of balance of power in the international system. the author examines the concept of balance of power from the perspective of realism in the conflict between russia and ukraine. the main question in this research is "how the us and nato intervention could lead to the potential use of nuclear weapons in the russia-ukraine war." in the study, it can be explained that the russian-ukraine conflict sparked fears of russia's defeat in the war. two indications are behind russia's use of nuclear weapons. first, the national interests of russia and ukraine which are influence foreign policy. second, western intervention, the assistance of western conventional weapons against ukraine, provided the power of conventional weapons that allowed russia to experience defeat in conventional wars. these reasons are russia's concern about the potential defeat in the ukraine conflict. this study aims to identify ukraine's interests in the russia-ukraine conflict, analyze the influence of nato intervention in the russia-ukraine war and analyze the correlation between nato intervention and the potential use of russian nuclear weapons. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 238 literature review the author uses three conceptions to analyze the potential use of nuclear weapons in the war between russia and ukraine, namely: deterrence, security dilemma, and realism. the concept of deterrence analyzes the strategy of using nuclear weapons. the main purpose of the concept of deterrence is to prevent the occurrence or increase of a country with strong potential to become a superpower country with a strategy of deterrence or prevention in an international conflict. the concept of deterrence is used to analyze the correlation between nato intervention and the use of russian nuclear weapons. in the russia-ukraine conflict, the concept of deterrence is used to analyze russia's behavior in the threat of using nuclear weapons due to nato intervention and nato's response after russia's deterrence. the security dilemma concept analyzes the increase in power and the formation of an alliance as a threat to other countries. increasing security and the formation of an alliance as a national security requirement of a country brings threats to other countries. the concept of the security dilemma is used to analyze nato's intervention in the russia-ukraine conflict. in the russia-ukraine conflict, the security dilemma concept analyzes ukraine's desire to join nato for increased strength and security protection of the alliance countries. this threatens russia's security because nato is considered to have been expanding in the eastern european region. to that end, russia invaded ukraine in response to ukraine's desire to join nato. realism theory analyzes power in the international system. increasing the power of a country can interfere with the national interests of other countries and the international system. realism theory emphasizes the balance of power in the international system. realism theory is used to analyze the national interests of russia and ukraine. nato arms aid to ukraine is considered by russia to interfere with its national interests. russia is increasing its military arsenal and nuclear threats by russia intending to create a balance of power in the eastern european region. the linkage of the three conceptions is to analyze how the correlation between nato intervention and the use of nuclear weapons in the russia-ukraine conflict. these national interests carry russia and ukraine in their foreign policy actions in the eastern european region. ukraine's national interest is to get security protection from nato to prevent russia from invading ukraine. meanwhile, russia has an interest in controlling ukraine and maintaining its influence in the eastern european region. however, ukraine's desire to join nato and nato's military assistance to ukraine poses a threat to russia and creates a security dilemma in the eastern european region. in response to this, russia increased its military arsenal and issued a threat to the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 239 use of nuclear weapons as a deterrent by russia. deterrence concept the concept of deterrence in general is a defensive strategy developed after world war i and used during the cold war. this is especially relevant to the use of nuclear weapons and is also related to the war on terrorism (baylis, 2002). according to robert jervis, deterrence theory is a theory that emerged during the cold war because of how things happened during the war. in this theory, there are countries whose efforts can increase national capabilities and strength to fend off attacks from other countries or their opponents or can also make opponents think twice if they want to attack. griggiths and o'callaghan's concept of deterrence, interpreted it by saying "don't attack me, or something bad will happen to you." deterrence has the main goal, namely, to prevent the occurrence or increase of countries that have strong potential to become the newest superpower countries. this concept will be declared successful if the opposing country that wants to attack believes that the costs to be incurred later are more or greater than the benefits obtained if they attack. deterrence describes that many requirements are owned by a country that has nuclear power to then be able to apply deterrence (art, 2009). several requirements are then appointed as variables which can then be used as a reference to see the possibility of the use of nuclear weapons in the russianukraine conflict. here are some of the variables: (1) the concept of deterrence sees the rational state as a condition applied by the state to carry out deterrence. this is used to avoid abuse of authority related to the nuclear launch command system. (2) each actor is required to have the capability of second strike, namely the power of three dimensions, namely land, sea, and air, all of which can launch nuclear weapons. (3) historically, each country is obliged to show that there is no direct involvement in armed conflict as a factor that explains the lack of decision on the conflict (nation state, 2018). the concept of deterrence has been used by triantama (2021) entitled nuclear proliferation as the creator of contemporary world peace vol.4 no.1. this type of research is descriptive, using a qualitative approach. in this research, the theory used is deterrence and cost of war. then the result that can be concluded from this research is the argument that nuclear proliferation can create and maintain stability in the international system. the argument that nuclear proliferation can create and maintain stability in the international system. triatama refers to kenenth waltz with his article published in the adelphi papers entitled “the spread of nuclear weapons: more may be better” which supports journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 240 nuclear proliferation. waltz stated that when there is a slow proliferation of nuclear weapons in various countries, what will happen is stability, not nuclear war as previously proclaimed. nuclear war, as non-proliferation groups predict, will occur if nuclear weapons are owned by many countries, will not occur or at least the probability will decrease. triatama also stated that the decrease in the probability of conflict between countries and nuclear war caused by nuclear proliferation was based on several things. first, nuclear weapons with very massive destructive power will provide excellent deterrence. deterrence of nuclear weapons is even said to be functional or useful even though the possession of nuclear weapons by a country is very little or not in balance with that of the enemy country. second, still related to deterrence from nuclear weapons, the presence of nuclear weapons causes a very large cost of war that must be borne by a country when deciding to go to war, even when the country wins the war. this is because there is no guarantee that the first strike will destroy the enemy's nuclear weapons and shadow retaliations. this very high cost of war will also prevent revisionist countries from carrying out nuclear attacks. triatama argues that pro-proliferation is still in accordance with the current international context. this is based on nuclear proliferation which is defined by the spread of possession of nuclear weapons empirically. the predictions of proponents of nuclear non-proliferation are not proven. currently, nuclear weapons are not only owned by countries that have been regulated in the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons (npt). countries like israel, india, north korea, pakistan have proven to have nuclear weapons (origin & beardsley, 2007). based on empirical data, until now there has never been a nuclear war. based on the uppsala conflict data program (2020), after the end of the cold war, international conflicts are no longer in the form of interstate wars but are dominated by intrastate wars (uppsala conflict data program, 2020). this is in accordance with the arguments of nuclear pro-proliferation thinkers that the possession of nuclear weapons by many countries will not lead to nuclear war and can even create international stability. the determination theory and cost of war that are used correlate with examples of conflict cases that are the object of research, namely the conflict between india and pakistan where nuclear weapons owned by the two countries can minimize or even eliminate the probability of war. the author explains this happens by referring to waltz who states that through possession of nuclear weapons will eliminate the problem of "credibility of deterrence". if in conventional weapons the success of deterrence still depends on whether the deterrence has credibility or not, then this does not apply to nuclear weapons. deterrence presented by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 241 nuclear weapons is certainly felt by other countries. in other words, the deterrence caused by nuclear weapons will appear immediately when the weapon is present. every country in the world will realize the impact of the massive destruction caused by a nuclear attack even in small numbers. therefore, possession of nuclear weapons can also reduce the potential for war. (triatama, 2021) security dilemma concept in the study of international relations (ir), the security dilemma is one of the major concepts that can analyze the actual international situation in which a country cannot be guaranteed its security and peace. state security is an important thing to maintain because if the security of the country is easy to collapse, then the peace of the country is not guaranteed. therefore, this security dilemma provides improvements such as the existence of a military defense system or as a form of alliance with other countries. according to john h. herz, a security dilemma in ir is "a structural idea in which the efforts taken by a country to safeguard its own security needs, regardless of its intentions, tend to trigger anxiety for other countries, especially countries that around him, because each country (which took the action) considered that the actions it took were only defensive in nature and the actions taken by other countries were threatening” (herz, 1950: 157). security dilemmas can occur in various countries, especially in countries that have a superpower. like the conflict russia vis a vis ukraine. the conflict caused tension between the two countries, each country felt threatened and began to increase its military strength to increase the security of its national defense. this security dilemma can also encourage countries to form new alliances or can also give power to alliances that have already been formed. if the action of the offensive is considered unprofitable, then the formation of an alliance can be a profitable alternative (jarvis, 1978: 186-214). in his study, sinaga (2009) used the theory of national security. from the results of his research, sinaga said that iran's nuclear possession is one of the country's efforts to survive and get a better bargaining position in interacting with other countries, especially in the face of the hegemonic domination of the united states. furthermore, all the political pressure that iran received from the international community did not change the country's stance to develop its nuclear development. according to spiegel (2004) which was included in the journal, national security is something that cannot be defined, which means that anyone can use this term to share their interests. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 242 realism theory in realism, the behavior of states to interact concerning international relations is carried out rationally for their national interests, especially for the interests of defense and national security. the main goal of the state to maintain its national security must use the power of the state itself. this power will determine the fate of the country. realism can grow well in the study of ir because of the attitude of realism that has considerations between politics and state power both distinctly and autonomously, so it can be said that realism is a perspective that has power in the study of international politics. the philosopher who contributed to the thought of realism, namely thucydides, provided a basic understanding of realism's view of international politics. thucydides in his the history of peloponnesian war (1972) describes the war that took place in the 5th century bc in greece between athens and sparta. thucydides argues that an increase in the power of one country will create insecurity in other countries, it triggers a war. realism's basic thinking emphasizes more on explaining politics that 'possibility' is more important than truth (dugis, 2016:38). spykman in his work america’s strategy in world politics (1942) explains that the struggle for power means that there is a struggle for defense (survival) and the improvement of the position of power is relatively the primary goal of a country's domestic and foreign policy (dugis, 2016: 43). then, hans morgenthau in his book entitled politics among nations (1948), also provides several assumptions and arguments based on several things, namely: basically, human nature is essentially unchanging and thirsty for power, that international politics as an arena for fighting for power and the state in defining national interests are based on power boundaries, and politics is a district and autonomous area of action (dugis, 2016:44-47). in realism, the national interest has a quite special meaning, namely a strategic force that gives rational thinking to the state as a policy maker to act. according to machiavelli, the highest political value is national freedom, namely independence (jackson, r & sorensen, g. 1999:94). there are four assumptions and ideas from the point of view of realism, namely, pessimistic thinking based on human thinking, belief in international relations based on conflictual and ultimately the conflict is resolved by war, firmly adhering to the value of national security and the continuation of life. state, as well as basic skepticism, namely progress in international politics as has happened in domestic political life (jakcson, r & sorensen, g. 1999:88). from some assumptions of realism thinkers, it can be concluded that the realism perspective in looking at international politics explains that the main actor is a state which is basically selfish and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 243 individualistic, actions taken by the state based on its own interests with rational considerations for the national interest and looking at the anarchic international system, namely states interact in the context of anarchy in international politics. the conflicts between russia and ukraine; the assumption can be seen from the security crisis that has occurred in russia-ukraine. according to machiavelli, as a ruler, we must have the power to maintain something we have and want to achieve and must be able to become a fox who has ingenuity, intelligence, and agility in seeing opportunities and opportunities (jackson, r & sorensen, g. 1999: 94). in the international world, russian president vladimir putin is a person who is very feared because he has courage, strength and can take high risks in making decisions. the balance of power that has occurred with russia-ukraine can put both in a situation called by hobbes, namely the 'security dilemma' which is defined in world politics as the achievement of personal security and domestic security through the creation of a state that is always accompanied by conditions of national and international insecurity. rooted in the anarchy of the state system (jackson, r & sorensen, g. 1999:96). this is done so that both countries can create security and sovereignty of their respective countries. in his study, yuniasih (2020) uses realist perception and the concept of deterrence strategy. in this study, it can be concluded that security tensions in the region occur due to increased military capabilities by regional countries such as north korea, japan, south korea, and china. the strategic location of east asia has led to many regional conflicts after the cold war so that each country increases its military capabilities to maintain its national stability. furthermore, north korea showed its capabilities in the existing defense system after seeing the increasing regional security situation, the improvement made by north korea was the development and testing of nuclear weapons which were used as a tool for deterrence. based on the concept of deterrence strategy, states generally take steps to prevent a state from being threatened by the power of big state domination. thus, north korea is indicated to be very strong in implementing a deterrence strategy in the east asia region through developed nuclear tests. method the author uses a qualitative-descriptive research method. according to strauss and corbin (1998), a qualitative approach is research that produces findings that cannot be achieved by using statistical procedures or by other means of quantification. meanwhile, the qualitative research method according to lexy j. moleong (2000) is based on the research foundation, research paradigm, problem formulation, research stages, research techniques, criteria, and techniques for examining data and analyzing and interpreting data. sources of data used in this journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 244 study used secondary data. secondary data sources are data obtained indirectly (sugiyono, 2010:116), the data obtained by researchers from books, articles, and data contained in the news on the internet that provides information about conflicts that occur between russia with ukraine. one example is also observing and reading international news to date. the secondary data that the researcher uses is from bbc news, russia in global affairs, koran tempo, kompas, al jazeera, russia beyond, google trends, reuters, and others. with the data collection techniques carried out in this study use library research techniques, and data collection using written document sources related to research problems, namely document sources, books, journals, and international media as a reference in analyzing research data. the presentation and analysis of data are carried out by explaining or describing the actions in the implementation of the foreign policies of russia, ukraine, and nato in dealing with the issue of the potential use of nuclear weapons in the conflict between russia and ukraine. in the author's systematic analysis using qualitative-descriptive methods, the author combines aspects of the interests of russia and ukraine, and coordinated nato intervention, by explaining and inferring whether these aspects are related to the potential use of the threat of using nuclear weapons table 1 aspects, dimensions and indicators aspects dimensions indicators ukrainian interests ukraine's foreign policy ukraine's attempt to join nato human security, the safety of civilians to live freely with the departure of russian troops national interest ukraine's attempt to escape russia's shadow. ukraine's efforts to gain military protection russian interests russia's foreign policy russia's efforts to make ukraine a buffer zone with nato and eu countries prevent nato from expanding into eastern europe journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 245 national interest political image of the former “soviet union”; russia's attempt to keep ukraine part of the soviet union the threat of russian sovereignty, avoiding other regions that want to be independent. western intervention (nato) distribution of military weapons to ukraine by nato and the us nato efforts to expand into eastern europe energy security global political interests us hegemony prevent russian domination potential threat of use of nuclear weapons deterrence russia's nuclear forces are on high alert via vladimir putin's instructions statements from russian officials regarding the threat of nuclear use if russia is cornered when nato and the us were still intervening in the russia-ukraine conflict putin's interests desire to be re-elected putin's military campaign over crimea result and discussion the first part discusses the interests of russia and ukraine. differences in interests between russia and ukraine brought them into a conflict situation. russia's national interest is to strengthen its influence in the region and ukraine's alignment with russia through its foreign policy by controlling crimea and invading ukraine. this has led to ukraine's desire to join nato to guarantee the security of the alliance countries from russian attacks. the second part discusses nato's intervention in the russia-ukraine conflict and the use of nuclear weapons. nato intervention in the form of providing military weapons assistance to ukraine and the imposition of economic sanctions on russia. the third part discusses the correlation of nato interventions with russia's potential nuclear uses. the intervention by nato poses a military threat to russia. as a result of these military threats, russia issued a threat to use nuclear weapons which nato hoped would not intervene in the russia journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 246 ukraine conflict. russia and ukraine interests russia's interest in ukraine is to control ukraine and maintain its influence in the eastern european region. on the other hand, ukraine chose to join nato as the implementation of its foreign policy for a reason, namely russia. the russia-ukraine conflict in 2014 which led to the annexation of the crimea region by russia, raised the urgency for ukraine to join nato. if ukraine joins nato, it will get military support in the face of external threats. however, russia has a close cultural, economic, and political affinity with ukraine. ukraine is also part of russia's existence in the eastern european region, in many ways ukraine is the center of russia's identity and vision internationally. geographically, ukraine is a country in eastern europe that has an area of 603,550 km2 which is directly adjacent to russia in the east (cia, 2016). ukraine is often mentioned as a country that has two sides because in that position ukraine is often in a position of tug of war. figure 1 ukraine’s political and cultural split source: global student square in figure 1, the western part of ukraine is more inclined towards the european union, while the eastern part of ukraine is more pro-russian. most ukrainians speak russian, they associate themselves with russia and identify themselves as russian. meanwhile, in the west, he identifies himself as a ukrainian who leans toward the west (beatrice in global student square). the different views of the two camps involved them in a political dilemma. the geographical location of ukraine also affects the political conditions of ukraine, one of which is in strategic policies and presidential elections. in 2013, people in ukraine experienced divisions because the president of ukraine, viktor yanukovich canceled a trade cooperation agreement with the european union and chose to strengthen cooperative relations with russia (mcdougal, 2015: 1848). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 247 yanukovich's policy received protests from the opposition which led to demonstrations in ukraine. at the same time, ukraine was trying to overthrow yanukovich and repulse the russian military that entered ukrainian territory (mcdougal, 2015: 1848). demonstrations in ukraine in 2014, gave a shift in the political conditions of ukraine. yanukovich was successfully ousted, and ukrainian citizens were divided into two camps (pro-russia and pro-european union) until the annexation of the crimea region by russia (gunawan et al, 2020: 212). the conflict continues despite the efforts of a ceasefire from both sides. the crimean conflict (2014) increases the urgency for ukraine to join nato. according to professor of history, clarkson university, alastair kocho-williams, the aim of ukraine joining nato is to increase international military support and security guarantees from alliance countries. military guarantees here are intended to prevent russian attacks (williams, 2022). russia has big ambitions to build the eurasian union state. the development goal of the eurasian union is to balance the power of the european union. the term "eurasian integration" was described by russian president vladimir putin as: "we are proposing a powerful supernatural association capable of becoming one of the poles of the modern world and serving as an effective bridge between europe and the dynamic asia-pacific region" (dutkiewicz, 2015: 88). putin also published the article “a new integration project for eurasia: the future in the making” (putin, 2011). in the article, putin emphasized the eurasian integration as an aspiration to reintegrate the countries of the former soviet union based on new values through a new economic, political, and international structure foundation. the international structure is expected to be an "effective link" between the european and asia pacific regions (hutabarat, 2013). one of putin's big agendas is to build eurasian integration from all sides. from ukraine and kazakhstan to japan and china and maintain stable political and economic relations with countries adjacent to russia. the crimean conflict factor shows the potential for conflict between russia and ukraine. on the one hand, ukraine is an important region for russia. the port of sevastopol on the black sea is the base for the russian navy fleet (arbar, 2022). on the other hand, the gas pipeline connecting russia to europe passes through ukraine. according to vladimir putin, modern ukraine is the creation of bolshevik leader vladimir lenin which includes "the historical lands of russia" (kim, 2022). in 2021 there will be the largest demonstrations in decades in russia. the demonstration was based on "anti-putin" held by the opposition. putin himself at the beginning of his political career allegedly wanted to improve the international view of his country after the breakup of the soviet union. ukraine is the second largest country after russia in eastern europe with a population of 44 million, which previously joined the soviet union and shares a 1,900-kilometer-long border with russia. putin is also suspected of trying to increase nationalist support at home amid the raging pandemic and poor economic conditions. ukraine itself has become a power struggle point between russia and nato. russia's efforts to maintain its influence in the region are seen by russia's efforts to continue to strengthen its military fleet and weaponry. russia's massive military directing to the ukraine border is part of russia's existence in its "backyard" which journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 248 is in danger of being withdrawn from its influence by nato. ukraine's desire to join nato heated russia's foreign policy which was manifested in the form of an invasion that took place in february 2022. ukraine's desire to join nato also became a geopolitical threat to russia in eastern europe and made it an excuse for an invasion of ukraine (kim, 2022). some of russia's wishes in the ukraine conflict summarized by bbc news include (1) ukraine is neutral (concerning the desire to expand the alliance with the western/nato military), (2) demilitarized by the ukrainian side without the intervention of nato and its allies, (3) de-nazification, (4) the donetsk, luhansk and crimean regions over russia, (5) use of the russian language in ukraine (kirby, 2022). according to the author, russia's desire for ukraine to be neutral is difficult to achieve. neutral in the international system here is defined as impartiality to the west and the east. for example, indonesia, in implementing its neutral foreign policy, is reflected in the 1945 constitution. based on historical data, ukraine's neutral attitude is not russia's real goal, but ukraine does not side with the west and continues to cooperate with russia. furthermore, nato's demilitarization in ukraine is nato's effort to support ukraine in the war by supplying ukraine with conventional weapons (kirby, 2022). the support provided by the alliance of western countries that are members of nato and the us to ukraine includes military weapons assistance (from portable drones to long-range missile systems) and followed by economic sanctions given by the west to russia (bimo, 2022). this raises russia's doubts "against the victory of conventional forces" in the war against ukraine in eastern ukraine. this is where russia's policy arises to increase nuclear alert and the threat to use nuclear weapons if in a state of urgency (leatemia, 2022). the author's view on this matter is that there is an imbalance of power that occurs between ukraine and its allies versus russia. the increase in ukraine's power due to nato weapons assistance is a threat for russia to be defeated in a conventional war. for this reason, the threat of the use of nuclear weapons is a struggle for russian power in balancing power in the eastern european region. the purpose of the threat of nuclear weapons by russia is for nato to stop providing military weapons assistance to ukraine. denazification, of the donetsk, luhansk, and crimea regions of russia, as well as the use of the russian language in ukraine, are the reasons for russia to expand the russian territory in ukraine. this is since crimea has officially become a russian region with a referendum that had received a rejection from outside parties. as a result of crimea being part of the russian territory, the donetsk region, luhansk managed to gain independence through russian support. then russia's reason for denazification of russian-speaking people in ukraine is an excuse to dominate other regions, as was the case with crimea. this is inseparable from the pro-russian ukrainian society. they will support russia's action and prefer to secede from ukraine. from the point of view of realism, russia is an actor who is rationally consistent in maximizing the goals of its national interests. russia's national interest is to strengthen its influence in the region and ukraine's alignment with russia through journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 249 its foreign policy by controlling crimea and invading ukraine. in addition, the threat of the use of russian nuclear weapons on a country that hinders its efforts is a form of competition for its political power and influence. as the concept of balance of power by morgenthau, specifically focuses more on the military and the role of alliances in aggregating power against threats from outsiders. nato arms assistance in ukraine is considered by russia as an increase in power in the eastern european region. ukraine's increasing arsenal is a threat that russia will lose in a conventional war. in the perspective of realism, the state is rational to defend its national interests. to maintain its influence and national security, russia issued a declaration on the use of nuclear weapons. the declaration of the use of nuclear weapons was carried out as a threat that could stop nato weapons assistance in ukraine. nato intervention in the russia-ukraine conflict according to bbc news indonesia, nato did not intervene directly in ukraine but responded by placing its troops in several countries in eastern europe. nato has four battalion-scale multinational combat units in estonia, latvia, lithuania, and poland, and a multinational force in romania. the alliance expanded its air patrols in the baltic states and eastern europe, intercepting russian aircraft suspected of violating borders with nato members. since 1997, nato has indeed expanded into eastern europe and several ex-soviet union countries. these countries include estonia, latvia, lithuania, poland, rep. czech republic, slovakia, hungary, romania, slovenia, croatia, montenegro, albania, north macedonia, and bulgaria (bbc, 2022). summarized from bbc news indonesia news, ukraine itself was not a member of nato at that time but had the opportunity to join as a member because nato was open to ukraine becoming a member. the ukraine government under yanukovych, which tends to be pro-western and has an indirect interest in nato, took advantage of this opportunity. the discourse on ukraine's entry into nato began to emerge, even president zelensky implicitly said that ukraine would seek nato membership. the discourse received support from the leaders of countries in europe considering that geopolitically, ukraine's geographical location is very strategic and could make it an advantage if ukraine joins nato (bbc, 2022). on the other hand, russia considers the discourse a threat to its sovereignty and national security. russia's anxiety is the embodiment of the concept of a security dilemma, in which russia, which is one of the superpower countries, feels threatened due to the policy of its neighbouring countries to join a military alliance consisting of other superpower countries and has a history of rivalry with it. initially, russia responded to the discourse of ukraine's entry into nato by only increasing the number of its military forces at the border, but this was deemed to have no effect, so russia decided to take military action into ukraine territory at the end last february. russia considers it an effort to maintain its national security as well as a defensive effort from the expansion carried out by nato. however, nato and its allies have a different view and accuse russia of threatening ukraine's sovereignty. in response, nato sent to aid in the form of weapons to the ukraine military to defend its territory from russian invasion. the assistance journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 250 included 11 mi-17 helicopters, 18 155 mm howitzers, 100 armored vehicles, and 10,000 anti-tank missiles (cnn, 2022). russia through its president vladimir putin responded to this with his statement in a speech. putin said that anyone who interferes in the affairs of his country and even threatens the country, and its people will receive a response as soon as possible from russia and consequences like never before (cnn, 2022). putin's statement explicitly refers to the use of missiles, both conventional and nuclear-powered. however, this statement did not make the west flinch and continued to help ukraine by carrying out an embargo and economic sanctions imposed on russia. in response to putin's remarks, president joe biden made a policy of stopping normal trade with russia to put pressure on russia. the policy was followed by the united states' allies who agreed to impose sanctions on russia, ranging from the confiscation of russian oligarchs' assets in allied countries of the united states, the prohibition of russian aircraft from crossing their airspace, to the expulsion of russia from the swift international banking system. putin also responded to these sanctions by stating that the sanctions were the same as a declaration of war (cnbc, 2022). furthermore, sergey lavrov, who is the russian foreign minister, said that russia would not hesitate to use nuclear weapons if the united states and its allies continued to interfere in the russiaukraine conflict [source?]. the threat is certainly a serious matter, even william burns as the director of the cia reminded all parties not to rule out the possibility of this happening, even though there is not much evidence pointing to it. when viewed from deterrence theory, russia's threat to use nuclear weapons in the russia-ukraine conflict is a form of diplomatic coercion through statements to make its opponents in this case nato change their behavior by telling them the risks they will face and making them think twice about striking back. putin did so as a form of counterattack against western policies that imposed various economic sanctions on russia. putin's efforts seem to be bearing little fruit, as evidenced by the continued retreat of nato to join the ukrainian military directly in the battle (djumala, 2022). on the other hand, the success of the russian threat shows that the use of nuclear weapons in combat is not impossible if the russian threat is not responded to by nato. the long duration of the conflict could also encourage russia to use nuclear weapons to end the conflict. prolonged conflict will certainly make a country experience large financial losses and expenses. according to data from the russian ministry of finance reported by newsweek, the cost that russia has to pay for its invasion of ukraine in may every hour is approximately 1 billion rubles or 288.25 billion when converted into rupiah [source?]. according to anton siluanov who serves as minister of finance of russia, the high costs incurred due to the conflict as well as the sanctions and economic embargos received made the state budget in april 2022 change from a surplus to a deficit (puspaningrum, 2022). if this conflict goes on for a long time it will make russia even more cornered and will not hesitate to use nuclear weapons. reflecting on history when the united states used nuclear bombs journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 251 to end the pacific war with japan, the russia-ukraine conflict also does not rule out the possibility of repeating that history. meanwhile, according to dr. intan i. soeparna (2022), a unair nuclear law expert said that the potential for the russia-ukraine conflict to develop into a nuclear war will always exist (cnn, 2022). furthermore, intan said russia could use nuclear weapons in the conflict in ukraine. this is because the country has not signed the treaty on the prohibition of nuclear weapons (tpnw) and is therefore not bound by the norms of the treaty. russian president vladimir putin also said the use of nuclear weapons would be a "last option" if negotiations to end the war in belarus were not reached (afifah, 2022). dmitry peskov, the kremlin spokesman, said that russia would only use nuclear weapons if there was an existential threat from other countries (reuters, 2022). correlation of nato interventions with russia's potential nuclear use the intervention by the west in the conflict between russia and ukraine brought the conflict situation to a crucial level. ukraine's interest in increasing military power by joining the nato alliance as well as us and nato support for ukraine which is implemented by sending conventional weapons to the ukraine army brings russia fear of losing the conventional war against ukraine. in response to this problem, russia issued statements regarding the threat and use of nuclear weapons in the ukraine conflict, this raised international concerns about the potential for nuclear war to occur, given the damage that would be received was massive. the interests of the three parties are contradictory to the security and stability of peace, especially in the eastern european region. russia wants to maintain its influence in eastern europe. the west and its allies want to expand their alliance and influence in the eastern european region. on the other hand, ukraine wants to get the security protection of its country. international concern about the potential threat and use of nuclear weapons by russia in ukraine is great. the author presents data in the form of statistics on the popularity of nuclear weapons through google trends in several countries, namely, russia, ukraine, and several countries that are members of the nato alliance (united states, britain, france, and germany). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 252 figure 2. “nuclear weapons” in russian territory figure 3. “nuclear weapons” in ukraine territory journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 253 figure 4. “nuclear weapons” in united states territory figure 5. “nuclear weapons” in united kingdom territory journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 254 figure 6. “nuclear weapons” in french territory figure 7. “nuclear weapons” in german territory based on figures 2 – 7, the popularity of “nuclear weapons” in google trends is increasing and decreasing for the countries above. a highly substantial similarity is found in the increase in popularity in all the above countries from february to march 2022 which reached almost 100. uniquely, the peak of the increase in popularity journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 255 occurred in the period 27 february – 5 march 2022, right with the russian invasion of ukraine, the aid of western weapons to ukraine, and the emergence of statements by russian president, vladimir putin regarding the use of nuclear weapons in the russia-ukraine conflict. the increase and decrease in popularity above vary greatly by country. statistics in the regions of russia, and ukraine are very volatile. meanwhile, in the united states, britain, france, and germany, after the increase in popularity in february-march, there was no significant increase or decrease in popularity. this shows that the trend of nuclear weapons in russia and ukraine is still an important problem and raises public concern about it. meanwhile, the trend of nuclear weapons in the us, uk, and france after the vulnerable time of february march 2022 is no longer a high point of concern for nuclear weapons in the region. in connection with the simultaneous statistical increase in the period of february 24 march 5, 2022, the author tries to make a comparison with the international mass media regarding the actions taken by the parties related to the russia-ukraine conflict that could lead to an increase in the popularity of nuclear weapons. in reuters news, “russia's putin authorizes 'special military operation' against ukraine” by andrew osborn and polina nikolskaya published 24 february 2022 (reuters, 2022). russia has allowed its military to conduct "special operations" against ukraine to eliminate what it calls the serious problem of the demilitarization of ukraine, or what the west calls an invasion. the scope of the operation by russia is not very clear, but it appears to be helping pro-russian separatists in eastern ukraine. in his speech, putin stated the purpose of carrying out “special military operations”: “its goal is to protect people who have been subjected to bullying and genocide... for the last eight years. and for this, we will strive for the demilitarization and denazification of ukraine (reuters, 2022). putin added that "russia cannot feel safe, develop, and exist with a constant threat emanating from the territory of modern ukraine." unprecedented in history. putin's remarks came after the united states stationed about 150,000 russian troops on the ukraine border. the operation by putin revolutionized the history of the failure of nato and the united states to meet russia's security demands. boris yeltsin served as president of russia in 2000 (tribun news, 2022). in 2018 putin was re-elected as president of russia with a term ending in 2024. he received 76.6 percent of the vote (bbc news indonesia, 2018), and the vote acquisition in 2018 was 13 million more votes compared to the 2012 election (kompas, 2018). in 2021, putin officially signed a law that allowed him to remain president for the next 14 years or until 2036 (dw, 2021). but in 2021, russia was hit by the largest "anti-putin" demonstrations in years by the opposition. however, with the law regarding the term of office of the russian president passed by putin, it will not prevent him from stepping down from the presidency and will remain in power until 2036. however, regarding putin's position as president of russia for the next 14 years, what does this have to do with ukraine? carrying out foreign policy, does not only involve external elements but also internal elements of a country (rosenau, 1976:15). the state is an actor to carry out foreign policy, although there are nonstate actors who are increasingly playing an important role in international journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 256 relations. to carry out a foreign policy, external and internal elements are needed that influence a country's foreign policy and are defined by a decision-making official in a conversion process or the formulation of a country's foreign policy. the foreign policy formulation refers to the situation in the internal and external environment by considering the objectives to be achieved (outputs) through the means and capabilities of a country (rosenau, 1980:173). that means that decisionmaking officials have an important role in a country's foreign policy. putin's reason for passing the law on the extension of the term of office is inseparable from his foreign policy of controlling ukraine. in carrying out this policy, it takes a long time at the end of his term of office. this of course has consequences for every action of putin. before the invasion of ukraine, the european union had imposed sanctions on russia by adopting a six-pack of sanctions in response to the recognition of the nongovernmental controlled territories of the donetsk and luhansk oblasts and russia's unprecedented and unprovoked military attack on ukraine (ecceu, 2022). the six sanctions are in the form of blacklisting russians, especially members of parliament who recognize the donetsk and luhansk regions separating from ukraine, financial and economic sanctions in the form of energy, transportation, and technology sectors, and prohibition of transactions with russian banks. in addition, sanctions are in the form of a ban on providing credit services, a ban on exports and imports, and a ban on imports of russian oil into the european union. the sanctions are aimed at cutting off russia's financial, energy and transport sectors. the us and nato also assisted in the form of conventional weapons to ukraine after the russian invasion of ukraine was carried out. table 2. western military armament assistance to ukraine (2022) country military aid united states 350 million usd in lethal aid european union 502 million usd in lethal aid england lethal defense weapon perancis anti-aircraft defense and digital weapons netherlands 250 air defense rockets and 50 anti-tank guns germany 1,000 anti-tank guns and 500 surface-to-air missiles canada 394 million usd for weapons sweden 5,000 anti-tank guns norway 2,700 anti-tank guns denmark body armor and up to 2,000 anti-tank weapons finland 1,500 rocket launchers, 2,500 assault rifles, ammunition, and rations belgium automatic assault rifles, anti-tank guns, and fuel journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 257 portugal night vision goggles, helmet, bulletproof vest, grenades, ammunition, and rifles source: statista.com. “additional military aid sent to ukraine during the russia-ukraine war 2022, by country and type of military aid” https://www.statista.com/statistics/1293614/military-aid-to-ukraine/ table 1, in statista.com published june 10, 2022, presents data on military assistance sent to ukraine during the russia-ukraine war 2022, by country and type of military assistance. based on the data, it appears that countries have sent weapons assistance in very large numbers. the aid is dominated by the united states and countries in the nato alliance. armaments were sent in support of ukraine in the insistence of russia's ongoing attacks. that means ukraine has a relatively sufficient level of security because of the availability of advanced weapons equipment that is provided itself. however, it is unfortunate because ukraine is not a member of nato, so assistance in the form of military services to ukraine cannot be provided under the principles stated in article 5 of the nato charter on collective defense clauses (nato, 2022). based on data from global fire power, russia has large military power. russia has about 1.35 million active military personnel by 2022, compared to 500,000 in ukraine. the number of aircraft owned by the russian army is close to 4.2 thousand, while the ukraine armed forces have almost 320 aircraft. russia is the second most powerful country militarily, while ukraine is ranked 22 out of 140 countries. in terms of active personnel, russia has almost 850,000 active personnel and ukraine has only 250,000. russian air power is also stronger than ukraine. russia has more than 4,100 aircraft, with 772 fighters, while ukraine has only 318 aircraft, with only 69 fighters. in terms of ground military strength, russia has around 12,500 tanks and ukraine only has about 2,600 tanks and 12,000 armored vehicles. meanwhile, russia has more than 30,000 armored vehicles. in terms of fighter aircraft, russia has 772 fighter jets, while ukraine only has 69. this contrasts with putin's statement regarding concerns about the defeat of conventional war against ukraine because russia's military strength is far superior to ukraine. table 3. military capacity comparison of nato and russia in 2022 characteristics nato russia personnel total military personnel 5,405,700 1,350,000 active troop 3,366,000 850 reserve squad 1,301,000 250 paramilitary units 738,7 250 air force https://www.statista.com/statistics/1293614/military-aid-to-ukraine/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 258 total planes 20,723 4,173 fighter/interceptor aircraft 3,527 772 ground attack aircraft 1,048 739 transport plane 1,543 445 special aircraft (for example, for reconnaissance) 1,014 132 tanker plane 678 20 number of helicopters combat helicopter 1,359 544 western combat vehicle main battle tank 14,682 12,42 armored vehicle 115,855 30,122 automatic artillery 5,04 6,574 artillery tower 5,495 7,571 automatic rocket launcher 2,803 3,391 naval weapons total military ships 2,049 605 destroyer 112 15 fregat 135 11 corvette 56 86 aircraft carrier 17 1 submarine 144 70 patrol boat 298 59 minesweeper 153 49 nuclear weapons nuclear warhead 6,065 6,255 source: statista.com. “comparison of the military capabilities of nato and russia as of 2022” https://www.statista.com/statistics/1293174/nato-russia-military-comparison/ in table 2, a comparison of nato's and russia's militaries in 2022. nato’s military and armaments are superior to russia's. although the capability of nato weapons assistance to ukraine is still lacking when compared to the russian military and weaponry. however, what is worrying is that if nato participates in a conventional (non-nuclear) war in the russia-ukraine conflict, then russia's failure is already in sight. then what about the comparison of nuclear weapons between russia and nato? https://www.statista.com/statistics/1293174/nato-russia-military-comparison/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 259 figure 8. 2022 global nuclear warhead stockpiles source: federation of american scientists figure 8 presents data in the form of an estimated global stockpile of nuclear warheads in 2022. russia occupies the first position in the stockpile of 5,977 nuclear warheads, america with 5,428 warheads, china with 350 warheads, france with 290 warheads, britain with 225 warheads, followed by pakistan, india, israel, and north korea with 165, 160, 90 and 20 warheads respectively. russia is superior in nuclear arsenal by 549 warheads to the united states. this shows that russia has won one step in its arsenal against america as a fellow superpower. for this reason, russia is trying to make the most of external threats by relying heavily on nuclear weapons. since the impact of nukes is so pervasive on the life of the “target”, the nuclear threat is used as a very confident doctrine to repulse the opposing side. some analysts think the russian strike will rely on long-range weaponry such as cruise missiles to target key ukraine sites remotely. since russia invaded ukraine, nato countries have supplied ukraine with additional "lethal aid," such as britain's supply of 2,000 anti-tank weapons. after the assistance of advanced weapons from nato, quoted from al jazeera news entitled "putin says sarmat ballistic missile to be deployed by end of 2022" which was published june 21, 2022, vladimir putin stated that he would further strengthen and modernize his armed forces, including deploying missiles. sarmat's 50 intercontinental ballistic missiles (icbms) will be tested by the end of 2022. according to putin, this is aimed at issuing a nuclear threat to the west. the sarmat missile is one of several new strategic weapons systems created by russia's military journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 260 design bureau since the landmark 2002 us decision to violate the 1972 anti-ballistic missile treaty, which established a ban on manufacturing advanced missile defenses to ensure that nuclear superpowers enjoy strategic parity. thereby reducing the risk of nuclear war or a sophisticated missile arms race. russia's development of a new generation of strategic strike weapons is also partly tied to pentagon planners on a concept known as the "prompt global strike" the us idea of destroying russia's leadership and nuclear potential using mass precisionguided conventional missile strikes and shooting down any russian nuclear missiles that strike it. successfully launched using a new generation missile defense system (tirpak, 2021). the creation of a weapon like the sarmat is meant to ensure that no matter what missile defense system the enemy creates, a few nukes will repel it, making it less likely to lose in initiating a "prompt global strike" strike against russia in the first strike. russia's nuclear doctrine prohibits the use of nuclear weapons for aggressive purposes, with those weapons permitted to be used only in the event of an enemy nuclear attack, or conventional act of aggression that could threaten the very existence of the russian state. this is a big question regarding the threat of nuclear weapons by russia even though in terms of military strength and conventional weapons russia is far superior to ukraine. this is because of russia's ambition to maintain its influence in ukraine. as with the principle of realism, russia will also fight for power without considering the consequences for other parties and in any way, whether it's an invasion or carrying out threats and use of nuclear weapons when it feels its country is not safe. assistance from western countries to ukraine creates measures taken by ukraine to safeguard its security needs. this creates a "security dilemma" namely anxiety about russia. ukraine considers the attempt to join nato as defensive, while russia views ukraine's attempt as a threat to itself. the threat and use of nuclear weapons emerged after ukraine received military assistance in the form of conventional weapons, efforts to increase more powerful nuclear weapons such as sarmat, are a form of russian deterrence against nato to prevent a form of nato expansion against ukraine which has strong potential to defeat russia physically and its influence. based on the international treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons (npt) on july 1, 1968, which aims to limit the possession of nuclear weapons and the peaceful use of nuclear weapons, in article 10 of the npt treaty, it is explained that it allows a country to break away from the treaty in the event of an emergency related to with the subject of the agreement, if it threatens the national interest of the country concerned (the un treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons (npt)). nato states that if one of its members is in a state of war, then the treaty is no longer valid. this means that the country can get out of the agreement. the argument reflects the actions of nato's "joint nuclear weapons" agreement in contrast to the npt treaty. however, if viewed, nato can't participate in the conflict between russia and ukraine to defend ukraine, considering that ukraine is not a member of nato. griggiths and o'callaghan's concept of deterrence said that “don't attack me because if you do, something unacceptably horrible will happen to you”, is also journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 261 reflected in russia's domestic policy and putin's statement regarding the threat of nuclear weapons, that nuclear weapons will be deployed if russia faces a serious threat. substantially in the hope that the us and nato can think twice about carrying out an attack. it is very rational if russia threatens nato not to interfere in the russia-ukraine conflict, because if nato intervenes deeply, russia has the potential to lose the "ex-soviet territory" as a strategic power and influence in eastern europe. in addition to excelling in the field of military strength, russia in second strike capability, namely the ability to respond to an initial attack (nuclear first strike) if it receives the first attack from the west. second strike capability is prepared by russia in the form of a sarmat ballistic missile which has a very strong explosive power (lowy institute asia power index). then, whether the use of nuclear weapons will occur? would a russian nuclear strike trigger a change in nato from simply supplying weapons to ukraine to being directly involved in the fighting itself? when nato faces the threat of the use of russian nuclear weapons, in the period after putin's statement regarding the threat of using nuclear weapons, the level of popularity on google trends for nato countries is relatively declining and stable. in other words, russia's rationale for the use of tactical nuclear weapons is to scare nato from crossing that line and force ukraine to surrender. if the threat of using russian nuclear weapons does not provoke the us and nato into direct combat, russia will have the green light to use nuclear weapons and destroy ukraine quickly. the threat of russia's nuclear use is a warning to the us and nato. if the use of nuclear weapons does occur, western policy makers are making a way out by condemning russia's treatment, imposing economic sanctions but doing nothing militarily. it means giving a warning to russia. has complete freedom to act militarily, including the further use of nuclear weapons to destroy ukraine's defenses, essentially recognizing russia's victory. if the west doesn't want to back down or, more importantly, if it wants to prevent putin from taking the first steps towards using nuclear weapons, the west needs to demonstrate the impact of russia's nuclear use will provoke nato, not ignore it. according to the authors, the potential use of nuclear weapons is very limited and relatively small possibilities. meanwhile, if nato decides to strike back at russia on behalf of ukraine, it is nearly impossible because ukraine is not a member of the nato alliance. if russia is faced with the prospect of fighting with nato, the nonnuclear forces (conventional weapons) and nato's nuclear retaliation tactics are substantially superior to russia's, it means that russia is less likely to direct its nuclear weapons to the west. on the other hand, if russia aimed its nuclear weapons at ukraine, it would mean destroying its backyard. ukraine will be destroyed by nuclear, and russia's efforts will be in vain due to its actions only for reasons that are not rational and not quite clear, namely the demilitarization and denazification of ukraine. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 262 conclusion nato's intervention in the conflict and ukraine's attempts to join nato has triggered russia's to use of nuclear weapons. however, based on the data, although the potential use of nuclear weapons is relatively small, it is of particular concern to nato. ukraine's national interest wants to join nato to increase military strength and protection from russian attacks on ukraine. meanwhile, russia has interests that are opposite to those of ukraine, namely controlling territory and its influence in ukraine. nato as a defense alliance with a strong military force seeks to expand into ukraine for its political interests. indeed, nato's explicit goal is to help ukraine on a humanitarian basis, however, the national interests of nato members cannot be separated from nato's "influence" considering that ukraine is not a member of nato. nato weapons assistance to ukraine is considered by russia as a threat because of the weakness of russia's military strength when compared to nato's military strength. the superiority of russia's nuclear arsenal over nato has become russia's new strategy in stopping nato's intervention in ukraine, this is reflected in vladimir putin's statements to strengthen and modernize his armed forces such as the sarmat missile. three important points from this research are first, the purpose of ukraine joining nato is to increase international military strength and support as well as security guarantees from alliance countries are considered a threat by russia both in the military, geopolitical and other fields. others in the eastern european region. under these circumstances, russia will certainly respond by further enhancing its military capabilities to invade ukraine to defend its national security from the west, which is also a representation of the concept of the security dilemma. second, is the retaliation strategy of a country that has received international threats and sanctions. the threat of the use of nuclear weapons by russia as a detention strategy for the attitude of nato intervention and the imposition of international sanctions. these efforts have yielded little results, as evidenced by the continued retreat of nato to join the ukraine military directly in the battle. third, the author confirms the concept of balance of power from hans j morgenthau. the increase in nato's conventional military assistance to ukraine broke the equilibrium in the international system. the realism perspective views international politics as a struggle for power and countries implement their national interests within the limits of power politics is an autonomous region, for that the importance of the balance of power to create balance in the international system. equilibrium refers to states or coalitions to prevent the existence of one more powerful entity or an imbalance of power. with the creation of balance (equilibrium), a country cannot impose its will or interfere with the national interests of other countries (dugis, 2016: 44-48). nato military armament journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 263 assistance to ukraine is considered by russia as an increase in power (preponderance power) that can disrupt the balance of the international system. this nato action is considered by russia to interfere with its national interests in the eastern european region and can lead to war. for this reason, the increase in military weapons and nuclear threats by russia is an implementation of the power struggle in the eastern european region to create a balance in the international system. the increase in military weapons in russia prevents the existence of a stronger nato alliance that can disrupt russia's national interests and the balance of power in the eastern european region. assistance from western countries to ukraine creates measures taken by ukraine to safeguard its security needs. this creates discomfort for russia. ukraine considers efforts to join nato as defensive, while russia considers ukraine's efforts as a threat to russia. although the potential use of nuclear weapons is still relatively small, based on second strike capability, in deterrence theory, russia's threat to use nuclear weapons in the russia-ukraine conflict is a form of diplomatic coercion through statements to make nato change its behavior by informing the risks that will be faced and making them think. twice to strike back. and the position of ukraine as a battlefield which is an area that will be controlled by russia, if the ukraine region is destroyed, it is the same as russia destroying its yard. there are at least two approaches that can be implemented to resolve the russiaukraine conflict, including the realism approach and the persuasive approach (hampson, crocker, & aall, 2007). the realism approach itself is an approach that generally displays a method of calculating or calculating power. while the persuasive approach is an approach that is persuasive without any coercion, one of the efforts that can be done is by way of negotiation. in this regard, russia and ukraine can be viewed as countries with limited powers. if both countries simultaneously reach these limitations, there will be saturation in war. when the two countries have reached that point, conflict resolution by peaceful means or negotiations will slowly begin to open. the path that is usually used by disputing countries is negotiation. this is because negotiation is a method with minimal intervention from outside or it can be said that it can bring together the interests of the two conflicting countries towards regional reconciliation and peace. acknowledgement this article is the result of research in the international relations department, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas nasional. thanks to prof. syarif hidayat, ph.d., maxensius tri sambodo, se., midec, ph.d and dr .irma indrayani arief, s.i.p., m.si. who has advised on the writing of the results of this paper. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 264 references afifah, yuni. 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(2021). “proliferasi nuklir sebagai pencipta perdamaian dunia kontemporer: sebuah tinjauan literatur”. paradigma polistaat, jurnal ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik. vol. 4. no.1 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 298 ecotourism development of jambi liberika coffee through stakeholders participation approach banu subagyo1, saipul1, ahmad ramadlan1, m. yuda ramdani1, yudha ramadhona1, nonon saribanon2 1petrochina international jabung limites, jambi, indonesia, 2universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia email: (nonsa.enviro@gmail.com) abstract: liberika coffee is one of leading commodities in jambi province and has been registered as a geographical indication for west tanjung jabung area. in general, liberika coffee plant is attacked by white fungus, which causes a decrease in production. its impact on productivity and low prices decreased motivation of farmers to maintain this commodity, and land conversion occurs. in recent years, coffee plants have been converted to areca nut and palm oil which, economically, considered more promising. even so, liberika coffee has its own uniqueness, so it needs to be continuously developed. ecotourism is one of activities that support and maintain the existence of liberika coffee as a rich biodiversity in jambi. the key to success and sustainability of this ecotourism development is participation of all stakeholders. for this reason, strengthening farming community as the spearhead of liberika coffee development, both in personal and institutional capacity. keywords : participatory approach, institutional building, facilitation, ecotourism submission : august, 20th 2020 revision : sept 30th 2020 publication : nov 30th 2020 introduction the existence of liberika coffee for west tanjung jabung people, especially betara district, is not only one of special commodities of the region as a peat area, but also as one of the main livelihoods. nearly 80 percent of households depend on their economy from agriculture and plantations-oil palm, areca nut and coffee plantations. regarding coffee, this plant has actually been developed since 1980s in this area with a land area of about 2,700 hectares. even so, coffee plants owned by farmers with type of liberika are threatened with extinction. in 2015, liberika coffee plant suffered from white fungus disease, almost 40% of the plantation was affected. symptoms of the attack are that the coffee plant mailto:syarif.hidayat@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 299 leaves dry up and fall off, the plant also no longer produces fruit even though it has entered its productive age, which is 4-6 years. this, in turn has an impact on relatively low prices, with a long chain of trade systems, causing the motivation of farmers to maintain this commodity is not so strong. it is not uncommon in the last few years, this coffee plant has been converted into areca and palm oil which are considered economically more promising. even though on the other hand, this liberika tungkal komposit coffee in november 2015 has received the right to certification of geographic indications from the ministry of law and human rights, so it it can become a pride of west tanjung jabung people. local governments are also aggressively introducing the existence of coffee and preserving it, so as to support regional economic development. the private sector, in this case petrochina, which operates in the area, since 2015 initiated the development of liberika coffee farming, especially in sido muncul farmers group, mekar jaya village, betara district-west tanjung jabung regency, jambi province. the company's commitment, among others, is to maintain sustainability of liberika coffee while increasing its productivity to be a basis for improving community welfare. community development program developed by the company in mekar jaya village, betara district and its surroundings is quite comprehensive because it starts from assessing the problems and potentials of developing liberika coffee, developing field schools and strengthening groups to facilitating infrastructure and training in postharvest coffee processing. sido muncul farmers group is one of several farmer groups in betara. this group has 46 members, each of whom owns a coffee plantation of about 2 hectares. the type of liberica coffee, that was developed, is now about 8-10 years old. through sido muncul farmer group, hoping tobe a "model" for other groups in developing liberika coffee. literature review among several types of tourism in indonesia, natural tourism is one projected to generate foreign exchange. however, not all treated ecotourism seriously, which has had a good social, economic and environmental impact, as is the goal of ecotourism. not only traveling to enjoy the beauty of nature, principles promoted by ecotourism must have several benefits at the same time, such as conservation, empowerment of local economy, respecting beliefs of local communities, and environmental education. these things distinguish ecotourism from natural tourism in general. the term ecotourism only appeared in the mid-1980s. although the idea of combining nature tourism and conservation had emerged and was offered by budowski in 1976 (orams, 1995). the definition of ecotourism according to the international ecotourism society is all tourism activities that are responsible for nature, society and surrounding environment. meanwhile, another definition of ecotourism is a form of tourism that is responsible for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 300 preservation of natural areas, provides economic benefits and maintains cultural integrity for local communities (chocrane, 2002). david bruce weaver, a lecturer at faculty of tourism and hospitality management at griffith university (weaver in dowling and fennell 2003: 3) calls ecotourism a form of tourism that emphasizes learning experiences and an appreciation of natural environment, or some of its components, in cultural context associated with it. ecotourism has advantages (in best practice) in environmental and socio-cultural sustainability, particularly in enhancing the natural and cultural resource base of the destination and promoting growth. the benefits of developing ecotourism include: 1. conserving environment (preservation, enhancing biodiversity and protecting natural heritage); 2. increasing welfare of local population: contributing to improving community welfare, and reducing unemployment and poverty; 3. educational facilities for community, both with regard to environmental aspects and community development. 4. development of local community institutions, both regarding organizational and community institutional aspects. during its development, ecotourism in indonesia is still faced with a number of challenges. asmin (2018) states that there are at least four (4) challenges in developing ecotourism today: constraints on the supply side (product driven), lack of market understanding (market driven), weakness in institutions, and lack of policy support. from supply side, ecotourism development depends on the availability of 3a (accessibility, amenities and attractions). in this case, most of ecotourism objects have limited supporting infrastructure such as transportation routes, cleaning facilities, health services, information services, and so on. some others are already accessible but still with inadequate quality infrastructure, such as health and hygiene facilities. the next obstacle is understanding the target of ecotourism market will be developed. in this regard, a poor understanding of tourists causes diversification of tourism attractions to be less diverse (program packages tend to be monotonous) and there is no prominence of superiority compared to other destinations. the government, tourism managers and local communities are often trapped in the concept of mass tourism, thus ignoring a number of attractions that should be developed. for this reason, various attractions in the community must be explored to support the development of ecotourism. another thing cannot be ignored is institutional capacity of ecotourism management. low institutional capacity is an inhibiting factor in development of ecotourism in indonesia. low capacity can be caused by various perceptions in interpreting ecotourism because according to dowling and fennell (2003: 3) notion of ecotourism is structured in 80 different senses from one another. the variety of interests and lack of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 301 partnerships can also lead to less than optimal institutional capacity. according to machnik (2013: 93), low capacity of ecotourism managers can hinder development of ecotourism and efforts to conserve environment which is the goal of ecotourism. it is necessary to strengthen institutional and personal capacity of ecotourism managers through a series of mentoring activities, training and facilitation of access to various parties needed to support ecotourism development. drumm and moore (2005: 23) mention the need for partnerships between ecotourism managers, government, tourism industry, private sector, local communities, and other stakeholders to achieve ecotourism success. in the case of indonesia, problem of networking and partnerships in developing ecotourism is still not optimal. government policies haven’t been optimal to support ecotourism development, it’s also a challenge. fonseca (2012: 5) states that an activity does not receive support from government policies can lead to development of ecotourism areas are not optimal. in practice, government (both central and regional) seems to be more inclined to provide a dominant space in developing mass tourism compared to ecotourism development, both in terms of policies, budgets, infrastructure provision and so on. figure 1. location map of liberika coffee development in west tanjung jabung journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 302 ecotourism based on potential of liberika coffee starting from this understanding, development of ecotourism based on liberika coffee has been initiated in mekar jaya village, betara district, west tanjung jabung regencyjambi province--by a group of youth communities supported by petrochina international jabung ltd, a company engaged in oil exploration and production and natural gas (oil and gas) in jambi province. ecotourism development program, which was initiated in 2017, cannot be separated from the previous program, namely "sustainable agriculture" of liberika coffee which has been implemented by petrochina since 2015-2016. in addition to participating in "preserving" the existence of liberika coffee which is threatened with extinction due to pest attacks and land conversion to other commodity crops, development of ecotourism cannot be separated from the goal of increasingly popularizing the existence of liberika coffee which is expected to have an impact on expansion of coffee marketing. previously, umkm (micro small and medium enterprises) outlets had also been developed in the area, as an integral part of the ecotourism development plan. this ecotourism development takes the name of ecotourism sukorejo which refers to hamlet where the program is located-sukorejo. this tourism spot is not too far from jambi city-97 km to the north from jambi city. to get to sukorejo area, it takes 2 hours 18 minutes by asphalt road trip. meanwhile, the distance to kuala tungkal, the capital of west tanjung jabung regency is approximately 34.4 km, with a distance of about 25 minutes. the position of kuala tungkal to singapore is ± 90 miles with a travel time of 5 6 hours by sea. there are also several tourism spot (destinations) around betara area, including muara jambi temple tour in muaro jambi regency, the road to the location through muro jambi district. in the capital city of west tanjung jabung, kuala tungkal, we can also find marine wealth-based tourism, because it is located on the beach as a port to batam and singapore. kuala tungkal is an area on the east coast of the north coast located in jambi province. kuala tungkal is a gateway to trade with a heterogeneous society that is rich in culture. so in terms of ecotourism access, sukorejo is quite strategic and relatively easy to access from both jambi city and kuala tungkal. specifically, there are several things that become the background for development of this liberika coffee-based ecotourism, including; 1. 80% of households depend their economy on agriculture and plantations, namely in the form of oil palm, areca nut and coffee. coffee has been cultivated in this region since the 1980s in an area of about 2,700 hectares. for that this program is also directed to be able to maintain coffee plant cultivation, even expand it; 2. liberika tungkal komposit coffee is the official name for liberika coffee cultivated around betara. this coffee by the ministry of law and human rights has received recognition as a distinctive commodity by holding the geographical indicative journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 303 protection society (mpig) certificate, so it is expected to be the pride and "identity" of the west tanjung jabung regency plantations and their uniqueness that grows in peat areas. through this ecotourism, it is hoped that it can strengthen the branding of liberika coffee which of course will have an impact on increasing liberika coffee marketing; 3. agricultural and plantation development is the development priority of the west tanjung jabung district government, including the allocation of programs, fostering of farmer groups and cooperatives, so that ecotourism is inseparable from the development of the plantation sector. 4. the coffee business activities from upstream-downstream have been running well, starting from seeding, production, to post-harvest processing. this is interesting as an educational attraction for the public; 5. there have been initiatives for ecotourism development, pokdarwis has been formed, the spirit of youth groups related to program plans, msme outlets and so on; 6. expanding the beneficiaries of previous programs related to the development of liberal coffee and post-harvest processing; 7. optimizing multiplier effect programs, including through processed coffee derivative products, the formation of new socio-economic institutions / agencies and creating new opportunities, either in relation to creating jobs or as an effort to improve community welfare. liberika coffee (coffea liberika) is known as a typical peat coffee because of its ability to adapt well to peat soils while other types of coffee (arabica and robusta) cannot grow (hulupi 2014). liberica coffee in its original land is usually planted intercropping with other crops except for oil palm trees. liberica coffee plants require shade or shade plants to reduce the intensity of sunlight reaching the leaf canopy. coffee cannot grow in fully open areas. coffee plants are plants that are not greedy for water and do not damage the hydrological management of the peat. so it can be said, this ecotourism program also contains conservation, namely to protect the peatlands in this area along with other conservation functions. method the research was conducted in west tanjung jabung jambi province from january to may 2020. the research method was carried out through a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis. data collection methods are carried out, among others, through: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 304 observation this observation can be done directly or indirectly. direct observation is made through direct observation of the object in the place where the activity is taking place. while indirect observation is carried out through events as outlined in photos, writings and so on. in-depth interview in-depth interview is an interview method aims to explore information needed from respondents. there are 2 (two) ways to conduct in-depth interviews: structured and open interview guides. interview activities are carried out not only to seek answers, but also to construct them. survey survey is a method that aims to determine certain circumstances and obtain certainty of information. the survey used in this study consisted of several types of surveys : exploratory, explanatory and descriptive. survey activities are aimed at obtaining data on persons with disabilities, regional potential, institutional analysis, and program effectiveness. document study this technique is carried out to obtain secondary data by collecting data from archives and relevant documents contained in institutions or managers directly related to the program. fgd (focus group discussion) fgd is a participatory method that can be used in a qualitative approach. in conducting fgds, data is obtained directly from the community in an interactive forum, where the opinions of one another are mutually reinforcing, so that they do not only see one aspect. result and discussion field schools and laboratory of biological agencies some problems faced in development of this liberika coffee include low capacity of coffee farmers' human resources (hr), inefficient cultivation patterns, relying on market access to middlemen / tauke who come and determine unilateral prices and low enthusiasm for innovation. for this reason, the "field school" approach was developed. field school scheme is designed to provide the widest possible learning space and time for farmers to interact with their realities directly, and discover for themselves new skills and knowledge and the principles contained therein. thus, the learning pattern of farmers through field schools is not just "learning from experience", but a learning journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 305 process in which adult learners (andragogy) can master dynamic "discovery of knowledge" process and can be applied in agricultural land management and in life. their everyday. this is important, because rapid changes will make farmers fall behind the times and be able to crush their efforts to survive by relying on agricultural cultivation. it is hoped that with the implementation of this field school, farmers will be resilient in facing dynamics and challenges to build their future. in implementing field schools, assistants apply several principles with several main characteristics as follows; 1. coffee plantation / agricultural land as the main learning facility. cultivation skills are applied skills, so about 80% of the time is spent directly on the ground, not in the classroom; 2. experience based learning method. each activity begins with direct observation or observation, then experiences disclosure, results assessment, and results conclusions. this learning cycle is attempted in every field school activity; 3. agro-ecosystem assessment. 4. practical and appropriate methods and materials. each field school activity and its supporting materials are designed in such a way as to be directly applicable to farmers and villagers; 5. curriculum based on the skills needed. the curriculum is designed on the basis of an analysis of the field skills a farmer needs to have. in addition to agricultural technical skills and knowledge, participants also acquire skills in planning activities, building cooperation, group dynamics, developing learning materials, and developing effective communication, so that they can become facilitators who are able to stimulate and assist farmer groups effectively. related to this field school, pest management is one of the main concerns, one of the bad pests that destroy coffee plants is the white root fungus (jap) rigidoporus lignosus, which almost 40% 50% attacks farmers' coffee plants. this fungus causes coffee plant leaves to dry out and fall off, the plant also no longer produces fruit even though it has entered the productive age of around 4-6 years. as the name implies, this fungus is characterized by a network of white threads (mycelium). fungal mycelia are capable of penetrating directly into root tissue. every coffee plant that is attacked by jap will die if it is not immediately addressed. to deal with jap pests and develop their “cure”, petrochina has facilitated a simple building with wooden and plastic boards as a “house for biological agents” on a stretch of land belonging to a group member. in this place with the available tools, research on the condition of coffee plants and learning for groups was carried out, including the breeding of trichoderma conii, a fungus that is used to fight white fungus. the use of the biological agent trichoderma spp has the advantages of being easy to apply, cheap, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 306 effective and safe and environmentally friendly. trichoderma spp. is an antagonistic fungus that has the ability to suppress the development or spread of jap disease. cultivating tricoderma and spreading it on coffee plants were the focus at the beginning of mentoring. group members are also assisted in making biopesticides, solid fertilizers and organic liquid fertilizers, all of which are made from natural waste. after running for several months, the intensity of jap attacks began to appear to decrease drastically, this shows that the provision of trichoderma as a mechanism of antagonism, competition for space and food has been able to suppress the presence of white mushrooms. strengthening groups and building participation to ensure the success and sustainability of the program's impact, the involvement of the community, especially the beneficiaries, is absolutely necessary. as stated by conyers (1982) there are three main reasons why community participation is very important, namely: 1. community participation is a measure to obtain information on the conditions and needs of local communities, without which development programs and projects will fail. 2. the community will have more confidence in development project or program if they feel involved in preparation and planning process, because they will know more about the project. 3. there is an assumption that it is a democratic right if community is involved in development of community itself (supriatna, 2000). in addition, ndraha (1994) concluded that there are three important elements of participation: 1. participation means mental and emotional involvement, 2. motivates persons to contribute to the situation, 3. encourage people to accept responsibility in activity. based on these opinions, it can be concluded that in community development program, community participation is conscious involvement and / or participation not only as a program target but also active and entitled to participate in decision making to achieve better conditions than before. likewise with this coffee development program. it is realized that one of the pillars of its success is strengthening farmer groups. institutional strengthening of sido muncul farmer group is carried out by providing assistance to their cooperative institutions, such as facilitating making of management accountability reports at annual member meeting (rat), managing cooperative permits, facilitating administrative equipment needs, such as computers and printers. to develop cooperative, addition of a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 307 cooperative business unit was also carried out, namely the coffee business unit. independently, the group has prepared a warehouse that can accommodate freshpicked coffee (cherry), simple work equipment and various coffee processing machines. apart from improving cultivation, groups were also assisted in improving quality of coffee processing to make it healthier and more qualified. so far, community in processing coffee is still conventional according to local habits and does not look for a comparison of better coffee processing from outside the area, so that quality of coffee produced is still of low quality and tastes bad, even thick with the smell of the soil. to improve quality of coffee produced, post-harvest processing training is provided with resource persons from coffee activists and entrepreneurs. the aim is to change the way of thinking, increase understanding and correct post-harvest processing skills so that high quality coffee products are obtained and are included in specialty coffee category. post-harvest processing training brought in a number of resource persons, both for theory and practice. there are several methods in coffee processing introduced. in accordance with conditions in mekar jaya area, which is minimal peat soil with good water quality, types of coffee processing used are fermented honey process and natural fermented process. in addition, this program also provides supporting facilities including a huller machine, pulper, dry bean sorting equipment, coffee storage warehouse and dome house with anti-ultra violet (uv) plastic hood for drying. with these various knowledge and skills, motivation of farmers to realize premium quality coffee is also getting stronger, it could increase selling price of their coffee. field schools and the existence of a biological agent laboratory implemented in this program have yielded results. now, jap attacks on coffee plants have drastically reduced to reach around 80%, so that growth process of liberika coffee returns to normal. the previously dry leaves of the coffee plants turn green again. not only that, the costs for fertilizing plants that previously had to buy chemical fertilizers can now be much more economical. "we feel helped by this program, belief in the future of coffee cultivation is back strong," said pak parlan, a member of sido muncul farmers group. regarding post-harvest coffee processing, according to mislanudin, chairman of sido muncul group, now his group processes coffee using natural process system (3 months of processing with drying with skin) and honey (10-15 days). this processing system is believed to be more efficient and effective according to characteristics of the region. the group sent samples of coffee beans (greenbeans) to jember coffee and cocoa research center (puslitkoka) for a cupping test in june 2016. from the taste test at puslitkoka jember, the taste of liberika coffee processed with 6 different treatments showed very good results with an average score above 8 or with excellent predicate. this value indicates that liberal coffee sample is specialty coffee. the results of this cupping test give farmers a sense of optimism because it shows that liberika coffee they have is worthy of being marketed with special quality and even fit journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 308 for export. of course all these improvements will lead to improvements in social, environmental, economic conditions of the group and society in general. table 1. tabulation of the impact of the liberika coffee development program from environmental, social and economic aspects indicator description estimated values enviromental aspects level of efficiency and effectiveness of machines modified by farmer groups compared to those of kokao research center level of efficiency and effectiveness of the engine: the engine from the center is only for a small capacity, using 1 liter / 10 kg of fuel (premium / pertalite) the use of self-made machines can produce 400 kg per day, using 1 liter / 200 kg of fuel (diesel) in processing 200 kg, using a machine from puslit requires a cost of 20 liters x @ rp. 5,150, = rp. 103,000, -; meanwhile, if using a group modification machine it is only rp. 25,75, -. it was obtained a large amount of savings of rp. 102,974, for each processing of 200 kg of coffee. this means that the use of fuel will be more efficient, namely 1:20 and also have an impact on the environment (smoke generated and so on). the use of trichodherma whose ingredients are more organic and have no chemical substances the use of biological agents through trichodherma to replace drugs / chemicals has been effective in reducing the attack of white root fungus on coffee plants by 80% the use of biological agency for each 1 hectare of land is estimated to require the cost of making biological agency as much as rp. 65-70 thousand (green beans, sugar, etc.), if compared to buying chemical drugs it can cost around rp. 200 thousand rp. 250 thousand. not to mention the impact on the sustainability of the ecosystem and soil ecology. maintain liberica coffee varieties from extinction one of problems at the beginning of the program was that the coffee plant experienced white fungus attack. no half-hearted, nearly 40% of plants infected with this disease. as a result, the leaves of the coffee plants dry out and fall off, the plants also no longer produce fruit even though they are already in their productive age, which is 4-6 years. during 10 months of a series of actions, there was a reduction in attack of white root fungus on coffee plants by 80% use of organic fertilizers organic fertilizers used in this group have replaced 40% -60% of the use of chemical fertilizers that have been used by the farmer groups. for 1 hectare land usually requires chemical fertilizers up to rp. 300 thousand, with organic fertilizer it only takes about rp. 120 thousand per hectare. not to mention the impact on the sustainability of the ecosystem and soil ecology. social aspects the formation of farmer groups and increased knowledge and skills through the field school approach a farmer group has been formed with a group of 43 people who have improved in terms of knowledge and skills if it is assumed that each training activity costs rp. 17,500,000, then within 10 months during the implementation of the program at least training is conducted once / month. this journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 309 means that the economic value of the knowledge and skills obtained by the farmer groups is rp. 175.00.000, a new group derived from sido muncul farmer group was formed sido muncul cooperative has been formed which has obtained the legality of the regency government and is running a coffee selling / marketing business / business. the existence of cooperatives has succeeded in cutting the chain of trade system during this time which was previously played by middlemen. so that prices can be increased by 30% -40% when compared to middlemen. there is a sharing of knowledge and skills between farmer groups and other communities there are various farmer groups including those who are members of mpig of west tanjung jabung regency who learn how to process liberika coffee to sido muncul group. likewise with campuses learn related to group and cooperative management and program management. during a period of 10 months, about 125 people (data source: kel and koperasi sidomuncul guestbook) came to sido muncul group to study. elimination of self-sufficiency and participation of group members in program implementation awareness group concerns; a) group meeting / training stage and field school (preparing food, place, etc.); b) manufacture of biological agency laboratory facilities; c) preparation of tools and materials used in the manufacture of biological agencies; d) building dome and warehouse; e) operational to build networks and communication with other parties. a) participation in meetings and field schools is about 40% of the total cost, rp. 175 million (10 months-10 times). this means that the group participation is rp. 70 million. b) making a laboratory, residents prepare wood and bamboo, land and manpower. this contribution has streamlined costs by up to 30% of the total rp. 32,575,000, -. this means that the group's participation reaches rp. 9,772,500, c) preparation of tools and materials, for biological agencies the group can help 20% of the total cost of rp. 13,500,000. it means that the efficient one is rp. 4,050,000, d) making dom for drying coffee, residents preparing wood and bamboo, land and labor. this contribution has streamlined costs by up to 30% of the total rp. 48,500,000, (2 dom). this means that the group's participation reaches rp. 14,550,000, e) operations build networks and communication with other parties, especially carried out by group leaders and cooperative leaders. in 1 month around rp. 450,000, (transportation and communication for 2 people). so in 10 months the amount of idr 4,500,000 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 310 so during the implementation of the program the participation of group members was rp. 102. 872,500, networking of farmer groups with other parties-directly / indirectly related to the development of liberika coffee the group has initiated to build networks with various parties related to the business run by the group, including the district government, business circles, the media, ngos, campuses and so on. the list of parties involved in the sido muncul group and cooperative network has been previously mentioned. economic aspects increase the selling value of liberica coffee from farmers increase selling value of coffee, previously sold as regular coffee to become premium coffee previously, coffee sales to middlemen, the previous average price of coffee beans was around rp. 14 thousand rp. 16 thousand per kilo, green bean form rp. 30 thousand-rp. 32 thousand per kilo. now for the chery coffee rp. 20 thousand / kg (up 30% -40%, ordinary green beans an average of rp. 40 thousand (up 25%) and premium quality can even reach rp. 80 thousand-rp. 100 thousand / kilo. increase income level of farmers in this case, especially from the sale of coffee owned by farmers, considering that there was an increase in prices before and after this program was implemented the average farmer's income is rp. 2.34 million / month (indocita, 2015). now with better coffee quality, trade system is getting shorter, there is an average price increase of 30%. so that the average farmer income is rp. 3.042.000, / month. provide economic benefits for the group from processing and sales of liberica coffee carried out by the group divided by profit sharing system 60% (for owners): 40% (for institutions) based on financial data (group buying and selling for a period of 5 months (january-may 2018), the profit for the group is rp. 12,813,000, program development the ultimate goal of a community development program is to spread broadest positive impact. this program must have a multiplier effect, both in terms of the growth of new socio-economic institutions, the emergence of new business opportunities, as well as a wider environmental impact and so on. for this reason, various program opportunities have been simulated, including creation of a umkm (micro, small and medium enterprise) liberika coffee outlet as the center of coffee marketing, demonstration plotting (demonstration plot) for liberika coffee nurseries, and assistance plans to make coffee derivative products. the company also carries out several programs related to strengthening capacity of coffee entrepreneurs, both in terms of improving the quality of coffee and its human resources. the program includes technical training on sorting defects in coffee beans, training in making organic fertilizers, post-harvest processing training, discussion forums that bring together journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 311 upstream and downstream coffee business actors as well as with the government and other coffee communities. hoped that development of ecotourism based on liberika coffee will attract many parties involved and benefit from program and will inspire growth of new socioeconomic institutions, so as to realize an increase in community welfare. the positive impact of programs based on local potential is expected to be sustainable and contribute to improving the standard of living of community, both socially, economically and environmentally. strength weakness • ministry of law and human rights patent: composite tungkal liberika coffee. • specialty coffee category (test score above 80: excellence). • coffee plants, including conservation plants • a lot of workforce is involved, including women. • a large population of coffee plants and a productive age. • human resources with skills in cultivation and post-harvest techniques. • liberika coffee: larger fruit, peatland adaptive, year round production, limited quantity. • location of coffee plantations can be accessed by vehicle (distribution of production and tourism potential). • people who are not aware of tourism • the capabilities and skills of human resources are not evenly distributed. • coffee management has not followed quality standards. • coffee sales are carried out individually, not in synergy. • fluctuating number of production. • coffee nurseries have more careful treatment. • the marketing strategy is still weak. • higher prices (when entering the public market). • farmers' interest in cultivating has decreased. • equipment is still simple. opportunity threat • the marketing channels are very broad. • the trend of coffee is growing in the community. • there are many potential customers in jambi (hotels, cafes, etc.). • can use the forest for land expansion (conservation plants). • attention from district governments, companies, educational institutions and other third parties: training, exhibitions, assistance, infrastructure, research and policies. • difficult access to capital. • out of sync between government programs and other third parties with the needs of farmers. • invalid and reliable data regarding coffee productivity is available. • land conversion (other commodities, industrial and residential areas). • changes in extreme weather. • local consumers haven’t been interested in. • collector traders (middlemen). • pests and endemic diseases. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 312 figure 2. results of swot analysis for ecotourism program development of liberika coffee in west tanjung jabung, jambi province another program development is provision of educational facilities for wider community regarding cultivation and processing of liberika coffee, from seeding, planting, maintenance, post-harvest processing to marketing. for this reason, the attractions provided are also related to coffee management process from upstream to downstream. from an economic aspect, in addition to improving welfare of community, both direct and indirect beneficiaries, ecotourism activities are projected to increase absorption of labor involved in ecotourism, and will generate new business opportunities, both from exploration of local resources and those arising from outside the area. development of ecotourism based on liberika coffee has been discussed involving various elements--academics (jambi university), local government through related agencies and communities in mekar jaya village including farmer groups. various elements of tourism were also involved in discussion and networking process including jambi province indonesian tour guides association (hpi), jambi province indonesian hotel and restaurant association (phri), indonesian travel agent industry association (asita), generasi pesona indonesia (genpi) jambi province and west tanjung regency and others. the phases that have been designed in ecotourism development are: phase 1 phase 2 phase 3 • forging partnerships • providing understanding, raising awareness and mobilizing the community for "tourism awareness" • increasing tourism capacity of community • increasing capacity and productivity of coffee farmers • renovation of supporting facilities and infrastructure • increasing attractions, amenities and accessibility • increase the capacity of tourism human resources – certification • study and evaluation for further development figure 3. design phase for ecotourism program development of liberika coffee in west tanjung jabung, jambi province institutional strengthening, pokdarwis (tourism concious group) ekowisata (ecotourism) sukorejo, is carried out by helping to obtain legality / permits from related agencies. understanding and skills related to management of pokdarwis organization, knowledge regarding tourism, both in terms of management, service, and marketing are also carried out in the sukorejo ecotourism pokdarwis, which has 35 members (the numbers of men and women). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 313 however, it is felt that the challenges ahead are not light. community awareness, support and participation, especially pokdarwis and farmer groups related to ecotourism, are key. participation must provide opportunities, encourage willingness, and improve community capacity in developing ecotourism stakeholders (mohan and stokke 2000: 263). besides that, ecotourism designs with various attractions also need to be clearly and specifically formulated. on the other hand, this must be supported by an effective promotional and marketing strategy including the use of digital-based promotional media. if this can be properly prepared, the various challenges of ecotourism as previously described can be answered and the objectives of sukorejo ecotourism can be achieved, both for social, environmental and economic benefits. figure 4. concept of ecotourism program development of liberika coffee in west tanjung jabung, jambi province the current position of liberika coffee is squeezed: disease-prone arabica, but its prices soar, and disease-resistant yet low-priced robusta that always finds a place in the market. liberika prices are below arabica and above robusta. in terms of taste, most of them think that arabica is inferior to robusta, and the rest think that the taste of liberika is superior to robusta. it is understandable if we reflect on liberika's tightness in the coffee industry, the demand for coffee is not as big as arabica and robusta. (anggraeni, 2016) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 314 in indonesia itself, after the replacement of liberika with robusta, the distribution of liberika coffee was very limited. in terms of land elevation, liberika coffee is grown 50 m above sea level (asl). the total production of liberika is approximately 920 tons per year. in terms of price, the original liberika coffee beans are priced from rp. 25,000 to rp. 28,000 per kilogram. production products are mostly absorbed in malaysia, the rest is absorbed a little in local market. pokdarwis (tourism concious group) ekowisata (ecotourism) sukorejo has prepared several strategies and tour packages, for example making umkm (micro small and medium enterprises) outlets which have been operating as centers for ecotourism activities including information centers for processing of liberika coffee and sale of derivative products. in addition, other tour packages that have been and will be developed include: trench / canal tours using a canoe or raft which is a means of transportation or a link between one garden and another. next there is also bonsai tourism, which has been practiced by a member of pokdarwis. this bonsai tour is an opportunity to become one of the attractions considering that bonsai has its own peculiarities and enthusiasts. coffee and areca nut nurseries can also be packed into interesting attractions. in this case, several farmer groups have carried out the exploitation with the support of petrochina and related agencies. this more agro-educational tour package can be in the form of activities to choose good parent plants and seeds to be used as seeds, treatment to prepare seeds, make planting media, and care for seeds so that they grow healthy and ready for sale, good seed selection, to transportation / transportation of seeds out of the area for further cultivation. furthermore, a tour package around the garden and post-harvest coffee processing. there are many things that can be offered in this activity, including seeing the animals and plants in the garden, planting methods, care to harvesting and transporting the picked coffee beans. other things such as the selection of good coffee cherries, wet and dry coffee processing variants, roasting and brewing of coffee made by farmers from small seed liberica coffee. the simulation of various tools used in each process can also be an attraction in itself. one type of coffee that is exotic in the world and unique to indonesia is civet coffee. namely coffee, which the post-harvest process uses an "intermediate" animal mongoose or civet (paradoxurus hermaphroditus). in betara area, there are no residents or coffee farmers who deliberately raise civets to become coffee predators. in this area, only the wild civet cat is the "co-worker" of coffee farmers to produce civet coffee. wild civets hunt for coffee by choosing only ripe and delicious coffee as food. in mongoose stomach only skin of fruit dissolves in digestion process. typical civet enzyme processes fermentation of coffee beans that are still protected by their hard shell. at the same time as excrement / faeces, the coffee beans that become civet droppings are still protected in their shells. the coffee in civet droppings is collected by residents (mostly women) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 315 and sold to collectors or civet coffee producers. after going through the process of cleaning, drying and peeling, a whole, clean, and uniform rice or green bean will be produced. tourists are not only treated to coffee with a high taste but also will see firsthand the processing process. there are several activities that can be presented in this tour package, including: a) introduction to the processing of wild civet coffee with a guide; b) making standard luwak coffee drinks with wild civet coffee with some tricks of making appropriate and delicious luwak coffee drinks and c) ordering luwak coffee drinks at tourist stops. the next spot in ekowisata sukorejo is a painting gallery that uses media not only oil and acrylic paints, but also coffee powder. here, things that can be offered include: viewing exhibitions and discussions about painting, joint painting using coffee media for both children and adults, practicing professional painting and buying and selling paintings. various creative ideas are also being explored in order to create a variety of attractions, for example processing coffee waste in the form of coffee fruit skins and coffee bean skins which have the potential to be used as biomass and for other industries. it is also simulated that derivative products of liberica coffee such as coffee bags or skins of coffee bags whose packaging and serving process resemble teabags and coffee-flavored perfume. meanwhile, young people in pokdarwis also keep on moving to organize events to introduce umkm and ecotourism stores in sukorejo. among them are bicycle competitions or riding, live music on sunday nights or at certain events in collaboration with musicians in kuala tungkal, storytelling technical workshops and cleaning competitions. the cleanliness competition that is held is a form of public awareness to care about cleanliness and environmental sustainability. the environmental cleanliness competition that will be conducted will focus on three aspects, including: residential environment, road cleanliness, and ditches. hygiene competition assessment will involve betara subdistrict health center, village government, and community leaders. developing networks to build support tourism development including ecotourism cannot be developed without building networks. this was conveyed by bickerdyke (1996) who found that networks were very common in the service sector and many of the institutions in the network were involved in tourism. other sources say tourism has been defined as a system that is fundamentally interdependent (bjork & virtanen, 2005). then, cooperation and collaboration between different organizations in tourist destinations creates tourism products (pechlaner et al., 2003; tinsley & lynch, 2001). lovelock (2001) stated the importance of networking in ecotourism management, which describes the importance of relationships between organizations, collaboration and cooperation. a network approach to sustainability is required in an industry such as tourism, where there are a relatively very large number of micro actors. the formation journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 316 of networks based on non-formal local alliances, formal cooperative agreements, local non-profit organizations, national or regional tourism organizations or other institutional structures, helps to compensate for the detached nature of tourism. pokdarwis ekowisata sukorejo then built networks with various parties, considering that the success and sustainability of ecotourism also depends on the support and involvement of these parties, both from government, private sector, academics, tourism industry players, the coffee community and so on. one of the ways in which pokdarwis builds a network is through its involvement in various relevant forums, for example focus group discussions (fgd) on both tourism and coffee. in addition, pokdarwis also participated in several whatsapp groups for tourism actors / industries both in jambi province and in west tanjung jabung regency in order to continue to be able to get access to updated information. conclusion it is realized that the key to the success of this ecotourism development program is the capacity of the group and its members, so group strengthening is a major need. in this case, the strengthening of the group, namely pokdarwis ekowisata sukorejo, among others, is by completing the legality and permits issued by related parties. currently pokdarwis as a tourism manager has also been confirmed by the west tanjung jabung regency tourism and sports office (disparpora). regarding capacity, ecotourism development is not only about knowledge and skills but also character. for this reason, character building is carried out through a series of activities both training, field simulations and mentoring. training to increase knowledge and skills is also carried out through a number of trainings involving various elements, both the government (provincial and district), academics, tourism practitioners and coffee managers and other tourism stakeholders, for example asita, phri, genpi (generasi pesona indonesia), communities tourism, coffee community and so on. this includes training on ecotourism development strategies and benchmarking, training on improving coffee quality and making coffee derivative products, as well as training in ecotourism management and marketing. strengthening capacity of managers is carried out, among others, by establishing an organizational structure, preparing the required standard operating procedures and training and mentoring community organizations. this training involved the head of the pm-ptsp office of west tanjung jabung regency and chair of genpi in jambi province. not limited to training, mentoring is also carried out in order to strengthen capacity of this pokdarwis. development of ecotourism in sukorejo is supported by a number of infrastructure, including: 1) manufacture and installation of signs for tourist locations in a number of places; 2) developing a tourism information center (tic); 3) preparation of exposure / display of coffee processes and products at a number of points / destinations for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 317 ecotourism in sukorejo; 4) provision of a number of materials and toolkits for promotion, 5) a number of post-harvest coffee processing facilities such as roasters, drying facilities (dome houses with anti ultra violet plastic shields), coffee nurseries and 6) provision of sanitary facilities and k3l (health, safety, security and environment). the challenge faced in development of ecotourism in sukorejo is the need for diversification of tourist attractions, so that they are more diverse, but do not abandon the educational aspects. for this reason, creativity is needed in exploring various attractions based on the traditions and socio-culture of the community as the subject of developing this sukorejo ecotourism. the development of creativity by providing added value that is unique to the community's socio-culture is expected to create new opportunities and "markets" that are more diverse and can absorb job opportunities and opportunities for the welfare of the community while still paying attention to socio cultural and environmental aspects. references agus, f. dan subiksa, i.g.m. 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(2002) perencanaan kepariwisataan alam. yogyakarta. fakultas kehutanan ugm. fennel, d.a.(1999) ecotourism : an introduction. routlege, london and new york. hadinoto, k. (1996) perencanaan pengembangan destinasi pariwisata. jakarta: university of indonesia press. indocita, (2016) laporan studi potensi sosial ekonomi desa sekitar petrochina intl jabung ltd. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 318 musdalifah, (2017) perkebunan kopi liberika rakyat kuala tungkal 1980-2015. skripsi universitas jambi orams. mb. (1995) towards a more desireable form of ecotourism. tourism management. volume 16, issue 1, february 1995, pages 3-8. peraturan menteri dalam negeri nomor 33 tahun 2009 tentang pedoman pembangunan ekowisata. ridwansyah. (2003) pengolahan kopi. jurnal. jurusan teknologi pertanian fakultas pertanian universitas sumatera utara, sumatera utara. ryel r dan grasse t. (1999) marketing tourism: attracting the elusive ecotourist. di dalam: whelan t (editor). nature tourism: managing for the environment. washington. island press. hal 164-186. suhandi, ary.s.(2001) conditioning for integrating ecotourism into community, makalah dipresentasikan pada seminar dan workshop on ecotourism: toward sustainable development in the indonesia tourism industry di jakarta, 17 april 2001. unesco (enviromental sciences unit), (1980) yang bekerjasama dengan kementrian pariwisata dan kebudayaan ri (ekowisata : panduan dan dasar pelaksanaan) wahab, s. (1988) manajemen kepariwisataan. jakarta: pradnya paramita. wang x. (2010) critical aspects of sustainable development in tourism: advanced ecotourism education. journal of sustainable development . 3(2):261-263. western, david. (1993) defining ecotourism dalam linberg, kreg dan hawkins, donald. e (eds), ecotourism: a guide n for planners and managers, the ecotourism society whelan t. (1991) ecotourism and its role in sustainable development. di dalam: whelan t (editor). nature tourism: managing for the environment. washington. island press. hal 3-22. wood me. (2002) ecotourism: principles, practices, and policies for sustainability. paris. united nation environment programme yoeti, o.a. (2000) ekowisata pariwisata berwawasan lingkungan hidup. jakarta. pt.pertja. http://philo.coffee/saladdin-akbar-pewarta-kopi-liberica-jambi/ https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/02615177 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/02615177 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/02615177/16/1 http://philo.coffee/saladdin-akbar-pewarta-kopi-liberica-jambi/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 109 the impact of government changeover on public policy making: lesotho’s e-government experience molefi matsieli, radhamany sooryamoorthy school of social sciences, university of kwazulu-natal, durban, south africa molefimatsieli@gmail.com abstract; in lesotho in recent years, government changeover has become a topic of interest among the electorate, journalists, foreign missions, civil organizations and beyond. similarly, election commentators, political analysts and researchers have discussed ‘who climbs to power’ and ‘how do they ascend to’ or ‘descend from power’. significantly less efforts have been focused on the effects of a new administration. this paper attempts to contribute to the existing body of knowledge by examining the relationship between a change of government and the priorities in policy. this is achieved by examining the implications for change of the executive power on the policy making in lesotho. using the e-government experience of lesotho based on the changeovers of 2012, 2015 and 2017, it was found that executive turnover has a direct, yet antagonistic effect on policies. the results show that a new administration often goes slowly with or discontinues the predecessor's policies, programs and projects. this widens the policy-implementation gap as service delivery is interrupted, leading to a lapse in solving societal problems. it also creates uncertainty, not necessarily about who comes to power, but what policy direction they will pursue. keywords: change of government, policy-making, e-government, turnover submission : january, 13th 2023 revision : march 24th 2022 publication : may 30th 2023 introduction the kingdom of lesotho, officially known as lesotho, is a sovereign constitutional monarchy within a parliamentary system. the 1993 constitution of lesotho (the constitution) provides a legal framework for the government structure based on the westminster system. in section 44 (1) of the constitution, the king is a constitutional monarch and the head of state. the prime minister (pm) is the head of government and derives his democratic legitimacy and executive powers from the parliament to which he is accountable. the frequency of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 110 succession to the throne of the king is not as rapid as the turnover rate to the pm office. the changeover to the office of the king is based on the primogeniture principle (‘nyane, 2019), which is customarily followed after the death of the sitting monarch, and the authenticity of the legitimate holder of the office is rarely contested (chikerema & nzewi, 2021). the pm, who happens to be the leader of the political party or coalition of political parties holding the majority of seats in the national assembly, is appointed by the king on the advice of the council of the state (government of lesotho, 1993). ordinarily, the term of the national assembly is five years. the parliament of lesotho, a legislative organ of government, is bicameral, consisting of the lower house (national assembly) and the upper house (senate). the senate of lesotho comprises 33 members, 22 of whom are the principal chiefs and their membership is hereditary. the other 11 members are the appointees of the king as stated in section 55 of the constitution. the national assembly of lesotho is composed of 120 members who are elected to the parliament using the mixed member propositional (mmp) electoral model, with 80 members elected by the first-past-the-post (fpp) system and the remaining 40 chosen under the compensatory proportional representation (pr) system (lcn, 2022). the executive authority of lesotho (the executive), which is the focus of this study, comprises cabinet members including the pm, deputy prime minister (dpm), ministers and deputy ministers. the king appoints all executive members except for the pm by the advice of the pm from among the members of the national assembly and from those 11 senators nominated to the senate by the king under section 55 of the constitution. although governmental power is shared among the three organs of the state, namely, the legislature, the judiciary and the executive, the latter, which is the only organ typically referred to as the government, tends to be the most dominant organ (matlosa & shale, 2008) and the succession in this branch is the most dramatic of all (helms, 2020). furthermore, despite the principle of separation of powers between the three branches, members of the executive branch are not only drawn from the parliament but also remain members of parliament (mps), hence they play the central role in not only managing policy implementation but also in policy formulation. while the executive's tenure is typically aligned to that of the parliament, which is ordinarily five years as previously stated, the past years have certainly seen an upsurge in the executive changeover. for example, in a period of five years (2012-2017), lesotho witnessed the swearing in of three different governments following successful elections (‘nyane & kapa, 2021). these extraordinary changes that hypothetically contributed to the depth of the policy standstill and governance decay in the country motivated this study. the very concept of the executive is used interchangeably here with the concepts of government and public administration, to denote an institution that holds the executive power to manage policies (nag, 2018) and “public leadership of public affairs directly responsible for executive action” (appleby, 1947, p. 93) respectively. similarly, a change of government is operationally journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 111 defined and used interchangeably with government turnover/changeover and change in public administration to denote the change of the pm and his cabinet as a direct result of either the national general elections or the national assembly’s lack of confidence in the ruling party or coalition of governing parties. the purpose of this paper is to ask: to what extent does a change of government impact public policy making? literature is replete with studies investigating the impact of change in public administration focusing on different perspectives. for example, milanovic et al. (2010) looked at whether a change in government encourages the establishment of the rule of law. boyne et al. (2008) examined whether or not government changeover makes any difference to the performance of the public sector. rooney & dilorenzo (2021) assessed how political changeover influences investment behavior. in recent years, several international studies examined the impact of government turnover on public policy. for example, alaysa & musa (2020) examined the palestinian government changeover and its effect on the sustainability of government policies. noyes (2020) assessed economic and political reforms in zimbabwe after mugabe. some other studies have shown that a government change influences public policy. for instance, horowitz et al. (2008) found that a change in public administration is a basic source for change in government policies. bunce (1980) argued that discontinuity in ruling governments implies discontinuity in policies. andina-díaz (2018), however, noted that a change of government is an effective way of ensuring that the predecessor's policies remain. the supporting argument for this finding is that a regular government replacement does not give the new incumbent enough time to propose, adopt and execute major policy changes. akhtari et al. (2020) concluded that a change in public administration could negatively affect policy implementation, but only when the bureaucracy is not safeguarded against the political processes. while most existing studies have examined the impact of a change of government on public policy in developed countries, empirical studies exploring this in developing countries are rare. this study aims to contribute knowledge to the existing literature by examining this issue from the experience of lesotho, a developing country in sub-saharan africa. recently, change in public administration has become a topic of interest among the electorate, journalists, foreign missions, civil organizations and beyond in lesotho. literature is replete with substantive discussions about ‘who climbs to power’ and ‘how do they ascend to’ or ‘descend from power’ (see, for example, mohlamenyane, 2018; moseme, 2017; ndebele, 2022; ngatane, 2020). significantly less efforts have been focused on the effects of a new administration. this paper attempts to make an input by extending beyond the questions of who won the elections or which party or coalitions of parties form a government. this paper's central concern is the relationship between a change in public administration and policy priorities. thus, this paper aims to examine the impact of change of the executive power on public policy making, using lesotho’s electronic government (e-government) as an illustration. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 112 literature review public policy making: a conceptual framework public policy is perceived as the government's decisions and actions to intervene in societal problems to improve its citizens' future conditions and quality of life (cloete, 2018). cochran et al. (2015) state that such actions and decisions must be embodied in official regulations and laws, public statements “or widely accepted and publicly visible patterns of behavior” (p. 1). akwei et al. (2020) and khan (2016) conceptualise public policy as a framework of governmental resolutions translated into various activities, programs, and projects. hill & varone (2021) believe that if policy makers would respond to societal problems and changing circumstances with appropriate policies, the desired societal changes would be achieved. while public policy making has been accepted as complex and multidimensional (mueller, 2020; selase & gaewu, 2015), its complex nature has generally been attributed to the public policy making process, which is political and involves power and numerous actors. hill & varone (2021) state that public policy-making involves publicly employed professionals, political party leaders, civil servants, academic experts, judges, international organizations, pressure groups, journalists, non-governmental organizations, elected politicians and the public. cairney (2019) points out that policy-making politics is about several players with different agendas and preferences, using power to influence and acquire what they want. swilling (1992) emphasizes that policy is about power, and its making is like organising political and social life. this suggests that any deliberation of the policy process requires a thorough understanding of the nature of power in the state. this is particularly true because while actors in favor of the policy choice advocate for its adoption, it is likely that they may have neither the authority nor coalition support to legislate the policy decisions nor the resources to implement policy programs and projects implied by the policy decisions (crosby, 1996). in this line of thought, it is strongly believed that powerful people determine the policy direction. although the diverse nature of actors involved in making public policies is widely acknowledged, the evidence of the significant role played by government authorities is unmatched. for instance, peters & pierre (2006) state that national political institutions and structures offer much in developing public policies. according to the institutional model of public policy analysis, public policy is the outcome of the interactions and deliberations of the formal structures and institutions of government with other societal stakeholders. (cloete & de coning, 2018). in line with this view, hogwood & gunn (1984) argue that for a policy to be ‘public policy’ it is compelling that for the most part it must have been designed or at least be processed within the realms of governmental agencies, influences and procedures. cairney (2019) contends that public policy is ‘the total of government action, from signals of intent to the final output’ (p. 10). hence, public policy is overemphasized as journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 113 an interplay of commitments, decisions and actions undertaken by those who occupy government positions of power and authority (gerston, 2014). similarly, one group of government actors whose role has been considered most pivotal is the elected politicians. speaking based on democratic states, cloete (2018) points out that this group not only represents the masses in the legislature, but is also entrusted and mandated to advance their views and needs through policies. althaus et al. (2020) contrast that although other officials in the public sector such as public servants may offer support and analyse the choices made by elected politicians, the decisions are made by the very same politicians. to this end, it is understood that a major policy change is highly possible only to the extent that a particular issue or problem has caught the attention of the elected politicians. in the same breath, the issue of politics in shaping the elected officials’ choices has also been firmly stressed in the literature. peters & pierre (2006) point to conflicting ideologies. they argue that governments from different ideological backgrounds tend to have disagreements not only about the nature and cause of the problems facing society but also about choices relating to the government priorities, the ideal solutions to societal problems and how the government should mobilise and allocate resources. keating (2010) points to a type of government. he argues that while elected politicians under a single-party government usually have control over the policy process and have clear and uncontested policy choices, the opposite is true about parties in a coalition government that need to negotiate support for their choices. nonetheless, the dominant role played by the executive branch of the government in the public policy making process cannot be overemphasized. cloete (2018) states that the executive branch has a great deal of unlimited power to control the state resources and can decide who should do what, how, when and with what resources. all this illustrates the complex nature of the policy environment. it suggests that the public policy making process cannot be understood in isolation from economic, cultural, social, administrative and political factors. several models have been used to simplify, describe and analyse public policy making. yu (2022) states that it is believed that policies formulated in democratic nations are commonly analysed by applying the policy process or stages model, as the policy making process occurs in a step-by-step fashion and most importantly is then made public for their participation and scrutiny. because policy environments vary, policy stages vary from country to country and change over time while the fundamental essence remains the same. nonetheless, cairney (2013) has observed that a widely applied framework of policy stages identifies the policy process as a cyclical system of “agenda setting, policy formulation, legitimation, implementation, evaluation, and policy maintenance, succession or termination” (p. 1). the key argument of policy stages models is that they see the policy making process as cyclical journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 114 and ongoing rather than a once-off event. cloete & de coning (2018) assert that a policy cycle model embodies a series of systematic, linear and orderly steps that must be accomplished by whomever the decision maker is to establish a logical and effective policy. however, the process model has been criticized for emphasizing cycles or stages. keating (2010) argues that while the breakdown of this model into stages might be of great importance in helping to understand the fundamental aspects of policy making, such an arrangement “is not necessarily helpful in the world where policy makers do not control the cycle” (p. 7). he contends that in the westminster system, the cycle is influenced and controlled by elections and parliamentary tenures of five or four years, within which the incumbent administration executes their mandate and promises made during the election campaign. it sounds highly improbable that this will tally with the policy life cycle, which stretches beyond five years of government term, as policies require time to develop, execute, and make an impact. instead, thomas & grindle (1990) propose an alternative model that focuses on the conflicts and reactions evoked in society by a policy reform and the bureaucratic resources and political support needed to sustain a policy or determine its future. rap & wester (2013) assert that policy making is interactive and continuing but needs strong network support to overcome opposing forces. this means policy making cannot be understood separately from the political context in which the process of making policies takes place within a specified time. government changeover, 2012–2017: contextual background while the purpose of this paper cannot be overemphasized, it is difficult, if not impossible, to talk about lesotho’s current policy making context without referring to an increasing change of government, especially in the context of coalition politics. to date, political party coalitions have been the linchpin in lesotho (ndebele, 2022). the country has struggled to improve economic, social, and political stability for the masses under different coalition governments (mashinini, 2020). ‘nyane & kapa (2021) describe the era of party coalitions in lesotho as the watershed in the country’s political arena, not only dismantling the ideological traditions of political parties and agitating interand intra-party clashes but also parachuting changeovers in government institutions, including the parliament, the judiciary and the executive, causing political instability and economic uncertainty. letsie (2021) describes party coalitions as temporary arrangements that usually occur when two or more political parties rally and form a government, particularly when the election outcome has produced a hung parliament. mwangi (2021) shows that coalition formations are based on two key theories: office-seeking and policy-seeking. on the one hand, kadima (2006) contends that office-seeking theories are “based on the assumption that the main goal of the political parties is to access power” (p. 5), and have a fair share of cabinet portfolios and maximum control of the executive. on the other hand, mwangi (2021) states that “policyseeking theories of coalition formation argue that policy preferences are the most important journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 115 determination of coalition formation. the theories emphasize that parties that form a coalition are ideologically compatible along a policy dimension” (p. 17). concerning lesotho, there is a strong consensus that coalitions are not based on policy, ideology or nation building (kapa & shale, 2014; letsie, 2013; makoa, 2014; pherudi, 2021; shale, 2021). mashinini (2020) contends that coalitions have rather been conceived of as a political ‘business transaction’ that is made by and for the benefit of mps of the coalescing partners and the few party elites, while the consequences are inflicted upon the populace that is already in dire social and economic conditions. despite that, coalitions in lesotho are instituted in line with the country’s constitution, section 87(2) (mosito, 2021). since the return of democratic elections in 1993 following years of autocratic and military regime (sejanamane, 2016) until 2012, lesotho has experienced a one-party dominated government (matlosa, 2021). during this period (1993–2012), “elections were just five-year constitutional rituals to confirm the status quo” (nyane, 2022, p. 1). but 2012 has not only ended a single-party era but also the dominance of pakalitha mosisili’s ‘one-man show’ which endured for about fourteen years between 1998 and 2012 (letsie, 2015). since then, every election has brought a change of political leadership. this trend has continued since the recent elections of october 7, 2022 (‘nyane, 2012). however, while the breakthrough of coalition politics was an after-effect of the 2012 elections, ‘nyane & kapa (2021) argue that there were already signs of an end to a dominant single-party system since the advent of the mmp model in the 2002 elections, which ultimately ushered ten political parties into the national assembly. returning to the context of this paper, the first government turnover, now understood as a coalition government, emerged in 2012. this government which lasted from 2012–2014 occurred as a direct result of a hung parliament due to the absence of an absolute majority winner following the general elections of may 2012 (moseme, 2017). shale & makau (2021) state that this tripartite coalition government was comprised of the basotho national party (bnp), the lesotho congress for democracy (lcd), and the all basotho conversion (abc). it was led by abc’s leader, thomas thabane and deputized by the lcd’s leader, mothejoa metsing. letsie (2013) contends that the formation of this coalition was influenced by the drive to oust mosisili, and it received overwhelming support from the populace who wanted a change from his long reign. sejanamane (2016) argues that this euphoria was not based on careful consideration of whether or not this coalition would last or had a better vision and programs for the nation, but more on emotions. moreover, because this coalition had no ideological bases but was rather driven by an access-to-power attitude (likoti, 2021), it then broke down within two years due to misunderstandings and internal arguments, especially between metsing and thabane, dipping the country into a new dispensation of political uncertainty. weisfelder (2015) states that “thabane continued to make controversial decisions that raised lcd hackles” (p. 65). according to metsing, thabane’s unilateral decisions failed “to observe and adhere to the good faith and democratic principles” journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 116 (zihlangu & ntaote 2014, p. 1). nevertheless, the extant literature argues that signs of a collapsing structure were apparent soon after this coalition’s inauguration (letsie, 2015) when the coalition partners “contested the ministerial spoils” (pherudi, 2021, p. 200). the second government changeover was in 2015 (2015–2017) following the snap elections in february of that year, two years before the constitutionally arranged election time, after an early dissolution of the previous parliament (mokhethi, 2017). similarly, these elections were inconclusive and resulted in a spectacular return of mosisili as the pm and deputized by metsing not long after transferring power to his abc rival, thabane (mohloboli, 2015). mohlamenyane (2018) reports that mosisili’s democratic congress (dc) joined forces with small parties, namely the popular front for democracy (pfd), the national independent party (nip), the lcd, the marematlou freedom party (mfp), the lesotho’s people’s congress (lpc), the dc, and the basotho congress party (bcp) to form a government. however, gary van staden, a senior political analyst at nkc african economics had expressed a strong opinion that “a coalition of multiple parties in an unsettled environment such as that in lesotho is doomed to fail, it is just an issue of when and what the consequences will be” (moonstone, 2015, p. 1). as predictive as the van staden analysis was, the new government suffered from an acrimonious split that propelled the demise of the first coalition government. likoti (2021) states that the government collapsed within two years, resulting from a successful no-confidence motion in prime minister mosisili, moved by monyane moleleki. this followed in-fighting within mosisili’s dc that saw the faction of moleleki, who was then mosisili’s party deputy leader, jumping ship to form the alliance of democrats (ad), consequently crossing the floor and leaving the government with minority seats (mokhethi, 2017). letsie (2015) sums up that like the previous tripartite coalition, the seven-party coalition's demise came from a failure of the government to address institutional and constitutional reforms that would solidify coalitions and guard them against recurrent breakdowns. the third changeover occurred in 2017 (2017–2020) following the early elections of june 3 2017. the ushering in of a new government saw the return of thabane as pm, two years after handing over power to mosisili. mohloboli (2019a) reports that the thabane-led government comprised his abc, deputy prime minister moleleki’s ad, thesele’s bnp and keketso rantšo’s reformed congress of lesotho (rcl). like the other two coalition governments, this administration was affected by conflicts that brought it to its knees. mohloboli (2019b) points to intra-party politics within all four coalescing partners, stating that the worst wrangling was within the abc whose dramatic behavior was exacerbated by the elective conference of february 2019 that elected nqosa mahao as deputy party leader against thabane and his faction’s wish. shale (2021) states that “the faction of the leader did not only lose the battle, but the coalition government collapsed, the leader himself was removed from the partnership, and the party entered into a new coalition in 2020 led by a non-executive committee member”, (p. 191), moeketsi majoro. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 117 overview of lesotho’s e-government the case study in this paper focuses on lesotho’s e-government. in 2005, the government of lesotho adopted information and communication technology (ict) policy to harness the achievement of the national development goals of a united nation, a country with advanced technology, a well-managed environment, a prosperous nation with a strong economy, a stable democracy, a peaceful country, and a country with a well-developed and healthy human resource capacity (government of lesotho, 2005). the policy identified ten strategies that would be catalysts for achieving its goals, of which e-government is one. lesotho, like other countries around the world, adopted e-government as a strategy and a tool to reinvent government and transform governance processes to build a better nation, thereby enabling the government to be more effective, efficient, responsive, interactive, inclusive and accountable, and providing citizens, particularly the previously marginalized groups, with a new opportunity to conduct business with the government with more ease, cheaper and faster (matsieli & sooryamoorthy, 2021). notwithstanding this, despite the launch of egovernment in lesotho almost two decades ago, the basotho are yet to benefit fully from the opportunities brought by e-government. one of the concerns attributed to a lack of citizens and businesses to exploit and take advantage of these opportunities has been the lack of policy and legal frameworks to address the issues of trust, privacy and security when interacting and making transactions online (kulehile, 2017). the government produced the electronic transactions and electronic commerce (e-transactions and e-commerce) draft bill to address these issues in 2013. the account is at a standstill and has received little or no attention in recent parliaments. upon enacting this bill, the e-transactions and e-commerce act would promote the use of e-government services, provide for the regulation and facilitation of transactions and communications happening online and ensure the safety and security of the private data of the consumers (itu, 2013). method this study used a case study approach to develop a perspective on the impact of change of government on public policy. as bunce (1981) observed, social science researchers generally use case studies and quantitative analyses to specify and assess linkages among variables, and choosing one methodology over the other is not uncommon in studies of public policy. the rationale for applying a case study methodology is based on the proposition that this study had no intention of generalizing the findings, which is a strength of quantitative methodology. the case study approach has been employed primarily because of its ability to provide contextual information. crowe et al. (2011) affirm that case study research is particularly significant for producing an in-depth understanding of a composite, multilayered phenomenon or issue in its real-life context. in this study, e-government in lesotho has been selected for evaluation. because of its complex and multifaceted nature, egovernment is fit to acquire some knowledge and understanding of the extent to which a new journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 118 public administration impacts government priorities. the study conducted face-to-face semi-structured interviews to gain in-depth insights into the matter under investigation. twelve informants from the ministry of development planning and the ministry of communication, science and technology participated in the study between september 18 and september 26, 2019. these officials and their departments were selected using judgemental or purposive sampling techniques based on their direct involvement with national policy and strategic planning and e-government projects respectively, in terms of organizational, administrative, and technical terms. the interviews conducted in a mix of sesotho and english languages were audio recorded and the data collected were later transcribed, translated into english and analyzed by applying thematic analysis. the issues of confidentiality and anonymity were assured to all the informants. findings this section presents and analyses the findings. these findings show that while change is inevitably part of human life, any change in the executive power adversely affects government policies and priorities. it was found that this change often causes discontinuity in government projects and programs. discontinuity the findings point to the relationship between change in public administration and public policy. they show that the executive changeovers have become a prime issue that bedevils public policy making in lesotho. the results show that e-government is no exception. one participant expressed that: “e-government is not immune to the problems relating to change of public administration that are confronting other projects in the country. government changeover has suffocated us all. for instance, we were funded by the international telecommunication union some years ago to support the establishment of cyber, ecommerce, and data protection laws. we were at advanced stages with the processes because stakeholders such as security agencies, the army, and local banks had already made their submissions. but due to new phenomenon of government turnover in every two years, you find that the new government does not go ahead with the bills of the previous administration. because of that, we still do not have such laws. occasionally when new administration may find it compelled to continue with such policies, they want to start the processes fresh. this becomes challenging because technocrats and stakeholders alike are intolerant of doing same thing more than once”. another participant stated: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 119 “when a minister changes, principal secretaries and directors change as well. thus, change in such strategic positions means a sweeping change in the whole system. many things are at a halt in this department due to the changes we are referring to. the problem, which i always find puzzling, is why it seems so difficult for new leadership to understand the importance of continuing with the ongoing projects especially when proper assessment has not been conducted to inform termination decisions; i mean process and impact evaluations. you would not be surprised that most abandoned projects were or are still relevant, desired and necessary”. the above views illustrate a significant underlying tendency of a new administration to not continue with the policies and projects of its predecessor. as akwei et al. (2020) observed, policies, programs and projects are prematurely halted or abandoned, while it is often taken for granted that once a decision has been made, it will be carried through smoothly and the intended outcomes achieved. this has often created a policy-implementation gap, which arises when a policy decision is confronted with challenges that prevent it from realising the objectives that policy makers set out to achieve. while it would not be uncommon to question the rationale of a new administration to go slow or terminate policy and programme reforms of the previous government before achieving the intended outcomes or originally stated endpoints, two issues became prominent in the data. these are the issues of competing priorities and the desire to do new or ‘own’ things. on the one hand, evidence from the data shows that different parties or governments set out different priorities. this has been supported by one of the participants who averred that “if the incumbent government prioritises youth and technology, you will find that the next administration rather pushes the agenda of stock theft and crime prevention”. this suggests that a policy that runs contrary to the manifesto or priorities of the governing party may suffer from a lack of administrative and financial support. on the other hand, the culture of discontinuity has been attributed to the desire of the new administration to establish their ‘own’ policies or programs, or in the case where there may be chances of continuity with the initiatives of the predecessor, the incumbents rather demonstrate their ambitions to start the processes over again. this is an unfortunate situation particularly if, and only if, the task has never been given much thought, or even when thousands or millions of money have already been spent on the inputs (resources) and processes, or if stakeholders and beneficiaries are expecting results at a given time. however, the reasons for the discontinuity culture may not be far-fetched. it emerged that new administrations usually want to create a name for themselves. the participants supported this view, and one stated: “politicians are obsessed with elections. they can terminate good programs of the predecessor to start their programs so that they can opportunistically journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 120 use them to campaign in the next elections”. this explains and supports the participants’ initial conclusion that e-government is just one of many projects in the country that are unreasonably abandoned, or adversely affected by the change of political leadership. discussion the analysis shows that a change of government has a significant impact on public policy making. this finding is consistent with bounce (1980) who found that government turnover unequivocally dictates policy change in democratic nations. given this scenario, it would seem inevitable that government stability can generally sustain policy initiatives. the validity of this submission can be seen in krause et al.’s (2016) findings which echo that policy abandonment is rare when the government is stable. unfortunately, the analysis has presented a case where there had never been stability in the government of lesotho between 2012 and 2017 and beyond, which makes the findings interesting in two fundamental respects. first, the analysis shows that a persistent lack of stability has seen lesotho holding elections three times within five years, equivalent to one government term in normal or stable situations. second, these governments (changeovers of 2012, 2015 and 2017) were coalitions, a new phenomenon in lesotho's political and policy making history. nascent literature argues that coalition governments are ‘marriages of convenience’ (letsie, 2015) waiting to collapse (pherudi, 2021). with this acceptance of the fragile nature of coalitions which instantly creates instability in government, it seems apparent that policy and program abandonment or termination in lesotho would be more pronounced than policy maintenance. indeed, policy making is an interactive and ongoing exercise, hence the decision to terminate, just like the decision to continue with the plans made earlier, or to have incremental modifications, can happen at any stage of the policy life cycle. however, such changes must be rational and purposeful and be guided by appropriate models of policy change. it is clear in the data that new administrations can terminate the predecessors’ projects to start their ‘own’ projects, ironically with similar policy objectives at times. while this behaviour is uncalled for, it is not peculiar to lesotho. commenting on the housing project for soldiers and police officers in ghana, sabantu joe (a.m) [@sabantujoe] (2022, november 22) lambasted in his tweet: “the previous government of ghana put up this housing project but instead of completing it, the current government thought it’s not prudent to complete it but would sell it to an unknown private investor and use the proceeds to initiate a whole new project”. it is clear from the viewpoint of the citizens hereafter that it is irrational to terminate uncompleted projects based merely on ego or a desire to make own ‘mark’. ongoing projects must be modified to realise the original policy goals. hence, politicians must not see change in public administration as an opportunity for political gain or a window through which to garner political capital, but rather as an important transition journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 121 period where the incumbent’s policy initiatives can run parallel to those of the predecessor to widen the coverage of the needs of the people and maintain a national policy direction. the analysis reveals that government changeover, which in turn results in discontinuity in policy, increases the gap between policy intentions and policy outcomes and impacts. according to the government of lesotho (2005), lesotho, like many countries around the world, has embarked on e-government as a strategy to improve the quality of government service delivery and as an instrument to empower citizens and encourage their participation in policy and government affairs. a stagnant pace of e-government implementation is increasingly sabotaging government objectives and commitment to good governance and seamless service delivery through innovative technologies. this view echoes the world bank’s (2009) findings, which state that well-managed and routinely continuing egovernment implementation can contribute to the realization of many government policies and priorities, including the promotion of equity in service provision and enhancement of the government’s ability to improve the lives of the previously marginalized communities, while the opposite is true regarding disrupted and incoherent implementation. not only does a change of government contribute to the highly corrosive living conditions of the people. the analysis shows that it also creates political uncertainty. herein, political uncertainty is broadly understood to mean uncertainty about the government's future actions (jens, 2015). this finding resonates with the argument raised by alesina & perotti (1996) that political uncertainty usually occurs as the proclivity of a change in the executive power, either by constitutional or unconstitutional means. the analysis shows that political uncertainty in lesotho is more inherent in the constitutional apparatus–democratic processes, particularly free elections. since free elections are central to the institutional structure of democratic governments and connect citizens to their representatives, they create uncertainty over the electoral outcome. because new administrations hardly keep up with the programs of the predecessors, the analysis depicts the elections to present uncertainty, not necessarily about who the winner will be, but about which policy direction those who form the government will take and how long they might stay in power to achieve the policy goals. the basis for the concern about policies and attaining their objectives is embedded in the transformative nature of the policy. therefore, a successful government is judged on its ability to continue and expand policy efforts to improve the living conditions in society. this does not present political uncertainty as an end in itself. political uncertainty is a serious malaise harmful to public policy. while bureaux are tasked with planning and implementing policies through programs and projects, the analysis suggests that this would be challenging and difficult for them without any degree of certainty that a new or the next government would continue with ongoing projects and support future developments. this is also true about funders. when a policy environment is unpredictable, funders become concerned and hold back their financial support until there is stability. rather, they move on to another country where the environment is stable (baker journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 122 et al., 2016; bhattacharya et al., 2017; buti, 2018). to build sustainable development, realize inclusive growth and good governance, and lead a state that is functional and capable of transforming the lives of its citizens through policy, the government must ensure stability and the bureaucracy is insulated from political meddling. conclusion this paper revealed the relationship between government changeover and public policy making. it established that while a change of government in the form of electoral outcome or parliamentary processes may not be dealt lightly with in democratic nations such as lesotho, its implications for public policy are detrimental beyond a simple transfer of political power. it was found that a change of government is a pervasive constraint 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(2014, june 14). coalition pact collapses. lesotho times. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 30 practice of racism in south africa post-apartheid suhanto1, riesa zhouneil2 1 department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 2 department of international relations, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 1 email: suhanto@civitas.unas.ac.id 2 email: riesa.zhounell@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: this paper aims to describe: first, the background of the rise of apartheid politics in south africa. second, the implementation of apartheid politics in south africa in 20162019. third, the reaction to the implementation of apartheid politics in south africa in 20162019 and fourth, south africa after the apartheid period. these four descriptions are to answer the main problem of the occurrence of racist practices in post-apartheid south africa. the research method uses qualitative with international relations science approach. this research is a descriptive-analytic study, a research that uses a pattern of describing the state of empirical facts with descriptive arguments that are relevant. then, the results of the description are followed by analysis to draw analytic conclusions. to identify and discuss this problem, the author uses the concept of national identity and racist theory and ethnicity theory. the results of this study indicate that: first, the emergence of apartheid politics in south africa, was motivated by three things namely historical background, racial background of white supremacy and economic background. second, the implementation of apartheid politics in south africa in 2016-2019 was systematically institutionalized and contained in discriminatory laws and applied in various aspects of life, especially in the social, political and economic fields. third, the reaction to the implementation of apartheid politics in south africa in 2016-2019 came from within the country and abroad. fourth, the situation in south africa after apartheid is the emergence of xenophobia and its impact on the economic, social and political fields. the practice of racism in south africa still exists where they still consider racial and skin differences to be very strong and whites still feel they are superior to blacks. this has caused south africa to be underdeveloped in the economic, political and social fields. keyword : south africa, apartheid, racism, xenophobia submission : nov, 20th 2020 revision : jan 30th 2021 publication : feb 28th 2021 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 30 introduction apartheid in the afrikans word means "separation". starting from the colonialism era in the early 1900s and even when south africa declared its independence, racial segregation still occurred in south africa. that said, apartheid took place during the 20th century in south africa. apartheid distinguishes rights and obligations in social, political and economic life in south africa by dividing society according to race; black, white, mixed, and indian. at the beginning of the emergence of apartheid ideology in south africa in 1948, this was supported by the south african national party (np). in this paper, actually the separation of development which is differentiated based on racial factors aims to ensure that each race has independence and freedom of expression (in terms of culture), but this is not the case. apartheid enacted laws that forced various racial groups to live and develop separately, but not equally. apartheid stopped all intermarriage and social integration between races. in fact, making friends between the races can raise suspicion. even worse, apartheid actually harmed the majority of the black population because their skin color (race) was not the same as the races of those in power, namely whites. opponents of the land law formed the "south african national native congress", which is now known as the african national congress (anc). the anc was formed in 1912 by leaders and representatives of community and church organizations and community leaders in bloemfontein to defend their rights and freedoms. this has been triggered since the discovery of diamonds and gold in south africa. the founders of the anc agreed that since then the government made regulations and taxes that are deliberately designed to get people to leave their land, especially the land law which prohibits africans from buying, renting and using land, except in remote areas. (engler, mark. 2003) the trigger for a racist ideology like apartheid is racial superiority and fear of other races. the phenomenon of racism that occurs around the world is rooted in a race that feels superior or better than other races. this happens to all races around the world. furthermore, "fear" became the main reason why apartheid occurred in south africa. as a minority group, the white race is afraid of losing their jobs, culture and language. this is an explanation of the way the white race at that time. (crompton, samuel. 2007) the abolition of apartheid in 1994 led to the development of a new, inclusive national identity and the strengthening of state-boundary immigration policies. despite south africa's protective approach to immigration, the downsizing and closure of mines, and rising unemployment, migrants from across the continent believe the country has good job opportunities. the liberation of south africa from racist tyranny and national reconciliation that followed was the result of the struggle of the south african people and international action assisted by organizations such as the united nations for nearly half a century. while the racist minority journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 31 regime was replaced by a non-racial democratic government, and racist laws were abolished outright, the task of eliminating the residue of apartheid and its effects was left to the new government. (savitri, imar. 2013) method in compiling this research, supporting and complementary data is needed which is an attempt to answer what, who, where and when. so it can be said is an attempt to report what happened. to be able to answer that, it is necessary to apply a methodology, namely the procedures used in describing, explaining and predicting phenomena, and how knowledge about the phenomenon of international relations is obtained. the research approach used by the author is a qualitative approach, because problems related to humans are fundamentally dependent on observation. (mas’oed, mochtar. 1990) according to bogdan and taylor (in moleong) defines qualitative methodology as a research procedure that produces descriptive data in the form of written or spoken words from people and observable behavior. thus this approach is directed at the setting and the individual holistically (intact). (moleong, 2006) this research is descriptive-analytic, this research uses a pattern of depicting empirical facts accompanied by descriptively relevant arguments. then, the results of the description are followed by analysis to draw analytical conclusions. the background to the practice of racism that occurred in south africa began with the entry of european merchant ships, then the invasion of the british state which made south africa a colony which later became the beginning of the emergence of apartheid. the author links apartheid with white supremacist theory. the end of apartheid and the social and political conditions after apartheid in south africa were explained by using the national identity theory and ethnicity theory used in this study. data analysis technique is a technique used to draw conclusions from the data used is a deductive technique, namely analyzing general things into specific ones. this analysis aims to describe the things that exist, so that the results of the research the data obtained can provide support for the theory used. this analysis technique can also be referred to as analytical descriptive technique. (miles, matthew. 1992) result and discussion in post-apartheid, the people of south africa (especially black people) faced difficult times as a result of apartheid politics which had oppressed and exploited them for years. therefore, the government after apartheid has a heavy duty to create a situation that allows all groups, whether white or black, to develop themselves in various areas of life so that they can live properly. (nell, i. 2009) in recent years attacks of xenophobia have been on the rise, becoming an area of significant concern especially in the growing influx of foreigners in south africa. several elements are responsible for the xenophobic attacks witnessed in south africa over the past few years, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 32 notably the widespread attack in 2008 carried out by several south africans against african immigrants and local residents. (nel, j. 2005) the specific nature of such attacks, mostly aimed at foreigners, has an impact on community security and highlights the extent and nature of violence in south africa as a whole. considering the fact that south africa managed to emerge from decades of racial exclusion in the apartheid regime to equality and democratic recognition, it raises many questions why xenophobia should occur now in south africa? is that just a manifestation of racism? is it because xenophobia is common in societies undergoing transition? is it because of the liberal nature of south african foreign policy? is it only part of the historical dynamics of contemporary development? is this the result of cultural differences and inequalities in society? what, in fact, is the cause and effect and which is the best route for this problem? xenophobia is a crime against humanity that involves aspects such as dislike, fear, mistrust or intolerance of strangers, which are often expressed in the form of hostility towards outsiders. xenophobia is classified as a 'hate crime', defined as the extreme expression of prejudice through criminal acts committed against people, property, or even organizations, either because of the group they belong to or with whom they belong. recognize. this violent anti-foreigner practice is a worldwide problem, in large part due to the rapid globalization of societies, which is driving the migration of people, especially from developing and less developed countries in search of greener pastures. (hendricks, c. 2017) the emergence of south africa on top of decades of racial segregation and the transition to democracy is hailed and seen as the start of a new era and accompanied by high hopes. however, this transition is fraught with ambiguity, especially as the country is embroiled in a number of difficult issues that require urgent attention. since becoming a democratic society, south africa has been exposed to global developments, thus opening its doors and especially its economic sector to the world, and in turn paving the way for an influx of foreigners in search of work, trade opportunities, shelter (in the case of refugees), time leisure and education (visitors / tourists and students) etc. this influx of migrants was accompanied by xenophobic sentiment and hatred, practiced not only by the public, but also by government officials. in light of south africa's political, economic and social transformations and changes, its constitutional framework was adopted based on the principles of human rights, the achievement of equality and social justice, tolerance and non-discrimination, what remains clear is the fact that racial-based discrimination still prevails. these factors and others continue to present challenges facing south africa today. however, visualizing some of the challenges through the lens of xenophobic attitude, can be classified as socio-economic and political problems, resulting more specifically from the lack of service provision by government officials, among other reasons. (obademi, o. e. 2016) this problem is addressing the social and economic problems resulting from the apartheid atrocities. the following is a description of the situation of racism in post-apartheid south africa, especially in the economic, political and social fields of south africa. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 33 in economic field the most obvious motives put forward for the socio-economic causes of xenophobia are unemployment, poverty and inadequacy or lack of service delivery which are largely politically linked. unemployment is a social problem related to the situation of not having a job. poverty is a universal phenomenon and a culture-bound concept with various definitions. in addition, poverty connotes the occurrence of people living in deprivation due to insufficient income or lack of access to basic human needs such as food, clean water, sanitation, health, shelter, education and information. however, despite the high unemployment rate in south africa, the influx of foreigners has continued to increase; among them are legal and illegal immigrants and refugees fleeing war or instability in their own countries and in search of a better life. for example, many african countries are currently faced with socio-economic and political problems such as in neighboring zimbabwe. this has resulted in many zimbabweans and other africans coming to south africa in search of refuge and greener pastures, adding to the current pressure on already limited resources. (matsinhe, d. 2011) the mere fact of unemployment breeds poverty, which explains the dissatisfaction of the local population and their classification, and hostility to, foreigners as job thieves. they complain about degree holders roaming the streets without jobs because companies have given jobs to foreigners. regarding the social and economic factors of xenophobia, using the 'scapegoat' theory in which it is explained that feelings of dissatisfaction and frustration due to deprivation and poverty are linked to lack of resources and jobs, causing anger among the local population. filled with this anger and frustration, the locals, who make up the majority of the population, tend to seek targets to blame. in this case, foreigners who were truly a minority of the population became the scapegoats who were the targets of the fighting. this is especially so in light of the fact that they are perceived as a threat and as part of the cause of the hardships of the local population and their dangerous economic situation. coupled with the unemployment and poverty factors are also aspects of service delivery which, although it is a socio-economic cause, mostly come from the political sector. (burns, j. 2016) in political field the acute situation of xenophobia in south africa, especially with regard to the provision of insufficient services, is completely the responsibility of the government. while it is true that the needs of all can never be met, the government, although not directly blamed, has contributed to attacks on foreign nationals. this is because hostility as described by the human science research council (hsrc) is an expression of citizen frustration over the slow pace of service delivery, consultation, housing and administration in particular, as well as the corruption and humiliation of government officials, especially in the police and at the ministry of home affairs. (reilly, j. 2001) the inefficient service delivery system that has sparked socio-economic conflict in south africa has demonstrated the inability of the government to faithfully serve the people. in light of this, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 34 the government is also blamed for xenophobic attacks. whereas, most of the south african government departments tend to spend a small amount of the year budget which is allocated to them for the purpose of serving communities and bringing development to various communities. the joint parliamentary budget committee reported that eight government departments including 'internal affairs, health and transport' failed to provide the information requested by the committee in a timely manner. in terms of budget allocations, charges were filed against the national government department for not spending its capital expenditures. (neocosmos, m. 2018) according to the report, in the third quarter of the 2007/2008 financial year, eighteen departments had spent less than fifty percent and four less than twenty percent of the allocated resources. with the inability to manage financial allocations effectively by government departments, the government is also blamed for not taking seriously matters relating to job creation and economic development. other causes include structural or institutional discrimination, the ministry of home affairs' weakness to grant refugee status to asylum seekers, the presentation of illegal immigrants, and south african border issues. in this regard, questions arise about the attitude of the south african government towards foreign nationals, especially the way these foreigners are handled by the ministry of home affairs regarding their legal status. this involved the very slow processing of foreigners' applications for legal status where, in the end, the majority were denied refugee status. the delay by the ministry of home affairs has resulted in the unjustified arrest and detention of immigration refugees. moreover, in line with the political factors causing the ill-treatment of foreign nationals by south african societies is the strong disparity between the government and civil society. (matzopoulus, r. 2019) typically, the south african immigration act 2002 explicitly demonstrates the performance of immigration control within the highest applicable standards of human rights protection; as such, its integration policy mandates the government and civil society to work together to reduce xenophobia and ensure the implementation of proper immigration procedures. however, this did not happen because the relationship between the government and civil society had created an atmosphere of dissent and rebellion. the reason for this split is the unsatisfactory manner in which the ministry of home affairs and other government offices are responding to immigration issues, leading the public to believe they must take matters into their own hands against migrants. in addition, the majority of the south african population is not informed of the status of various migrants and a common misconception is that all immigrants come to south africa with the aim of benefiting from the country's comparative democratic and economic nature and political stability. (mcknight, j. 2017) looking at the political causes of xenophobia at the time, the main political question that arose was: "why are foreigners always the first target of the working class in times of economic journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 35 upheaval?". based on the mood of the working class, refugees are generally used as a political pendulum by the government. this is because they are hardworking and the government is usually patient with foreigners when the country's economy develops. however, when the economy is in decline, refugees are the easiest targets to blame. the political rationale for xenophobia is thus correlated with factors: the country's failure to achieve human development together with poor services and deteriorating infrastructure and continued poverty all give meaning to xenophobic attacks and the violence that accompanies them. this bottom line of all xenophobic practices in south africa by local residents and other communities has had serious implications for the country as a whole. these implications follow the line of socio-economic impacts and consequences. in social field the conflict that occurred between indigenous groups and immigrants where there has been a separation since the national ruling in south africa. for example, conflicts that occurred, such as the separation of settlements and the facilities and facilities received by natives and immigrants. after apartheid politics there are still social problems that arise in south africa. this is a very basic security problem as seen from the very high social crime rate. there is a social gap, such as in education that occurs in society, this occurs due to apartheid politics, black people do not get proper education than whites. in every social group there are always seeds of conflict between individuals and individuals, groups and groups, individuals or groups and the government. this conflict is usually nonphysical. but it can develop into a physical impact, violence and is not violent. likewise with the conflict that occurred in south africa. the conflict occurs for a variety of different causes. conflicts between social classes, namely conflicts that occur between different social classes, such as between the rich and the poor and others. (biekpe, n. 2018) based on the conceptual point of view of the causes of conflict, conflicts that occur in south africa are caused by differences between members of society, both physically and mentally, or differences in abilities, convictions and feelings, which cause conflicts or clashes between them. differences in social status: such as the gap between the rich and the poor, the old generation and the younger generation and the like. the conflict is also rooted in the domination relationship itself which basically already contains structural violence, because it is not an equal relationship, but is characterized by the dominant superiority of one party and dependence on the other. if this domination then results in direct repression by powerful parties in the social sphere, or too large differences in control of assets and economic income, then sooner or later resistance will emerge from those experiencing depression or dependence. following then a conflict between the party in control and the party who feels controlled, which if it escalates, can develop into violence. (peberdy, s. 2009) the success of immigrants in mastering various sectors of life both economically, education is said to be a "triggering social jealousy" factor. in the current context, the seeds of conflict that journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 36 have begun to grow in indigenous communities against the immigrants tend to point to the social disparities between the two, so that from this gap it creates jealousy. of course, this is a "trigger axis" for conflicts that can erupt at any time. if you look back, in the case of the conflict in south africa that has occurred so far, although many say that the cause is the issue of clashes between indigenous people and immigrants, this is then used as the reason that social jealousy is still attached to the community. (adjai, carol. 2010) conflict is a social symptom that always exists in social life, so that conflict is inherent, which means that conflict will always exist in every space and time, anywhere and anytime. in this view, society is an arena of conflict or an arena of ongoing conflict and integration. therefore, conflict is a symptom that always fills every social life. the things that encourage conflict and integration are the similarities and differences in social interests. in every social life there is not a single human being who has exactly the same thing, whether from the elements of ethnicity, interests, will, will, goals and so on. discussion apartheid politics is a politics in south africa that legalizes racism against the black race by the white race. apartheid politics occurred in francois malan's regime which he passed through law. this in turn led to restrictions and barriers to the rights of the black race. the black race was treated badly at that time. apartheid politics caused many bad consequences for the black race, such as the expulsion of the black race on a large scale from their homes and relocation in residential segregation. the black race did not just stand by. they fought many forms of resistance to try to fight for the rights of blacks and to eradicate apartheid politics. apartheid politics experienced by the black majority in south africa can be used as an experience for all of us to learn to love differences, recognize universal human rights and pluralism because all people are born free and equal in dignity and rights. therefore, distinguishing humans based on color, race or ethnicity is a rejection of this equation and also a form of injustice. as human beings with dignity, we are obliged to fight against racial discrimination based on skin color, against all forms of racial control, injustice and inhuman domination in order to uphold justice, freedom and equality. conclusion the background for the emergence of apartheid politics in south africa consists of three things, namely historical background, religious background and economic background. the historical background that led to the emergence of apartheid politics, has to do with the history of dutch (boer / afrikaner) settlement in south africa. the boers who settled in south africa were the first settlers to break away from their homeland and consider south africa their only homeland. they have the ambition to maintain the existence and supremacy of white people, so that their position as a minority group is not eliminated by the majority. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 37 religious background, due to the assumption that white people are god's chosen people and that black people are a race of very low value. this assumption was used by those who were pro apartheid, and supported by the dutch reformed church to legalize the apartheid ideology through false theological views. economic background, because the white government wanted to control the wealth of natural resources in south africa by exploiting the economy both for natural and human resources. apartheid politics in south africa in 1948-1990 was applied to various aspects of the life of the south african people, especially in the social, economic, political and educational fields. apartheid application in these fields is carried out by stipulating various kinds of racial regulations which are systematically institutionalized and set forth in discriminatory laws. the situation in south africa after apartheid. in the political field, there are ethnic clashes between black people, especially between the african national congress (anc) led by nelson mandela and the inkatha freedom party (ifp) led by mangosuthu buthelezi. in the economic field, the people of south africa live in poverty. in the social sphere, unemployment and crime have increased, illiteracy has increased, and most of the south african population has contracted aids. the south african government under the leadership of nelson mandela seeks to overcome the legacy of apartheid by seeking improvements or changes in the political, social and economic fields, as evidenced by granting political rights, seeking protection of workers' rights through social insurance, providing social assistance free to apartheid victims and trying to deal with socio-economic problems by forming an institution called the reconstruction and development program and forming a humanitarian commission called the truth and reconciliation committee led by bishop mpilo desmond tutu . the aim is to resolve political, social and ethnic conflicts through national reconciliation demonstrated by a process of forgiveness, advancing towards the development of a new, democratic, just, modern, united and harmonious south africa which is then followed up with rehabilitation efforts for the victims. thus, through national reconciliation and rehabilitation, inter-racial relations are restored and united to build a democratic south africa without distinction of color. national reconciliation is enforced, because the victory of democracy is not an arena for revenge for white citizens. national reconciliation means that both white and black people should live side by side peacefully, have the same rights and obligations as full citizens of south africa, thereby creating a situation that can support the achievement of peace in south africa and become members of an increasingly global citizen. civilized. the racial conflict in south africa then also attracted international attention. the practice of racism in south africa still exists today where they still consider racial and skin differences to be very strong and whites still feel they are superior to blacks. this has caused south africa to be underdeveloped in the economic, political and social fields. black people seemed to be other journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 38 people in their country, people of color seemed to be unwelcome guests. in addition, all workers other than white workers seem to be migrant workers in their own country. the reason for the persistence of racism in south africa is that the upholding of white supremacy is based on three factors: the need for cheap labor, the desire for social control, and the fear of rebellion. the government or those who have the power should in issuing the policy must express the public interest, not the interest of a group or group only and increase tolerance among people regardless of the background and race of a person or group. references adjai, c., & lazaridis, g. (2015). “migration, xenophobia and new racism in post-apartheid south africa”. international journal of social science studies, 1(1), 192–205. biekpe, n. (2018). “the economics of xenophobia”. africa growth agenda, july-september. pp 45. burns, j.k., (2016). “xenophobia-evolved ‘outgroup’ hatred or product of a toxic social environment?” in south africa journal of psychiatry (sajp) vol. 14 crompton, samuel willard. 2007. nelson mandela: ending apartheid in south africa. usa, chelsea house. engler, mark. (2003). morningside center for teaching social responsibility, “nelson mandela & the fight against apartheid” hendricks, c. and whiteman, k. (rapporteurs). (2017). “south africa in africa: the postapartheid decade”, cape town: centre for conflict resolution. lexy j. moleong, (2006). qualitative research methodology. bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya offset. hal.4 mas'oed, mochtar, (1990). international relations, disciplines and methodology. jakarta: lp3es. matsinhe, d. m. (2011). “africa’s fear of itself: the ideology of makwerekwere in south africa”. third world quarterly 32(2): 295–313. matzopoulos, r., corrigall, j. and bowman, b. (2019). “a health impact assessment of international migrants following the xenophobic attacks in gauteng and the western cape”. forced migration studies programme, university of the witwatersrand. mcknight, j. (2017). “through the fear: a study of xenophobia in south africa’s refugee system”. journal of identity and migration studies, vol. 2, no. 2, pp. 18-42. miles, b. matthew dan michael huberman. (1992). “qualitative data analysis resource book about new methods”. jakarta: uip. nel, j. (2005 )“hate crimes: a new category of vulnerable victims for a new south africa,” in davis, l. and snyman, r. (eds). victimology in south africa, pretoria: van schaik publishers, pp. 240-256. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 39 nell, i. (2009) ‘the tears of xenophobia: preaching and violence from a south african perspective,’ practical theology in south africa, vol. 24(2), pp. 229-247. neocosmos, m. (2018). “the politics of fear and the fear of politics: reflections on xenophobic violence in south africa”. journal of asian and african studies, 43(6), 586–94 obademi, o.e. & uadiale, o. m. (2016). “xenophobic killings in south africa and economic globalization: emerging issues,” xenophobia: a contemporary issue in psychology, london, zed books. reilly, j. (2001). “nation building and the construction of identity: xenophobia in south africa”. refuge, 19(6), 4–11. s., peberdy. (2009). “selecting immigrants: national identity and south africa’s immigration policies”. 1910-2008. wits university press: johannesburg savitri, imar. (2013). representation of the end of apartheid politics in clint eastwood's invictus film. bandung: unikom. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 367 the role of international cooperation in the eradication of money laundering in indonesia suhayatmi, ranty septiani, sarah nuraini, fitriani nur syahidah, serina nuryana, wemvi giannova international relations department faculty of social and political science universitas nasional suhayatmi@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : this research focused on the role of international cooperation in efforts to return to asset of money laundering resulting from corruption in indonesia. money laundering is an attempt to hide or disguise the origin of money or assets resulting from criminal acts through various financial transactions so that the money or assets appear as if they came from legal activities. money laundering as one of the transnational organized crimes often constrained by the legal system in force in the country where money laundering occurs. besides being difficult to track down the perpetrators, money from the proceeds of the crime is difficult to return to the country of origin of the crime. this article seeks to explain some of the roles that international cooperation in regulating various facilities to help each other in handling money laundering cases resulting from international crimes. this study uses a literature study method, where the author collects information relevant to the topic that is the object of research. the results of the study indicate that there are still several obstacles in implementing to return the asset of money laundering because the problem lies in seriousness of law enforcement in eradicating money laundering in indonesia. with seriousness in law enforcement, corruption cases can be eradicated, and asset recovery can be returned to the state which is in dire need of funds for development for the welfare of the people as mandated by the 1945 constitution. keywords : money laundering, transnational crime, corruption, asset recovery submission : july, 23rd 2022 revision : september 19th 2022 publication : november 30th 2022 mailto:suhayatmi@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 368 introduction as a crime, money laundering never stands alone. the act of disguising illicit money is confirmed to be a continuation of the predicate crime, hence the term no crime, no money laundering. one of the original crimes of money laundering which is becoming an issue of global crimes against humanity is corruption. money laundering is currently the easiest alternative for corruptors to save state assets that they have stolen from the state. whereas in every country the rules of legal sanctions against money laundering perpetrators are very heavy. in indonesia, the state has established a form of punishment for money laundering perpetrators or money laundering crimes (tindak pidana pencucian uang / tppu) which is regulated in articles 3-10 of law (uu) number 8 of 2010 concerning the prevention and eradication of money laundering. the punishment includes a maximum fine of rp100,000,000,000.00 (one hundred billion rupiah) as well as additional penalties, namely announcement of judge's decision, suspension of part or all the corporation's business activities, revocation of business license, dissolution and/or prohibition of the corporation, confiscation of the corporation's assets for the state, and the takeover of the corporation by the state. not only the perpetrators but those who helped can also be charged with this law. article 10 of law no. 8. 2010 states that any person within or outside the territory of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia who participates in conducting trials, assistance, or conspiracy to commit the crime of money laundering shall be subject to the same punishment as referred to in article 3, article 4 and article 5. in these articles, the perpetrator may be subject to a fine of idr 5 billion to idr 100 billion, respectively. uu on the prevention and eradication of the crime of money laundering has been enacted since october 22, 2010. law (uu) no. 8 of 2010 consists of 100 articles. law number 8 of 2010 through article 1 number 1 specifically defines the act of money laundering or money laundering. money laundering is any act that fulfills the elements of a criminal act by the provisions of this law. (ahmad yani, 2013) although the law is very clearly regulated and the sanctions and penalties are severe, money laundering is increasingly difficult to eradicate, especially with technological advances that make money laundering continue to transform rapidly, various modus operandi is carried out to deceive law enforcement officers. with just one click via a mobile phone, there is no need to carry cash when travelling abroad to anticipate the prohibition of carrying cash conspicuously because you must deal with customs officials. article 34 paragraph (1) of the anti-money laundering law, reads, "everyone who carries cash in rupiah and/or foreign currencies, and/or other payment instruments in the form of checks, traveler's checks, promissory notes, or billet at least rp100,000,000.00 (one hundred million rupiah) or its equivalent value into or out of the indonesian customs area is obligated to notify it”. that is why in carrying out money laundering actions, perpetrators of criminal acts of corruption usually spread the proceeds of their crimes to various account numbers on behalf of other people and transfer assets resulting from looting the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 369 state into forms such as insurance, investments, and others on behalf of other people who are abroad in the country.. what's more, not a few countries impose tax asylum or tax havens where they don't question where the funds that come in as investments come from, in other words, regardless of where the investors' money comes from, including the proceeds of crimes such as corruption. as a type of organized transnational crime, in its handling, money laundering is often constrained by the legal system in force in the country where money laundering occurs. besides being difficult to track down the perpetrators, money from the proceeds of the crime is difficult to return to the country of origin of the crime. money laundering or money laundering is one type of crime from organized crime which is a follow-up crime from other types of crime, one of which is corruption. the handling of corruption cases in indonesia has so far been more likely to prioritize the punishment of perpetrators of criminal acts of corruption rather than the return of state assets (w setiadi 2018). in indonesia, state losses due to corruption with replacement money are very striking. money instead of corruption is only 2,2% of state losses.(icw:2021) in icw's records throughout 2021, the country's return on assets from the proceeds of corruptors is still very, very minimal. the number of state losses due to corruption involving 1,404 defendants reached idr 62.9 trillion. however, the amount of restitution for state losses that the panel of judges sentenced to the accused perpetrators of corruption to pay replacement money was only around 2.2 percent or the equivalent of idr 1.4 trillion. according to icw's observations, the low rate of return on state losses is due to law enforcement on corruption cases as long as it shows the absence of an asset recovery perspective as stipulated in the tppu law. figure 1. comparison of state losses due to corruption and criminal reimbursement data source: icw 2021 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 370 the lightness of the obligation to recover state losses is even more ironic because even though the perpetrators have been tried in indonesia, a lot of money from corruption crimes has gone abroad through the money laundering process so the state is still at a loss. indonesia, like other countries in the world in general, continues to suffer losses due to the greed of corruptors who continue to carry out various deceptions in stealing state money. as reported by icw, the trend of state losses due to corruption has continued to increase in the last five years. of the 533 corruption cases involving law enforcement officers (aph), the total state losses incurred reached 29.4 trillion (icw:2022). figure 2 trend of case action and potential state losses due to corruption 2017-2021) indonesia is even labelled as the most corrupt country in the asia. as released in a report entitled 'global corruption barometer-asia' released by the global corruption index monitoring agency, transparency international, indonesia is the third most corrupt country in asia in 2020. india occupies the first and second positions while cambodia occupies the second position. this is indicated by the poor handling and eradication of corruption cases. indonesia corruption watch (icw) records state that 1,282 corruption cases were tried, with a total number of 1,404 defendants throughout 2021. this figure represents the number of cases heard at all court levels, including at the judicial review (pk) level. a total of 1,403 defendants who were tried throughout 2021, only 12 people were charged with the money laundering crime (tppu) article while the other defendants were charged with the state finance article or the bribery article. with the low number of defendants charged with the ml article journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 371 according to icw, law enforcement officers have proven not to be optimal in using the approach of confiscating state assets resulting from corruption crimes. icw considers prison sentences to be ineffective if they do not touch the recovery of state assets, one of which is by applying the tppu law.. as released by transparency international indonesia in january 2021, indonesia's corruption perception index (cpi) ranks 98 out of 180 countries in the world. indonesia has a score of 38, which is still below the global average score of 43. according to the independent agency, indonesia is number two after thailand as the most corrupt country in south-east asia. as quoted from the official website of the corruption eradication commission, transparency international indonesia (tii), in the previous year, recorded people's money in the practice of the apbn and apbd, which evaporated by about 30-40 percent due to corruption. corruption crime practices occur 70 percent in the procurement of goods and services by the government. (aclc kpk, 2020). state financial losses due to corruption according to icw (2017-2021) figure 3 the potential value of state losses due to corruption cases based on icw corruption verdict trends 2021 resource : icw from the graph published by icw above, it can be seen that the potential value of state losses due to corruption cases based on the trend of icw's corruption convictions between 2017 and 2021 has continued to increase, indeed it has experienced a decline in 2018 and 2019. however, from 2020 to 2021 there has been a very large spike. significant. it was noted that the potential value of state losses due to corruption cases based on the trend of corruption verdicts in 2017 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 372 amounted to idr 29,419 billion, 2018 decreased to idr 9,290 billion and increased to idr 12 billion in 2019 then experienced a drastic jump in 2020 to idr 56,289 billion and continues increase until 2021, reaching idr 62 billion. the practice of corruption continues to grow, along with the notion of corruption itself which also continues to grow to this day. however, robert klitgaard views corruption, which is more typical for public officials or state officials, as an act of using office to "obtain" personal gain. according to robert klitgaard, historically the concept he put forward refers to political behavior. according to him, the word corruption creates a series of evil images (hafidz, 2015: 4). the word means anything that destroys wholeness. a relevant theory because the widespread practice of corruption can worsen the nation's economic condition. as quoted from the official website of the kpk anti-corruption education center, corruption, in general, can result in high prices for good-faith poor quality, people's access to education and health becomes difficult, a country's security is threatened, environmental damage, and a bad image of the government in the eyes of the international community. thus, destabilizing the foundations of confidence in the owners of foreign capital, a prolonged economic crisis, and the country becoming increasingly mired in poverty. as a white-collar crime, corruption has harmed the foundations of democracy, not only in indonesia and developing countries and even in developed countries. because it is a transnational crime that does not only affect one country, but that is also why the international commitment is needed to jointly fight money laundering, this is marked by the existence of various international cooperation ranging from multilateral, regional to bilateral. the topic of research regarding the role of international cooperation in handling money laundering cases as an effort to return state assets that have been stolen by corruptors is significant because this transnational crime continues to grow rapidly in line with technological advances, especially in the field of financial technology in the era of globalization. law enforcement against corruption cases is often difficult because the perpetrators run away and transfer assets resulting from corruption to other countries. (romli atmasasmita; 2005) corruption which was originally national has developed into a transnational crime. so international cooperation is needed, especially to return corruption to the state treasury.romli atmasasmita, et al in his book entitled analysis & evaluation of corruption investigation & investigation law-bphn (2005, p. 49) states that basically, the existence of transnational crime is a negative effect of the era of globalization. criminal offenders from one country will easily take advantage of technological progress and sophistication to divert money from corruption outside the jurisdiction of the indonesian state. thus, the researcher is of the view that this research is important because it considers corruption now not only in the national scope but also at the international level. so that a comprehensive study is needed about the role of various international cooperation agreements in saving asset recovery of state journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 373 money resulting from the corruption that has been disguised through the money laundering crime (tppu). as for academic contributions, this research is intended to confirm the theory of transnational crime as stated in the theory of john r. wagley in his book transnational organized crime: principal threats and u.s. responses, congressional research service, the library of congress, 2006 explains that conceptually, transnational crime means a crime or crime that crosses national borders. money laundering as a further criminal process of corruption has involved perpetrators from more than one country, crossing national borders because the perpetrators channelled illicit money from the proceeds of their corruption crimes to other countries. this is relevant to the concept of asset recovery or also known as return on assets (roa) which was put forward by mathew fleming in his book entitled asset recovery and it is impact on criminal behavior (2005) regarding asset recovery is the process of criminal actors being revoked, confiscated. deprived of their rights from the proceeds of a crime. in conducting this research, the authors identified 5 problems, including the trend of corruption cases in indonesia continues to increase from year to year so the state losses incurred are also increasing. law enforcement is still low so that perpetrators of corruption can easily escape while escaping assets resulting from corruption abroad through money laundering. the rate of return on state losses return on assets (roa) or asset recovery of money corrupted by corruptors is still very low. as a follow-up crime from other crimes, money laundering has become a transnational crime that continues to increase globally. advances in financial technology make money laundering categorized as a financial crime that is growing rapidly and becomes a problem for all nations. global cooperation in handling money laundering cases has not been an effective solution in restoring state losses or asset recovery. however, the author will only focus on discussing international cooperation in handling money laundering cases that are associated with the return of state losses on return on assets because there is still a low rate of return on state money resulting from corruption in indonesia so that even though the perpetrators have been sentenced to prison, the state is still at a disadvantage. half-stepping law enforcement only punishes the perpetrators but does not optimally restore state losses that have already been transferred to other countries through money laundering. although there is a lot of international cooperation in handling money laundering cases, especially those originating from corruption, the problems related to the pursuit of the perpetrators and their assets are still difficult to resolve. the absence of an extradition treaty and mutual legal assistance (mla) is often considered to be the main cause of the failed pursuit of the perpetrators and their assets abroad. apart from the two agreements, various multilateral and regional cooperation agreements in handling money laundering cases have been agreed upon and even ratified. on the other hand, even though there are extradition agreements and mla with certain countries, money laundering proceeds from the crime of corruption are journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 374 still difficult to eradicate, at least suppressed so that return on assets (roa) can be carried out and asset recovery or asset recovery to the state treasury can be made. optimally improved compared to the present. many perpetrators of corruption fled and took away the assets they got from this immoral behavior through money laundering abroad. the complexity of the issue of money laundering cases as an organized transnational crime raises research questions to what extent international cooperation can handle cases of money laundering resulting from corruption so that state losses can be reduced. the purpose of this study is to identify why the crime of money laundering resulting from corruption which was originally only a problem in a developing country has become a global problem. analyzing the effectiveness of various forms of cooperation ranging from bilateral, regional, and multilateral in dealing with money laundering cases, and aims to contribute ideas to the world of research, especially for international relations (ir) practitioners. literature review transnational crime crimes that cross the borders of a country are known as transnational crimes, while transnational crimes within the multilateral scope are called transnational organized crime (toc). this concept was first introduced internationally in the era of the 1990s at a united nations meeting that discussed the prevention of transnational crime. crime is a violation of law that involves more than one country in its planning, implementation, or impact. this offense is distinguished from other crimes in its multinational nature, which poses unique problems in understanding its causes, developing prevention strategies, and promoting effective adjudication procedures. 5 the scope of transnational crime certainly involves between countries, not just two countries. that is why international crimes are solved by using the approach of international legal sources. nothing facilitates the emergence of transnational crime, but three main factors facilitate, among others, namely: (a) globalization of the economy; (b) the increasing number of immigrant heterogeneity (c) the rapid development of communication technology. (zulkarnain-irma indrayani 2019) john r. wagley in his book transnational organized crime: principal threats and u.s. responses, congressional research service, the library of congress, 2006 explains that conceptually, transnational crime means a crime or crime that crosses national borders. this concept was first introduced internationally in the era of the 1990s in the eighth united nations congress on the prevention of crime and the treatment of offenders. previously, the term that had developed earlier was organized crime. even wagley stated that previously there was no single accepted definition of transnational organized crime. in 1994, researchers defined "transnational crime" to include offenses whose initiation, prevention, and/or direct or indirect effects involved more than one country. in the book published in 2006, wagley stated that he believes transnational organized crime networks vary greatly in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 375 structure, strength, size, geographical reach, and the scope and diversity of their operations (john r. wagley: 2006). examples of organize crimes include money laundering, drug smuggling, illegal business, human trafficking, and others. money laundering money laundering or in indonesia also known as the crime of money laundering (tppu) according to the opinion expressed by sutan remy syahrani is a series of activities that are processes carried out by a person or organization against illicit money, namely money originating from crime, with the intent to hide data and disguise the origin of the money from the government or the competent authority to take action by inserting money into the financial system, either by utilizing a bank or non-bank services. these institutions include the stock exchange, insurance, and foreign exchange trading so that the money can be removed from the financial system as halal money (sultan remi syahrani, 2004). in simple terms, money laundering is a transnational crime practice in the form of laundering hot or dirty money (dirty money). to clean up the money is placed (placement) in a bank or a certain place for a while before finally being transferred to another place (layering), for example through the purchase of shares in the capital market, foreign exchange transfers, or the purchase of an asset. money laundering is generally defined as a process carried out to change the proceeds of crime such as the proceeds of corruption, crime, narcotics, gambling, smuggling, and other serious crimes so that the proceeds of the crime appear to be the result of legitimate activities because their origins have been disguised or hidden. return on asset (roa) or asset recovery concept return on assets asset recovery or also known as return on assets (roa) is defined as the return of profits to the community as the party most entitled to state finances. there are three important things according to mathew fleming in interpreting asset recovery, namely, first, returning assets means removing assets from the hands of actors who do not have rights. second, seizing and eliminating the proceeds of crime. third, confiscation, disappearance, and revocation are carried out so that assets cannot be used to commit other crimes (mahmud, 2020). however, according to mathew fleming, in the international world, there is no agreed uniform understanding of asset return. (yanuar, 2015: 102). the three theories above, namely transnational crime, money laundering, and the conception of asset recovery, we use to study the topic of this research. with consideration because it is most relevant in seeing how corruption and money laundering are transnational crimes. a transnational crime that continues to grow rapidly requires global handling, namely through the establishment of international cooperation that leads to the goal of returning assets that have been transferred to other countries. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 376 international cooperation since the beginning, the study of international relations is a process of observing phenomena caused by the interaction of international politics that creates cooperation. cooperation is formed as a result of the art of communication from the behavior of the actors involved in responding or providing choices that can be made by the actors in responding to the choices of other actors. international cooperation is a collaborative relationship between entities to work towards a common goal through a mutually agreed division of labor. at the country level, this means engaging under government leadership with national stakeholders and external partners including international development agencies in developing, implementing and monitoring the country's own development strategy. international cooperation aimed at improving the way developing countries manage their disaster risks is critical to human development and progress, because nothing undermines sustainable development like disasters. international cooperation is general in terms of both actors and issues. cooperation occurs not only among individuals but also among collective entities, including corporations, political parties, ethnic organizations, terrorist groups, and nation-states. international cooperation can also involve other actors, especially intergovernmental organizations (igos) and nongovernmental organizations (ngos). these various actors work together for different purposes in different problem areas, such as intergovernmental organizations working with countries to combat global environmental problems, companies colluding to monopolize markets, ngos campaigning to save whales, and so on. finally, international cooperation is not always a good thing, at least from the perspective of those who are excluded or targeted. for example, international sanctions involve co-operation against target countries (martin, 1992; drezner, 1999), and commodity cartels often harm consumer countries. (dai, x., snidal, d., & sampson, m. 2017). in conducting the study of research topics, researchers have conducted various literature studies to enrich the research results. among them are the interesting findings of an article entitled corruption and anti-money-laundering systems: putting a luxury good to work which is a research work from j.c. sharman and david chaikin. the two researchers argue that corrupt behavior covers a much broader range of actions than money laundering, and thus is less acceptable with a simple definition. sharman and david conclude that there is something incongruous about policies that are inevitable in developing countries because of the atrocities of corruption in touching the capital invested in eradicating corruption through the anti money laundering (aml) system. this is an almost ironic policy discrepancy in developing countries. many countries suffer greatly from corruption but fail to capitalize on the investments they have made in anti-money laundering systems that can help eradicate corruption. whereas financial intelligence and provisions for confiscation of assets have great use in following the trail of money in money laundering cases, especially in cases of corruption (sharman, j. c., chaikin, d. 2009). however, sharman and chaikin did not discuss the specifics abo the role of international journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 377 treaties. the next literature is the findings of rina amelia haryadi, et al, which were published in 202. the results of the study with the title diplomacy from indonesia to serbia in the extradition of maria pauline lumowa in 2019-2020. from this article, without an extradition treaty with serbia, the indonesian government can extradite maria pauline lumowa. his writing focuses more on the diplomatic efforts of the perpetrators of the rp1.7 trillion bni burglary that occurred in 2002. according to rina, et al., diplomacy has become an important force in pursuing corruptors who have fled or fled their assets resulting from corruption abroad. the success of law enforcement officials in bringing maria paulina lumowa home after 17 years on the run in serbia proves that, if we are serious about the bilateral agreement in the form of extradition and mla, indonesian law enforcement officers can pursue corruptors who have fled abroad. the success of this diplomacy cannot be separated from the role of the 2003 uncac international convention which contains a commitment that every country must have good intentions to support each other in eradicating corruption crimes that harm the country. maria pauline lumowa was the perpetrator of the rp1.7 trillion bni burglary that occurred in 2002. pauline acted by applying for a loan on behalf of pt gramarindo to get a loan from bni using a fake letter of credit (l/c). when she was about to be named a suspect in 2003, maria fled to singapore and failed to be extradited, and then settled in the netherlands. at that time, the arrest of maria pauline lumowa was in the spotlight and was assessed by various groups including legal observers as an effort to divert the issue of the e-ktp case involving djoko chandra which was under intense scrutiny because law enforcement officials were considered negligent in the case. the third piece of literature is a journal entitled international agreements in returning assets proceeds from corruption in indonesia, which is research by jamin ginting. the author thinks that international agreements are an important requirement in efforts to make an effective return of assets resulting from corruption brought abroad. mutual legal assistant (mla) and extradition are forms of international agreements that are more often used in various countries based on an understanding of the return of assets. not only these provisions but there are several international provisions such as the united nations conventions against corruption (uncac 2003) that need to be adopted in the existing legislation in indonesia to make asset recovery effective. according to ginting, the government needs to increase international agreements through mla and extradition with countries where the assets are to be placed to make the return of assets resulting from corruption more effective. making regulations that support the implementation of mla and extradition such as ratifying the draft law on asset seizure which regulates the custody, management, and return of assets. establishing an independent institution or body that carries out the task of managing and returning confiscated goods and confiscations of criminal acts of corruption that has the authority to receive and store confiscated goods, not only objects but money in accounts, manage the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 378 money or assets, and return them to the state or victims of criminal acts. this institution or agency must be independent and directly accountable to the president and carry out duties as the central authority. indeed, jamin ginting's article entitled international cooperation agreements in returning assets proceeds from corruption in indonesia is the closest article to what was studied by the researcher. however, ginting only focuses on the united nations convention against corruption (uncac) as a 2003 un convention. from the existing studies, according to the author's view, there is still a research gap between previous studies that have not specifically discussed multilateral, regional, and bilateral approaches in handling cases of money laundering illicit money resulting from corruption. conceptual framework starting from a national crime with national law enforcement regulations, corruption has developed into an organized transnational crime. the existence of the practice of money laundering from and spreading into transnational crimes has made transnational crimes a common enemy of the global world. to handle it takes collaboration and commitment together. the eradication of money laundering as a type of transnational organized crime has become a contemporary issue in the discussion of the study of international relations. several cooperation agreements have been initiated through multilateral, regional, and bilateral cooperation approaches. the global community fights money laundering through various organizations such as the signing of the uncac in 2003. the united nations, world bank, and international monetary fund also have anti-money laundering divisions. likewise, the financial action task force (fatf) was born. in addition, there are many regional asean and bilateral organizations that are actively trying to combat money laundering. even though the recovery of assets is difficult for the perpetrators of money laundering crimes, the efforts made by law enforcement continue to be carried out. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 379 figure 4 : international cooperation agreement in handling cases of money laundering proceeds of corruption in indonesia methods the research approach used by the author in this study is to use a qualitativedescriptive research approach. that is the type of research used to explain a phenomenon or social reality. qualitative research itself is descriptive research and focuses on analysis. according to lisa harrison and theresa callan: the generally accepted view of qualitative research is that it is based on an interpretive (and natural) approach, and tries to understand why people see actions, values, and beliefs. and decisions, as they did themselves. the research techniques used in qualitative research include interviews, focus group discussions (fgd), observation, documentary analysis, and case studies. substantively qualitative research: includes research and collection of various kinds of empirical material such as case studies, personal experiences, introspective, life stories, interviews, and observational, historical, interactional, and visual texts that describe events significant routine and problematic events in an individual's life. qualitative research has been known since the 1960s and is often called an alternative method. according to the author, this method is appropriate because it can start with angel takers from the public first and then become more detailed and focused. the purpose of qualitative research, according to kriyantono, is to explain a phenomenon in an in-depth way by collecting the deepest data to show the importance of the depth and detail of the data being studied (rahmat kriyantono, 2015) the author uses this theory as a guide in focusing research based on facts in the field through collecting data from various sources which are then presented in a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 380 logical and simple description because this method emphasizes the process and meaning. with this method, the author can explore more in obtaining data from various valid and credible sources. the researcher uses the literature review research method or literature review. literature review, literature research is research that examines or critically reviews knowledge, ideas, or findings contained in the body of academic-oriented literature and formulates theoretical and methodological contributions to certain topics. in preparing the research, the author uses secondary data, namely data obtained from documentation materials and other related written materials from journals, books, articles, and other reading materials related to international agreements related to money laundering crimes as further criminal acts of corruption cases. data collection in compiling this study, researchers conducted library research to collect 'data collection' data from secondary sources. the secondary data used are data obtained from documentation materials and other related written materials originating from journals, books, articles and other reading materials concerning international agreements related to money laundering crimes as a follow-up crime of corruption case. the usefulness of data (after being processed and analyzed) is as an objective basis in the process of making decisions/policies in order to solve problems by decision makers (situmorang, 2010). qualitative research is carried out with in-depth research and involves various sources of information, doctors, and case themes. (john creswell, 2013) we collect data, among others, by reviewing theories, literature reviews that already exist, both in the form of scientific journals, books, presentation materials in scientific forums such as online seminars with expert speakers in their fields. such as the webinar themed 'transnational crime; money launderin'g organized by the international relations study program, fisip national university in april 2022. in addition, the authors also collect data from relevant ministries/institutions as the indonesian government authorities tasked with handling money laundering cases, especially those originating from corruption crimes such as the corruption eradication commission (kpk) and ngos that are concerned in criticizing corruption cases in indonesia such as transparency international indonesia (tii) indonesia corruption watch (icw). researchers also conducted a study of state documents, especially law no. 8 of 2010 concerning money laundering, in particular the article related to the authority given by this law to law enforcement officials (aph) to carry out international cooperation in the process of returning assets resulting from corruption crimes transferred abroad through the money laundering process. the 2003 uncac convention document which has been signed and ratified by a number of countries including indonesia as the legal umbrella for international cooperation in the pursuit of perpetrators and the return on assets of return on assets from the proceeds of money laundering crimes is important data to be traced. the data and information presented through trusted news portals in the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 381 digital era as it is today also do not escape the author's study as an effort to enrich research material. result and discussion multilateral cooperation in handling money laundering cases resulting from the corruption observing the complexity of money laundering cases which are growing rapidly, especially with the support of modern technological developments in the era of globalization, each country must cooperate with other countries. the cooperation carried out by indonesia and other countries are motivated by a common view and goal that money laundering is a crime that involves crossborders that do not only affect one country but two or more countries. (tiurma deborah; 2018) to deal with this, various initiatives have arisen due to transnational organized crime, among others, which will be explained in this sub-chapter. first, it will begin with a discussion of cooperation between these countries, namely agreements at the international level, namely the un convention against corruption (uncac) 2003. uncac 2003 as an international convention seeks to regulate the mechanism for returning assets resulting from corruption crimes that spread to money laundering. money laundering is a transnational crime. to overcome the crime of money laundering, the united nations agreed to issue the united nations conventions against illegal traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances (vienna drug convention 1988). along with the development of this crime of money laundering, ratification occurred at the 1988 vienna drug convention which later gave birth to the un united nations convention against corruption (uncac) on october 31, 2002. in addition to uncac, to regulate this international cooperative relationship, ftaf (the financial action task force) was established. fatf (financial action task force), through bilateral agreements in handling cases of money laundering proceeds of corruption such as signing extradition cooperation and mutual assistance system cooperation in criminal matters mutual legal assistance or commonly abbreviated as mla. meanwhile, at the regional level, namely asean, asean political-security community cooperation is established which is funded by the establishment of forums and agreements such as apg (the asia / pacific group on money laundering). as stated by asean cooperation in tackling transnational crime is directed through the exchange of information, law enforcement, and the development of human resource training programs. (; tuti nurhati: 2018) efforts made in this international collaboration are carried out by providing information about the existence of suspected assets in other countries by making agreements in the form of memorandums of understanding (mou), multi legal assistance (mla), and extradition. (indra, p. anak agung gde; 2007). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 382 un convention uncac 2003, before 1986, money laundering was not a crime. in the 1980s, millions of proceeds from crimes went into the legal and economic business (corruption). the collective agreement that money laundering is a crime was established by the united nations at the vienna convention on december 19, 1988, and was established on november 11, 1990, however, it was only in 1997 that 136 countries ratified it and 13 countries did not agree to ratify it. because money laundering is often a follow-up crime from corruption cases. this effort to tackle global corruption then continued with the signing of the united nations convention in 2003 against corruption through the united nations convention against corruption (uncac). the birth of uncac was accepted by the un general assembly on 31 october 2002 through un high school resolution a/58/4. to date, of the 140 countries that have signed it, 107 of them have submitted themselves as countries marked by ratification. the convention which came into force on december 14, 2005, is the first legally binding global anti-corruption agreement, which is a legally binding agreement on anti-corruption. uncac is a commitment that every country supports each other, especially in efforts to recover assets that are the results of corruption crimes that have been carried out by money laundering. returning state loss assets is one of several important objectives behind the emergence of the uncac cooperation agreement pioneered by the united nations in 2003. for several other objectives, namely, to promote and strengthen measures to prevent and eradicate corruption more efficiently and effectively. promote, facilitate and support international cooperation and technical assistance in the prevention and eradication of corruption. promote integrity, accountability, and proper management of public affairs and public property. as stipulated in the uncac, the asset recovery stage consists of (1) identification and tracing, (2) legal proceedings, and (3) asset confiscation. however, the method of tracking assets cannot be implemented optimally, as well as the application of mutual legal assistance (mla) which is often not optimal because the process is long, the response is slow, the success rate is low, coordination is weak, the reputation for secrecy is determined by the bank where the results of money laundering are stored, the delay is bid processes and substandard auction pricing and other issues. (sukardi; 2020). as corruption is increasingly transnational and often involves the use of shell companies and other opaque corporate vehicles, jurisdictions are therefore required to mandate public disclosure of the ultimate owners of all legal entities to avoid safe havens that can be abused for corruption. indonesia is the 57th country to sign uncac on 18 december 2003 by ratifying it through law no. 7 of 2006 concerning the ratification of the united nations uncac on 18 april 2006. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 383 fatf (financial action task force) the financial action task force (fatf) is an intergovernmental body created at the 1989 g7 meeting in paris by ministers in its member jurisdictions. the fatf aims to set standards and promote the effective implementation of legal, regulatory, and operational measures to combat money laundering, terrorist financing, and other related threats to the integrity of the international financial system. at the beginning of its formation, fatf only had 16 members and continued to grow until in march 2019 there were 38 members. the establishment fatf (financial action task force) is an institution that provides international standards in matters of the financial system. fatf has the function of developing and disseminating policies to eradicate money laundering and processing assets/assets from criminal acts in concealing their illegal origins. the international financial institutions anti-corruption task force consists of the world bank, international monetary fund, african development bank, asian development bank (adb), european investment bank, and european bank for reconstruction and development. the agencies jointly released a uniform framework for preventing and combating fraud and corruption on september 17, 2006. indonesia is one of the countries included in one country that are members of the fatf. however, since june 2001, indonesia has been included on the blacklist, which is categorized as a non-cooperative countries and territories (ncct). indonesia only legalized the issue of money laundering on april 17, 2002. currently, indonesia has only become a member of the asia/pacific group on money laundering (apg), which is one of the fatf-style regional bodies (frbs). as for the fatf, indonesia is still an observer and is seeking indonesia's full membership in the fatf. indonesia's membership in the fatf is driven by the fact that indonesia is a g20 member country that is not yet a member of the fatf, as well as to benefit from being a member of the fatf. currently, indonesia is the only country in the g20 that is not a permanent member of the fatf. this is an important matter for indonesia, which has major economic power in the world. by participating in the fatf membership, indonesia can participate and even further contribute to the process of making strategic policies that can determine the international financial system. indonesia's full membership efforts to become a permanent member of the financial action task force (fatf) or a global anti-money laundering organization started in 2016. fatf, the implementation of a high-level visit between the fatf president and the heads of the relevant ministries/institutions, to the determination of indonesia's status as an observer in the fatf plenary on 29 june 2018. indonesia only obtained the status of a fatf observer country in june 2019 but has not yet become a full member. the process of indonesia's membership in the fatf is still ongoing, namely through indonesia's success in the mutual evaluation review (mer) of indonesia by the fatf from 2019 to 2020 (ojk, 2019). on july 19, 2022, the mutual evaluation review (mer) assessor team conducted a direct site vision in indonesia. the assessment team which is journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 384 representative of 9 countries provides an assessment according to indonesia's request to become a permanent member or become a full member of the financial action task force (fatf). indonesia's compliance in implementing anti-money laundering and terrorism financing provisions on the part of reporters, regulators, and law enforcement will be the main assessment material. reporting parties include banks and other financial service institutions. meanwhile, the regulators include ojk, bi, and bapepti. for law enforcement parties, including the prosecutor's office, kpk, bnn, bnpt, and densus 88. it is planned that the report on the results of the site visit while in indonesia will be sent by the assessor team to the financial authorities in indonesia for examination and further results will be discussed in the fatf forum in early 2023. multilateral cooperation agreements are a form of global commitment in dealing with money laundering cases, which are transnational organized crimes. there are many positive benefits if indonesia becomes part of global cooperation because it is very possible between countries to exchange information and data to prevent money laundering. asean political-security community the magnitude of the impact of corruption cases which are then followed by money laundering actions as an act of saving assets or recovery carried out by corruptors is not only a problem in indonesia. this is also a serious problem faced by countries in south east asia. in the spirit of one vision, one identity, one community, various agreements, and cooperation in handling security have been carried out at the asean level. the cooperation that is still within the framework of the asean security pillars (asean political-security community) includes the asean declaration on the prevention and control of transnational crime manila, philippines, 20 december 1997. within asean itself, transnational crime has been widely discussed in asean. political-security community (apsc) and discussed in the work program to implement the asean plan of action to combat transnational crime (2010-2012). the asean ministerial meeting on transnational crime (ammtc), which is part of the pillars of the asean security community, is a testament to the seriousness of the member countries of this regional organization in dealing with transnational crime, which is not developing in line with technological advances. ease of cooperation between countries can be carried out provided that each country has an anti-money laundering law, there is a common understanding of the crime of money laundering, there is an extradition agreement between the members involved, has an extensive information network that includes not only information about money laundering crimes, but also the crimes behind it. however, this cooperation forum at the asean level often clashes with the laws and sovereignty of each country. ammtc cannot intervene in the sovereignty of each country considering that security issues are one of the sensitive issues of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 385 asean countries. the large number of corruptors in indonesia who fled their wealth to singapore is one proof that various opportunities for bilateral cooperation cannot work properly. returning assets resulting from corruption to the state treasury is an important indicator of success in efforts to eradicate corruption in indonesia. the trend of corruption that crosses countries and involves many actors makes asset recovery difficult. the mechanism for returning assets regulated in the laws and regulations for eradicating criminal acts of corruption and the criminal procedure code is too simple and still conventional, making it impossible to return assets effectively and efficiently. (ridwan arifin, et al; 2016). this can be seen from the case involving sjamsul nursalim and itjih s nursalim, the perpetrators of the corruption crime of misappropriation of blbi funds, which caused state losses of idr 4.58 trillion. in 2019 the corruption eradication commission (kpk) included the two names on the people wanted list (dpo). the kpk, which at that time received information that sjamsul nursalim and itjih s nursalim had become permanent citizens of singapore. then, the kpk coordinated with the corrupt practices investigation bureau (cpib) or the singapore kpk to bring the two back to indonesia. however, this effort was not successful, sjamsul nursalim and his wife itjih s. nursalim were not cooperative with the kpk summons. not only that, the government's efforts through the ministry of finance to confiscate assets in the form of land in lampung are not comparable to state losses due to the actions of the perpetrators, especially since those concerned are also known to have rp. 517.7 billion. to run effectively, indonesia needs to adapt its laws and regulations with universally applicable principles and standards as stated in uncac 2003. bilateral agreements in handling cases of money laundering proceeds of corruption money laundering as a type of transnational organized crime (toc) is a form of crime that poses a serious threat to global security and prosperity considering its nature involving more than one country (indonesian ministry of foreign affairs: 2019). in addition to creating multilateral and regional mechanisms, as an effort to tackle this crime, a bilateral cooperation approach was also implemented between the two countries. in practice, efforts to deal with money laundering are carried out through the same mechanism, namely international cooperation in money laundering cases for all cases, namely through mla and extradition mechanisms. (sukardi;2022) extradition treaty in the pursuit of perpetrators of criminal acts of corruption and their assets who were taken abroad, the indonesian government also carries out bilateral cooperation with various countries, namely through extradition agreements. extradition is part of the 2003 un convention which is regulated in more detail and becomes an instrument in dealing with corruption globally. extradition according to indonesian national law in chapter 1 general provisions article 1 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 386 law no. 1 of 1979 concerning the extradition treaty in indonesia is defined as a surrender by a country to a country requesting the surrender of a person who is suspected or convicted of committing a crime outside the territory of the submitting country and within the jurisdiction of the territory of the country requesting the surrender is authorized to try and criminalize him. the law related to extradition in indonesia was first issued by president sukarno with the inauguration of law number 1 of 1979 concerning extradition in jakarta, through the state gazette of the republic of indonesia of 1979 no. 2 and the explanation in the supplement to the state gazette of the republic of indonesia number 3130. in its implementation, extradition is based on bilateral or regional agreements between related countries, but if there is no agreement, extradition is carried out based on the principle of reciprocity. table : indonesia's extradition agreements with several countries no state agreement signing year ratification 1 indonesiamalaysia treaty between the government of the republic of indonesia and the government of malaysia relating to extradition 1974 uu no. 9 year 1974 2 indonesiafilipina extradition treaty between the republic of indonesia and the republic of the philipines 1976 uu no. 10 year 1976 3 indonesiathailand treaty between the government of the republic of indonesia and the government of the kingdom of thailand relating to extradition 1976 uu no. 2 year 1978 4 indonesiaaustralia extradition treaty between australia and the republic of indonesia 1992 uu no. 8 year 1994 5 indonesia-hong kong agreement between the government of the of the republic of indonesia and the 1997 uu no. 1 year 2001 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 387 government of hong kong for surrender of fugitive offenders 6 indonesia-korea selatan treaty on extradition between the republic of indonesia and the reoublic of korea 2000 uu no. 42 year 2007 7 indonesiasingapura treaty on extradition between the republic of indonesia and singapore 2007 in process of ratification table 1 indonesia's extradition agreements with several countries resource: icw 2020 since the enactment of the extradition treaty law, indonesia has had extradition treaties with several countries, namely: malaysia in 1974; the philippines in 1976; thailand in 1978; australia in 1992; hong kong and south korea in 1997 and singapore in 2007 which were then extended again in 2022 because they have not been ratified by both parties. indonesia's extradition treaty with singapore was signed on january 25, 2022, in bintan, riau islands. the extradition agreement was signed by the indonesian minister of law and human rights (menkumham) yasonna h. laoly and the minister of home affairs and singapore's minister of law k. shanmugam and witnessed by indonesian president joko widodo (jokowi) and singaporean prime minister (pm) lee hsien loong. (seskab, 2022) in the contents of the extradition agreement, the types of criminal acts included in it consist of 31 types including corruption, money laundering, bribery, banking, narcotics, terrorism, and financing activities related to terrorism. in addition, this agreement is retroactive which means that the enactment of the legislation is earlier than the time of its promulgation, which is 18 years in advance following the provisions on the maximum expiration of cases as regulated in the indonesian criminal law. efforts for an extradition treaty between indonesia and singapore have been carried out since 1998 by the indonesian government at every opportunity, both in bilateral and regional meetings with the singapore government, but it was only realized in 2007 at the tampaksiring palace, bali. the indonesia-singapore extradition treaty was signed by the indonesian minister of foreign affairs, hassan wirajuda, and singapore's foreign minister george yeo. present on the occasion were indonesian president susilo bambang yudhoyono and singaporean pm lee hsien loong. however, the agreement has not been implemented because it has not been ratified the agreement. the indonesia-singapore extradition agreement is experiencing problems in it because the governments of indonesia and singapore have agreed that the ratification of the extradition agreement is carried out in parallel with the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 388 ratification of the indonesia-singapore security cooperation agreement. during its development, commission i of the indonesian house of representatives for the 2004-2009 period in a working meeting with the indonesian foreign minister on june 25, 2007, refused to ratify the security cooperation agreement that had been signed so that it had an impact on the ratification process of the indonesia-singapore extradition treaty. this is based on singapore's desire to use the extradition treaty as a tool to pressure indonesia regarding the defense cooperation agreement (dca). through dca, singapore pressured indonesia to use indonesian territory to become singapore's military training base, in return singapore would ratify the extradition treaty. (a.s. wicaksana et al, 2016). so far, singapore is one of the favorite destinations for corruptors to escape from. this is based on several reasons, which are first, geographical proximity. according to a report by indonesia corruption watch (icw), from 2004 to 2014, there were at least 45 corruptors who fled to singapore and used the country as a place of refuge. this is because indonesia and singapore do not yet have an extradition treaty. singapore's economic progress can facilitate money laundering. since singapore implemented a policy of transparency in its ease of investment, singapore has succeeded in attracting foreign investors to invest in this lion's land. according to data reported by the unctad 2016 world investment report, singapore also managed to rank seventh among the host countries with the most investment in the world. finally, the government is so permissive towards capital owners that singapore has an official policy regarding foreign investment with no separation between policies and treatment that distinguishes foreign investors from domestic investors. this causes no discrimination between pma and pmdn in singapore. in singapore, all foreign investors are free to have control over 100% of their business ownership for repatriation, the exception being for several business areas involving singapore's national security, such as telecommunications, broadcasting, media, financial services, law, and other businesses. this is the reason many corruptors flee to singapore. with the opening of singapore to investors, singapore also regulates regulations related to corruption in its country into two regulations, namely the prevention of corruption act, a formulation specifically formed in the business community in the form of bribery between the private sector and the private sector to civil servants, while for corruption cases committed by employees taken from singapore criminal code. as a country that provides great freedom for investors, singapore also provides different types of penalties depending on who the private party bribes or corrupts. in the event of a bribery case involving a government agency, the penalty will be increased while following the regulation of the prevention of corruption act (hariadi, 2013). singapore has a record as a weak country in handling money laundering problems, the singapore constitution does not regulate this, causing money laundering problems still often occur in this country. according to data released by merrill lynch, the assets of indonesian corruptors in singapore reached us$ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 389 87 billion or around rp870 trillion. in the absence of an extradition treaty between singapore and indonesia, the indonesian police cannot ask singapore for help in arresting the perpetrators of these crimes. therefore, the police in indonesia must investigate the whereabouts of the perpetrators of these crimes themselves and must be brought back to indonesia for trial. so far, the absence of a diplomatic cooperation agreement in handling transnational crime between indonesia and singapore has made it difficult for law enforcement officials (aph) to handle cases if the suspect or suspect's assets are brought to singapore. several cases even had to be tried in absentia because the accused was in another country and due to the ineffectiveness of the mla or extradition agreements. (sukardi; 2022). mutual legal assistance (mla) or mutual legal assistance agreement in addition to extradition, bilateral cooperation in the pursuit of assets taken from abroad, especially those originating from illegal acts of corruption, is mla. mutual legal assistance (mla) or mutual legal assistance agreement is a term that appears in the criminal field (starke, j.g., 1986) mla as an initial stage in enforcing the law is also contained in article 1 paragraph 5 of law no. 1 of 2006 concerning mutual assistance in criminal matters regarding confiscation and blocking of assets resulting from crime. with its reciprocal principle, it means that every contributing country must have a contribution to hand over to the perpetrators of crimes upon request. this request cannot be carried out if one country does not have good diplomatic relations with other countries to establish bilateral and multilateral relations. in implementing cooperative relations under the auspices of the international criminal police organization (icpo), indonesia can play the role of being the one asking for help or being asked for help by other countries. the confiscated goods or assets must be related to the proceeds of a crime which is useful in obstructing the investigation, prosecution, and examination process during the trial(latifah, 2017). ). in the united nations convention, it is stated that transnational organized crime in 2000, things that are included in international crimes are crimes that occur between countries, the perpetrator or victim is a foreign national, and means of crossing territorial boundaries between countries. with the emergence of various international crimes, several countries use the mutual legal aid agreement as a realistic solution in today's globalized world (fromiti, 2018). the united nations has established several conventions that contain provisions regarding asset recovery and mutual legal assistance (mla) in the context of confiscation and confiscation of proceeds and instruments of criminal acts. the existence of an mla or mutual legal aid agreement as a solution to the problem of money laundering is carried out by confiscation of the perpetrator's assets, through international cooperation with the security forces of each country involved. in this case, it means that mla acts as a real and legal solution in international relations to deal with contemporary international criminal problems (noer indriati, 2009). the mutual legal aid agreement is a process by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 390 which a country seeks and aids other countries in serving judicial documents and collecting evidence for use in criminal cases (unodc, 2018). like the extradition treaty, mla is also regulated in the un convention uncac 2003. mla is regulated in article 46 of the uncac anti-corruption convention. the mla objects, among others, regulate the taking and giving of evidence, including documents, a statement of identification of the location of a person's whereabouts, carrying out requests for searching evidence and confiscation, to disbursing and freezing assets. table 2 : indonesian mla agreements with several countries no state agreement signing year ratification 1 indonesia australia treaty between the republic of indonesia and australia on mutual assistance in criminal matters 1995 uu no. 1 year 1999 2 indonesia rrc treaty between the republic of indonesia and the people's republic of china on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters 2000 uu no. 8 year 2006 3 indonesia – south korea treaty between the republic of indonesia and republic of korea on mutual assistance in criminal matters 2002 not yet ratification 4 indoensia brunei, kamboja, laos, malaysia, filipina, singapore and vietnam treaty on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters (asean mla treaty) 2004 uu no. 15 year 2008 5 indonesia hongkong agreement concerning mutual legal assistance in criminal matters between hong kong and indonesia 2006 not yet ratification the country that has entered into an mla agreement with indonesia is switzerland. on july 2, 2020, the special committee (pansus) of the dpr ri consisted of a combination of commission i and commission iii and the government. chairman of the special committee and deputy chairman of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 391 commission iii of the indonesian house of representatives sahroni signed a bill relating to the treaty on mutual legal assistance (mla) in criminal matters between the republic of indonesia and the swiss confederation between the republic of indonesia and the swiss confederation. the agreement does not just happen with one meeting. the ri-swiss mla agreement was realized in two rounds, the first was carried out in bali in 2015. the second was in 2017 in bern, switzerland to complete the discussion of the articles that had not been agreed upon in the first negotiations.the meeting that was held gave a decision that the results of the signing could be brought to level ii to be ratified in the plenary meeting on july 14, 2020. this was done so that the mla indonesia and switzerland could become a means of legal cooperation, especially in the government's efforts to eradicate corruption and return assets generated from corruption (asset recovery). thus, the presence of the mutual legal aid agreement is the right tool to function as an instrument to eradicate money laundering and corruption as two types of organized financial crime. switzerland has been known as a european country where the world's billionaires have the safest place to save money. many national businessmen keep their money in switzerland. due to the nature of their country's laws which are used to keep account holder details confidential, switzerland is also known to be immune from most global disasters and wars. making them a great choice for hiding untold wealth. in the current era of globalization, national boundaries are very virtual, so international relations seem dynamic, but international boundaries are increasingly easy to penetrate. with the rapid advancement of technology, especially in the field of financial technology, has led to the emergence of various new international crimes, one of which is financial crime, which is money laundering. financial crime is a crime in the financial sector, one of which is money laundering. over time in this borderless era of globalization, in addition to money laundering, financial crime also continues to grow rapidly along with the advancement of financial technology itself. many modes are used to disguise the results of criminal acts so as not to invite suspicion. banks and financial service companies are required to report if they receive suspicious transactions such as the amount of cash deposit or transfer of rp 500,000,000.00 (five hundred million rupiahs) or in a foreign currency of equivalent value. whether done in one transaction or several transactions in 1 (one) business day; and/or financial transactions to transfer funds from and to overseas. for this reason, in examining the practice of money laundering as a transnational crime by perpetrators of corruption in indonesia, the researcher uses the three theories mentioned above. here are some comparative data on sanctions for each country: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 392 table 3 : comparison of legal sanctions for corruptors in several countries state punishment singapore imprisonment, up to the death penalty, and a fine of idr 1 billion even though corruption is only equivalent to idr 20,000 malaysia hanging china 100,000 yuan or idr 214 million for corruption can be punished by the death penalty south korea severe punishment, ostracized until many corruptors commit suicide because of depression vietnam life imprisonment up to death penalty (except pregnant women and caring for children under five) new zealand minimum sentence of 14 years in prison, officials and asn are prohibited from accepting gifts germany minimum 5 years imprisonment, fine and threatened with expulsion from the country from the table above, it can be seen how other countries apply severe penalties to perpetrators of corruption. singapore is a favorite destination for perpetrators of corruption in indonesia because of the tax haven policy it enforces, but in the application of punishment for corruption cases, singapore is very strict. the country of the white lion imposes sanctions ranging from imprisonment to death with a fine equivalent to rp1,000,000,000.00 (one billion rupiah) even though the acts of corruption only cost the state the equivalent of rp. 20,000 (twenty thousand rupiah). vietnam is a small country in southeast asia, but it does not play around in applying sanctions against perpetrators of corruption by implementing prison sentences and even the death penalty. this strict sanction applies equally to all countries except mothers who are pregnant and have toddlers. the neighboring country of malaysia has even implemented the hanging penalty for its citizens who are proven to have committed crimes of corruption. an anticompromising stance was also adopted by china and south korea. corruption equivalent to rp214,000,000.00 (two hundred and fourteen million rupiah) is given the death penalty, while in south korea, perpetrators are conditioned to depression and eventually commit suicide. the application of sanctions as white-collar crimes in developed countries such as new zealand and germany which from the beginning imposed strict rules for civil servants in their journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 393 countries was no less stringent, ranging from imprisonment to being dishonorably expelled from the country. the rules and sanctions that apply in a number of countries above appear different from those in indonesia, which is known as a country that is considered too light in imposing sanctions on corruptors. as a result, the sentence that is too low does not create a deterrent effect for the perpetrators. in some cases, the corruptors were even sentenced to a reduced sentence. likewise, the sanction of returning money to the state is only 2 percent of the total money stolen from the state. this situation is increasingly beneficial for the corruptors, because even though the perpetrators are legally processed, the assets resulting from the crimes flow to other countries through various modes of money laundering. that is why, money laundering as a follow-up action from corruption that harms the state becomes the enemy of every country in the world.based on this urgency, a solution agreement is needed that can facilitate the handling of international criminal cases. in establishing relations with other countries, there are often various agreements that appear to regulate the limits of treatment for each country. various international collaborations to eradicate corruption cases are in line with the laws in force in indonesia. article 2 of the money laundering law no. 8 of 2010 places the criminal act of corruption at the top of the list as a source of wealth among 25 other dirty behaviours, including bribery, narcotics, and smuggling, and so on. the case of corruption in question is an act committed in the territory of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia or outside the territory of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia and such crime is also a criminal act according to indonesian law. the anti-money laundering law also authorizes law enforcement officers to pursue perpetrators and their assets abroad. chapter xi regulates cooperation in dealing with money laundering internationally. article 89 of law no. 8 of 2010 concerning the cooperation chapter of the cooperation chapter in the prevention and eradication of money laundering crimes states that: a. international cooperation is carried out by ppatk with similar institutions in other countries and international institutions related to the prevention and eradication of the crime of money laundering. b. international cooperation carried out by ppatk can be carried out in the form of formal cooperation or based on mutual assistance or the principle of reciprocity. likewise in article 90, it is stated that in preventing and eradicating the crime of money laundering, ppatk may cooperate in exchanging information in the form of requesting, giving, and receiving information with parties, both nationally and internationally, which include: law enforcement agencies; institutions authorized to supervise financial service providers; the institution in charge of examining the management and responsibility of state finances; other institutions related to the prevention and eradication of the crime of money laundering or other criminal acts related to the crime of money laundering; and financial intelligence units of other countries. with the completeness regulated journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 394 in this law, there are no loopholes and reasons in the pursuit of state assets which are then laundered through the money laundering process abroad. in every international cooperation agreement, a productive step that should be taken to overcome transnational crimes is to ratify the agreed international cooperation agreement. the absence of an extradition treaty and mla are often used as scapegoats for the failure of the hunt for the return of state wealth from the proceeds of corruption that have been laundered by money laundering. various international agreements and cooperation, both through multilateral, regional, and bilateral approaches have been arranged in such a way that each country helps each other and provides convenience in handling money laundering cases committed by a country. the extradition incident of maria paulina lumowa has become evident that without the two agreements if law enforcement officers intend, the perpetrators can be taken away not only for certain political purposes or interests. the impact of corruption is so great that it can reduce the quality of people's welfare and does not carry out the ethical values of pancasila and the 1945 constitution. the high state losses due to corruption will have an impact on the state's obligation to provide people's welfare rights. we can see today how the government's foreign debt continues to increase to 409.5 billion us dollars in april 2022 (bi, 2022). the addition of foreign debt, one of which is triggered by high government spending. realization of state losses on asset recovery, which can be used for the benefit of the state, such as to finance development, is a crucial issue in efforts to eradicate corruption because all international cooperation agreements at the global, regional and bilateral levels are primarily aimed at asset recovery. returning assets is one of the new sentencing objectives in the criminal law to eradicate corruption and money laundering. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 395 table 3 : follow the money concept resource : presentation material for sukardi's keynote speech (bareskrim polri) in the seminar on ‘transnational crime financial crime investigation’, international relations department, universitas nasional, 25 april 2022 international cooperation is a must, although of course, the existence of international cooperation agreements has not been able to optimally resolve the money laundering cases faced by almost every country in the world. the era of globalization makes nation states interdependent, as well as various crimes that penetrate national borders will continue to be transformed into transnational crimes as technology advances, so international cooperation is one of the important steps that must be taken by each country in order to realize the common goals of the nation states. with international cooperation in handling the return of assets resulting from corruption crimes that have been 'legalized' through the money laundering process, it can make it easier for law enforcement officers between countries to track the whereabouts of assets resulting from crimes or the concept of follow the money. in tracking assets resulting from crime, there are financial crime investigation techniques and have been practiced by law enforcers in various countries, including in indonesia. an investigation or investigation method to find out the suspect's assets obtained from the proceeds of a crime so that they can be confiscated to be returned to the state and or the victim. with this investigative method to find out the assets resulting from this crime, law enforcement can prove, calculate, even carry out calculations to carry out confiscations. (sukardi, bareskrim polri, 2022). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 396 from the table above, it is clear that financial crime on investigation through the follow the money concept can be carried out in two ways, namely tracking the perpetrators of criminal acts committed individually or in groups and secondly, tracking the perpetrators who are corporate or corporate. tracking through individuals/groups is carried out using step cash or survey/cash techniques. meanwhile, tracking through corporations/companies is carried out using the step book keeping system technique. the trick is by tracking the flow of goods money, company structure and company administration. by using this investigative method, an audit process of money proceeds from crimes such as money laundering can be carried out, this can be done with two approaches, the first being tracked through per crime/per act and per period/per period. the tracking method per crime / per act is carried out using the formula; the amount of profit plus income from criminal investment plus cost savings is then added together so that the total profit obtained will be known, then minus the costs incurred for crime so that the number of illegal / illegal money is obtained. the second method is the approach per period / per period through cash survey techniques and cash bank surveys. the trick is to investigate the initial assets plus official income minus the last asset per calculation equal to the possibility of spending minus real expenses so that the amount of illegal / illegal figures can be known. assets from the proceeds of crime that are known from the investigation are then confiscated, returned to the state and/or victims. however, in reality, the application of the follow-the-money concept in law no. 8 of 2010 in indonesia, has not been fully implemented. this is because in its implementation the provisions of article 69 of law no. 8 of 2010 which gives the authority to implement the follow-the-money concept are still limited by the habits and understanding of some aphs who consider that "the application of money laundering must be proven first with the predicate crime". therefore, in sukardi's view, as long as these understandings and habits are followed, the concept of the following money has not been fully implemented. unlike the case with the financial criminal investigation method in the netherlands, the application of the follow-the-money concept does not recognize predicate crime but uses forensic accounting to trace the suspect's assets and prove the profits of the suspect's crime proceeds. (sukardi; 2021). the difficulty of approaching bilateral cooperation in efforts to eradicate corruption, especially in being able to return state assets, can be observed in the case of the convict in the case of embezzlement of rp. 1.5 trillion in blbi funds, adrian kiki, who fled to australia in 2002. treaty between australia and the republic of indonesia) which was made in 1992. however, the implementation of the extradition experienced many obstacles, one of which was the extradition process which was so long due to differences in laws between indonesia and australia. ideally, extradition agreements and mla can be the main solution for money laundering crimes. mla is an international legal instrument used by many countries as a tool to crack down on and prevent transnational organized crime. however, in reality, these two forms of agreement often have several journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 397 implications for bilateral relations because they can deteriorate due to friction or confrontation between the two countries. furthermore, the effect of this confrontation can even be a trigger for delays in the implementation of the extradition treaty that has been made against the requesting or requested country. (hafidz, hendry; 2019) from the case studies above, it can be seen that the impact of international cooperation for handling asset recovery from the proceeds of money laundering crimes is not significant, and not optimal, due to various obstacles including different legal systems, weak judge decisions, government political will, and the application of the principle of bank secrecy in several countries such as singapore and switzerland. however, problems that arise in the return of assets can be overcome through bilateral agreements, increasing the competence of law enforcement officials, and strengthening regulations and supporting infrastructure. (ridwan arifin, et al; 2016). conclusion this research proves that money laundering as a type of transnational crime has become a problem for the global world, both developed countries and developing countries such as indonesia. in handling it, joint efforts are needed, both through a multilateral cooperation approach with the agreement of the united nations convention against corruptions (uncac), at the regional level through the asean political-security community (aspc) which is equipped with various agreements and bilateral agreements in extradition cooperation schemes and mla (mutual legal assistance). these cooperation agreements were made as an effort to return asset return on assets even though they were not yet effective due to various obstacles.money laundering and corruption are two types of transnational organized crime (toc) that have attracted international attention. various types of international cooperation were agreed upon in tackling corruption cases which became the initial crime of money laundering with one main goal, namely, to restore state losses. the international convention for the eradication of corruption (uncac) 2003 has regulated the asset recovery mechanism for the proceeds of the crime of corruption which were taken abroad through money laundering. returning state assets or asset recovery or return on assets (roa) stolen by corruptors is the main goal behind various international cooperations. in the concept of asset recovery or return on assets (roa) it is the people who are the most harmed by this crime, so that the return of state assets is absolutely necessary. this concept also explains that the return of assets can be done by stripping the rights to ownership of the assets, removing them from the perpetrators and making confiscations. although until now in the international world there is no uniform understanding of asset recovery, the authors see the relevance of the role of international cooperation in dealing with money laundering cases which have become enemies of countries in the world. the author also considers it necessary conceptually how the asset return scheme to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 4, november, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 398 the people as the aggrieved party can receive their rights back in a targeted manner. although it is very difficult for law enforcement officers to return asset recovery money from the hands of corruptors, indonesia's participation in international cooperation agreements is still needed because many positive benefits can be obtained if indonesia becomes part of global cooperation, such as the ability to exchange information and data for preventing the crime of money laundering with other countries. the results of the study indicate that international cooperation agreements have arranged various facilities to help each other in handling money laundering cases from the proceeds of international crimes. however, the reality is that it is still difficult to find a solution, the real root of the problem lies in the seriousness of law enforcement in eradicating money laundering in indonesia. if the money laundering law no. 8 of 2010 was carried out well by the law enforcement officials (aph) who were the perpetrators of corruption as well as their assets who fled abroad and could be pursued and their assets returned to the state treasury. therefore, aph should be more serious in dealing with corruption and money laundering cases to restore the dignity of the nation. the 2003 ununcac convention which was revealed in regional and bilateral cooperation agreements has set up an agreement in the handling of money laundering as part of the global commitment to handling corruption cases as a transnational crime. with seriousness in law enforcement, corruption cases can be eradicated, and asset recovery can be returned to the state which is in dire need of funds for development for the welfare of the people as mandated by the 1945 constitution. acknowledgment this research is the result of focus group discussions on the transnational crime course in the international relations department, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas nasional references banjarnahor, d., (2019). kejar sjamsul nursalim ke singapura, kpk gandeng cpib. tersedia di https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/news/20191001134145-4103527/kejar-sjamsul-nursalim-ke-singapura-kpk-gandeng-cpib bi.go.id. 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(2013). tindak pidana pencucian uang (review undang-undang nomor 8 tahun 2010 tentang pencegahan dan pemberantasan tindak pidana pencucian uang). jurnal widya yustisia, 1(2), 246946.sukardi, 2020. financial crime on investigation in industrial revolution 4.0 era. faculty of law, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia. p.698 (pdf) zulkarnain and indrayani, i., (2019). transnational crime prevention cooperation in asean. jakarta: faculty of social and political sciences, national university. available at: http://repository.unas.ac.id/3784/1/5.%20kerjasama%20penanggulan gan%20kejahatan%20transnasional%20di%20asean.pdf. zulkarnain dan indrayani, i., (2019). kerjasama penanggulangan kejahatan transnasional di asean. jakarta: fakultas ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik, universitas nasional. tersedia di: http://repository.unas.ac.id/3784/1/5.%20kerjasama%20penanggulan gan%20kejahatan%20transnasional%20di%20asean.pdf. http://repository.unas.ac.id/3784/1/5.%20kerjasama%20penanggulangan%20kejahatan%20transnasional%20di%20asean.pdf http://repository.unas.ac.id/3784/1/5.%20kerjasama%20penanggulangan%20kejahatan%20transnasional%20di%20asean.pdf http://repository.unas.ac.id/3784/1/5.%20kerjasama%20penanggulangan%20kejahatan%20transnasional%20di%20asean.pdf http://repository.unas.ac.id/3784/1/5.%20kerjasama%20penanggulangan%20kejahatan%20transnasional%20di%20asean.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 115 the implications of the covid-19 pandemic on moroccan university students safwaan zamakda allison university of the highlands and islands stornoway, outer hebrides, scotland, uk 20009746@uhi.ac.uk abstract : the covid-19 pandemic, first identified in wuhan, china, was first confirmed to be present in morocco on the 2nd of march 2020. it swiftly took hold in moroccan society and spread like wildfire. this led to a surge in deaths, those needing extra and intensive care, and generalised anxiety amongst the population. there was perceived dissatisfaction in how the moroccan government was handling the crisis, and accordingly, on the 13th of march, schools and universities were closed until further notice. education was then conducted remotely on zoom, microsoft teams, whatsapp, via email and other platforms. this study examines how final-year undergraduate university students felt during this period, and how they felt that the (ongoing) covid-19 pandemic has affected them, their lives and their studies. this study is important, as the pandemic is ongoing, and despite vaccination efforts, there is the potential for new variants to come into existence and to cause for a recurrence of the issues faced by university students and the wider society to which they belong. it is also in that this area of research is under-researched because the covid-19 pandemic is ongoing, and that the issues faced by moroccan university students and general population are tremendously neglected in academic literature, particularly in english-language literature. therefore, this study examines the concerns, worries, grievances and anxieties of moroccan final-year undergraduate students, and sheds light on a population sample that is often neglected and forgotten. keywords: morocco, covid-19, students submission : feb, 11th 2020 revision : april 18th 2021 publication : may 28th 2021 mailto:20009746@uhi.ac.uk journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 116 introduction morocco confirmed its first case of covid-19 [sars-cov-2] on the 2nd of march 2020, when an individual in casablanca tested positive for the virus. subsequently, the number of cases swiftly increased, and the virus permeated through every segment of moroccan society. the coronavirus spread rapidly from the epicentre in wuhan, china (linked to the huanan (southern china) seafood wholesale market) and then across the entire world (li et al, 2020). there have since been millions of infections, and also million deaths as a result of the virus. substantial anxiety was felt by most people around the world as a result of the virus, its potential to cause harm and even death. xiao et al (2020), cited by da silva (2020) stated that “not only affected the physical health of infected patients but also the psychosocial health of the uninfected world population, increasing depression, stress, and anxiety”. students are well known to be particularly vulnerable to anxiety, depression, stress and other dissatisfaction with life, and this is heightened compared to the general population (mojs et al, 2012). accordingly, the covid-19 pandemic is likely to have an even more profound impact on the lives of students than the general population. as per browning et al (2021), when the mode of their educational provision and daily schedule are uprooted and radically and swiftly changes, such as the need to shelter in place, quarantine, become subject to quarantine or isolation procedures, or lockdowns, the potential impact on mental health is severe, and the potential mental health burden is substantially amplified. many studies support this idea, and it is safe to say that the covid-19 pandemic has been detrimental to the mental health of individuals around the globe (panchal et al, 2021). morocco is at the crossroads of civilisation. it is located in north africa, in the mena region. whilst there are many open, touristic and liberal areas, it remains to be a society which is deeply rooted in traditions, the islamic faith, and long-held cultural norms and values, many of which hold the force of law. higher education in morocco is not accessible to all, owing to the cost implications. those who do attend university often come from a family from a reasonable financial standing. the university experience in morocco is challenging, stressful and difficult, as stated by kumar (2021). there is a high level of burnout, exhaustion and disengagement amongst moroccan university students, and in some cohorts, as many as 93% reported exhaustion, and 33% reported legal and illicit drug use to help them cope, in 2019, prior to the advent of the covid-19 pandemic (lemtiri chelieh, 2019). with the covid-19 pandemic disrupting everyday life, and universities having been closed, there is likely to have been implication on the mental wellbeing of students. morocco is not a homogeneous country, and is made up of arabs, berbers/amazigh, sub-saharan africans and other groups. all of which may be affected by the pandemic in different ways. almost, social standing, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 117 family background, wealth, access to resources and varying levels of familial support can have profound implications. this is an important piece of research given the ‘once in a lifetime’ nature of the covid-19 pandemic, and the social, cultural, political and economic upheaval caused. given that the pandemic is still ongoing, this research will shed essential light on the most common concerns raised by participants and is likely to assist in forming a clearer picture on how best the pandemic can be handled, and the most common concerns that need addressing. mena populations appear to be underreported in english-language literature, and this study goes some way in addressing this issue. the experiences of mena groups, such as this study (on moroccan university students), ought to be given greater validity and afforded respect. methods due to covid-19 restrictions, only a small sample of 42 final-year undergraduate students from marrakech, who attend various universities, and were participated in qualitative semistructured interviews, on a one-on-one basis was possible. express permission was obtained prior to scheduling a date and time for the interview and agreeing on which platform it was to be conducted. it is understood that this will have implications on the validity of the study, due to the small sample size. notwithstanding this, the study will gain an insight into the views of genuine students in morocco. the null hypothesis must be that the covid-19 pandemic has had no implication on the mental health of students. the author feels that this is unlikely to be the case. the first alternative hypothesis is that the covid-19 pandemic has improved and/or benefitted the lives of the participants (moroccan students). the second alternative hypothesis is that the covid-19 pandemic has adversely impacted the lives of the participants (moroccan students). each student was interviewed using a semi-structured interview, which took place either over zoom, skype or whatapp video call, at a pre-scheduled time, convenient for both parties. this method was chosen for a multitude of reasons. firstly, they allow for the collection of a wide-range of data, which is qualitative and open-ended, which allows for participants to share their thoughts, feelings and emotionssomething that was a key aim of the study. accordingly, it facilitated delving deeper into highly emotive personal issues, and allowed for a greater insight into participant thoughts and facilitated the sharing of resources. it also allowed for the building of a rapport between researcher and participant. the participants were made up of 26 female students and 16 male students. this method was chosen over others such as a questionnaire with thoughts and feelings rated on a likert scale, because this would be inadequate and not provide sufficient insight into thoughts, feelings and emotions. also, the raw quantitative data that would be produced journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 118 would not adequately help to address the question posed, nor shed light on authentic student experiences. additionally, it is difficult to quantify emotions that fluctuate, and that there is no objective yardstick for emotions and experiences. the researcher felt that this was the most appropriate method of obtaining data from participants, and that data could be corroborated and triangulated between the participants, who attend different universities in the marrakech region. result and discussion in this study, the participants were made up of 26 female students and 16 male students. they were all final-year undergraduate students who attend different universities in the marrakech region. they were all undertaking a course of study on a variety of subjects. each student was individually interviewed using a semi-structured interview, which took place either over zoom, skype or whatapp video call, at a pre-scheduled time, convenient for both parties. the null hypothesis was that the covid-19 pandemic has had no implication on the mental health of students. the first alternative hypothesis is that the covid-19 pandemic has improved and/or benefitted the lives of the participants. the second alternative hypothesis is that the covid-19 pandemic has adversely impacted the lives of participants. accordingly, open-ended questions were asked to ascertain how participants felt that their lives were affected by the covid-19 pandemic. the most common theme was that life had become more isolating, and that they felt more anxiety about the covid-19 pandemic. it had provoked anxiety, fear, worry, concern, social isolation and increased feelings of helplessness in 72% of participants. participants reported that they felt that there was no real end or solution in sight, and that the lives that they had been relatively comfortable with had been chasmically and radically changed by the virus surging through society. they were happy that the vaccination roll-out was doing well, but generally understood that they were part of a low-priority group due to the low risk of serious medical harm of the virus to young adults with healthy immune systems. participants reported that they were worried about the future prospects, exams, graduation, employment, friends and even the desire to marry, but that covid-19 might be an impediment to it. they had all reported being unable to do things that they wanted. participants who reported no substantial change in life (14%) stated that they were generally insular and introverted, and that this covid-19 pandemic provided respite from the rigors of social living. also, the participants had previously spent a lot of time being isolated by choice, so there was little change in their daily habits. for those who stated that life had improved (14%), the participants felt that the covid-19 pandemic gave them a break from the stresses of daily life at university and with friends and challenging relationships journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 119 such as harsh, abusive and/or picky partners. also, it had lifted the burden of having to attend classes most days, many of which were unevenly spread through the day. moreover, some of the reported benefits were that they felt that classes were a waste of time, and in the modern world, they can learn just as well at home and in comfortable surroundings. those who felt that life had improved acknowledged that others in society were negative affected by the covid-19 pandemic and issues such as panic buying and lockdowns could be problematic. the fact that most participants felt that life had got worse is not surprising. existing literature documents that there have been numerous adverse effects of the covid-19 pandemic apart from the immediate medical/clinical effects on those directly suffering symptoms of the virus. the second alternative hypothesis, being that the covid-19 pandemic has adversely impacted the lives of moroccan students can generally be taken to be valid for the majority of participants. males females total no substantial change 3 3 6 life has improved 2 4 6 life has got worse 11 19 30 total sum 42 table 1 : implication about covid-19 toward students discussion the main findings of this report was that the overwhelming majority of moroccan final-year undergraduate students felt anxiety, fear, worry, concern, isolation and helplessness because of the covid-19 pandemic. this was expected and seems to be a common theme through the entire population. the student population is particularly vulnerable to stress, anxiety and depression, but many do not know who to talk to about their feelings, and many do not feel able to do so because ‘others are worse off’. anxiety is a common phenomenon to experience where there are environmental changes, perceived changes, or the expectation of changes (asmundson, 2019). this is not surprising in the context of the covid-19 pandemic, with quarantine, lockdowns, having to wear a face mask, not being able to contribute in large groups and being subject to other restrictions. depression, fear, being worried and stressed are also reasonable symptoms to have expected. as was reported by participants, as they were at home for substantial periods and unable to go out due to the lockdown, many spent many hours on their mobile phones and computers/ electronic devices browsing social media such as whatsapp, snapchat, instagram, facebook journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 120 etc. this was both to pass time, attempt to reduce boredom and keep abreast of covid-19 developments. with conflicting information, ‘fake news’, untrustworthy chain messages and a barrage of opinions, it is not surprising that stress and anxiety was provoked (ferreira & borges, 2020). even accurate information has the ability to be anxiety-provoking. additionally, as detailed above, many were fearful of catching the covid-19 virus themselves, and also transmitting it to others, who may be more vulnerable to more serious symptoms and adverse medical sequalae. when mixed with anxiety and fear, even a cough, tiredness, muscle pain or other generally more benign symptoms can be mistakenly identified as covid-19. as per corbett et al (2020), this is even more pronounced in clinically vulnerable groups such as pregnant women. it is arguable that as students are more susceptible to anxiety, stress and depression, these symptoms may be even more fearinducing than the remainder of the population. further to this, daily habits can be changed by exposure to the media, especially the government and health agencies, who recommend hand washing as a way of avoiding the virus. the ability to become obsessive about this is heightened. conversely, if the danger and transmissibility of the virus is minimised, there is the potential for the public to not be worried or concerned about the virus and their laxity might enable the virus to be spread more widely and to have a more profound effect on society in the long run (wheaton et al, 2012). many confuse their symptoms with having covid-19, which demonstrates the high level of anxiety that the participants face and is also a common theme amongst the general population. whilst high levels of anxiety are present within moroccan university students (kumar, 2021), the covid-19 pandemic was not foreseeable in that there was a profound and imminent risk to the population of the world. accordingly, it was not foreseeable by moroccan universities and healthcare providers, as well as those who provide mental heath care. the initial lack of efforts in this regard cannot be attributed to poor planning, and mental health services have been inundated worldwide (woolston, 2021). social distancing and social isolation has been a common theme during the covid-19 pandemic. the kingdom of morocco is no exception to the vast majority of countries and recommends social distancing. however, hospitals swiftly filled up and 78% of moroccans feel as though the health system cannot cope with the covid-19 pandemic. as per cimini and chalafaout (2020), “the lockdown’s unsustainability further aggravates social precarity” and that “awareness of the national healthcare’s structural deficiencies” has increased significantly. thus, the need to engage in social distancing is even more important. the psychological impact on the participants was profound, and most said that they missed being able to generally ‘hang out’ with friends, enjoy shisha in larger groups, watch football in the stadiums and the ‘old normal’. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 121 conclusion in conclusion, this study uncovers the fact that there has been a profound impact on society caused by the covid-19 pandemic. moroccan university students are part of wider society and feel the typical ramifications of the pandemic, but also feel ramifications arising from their student status. already being susceptible to stress and anxiety, the pandemic has elevated the likelihood of this taking place. therefore, universities and mental health care providers need to do more to allow students to express themselves and raise their fears and concerns. furthermore, it is necessary for universities to signpost students to services that they may need. some segments of society, such as nurses, feel pride based on their valuable contribution to society. this is an essential coping strategy. students do not receive this level of praise, and need to find coping strategies themselves, as well as to depend on others such as family members, friends or their peers/classmates. negative methods of coping including drinking alcohol, which can exacerbate mental health problems and is often condemned in moroccan society, or by taking illicit drugs, which is condemned, illegal and can be even more destructive. the american cdc (2020) states that “it is natural to feel stress, anxiety, grief, and worry during the covid-19 pandemic” and encourages checking in on others and helping them when necessary. the results of this study, albeit obtained from a small sample, are consistent with results from similar studies conducted elsewhere, such as in by the cdc as mentioned above, singapore, poland and switzerland. with increased isolation and reduced social interactions, students appear to be at a higher risk of suffering from negative effects caused by the covid19 pandemic and the measures taken to protect the public. whilst it is extremely important to ‘flatten the curve’ and reduce the rate of covid-19 surging through society, the reduction of social outlets and social interaction can have a profound impact on the lives of students, as evidenced by those who participated in this study. accordingly, the onus is now on the government of the kingdom, as well as regional and local authorities, in addition to universities, to be pro-active and take steps to safeguard the mental health of students, as well as to safeguard the mental and physical health of wider society. journal of social 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(2021) ‘the problem is greater than it’s ever been’: us universities urged to invest in mental-health resources, nature, accessed on 01/03/2021 at: https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-021-00229-2 https://www.garda.com/crisis24/news-alerts/319321/morocco-health-ministry-confirms-first-covid-19-case-march-2-update-2 https://www.garda.com/crisis24/news-alerts/319321/morocco-health-ministry-confirms-first-covid-19-case-march-2-update-2 https://dx.doi.org/10.3201/eid2608.201093 https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/the-implications-of-covid-19-for-mental-health-and-substance-use/ https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/the-implications-of-covid-19-for-mental-health-and-substance-use/ https://doi.org/10.2147/prbm.s266511 https://doi.org/10.1093/pubmed/fdaa105 https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-021-00229-2 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 241 campaign team and media agenda in the news of simultaneous regional elections during the pandemic in 2020 umar fauzi bahanan department of communication, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, email: umarfauzi.bahanan@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : the campaign team's agenda tends to ignore health protocols as it intends to win the election. at the same time, some media agendas are in line with the campaign team's plan; some are not in line with the agenda of the campaign team. if the media's agenda is in line with the campaign team, it can be said that the media is a partisan media, which is not in line with media that strives to be independent. with the agenda setting media theory, the analysis is done by observing and studying literature. it is concluded that the campaign team agenda tends to ignore health protocols, with the orientation of winning the 2020 regional elections in the pandemic era, while the media agenda tends to see violations of health protocols committed by the campaign team as things that have news value to be reported continuously as self-satisfaction, whether to make the campaign team deterred, embarrassed, or even annoyed by the news about the health protocol violation by the campaign team in holding regional head elections in the 2020 pandemic era. key words: media agenda, agenda for media settings, campaign team agenda, 2020 pandemic era regional election submission : august, 25th 2020 revision : sept 13th 2020 publication : nov 30th 2020 introduction the view of the world community towards mass media is not an objective reality, whether related to the description of events, people, places, and issues. through the news in the media, it seems as if it is a window to the world which is a reflection of the reality construction of the media (gaye tuchman, 1978 : 210-211). the individual worker to the media organization is to find out what should be on the "news" agenda to be conveyed to the public in media content. even the influence on the media's news agenda is the news sharing values that come from people who are good at journalism (joseph journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 242 bensman & robert lilienfeld, 1973: 1). and there is no resistance to the power of the "news gap" time limit in influencing what is contained in media content. although journalists and media conventions work within the rules for shaping the media agenda, the sources of information materials that have not been processed by journalists will ultimately depend on the media agenda to select journalists' information. as gandy stated, it is the interaction between journalists and news sources that can "create" news because: after all, journalists arrange news sources and events as a basis for benefits to society, which is to produce news that will fulfill the requirements of the news object, whose needs include news sources selected from more essential information structures and effective information delivery techniques. based on adequate reception, where news is reported and delivered in the right form, at the right time, and on the correct news channel (oscar h. gandy jr., 1982: 14). (whereas the journalist select from an array of sources and events on the basis of perceived utility in producing news that will meet organizational requirements, sources select from an even wider array of information and techniques for conveying that information of the basis of perceived effectiveness in being covered, reported and transmitted in the right from, at the right time, and in the right channel...). news sources from all objects of information are where journalists arrange their stories based on the incident's time. but then journalists depend on higher-quality information first on a particular news object, namely governance news, because the complexity of governance problems creates difficulties for reporters to get proper news or the term "scope" of governance. with the extent and complexity of the current government bureaucracy, the press media find it very difficult to get news about the government virtually even though its primary function is to get info without any inside information from parties related to the government (wilbur j. cohen, 1968: 13-14). (so vast and complicated is government operation today, the press would find it virtually impossible to perform even its primary function without the assistance of the growing army of government information officers). in the political communication process, there are four main objectives, namely (1) in the context of providing information, (2) achieving material political gain, (3) increasing status, and (4) strengthening the self-image of political actors. amid such political pragmatism, of these four choices, the provision of information places the last order. many groups prioritize the goal of increasing status. thus, a political communication group is a tool to obtain specific political achievements or advantages. some of the media commonly used by the government in political communication include political lobbying, political speeches, press releases, etc. another way is by using mass media (newspapers, tv, films, radio, magazines, tabloids) and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 243 non-mass media (letters, leaflets, booklets, banners, billboards, internet, interpersonal communication channels, and organizations and communication networks do not miss social media or social media). in practice, political actors can overlap the various communication channels (dan nimmo, 1978: 62). according to nimmo, the campaign audience consisted of two groups. the first group trusts and use print media, although they also do not ignore television. they already know a lot, so their loyalty to the candidates is not too strong either. they actively vote, and they have made their choice even before the campaign. candidates can only convince those who vote for them, but they cannot make those who do not choose to change their minds. the second group, numerous and growing in number, have a strong faith in radio and television. they generally have moderate levels of income and education. these are the main targets of professional persuades because their choice is determined by what attractiveness is packaged. these are the audiences that robert macneil describes in his book, the people machine, as "a less sophisticated group, but better educated than previous generations, who were generally conservative and tended to be passive in world affairs. because they ignore things in-depth, they generally easily believe everything that is told to them. such audiences are the target of professional persuasions (rivers-jensen, 2003: 270-271). one of the things that cause politics to attract a lot of attention from the mass media, on the one hand, today politics is in the era of mediation (politics in the age of mediation) in this case, the mass media; on the other hand, because of the prevalence of political events as well as the behavior and statements of political actors always have news value even though the events are merely routine. for this reason, political coverage still adorns various mass media (mcnair, 1995: 2-15). political coverage tends to be more complicated than reporting on other areas of life. on the one hand, political content has the dimension of forming public opinion, which both politicians and journalists expect. in political communication, this aspect of opinion formation is precisely the primary goal because it will affect political actors' political achievements (nimmo, 1978: 1-20). in this regard, the political symbols (the language of politics) used, the framing strategies used, and the mass media's agenda-setting places play an essential role because these three contribute to the formed opinion. a press can have certain ideologies, political attitudes, and editorial policies regarding a political force, which will affect the use of political symbols, packaging of messages, and giving places regarding these political forces. in other words, political events can lead to different public opinion depending on each media constructing it (mcnair, 1996: 12). in his writing entitled "public opinion in 1922", lippmann said that the public does not respond to events that occur in nature but responds to "images that exist in our minds," journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 244 which he calls a pseudo environment. the world seen by the public through the mass media's eyes is not a reflection of reality, not a picture of actual events, people, places, and issues. according to the media's perspective, the world is a reflection of the reality construction created by the media itself (protess and mccombs, 1991 quoted in nuruddin, 2011: 5-11). then bernard cohen (1963) supported lippmann's idea by saying that the media may not succeed in getting people to think, but they successfully get people to think about what to think. this means that if the media considers an issue to be considered, discussed, or worried about, the public will do the same. furthermore, lang and lang (1966) again reinforced this idea by saying that the media focuses on specific issues. the media consciously and continuously displays and puts pressure on particular objects, making the public participate in discussing and thinking about these objects (wimmer and dominick, 2003: 408). attention to mass communication, according to mcquail, includes attention to the following aspects: who says what to whom through what medium and with what effect, namely: 1) who communicates with whom; between source and receiver, 2) regarding the content, reference, and type of information, 3) what media is used, channel, language, or codes, 4) what is the impact of the communication; whether intended or not: for information, understanding, or producing action, and 5) what is the reason for communicating; concerning functions and objectives (mcquail, 2000: 12). the function of the mass media includes providing information about events and conditions in society. it is also through this function that the media show relations and power. apart from that, the press also facilitates innovation, adaptation, and progress. then, the correlation function is related to explaining, interpreting, and commenting on the meaning of events and information. the correlation function also provides support to existing norms and authorities. through this function, the media also conducts outreach, coordinates different activities, builds consensus, and sets priorities, and explains the relative status of someone or something. dominick said that the functions of the media include: surveillance (conveying information), interpretation, connecting various elements in society, sharing values, and entertainment (dominick & joseph r, 1990: 31-44). mass media has at least three functions according to lasswell (1948), namely: (1) observing the environment, (2) connecting parts of society, and (3) conveying cultural heritage. then, wright (1960) added a fourth function, namely: the entertainment function. also, there is another function of the mass media, namely the mobilizing process, which reflects the use of mass communication for political and trade propaganda (mcquail, 2000: 79-80). media content in certain conditions can have a particular impact on audiences. these impacts can be in the form of cognitive, affective, and behavioral changes. mental results relate to knowledge and opinions; affective consequences include attitudes and feelings and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 245 behavioral effects associated with individual actions after being exposed to media content. mcquail (2000: 423) concludes several kinds of media impacts, namely: (1) causing the intended change, (2) causing unintended changes, (3) causing small changes in terms of form and intensity, (4) facilitating good change referred to or not intended, and (5) prevent changes. these changes can occur at the individual, community, institutional and cultural levels. the mass media has a crucial role in the political transition from authoritarianism to the direction of democratization, as shown by jack snyder, professor of political science from columbia university, in his book from voting to violence (idi subandi, 2005: 8). what synder pointed out led to the many traps that could have thwarted the creation of this democratic order. one of them can be seen during the general election. examples that occur in the united states as written by edward herman. the mass media are still vulnerable to being partisan and eventually becoming agents of propaganda because their political-economy structure still shows the concentration of power and wealth in the market system itself. herman concluded that messages produced by the mass media had passed at least five filters, namely: 1. the concentration of capital ownership and profit orientation of the dominant mass media company. 2. advertising is the primary source of income from the media. 3. the media's dependence on the government, business, "experts" is supported and approved by the primary sources. 4. the existence of "flak" (flacks) as a discipline of media, such as telephone conversations, petitions, or it could be in other ways.more subtle such as threats and legal action, 5. "anticommunism" as a national secular religion and ideological control mechanism. what happened in the us has a lot in common with the pattern of partisan attitudes shown by the mass media. so, even though the state's grip has directly weakened, legal instruments that do not support the mass media's performance have also become "flak," limiting the space for journalists to move. this is exacerbated by the involvement of several owners of capital from specific mass media organizations or companies to be involved in practical politics, for example, to become officials of political parties or have collegial ties which are very close to individual presidential and vice-presidential candidates (edward herman, 1990: 75-87). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 246 in this case, concerning political relations, the regional election campaign team and press relations, or commonly known as press relations, frank jefkins, in his book public relations (1992), stated that the two relationships were expressed as the same thing. however, both have fundamental differences in terms of both their primary function and role. the relationship between the campaign team and pr work when dealing with the media and the press is a supporting tool, or media for collaboration, for the benefit of the publication process and publicity for various work program activities or smooth communication activities. the campaign team with the public of prospective voters. since media and press relations in the campaign team's work are a channel in delivering messages, efforts to increase awareness and information or news from the campaign team's publications are a top priority. one of the press's functions is the outstanding power of opinion through the mass media. besides, cooperation with the media will result in a relatively high frequency of publicity. the impact of news, whether it is a simultaneity effect, a dramatization effect, or a high publicity effect, has an enormous influence on the formation of public opinion in a relatively short period, about the number of readers or hearing audiences including viewers spread across various place or region at the same time (rosady ruslan, 2005: 160). according to frank jefkins, the relationship between pr (represented in this context by the campaign team) with the press is an activity to achieve maximum publication or news broadcasting. the information disseminated through the campaign team is to create recognition and understanding. the press relationship is not limited to making approaches both functionally and between personal relationships or contact with the press (press contact), through the editor in chief, editors, and journalists in a subjective sense, and includes the mass media in a broader sense. this means dealing with an institution (institution), mass media organizations such as daily newspapers, news magazines, entertainment, and other commercials, both electronic media from state-owned television channels and commercial private tv channels, including managing them themselves in social media (frank jefkins, 1992: 99). besides, the activities of the campaign team and their relationship with media press relations in terms of manufacturing techniques for publication products, information and news in the form of press releases, photo press, news letters, resulted in the consequence that practitioners of the campaign team practical work in mastering journalistic writing techniques and presentation. plus, the demand to manage and maintain good relations with editorial leaders, editors, journalists, or reporters from various mass media. it also acts as a communication manager in holding press contacts, for example, through press conferences, press tours, press briefings, and press interviews, both formally and through personal journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 247 approaches such as a private press approach and press gathering information. in conclusion, press relations is a particular activity on the part of the campaign team to communicate the delivery of messages or specific info regarding institutional, company / institutional activities, products to other individual activities that need to be published in collaboration with the press or mass media to create publicity and positive image. (rosady ruslan, 2005: 161-162). methods a theory is needed as an analytical tool in the context of the media agenda. so that in writing using the media agenda-setting theory analysis tool, which includes the compilation by media editors in measuring the formation of public opinion based on broad analytical power to assess the media agenda in during the election. writing with the agenda-setting affect theory or analysis tool was done by shaw and mccombs (1977) while researching voters in charlotte, north carolina during the summer and fall of the 1972 presidential election. they found all seven essential issues mentioned by the respondents were influenced by the charlotte observer's coverage pattern and the tv news network. furthermore, in the 1976 presidential election, mccombs and shaw sampled voters in three different places lebanon, new hampshire, indianapolis, indiana, and evanston, illinois. respondents were interviewed between february and december (weaver, mccombs & eyal, 1981). at the same time, they analyzed the contents of local and national newspapers circulating in the area. once again, the results show that there is a strong relationship between the media agenda and the public agenda. to measure the news content, the techniques used include the literature technique; the writer looks for the necessary data through reading literature, books, articles, newspapers, information on the internet, and social media, including other relevant information. this paper is compiled to overview the quantity and quality of news about the simultaneous regional elections in the pandemic era presented by various media. this description includes violations of health protocols and the formation of new clusters, including the quality of news from the journalistic side and in terms of quality of coverage, news sources, actors reported, geographic areas in which there are red zones, orange zones, yellow zones, and green zones. it also will include the news presentation techniques, criticism in the news, and differences in information presentation between one media and another. from an academic point of view, the results of the analysis is contribute to the development of journalistic theories in general and to explain the relationship between the agenda made by the regional election campaign team practitioners and the mass media agenda regarding the simultaneous local elections in the december 2020 coronavirus pandemic era. to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 248 evaluate the practice of the press system in indonesia, the results of this writing can also be expected to provide input for various parties, including supervisors, practitioners, experts and observers, the public, and other parties with interest in reporting on democratic parties in indonesia. this article produced a new explanation of the relationship between the regional election campaign team agenda and the newspaper media agenda regarding local head elections in the pandemic era. also give benefit to the public regarding the influence of the regional election campaign team on media coverage in regional head elections to contribute for practitioners of the political, regional election campaign team and media actors who report about the regional polls. result & discussion the democratization process in indonesia is progressing more and more, at least at the procedural level. this can be seen from the holding of relatively honest and fair general elections (pemilu) to regional level general elections (pilkada). in the past two decades, the legislative elections in indonesia have democratically taken place, then continued with the president and vice president's direct election, which was also quite successful. finally, the implementation of direct regional head elections was also relatively well executed. this democratic process is concrete evidence of an increasingly democratic political system and a form of political reform. the direct regional head election is a leadership succession process that is relatively young or has just been implemented in indonesia. a political process like this is a manifestation of democratic values, which is to hand over sovereignty to the people to determine the appropriate leader to lead them directly. according to joko j. prihatmoko, direct elections for regional heads can cause very complex and wide-ranging problems, such as juridical issues, government systems, and structures. the government system includes government units and the essential role of central and regional relations, and so on. meanwhile, the structural regulations, positions, and responsibilities for implementation and the relationship between organizers (joko j. prihatmoko, 2005: 163). the simultaneous regional election during the corona virus pandemic, which was held in december 2020, is one of the entry points for local communities in choosing leaders, who are expected to be able to manage the regional government effectively and efficiently to promote transparency and public accountability, especially in providing available services, while the economic and health crisis coincided with this corona virus pandemic. the direct election model has strengthened the position and legitimacy of regional heads, but it became a particular problem when it was carried out in the pandemic era. direct election is expected journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 249 to produce a more democratic local election output because it leaves it to the real owner of sovereignty, namely the people in the area concerned (harahap: 2005: 6). in this context, regional election is regulated in law no. 32 of 2004 concerning local government. the election of regional heads can indeed create vulnerabilities in the regions due to a conflict of interest. and this critical democracy event is, of course, not wasted by the press, both national and local press. this is not only because the press sees the potential value of news from the regional election, such as the value of impacts or conflicts, but on the other hand for the election press, it becomes a separate area for their advertisements; this is also driven by the efforts made by the regional disaster management agency which was formed. in the regional covid-19 task force, with the mother's message ad which invites us to wash our hands with soap, keep our distance in the crowd, and always wear masks, the presence of this advertisement gives a little hope to the mass media during the economic crisis due to the covid-19 crisis. likewise, in the simultaneous regional elections in december 2020, several interests will compete to control the public space and create a public opinion, which is considered evidence of public acceptance of their ideas, even though it can result in the coronavirus uncontrollable. this is where mass media is expected to play a vital role. if the mass media is seen as an intermediary for information, then the function of political education for the public must take precedence. this education is important because our country is still developing a democratic climate at the same time as the regional election during the covid19 pandemic. the process of searching for a candidate's vision that is in line with the idea of each group of society should be the goal of the public in consuming the information provided by the media. however, if we look at it, it will be seen how the role of education is hardly carried out by candidates who have full authority over the content of the campaign, the regional election is becoming increasingly pragmatic, but if it is carried out during a non-pandemic period, this pragmatism is considered a campaign effort, on the contrary. if done during a pandemic, it is regarded as a means of not adhering to health protocols. on the other hand, the mass media participated in revitalizing and heating the situation by raising (blow up) their news. the issue of neutrality in reporting has become an expensive thing lately, especially with the many interests moving behind the mass media. the mass media have an essential role in the regional election. therefore political practitioners generally use the mass media to form a public opinion to increase political support for the parties they represent. sources from all the life of an organization provide credentialed information to journalists to fulfill their news of what is going on. but journalists often rely heavily on sources of information from groups of government officials journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 250 because of the government's complexity, which makes it difficult because the complexity of the government to journalists is relatively closed due to the government itself. (wilbur j. cohen, 1968: 13-14). according to gandy, the relationship between journalists and sources is what journalists make of a story. whereas journalists choose from a reference about sources and events based on perceived usefulness in producing news that will meet organizational requirements, sources choose from an even broader reference information and techniques to convey information based on effectiveness. it is felt that it is covered, reported, and transmitted in a suitable format, the right time, and the right channel (oscar h. gandy, 1982: 14). according to haris munandar & dudy priatna, once the mass media played an essential role in the general election, political pr and political advertising became increasingly important. this began to appear prominently in 1968 when richard nixon won his party's nomination for television coverage. there is three nixon staff who have participated in this matter, namely roger ailes, harry treleaven, and al scott (rivers & jensen, 2003: 269-270). in indonesia, the legal basis for holding regional head elections is law no. 32 of 2004 concerning regional government, then set forth again in the government regulation of the republic of indonesia number 6 of 2005, concerning elections, ratification of the appointment and dismissal of regional heads and deputy regional heads. in pp no. article 6/2004 describes in more detail the procedure for how the kpud prepares a work plan and regional election process in its region (koiruddin, 2005: 111). mass media has long been known to influence audiences in fulfilling the adequacy of information it wants. the mass media's role is increasingly prominent in the effort to elect regional heads who genuinely have a clear vision and mission for the welfare of the local people. however, discussion about the role of mass media cannot, of course, be separated from the interests behind the existence of mass media, namely (1) economic interests and political power that shape media content, (2) the information presented and the meaning it offers (yasraf piliang, 2005: 213). there is a more fundamental interest between these two main interests that are being "threatened" that is ignored: public interest. in this case, it is in the interests of many people who will directly elect their regional heads. even though the mass media should have a role as a public space. because of the above interests, it ignores the public interest itself. the strength of economic interests and political power makes the media-neutral, honest, fair, objective, and open. as a result of the mass media's information, it has raised serious issues of objectivity of knowledge in the media itself. economic interests and political power will determine whether media information conveyed by the mass media contains false truths or journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 251 truths; give objectivity or subjectivity; be neutral or partial, represent facts; describe reality or simulate reality (yasraf piliang 2005: 214). in general, every story is required to fulfill several journalistic principles. among them, according to abdullah (1992: 19-21), events that are considered to have news value or are worthy of being broadcast are those that contain one or several elements, as follows (1) significant (significance), namely that the events that are reported have a high probability of affecting people's lives. lots; (2) excellent (magnitude), namely that the events reported are related to numbers or amounts that have a particular meaning in the lives of many people; (3) time (timeliness), namely that the events that are reported are related to things that have just happened or have recently been discovered; (4) proximity, namely that the events that are reported are things that are close to the reader or listener; (5) popularity (prominence), namely that the news presented is related to items that are popular or well known by readers or listeners; and (6) humane (human interest), namely that the events that are reported cause a touch of feeling to the reader or listener. it is further explained that the clarity of the material or news content includes answers to six main questions or 5w + 1h, namely about what (what), who (who), where (where), when (when), why (why), and how ( how). from the other side and several guidelines that focus on aspects of writing style and lang uage according to dja'far n. assegaf (1982), one of the main approaches in writing journalistic works is that the presentation of news reports must be comprehensive (abdullah, 1992: 30). to support campaign activities carried out by regional head candidates, the candidates must have a success team that formulates strategies to win regional head and deputy, local head candidates. one of the activities of this team is to assist candidates for regional head in conducting campaigns in various ways and forms that are conveyed to the public, including by distributing stickers, brochures, leaflets, and t-shirts to the public, delivering programs and the vision and mission of the candidates for regional head. meanwhile, the campaign team was made by making a press release conveyed to the media regarding the vision, mission, and activities of the candidates for regional head. that the mass media presented the description of the quantity and quality of news regarding the december 2020 regional election by raising more information on public health concerns for fear of several residents being exposed to the corona virus, for example, the one published by the news portal www.tempo.co with the title jokowi news ask his staff to pay special attention to the 2020 regional election process, reporter: antara, editor: eko ari wibowo, monday, 23 november 2020 10:37 wib. in the news raised by the tempo group media, the president shows that president joko widodo or jokowi asked his staff, including the minister of home affairs, the chief of police, and the regional covid-19 task force, to pay special attention to the 2020 regional election process. again, so that this also does not journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 252 interfere with our significant work, namely solving (handling) covid-19 and the economy, "said jokowi in a limited meeting on the topic of the committee for handling covid-19 and national economic recovery from the merdeka palace, jakarta, monday, 23 november 2020. that the frequency of violations of health protocols during the campaign during the covid19 pandemic during the 40 days before the election, it was recorded that breaches of the covid-19 campaign protocol reached 1,315 times. this data is contained in the cnn indonesia page on the news portal www.cnnindonesia.com, written by junalis adhi wicaksono and released monday, 9 november 2020, where the head of bawaslu abhan said the trend of violating the covid-19 protocol in the campaign has increased since the last 40 days until it has reached a total of 1,315 violations. bawaslu has also imposed dissolution sanctions 141 times in the 40-day campaign period. besides, there have been 909 written reprimands that have been sent. this means that awareness of the importance of health protocols is still low in indonesia. the campaign team and the media have different views in looking at problems related to implementing health protocols; the campaign team tends to be pragmatic. the media sticks to the recommendations of the covid-19 task force. many political actors violate health protocols, as published in the news portal www.makassar.sindonews.com, there are 72 candidates for the regional incumbent who violate the covid 19 protocol, news written by raka dwi novianto, on sunday, 27september27 september 2020, revealed that the ministry of home affairs (kemendagri) stated that there were 72 incumbent regional head candidates who violated the covid-19 health protocol when registering prospective pairs of candidates for the 2020 regional head elections (regional election) at the kpu. the ministry of home affairs stated that until 18 september september 2020, the number of chameleons was 740 in 270 regions. according to him, 500 are considered orderly and can be used as an example for 243 chameleons who have violated the covid-19 health protocol. so that the minister of home affairs tito karnavian and his staff immediately evaluated the incident. it is increasingly clear how the level of pragmatism of the campaign team agenda is inversely proportional to the media agenda in the 2020 simultaneous regional elections. conclusion in conclusion, the campaign team's agenda and the media agenda in reporting the simultaneous regional elections in the 2020 pandemic era are very contradictory. the agenda for the campaign team tends to be pragmatic in responding to the simultaneous regional elections. in contrast, the media agenda seeks to comply with the health protocols prepared by the covid task force 19. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 253 the campaign team is oriented towards campaign of the regional head elections, while the media agenda considers public health to avoid exposure to the coronavirus. the campaign team's agenda and the media agenda in reporting on the simultaneous regional elections in the 2020 pandemic era do not have the same orientation. however, usually, election winners are generally not separated from good news through conventional media and social media. however, for the conditions of the corona virus pandemic, the media agenda and the agenda of the campaign team tend to be the opposite. reference abdullah alamudi (2008) teknik melakukan dan melayani wawancara, jakarta: kaifa abdul asri harahap (2005) manajemen dan resolusi konflik pilkada, jakarta: cisendo, brian mcnair (1995) introduction to political communication, published by routledge dan nimmo, (1989) komunikasi politik: khalayak dan efek. bandung: remadja karya denis mcquail (2011), teori komunikasi massa, translator: putri iva izzatidirektur, jakarta: publisher salemba humanika frank jefkins (1992) public relations. jakarta : erlangga. gaye tuchman, (1978) making news: a study in the construction of reality, publisher free press. joko j. prihatmoko, (2005) pemilihan kepala daerah langsung, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, joseph bensman & robert lilienfeld, (1973) craft and consciousness: occupational technique and the development of world images hardcover, john wiley & sons inc oscar h. gandy jr. (1982) framing comparative risk: a preliminary analysis, howard journal of communications volume 16, 2005 issue 2 protess and mccombs (1991) quoted on nuruddin (2011) pengantar komunikasi massa. jakarta: rajawali pers, . rivers, william l. (2008) media massa & masyarakat modern, jakarta: kencana rogger d wimmer & joseph r. dominick (2001) mass media research: an introduction, 5th ed. new york, mcgraw hill, . rosady ruslan (2004) metode penelitian public relations dan komunikasi. jakarta:raja grafindo persada. william l. rivers & jay w. jensen. (2003) media massa dan masyarakat modern (edisi kedua). jakarta : kencana. yasraf piliang (2003) hipersemiotika tafsir cultural studie atas matinya makna. yogyakarta : jalasutra journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 254 adhi wicaksono, www.cnnindonesia.com news portal, titled: 40 hari jelang pemilihan, tercatat sudah ada pelanggaran protokol covid 19 kampanye mencapai 1.315 kali, senin 9 november 2020, eko ari wibowo, www.tempo.co news portal titled: jokowi minta jajarannya beri perhatian khusus pada proses pilkada 2020, senin, 23 november 2020 raka dwi novianto, www.makassar.sindonews.com news portal, titled: terdapat 72 calon kepala daerah petahana yang melanggar protokol covid 19, minggu, 27 september 2020 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 1 the role of the crown prince in the political system of kuwait nour huwaidi faculty of economics and political sience cairo university email: hussamah@gmail.com abstract: this paper aims to study and analyze the role of the crown prince in the political system of kuwait. this paper used analytical and descriptive methods in analyzing the role of the crown prince in political system of kuwait, and describing and analyzing the rules and methods and the duties related to choosing crown prince in kuwait. the kuwaiti constitution specified how to assume the position of crown prince, defined the duties of the crown prince, and linked the position of prime minister in the government to that of crown prince, until the position of crown prince was separated from the position on prime minister in 2003. the position of crown prince in kuwait has played an important role since the issuance of the kuwaiti constitution in 1962, as the constitution specified how to assume the position of crown prince, the functions of the crown prince, and linking the position of crown prince to the position of prime minister until 2003, when the two positions were separated. keywords : crown prince, political system, royal systems, monarchy submission : nov, 20th 2020 revision : jan 30th 2021 publication : feb 28th 2021 introduction the position of crown prince considered as one of the important positions in the monarchy, because the transfer of power in these systems based on the principle of inheritance, and known that the position of crown prince today in the kingdom is the prince or king of tomorrow. therefore, these systems have been concerned with training and qualifying the person who will occupy the position of the crown prince so that the system guarantees the continuation of his efficiency, stability and performance. it is noticed, that there is a difference between monarchy systems in the methods and determining of the constitutional and legal status of the position of the crown prince, in terms of methods of selecting him and the tasks that he performs during his tenure of this position and his removal if necessary. in kuwait, there is no arrangement for the mandate mailto:syarif.hidayat@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 2 of the covenant, the emir of kuwait nominates any member of the descendants of sheikh mubarak the great, and submits this nomination to the national assembly for approval. the emergence of the state of kuwait was the result of a mixing of immigrant tribes, forming a new society in kuwait. the people of kuwait chose the first ruler, sheikh sabah the first in 1716 ad, in a consensual and consultative manner. after his inauguration as an emir, he took from the tribal leaders the pledge of hearing and obedience, and this event represented the first seed for the establishment of the kuwaiti political system, despite the absence of legislative councils or shuras in the sense now known. ruling in kuwait was known at that time as joint rule, and this method remained in force in kuwait until the end of the nineteenth century ad. the kuwaiti political system witnessed many developments since the inception of kuwait until the establishment of the modern kuwaiti state in 1961. the historical roots of this experience go back to the early stages of the emergence of kuwait, where governance in it since its establishment was based on the principle of shura, and the method of choosing the ruler was closer to a social contract. the state of kuwait witnessed more than one case of changing the crown prince, after the establishment of the kuwaiti constitution, which established an important and influential role for the position of crown prince in the state of kuwait. method this paper used analytical and descriptive methods in analyzing the role of the crown prince in political system of kuwait, and describing and analyzing the rules and methods and the duties related to choosing crown prince in kuwait. the kuwaiti constitution specified how to assume the position of crown prince, defined the duties of the crown prince, and linked the position of prime minister in the government to that of crown prince, until the position of crown prince was separated from the position on prime minister in 2003 result and discussion the emergence of the political system in the state of kuwait: documents and historical indications indicate that the emergence of kuwait was in 1613 ad, when a group of families and tribes began arriving in this region, emigrating from najd, realizing the importance of this site and its spatial features. the tribes that descended in the area of kuwait have turned into an urban society, with a clear political entity characterized by stability and prosperity, which witnessed by travelers who visited the region. british archive documents indicate that the rule was for the al-sabah family in the year 1716 ad. which indicates that the emergence of this community extends for a previous journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 3 period, in which the kuwaiti society settled. where an urgent need appeared for leadership that people can refer to, in their affairs, and possess the legitimacy and the ability to secure and protect their society, and their interests and their representation in the bodies and societies that surround them. so they entrusted the presidency to a man among them from the al-sabah family, who saw him distinguished with good and closest to the truth and the rule in this family has been passed down to the elder of them to this day. (krsc, 2014) since the establishment of the state of kuwait, the system of it has been based on the principle of shura, which in turn regulated the relationship of the ruler and the ruled. this guarantees the citizens the right to choose the ruler, to pledge allegiance to him, and to hold him accountable in all matters related to governance and administration of the country. this trend practically translated through the establishment of the first legislative council in kuwait in 1938 ad, this council constituted the true starting point for building a democratic society based on the division of authorities and participation in governance, and ensuring the provision of political participation and legislative oversight mechanisms. this step was followed by the approval of the country's constitution to further consolidate this the democratic approach by working to build a constitutional democracy after the state of kuwait gained its independence in 1961 during the reign of sheikh abdullah al-salem al-sabah. so that the nature of the political leadership in the state of kuwait is that it mixes the parliamentary system with the presidential system, so it is similar in composition to the french system. (al-sabbagh, 2014) the succession of the emirate continued from father to son until the fifth emir, sheikh abdullah bin sabah, who during his reign kuwait developed greatly, and he helped medhat pasha in the ottoman empire to conquer al-ahsa and qatar in 1871. the period after sheikh abdullah al-sabah witnessed the division of power between his brothers, then his brother sheikh mubarak al-sabah seized power and inherited it from his sons until sheikh salem mubarak al-sabah, until the beginning of the twentieth century, when the kuwaitis complained about this policy, and there were petitions to demand the return to the shura system. with death of sheikh salem in february 1921, the people of kuwait moved to demand a shura council, and they prepared a document that signed. with the approval of sheikh ahmed al-jaber on this document, the first shura council established in 1921. (al-deen, 2012) during this period, the people demanded political participation, reform of conditions and the development of the emirate’s system. these matters led to the formation of a national bloc that began demanding the existence of an elected parliament and a constitution. a group of kuwaitis sent a message to sheikh ahmad al-jaber in june 1938; all of this coincided with british advice. the british resident in the gulf presented it to the british journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 4 commissioner in kuwait, who delivered a letter to sheikh ahmed al-jaber, asking him to make reforms in the emirate. sheikh ahmad al-jaber responded to the local movement and external pressure, to popular demands. indeed, elections for the first legislative nation council in kuwait took place on june 29, 1938 in the al-saqr diwan, and the number of candidates was 20, of whom 14 won the seats of the first national assembly. (al-deen, 2012) in 1958 ad, there was a tendency for kuwait to gain its independence, so that it would become part of the arab hashemite union between the kingdom of jordan and iraq. they brought in a legal expert, abd al-razzaq al-sanhouri, he was assigned to draw up laws for a modern state, the foundation for a modern state continued, despite the failure of the project. in 1961 ad, kuwait gained independence. the first step towards constitutional order was the establishment of the joint council. at the same time, the conditions for the elections for a constituent assembly were prepared. the "patriots" demanded that kuwait be a single district. this requirement rejected. a law passed that dividing kuwait into 20 districts. then there were tendencies towards boycotting the elections, until a compromise, formula was reached, represented by dividing kuwait into 10 districts. law no. 1 of 1962 issued, which is the basic system of government during the transition period. the national opposition, as a result of its adherence to social and societal reality and its leadership of the political movement, succeeded in winning the elections, then a constitution-drafting committee was formed that included opposition figures. (al-deen, 2012) kuwait transformed into a state of institutions with the issuance of the 1962 constitution, which defined the relationship between the ruler and the ruled. especially since it not issued through the honor of an emir, but rather through a popularly elected constituent assembly until it became a solid basis for democracy and for the majority of laws issued in kuwait. (al-najjar, 2001) despite the great powers granted by the 1962 constitution to the emir of kuwait. they are not absolute, but rather limited in part by the people will. which expressed by the national assembly, that participates from the beginning in choosing the emir of the country by determining the personality of the crown prince, which supports and confirms the direction of the constitution from the beginning to approve the foundations of practice democracy. consolidating the principles of political participation. the kuwaiti legislator was also keen that the members of the national assembly chosen through the free election of citizens to confirm their popular participation in governance and to consolidate the principles of democracy. (al-dahab, 2001) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 5 crown prince in kuwait constitution: the kuwaiti constitution states in (article 4) of chapter one the state and the system of government, states: the crown prince shall be appointed within a year at most of the amir’s inauguration. an emiri decree shall base his appointment, and on amir’s recommendation, and with the pledge of allegiance to the national assembly, and it shall take place in special sessions with the approval of the majority of the members of whom the council is composed. in the case of not being appointed as previously. the emir recommends to the crown prince at least three of the aforementioned offspring, and the council pledges allegiance to one of them as crown prince. the crown prince is required to be sane and the legitimate son of muslim parents. a special law shall regulate all the provisions relating to the inheritance of the emirate. it shall be issued within one year from the date on which this constitution comes into force, and it shall have a constitutional character. it may not be amended except in the manner prescribed for amending the constitution. (constitution, 1962) article 61 of chapter two of section four of the kuwaiti constitution states: “in the case of his absent outside the emirate and the crown prince is unable to represent him, the prince shall appoint a representative who exercises his powers during his absence, by an emiri decree. this order may include a special regulation for the exercise of these powers on his behalf or a determination of their scope. (constitution, 1962) it is clear through the constitution how to investiture the crown prince. also a deputy to the emir in the case that the crown prince cannot represent him in case of his absence and the constitution specifies how to appoint him. the crown prince is thus a major part of the executive authority in the state of kuwait. where the executive authority is vested in the emir, the council of ministers and the ministers. (constitution, 1962) we find that the kuwaiti constitution has adopted a system of executive body dualism. so emir is chosen through the mandate of the covenant, which is the normal way in which he is the crown prince and the transition it is normal for the crown prince to become the emir of the country. just as the crown prince will represent the emir in case of his absent from the state. emir has the right to seek the assistance of the crown prince in matters within his powers. (al-saleh, 1989) in the case that the position of the emir is lost, the council of ministers shall exercise all the authorities of the head of state until the emir be chosen. the procedures by which the crown prince pledge allegiance to the national assembly (constitution, 1962). the mandate of the emir ends with his resignation or the emir abdicates his position to the crown prince, or the emir loses the ability to carry out the duties of his position. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 6 it is clear through the constitution how to investiture the crown prince and also a deputy to the emir in the event that the crown prince cannot represent him in the event of his absence, and the constitution specifies how to appoint him. the 1962 constitution in kuwait limits the right to rule in the lineage of sheikh mubarak al-sabah. this has led over several years to the adoption of an informal arrangement based on the alternation of authority between the descendants of two of mubarak's sons, salem and jaber. four princes have ascended to the throne of kuwait since independence in 1961, and the last caliphate in 2006 was not bound by the prevailing power-sharing arrangement between the jaber and salem dynasties in the ruling al sabah family. with some few exceptions, the two dynasties took turns ruling and created an informal balance in power, and this ended with the death of prince jaber al-ahmad al-sabah, who ruled kuwait for 29 years, along with his crown prince saad al-abdullah al-sabah of the salem dynasty, but the impotence of the latter two increased at the end of their reigns. it opened the way to the ambitious foreign minister sabah al-ahmad al-sabah, who was appointed prime minister in 2003, thus ending an old practice of requiring the crown prince to head the government. (diwan, 2017) the kuwaiti parliament distinguished by the role it plays in the royal succession as stipulated in the constitution. the majority of votes must approve the selection of the new emir, in an extraordinary session of the national assembly. if this approval refused, parliament has the power to choose a successor from among three alternative options presented by the emir, also by a majority of votes. it is also custom in the state of kuwait to choose the crown prince as the prime minister. in turn he selects the ministers and nominates them for the emir of the country by an official letter. accordingly issues a decree forming the new cabinet, and the cabinet performs several tasks such as drawing the general policy of the government and following up on the implementation of this policy. it also supervises on the progress of work in government departments in kuwait, then this was modified by custom and the prime minister became not the crown prince. (al-otaibi, 2005) crown prince saad al-abdullah al-salem al-sabah (1977-2006): sheikh saad al-abdullah al-salem al-sabah is the eldest son of the late emir sheikh abdullah al-salem al-sabah, who is known as "the father of independence and the constitution," the 14th ruler of kuwait. (al-jarida, 2018) on january 31, 1978, sheikh jaber al-ahmad al-sabah issued a decree recommending sheikh saad al-abdullah al-sabah for the position of crown prince. the council of ministers agreed to pledge allegiance to him as crown prince on february 18, 1978, two days after his formation, based on the recommendation of the emir, he was chosen from journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 7 among three candidates for this position. are sheikh sabah al-ahmad al-sabah and sheikh jaber al-ali al-sabah. sheikh sabah al-ahmad al-sabah conceded in his favor, so the al-sabah family recommended him as crown prince. since october 22, 1979 he began to meet the people of the people in his office every monday, and every sunday evening he received people in his palace. (kuna, 2018) sheikh saad al-abdullah as a prime minister: sheikh saad al-abdullah remained the head of the executive authority for twenty-five years. he assumed the premiership from february 16, 1978 to july 13, 2003. during that period, he formed ten successive ministries. he was ex officio chairman of the supreme defense council, chairman of the civil service council, chairman of the supreme council for housing, chairman of the board of directors of the kuwait fund for arab economic development, chairman of the national security council, and chairman of the supreme council for planning. during that period, he faced a large number of social problems, including housing, naturalization, employment and social security. one of the most prominent economic problems faced by the climate crisis. the crisis led to some effects, including the erosion of oil revenues as a result of the drop in oil prices, and also led to the bankruptcy of a large number of prominent merchants and businessmen. where sheikh saad al-abdullah al-sabah headed the tenth cabinet 1978-1981. one of his most important tasks was to form a committee on february 10, 1980, to revise the constitution. which completed its duties on 22/6/1980. he submitted its recommendations to the emir of kuwait, who in turn issued an amiri decree on 9/24/1980 calling for the national assembly to convene within a period not exceeding february 1981, and accordingly, the national assembly elections were held. (al-naqib, 1996) after the election of the fifth national assembly in 1981, the eleventh cabinet was formed in march 1981, headed by sheikh saad al-abdullah. ministry witnessed fluctuations after the stock market crash in mid-1982. the eleventh ministry headed by sheikh saad alabdullah on 5/4/1982 referred the draft revision of the constitution to the national assembly, proposing to amend more than 15 articles of the constitution. the council voted on the principle of revision on december 14 1982, with the approval of 37, including the ministers, and the opposition of 27. parliament was absent until 1989, when the government headed by sheikh saad alabdullah responded to the demands of returning to parliamentary life, and a temporary parliament was formed (the national council) in a mixed manner, which combined appointment and election, and was weaker than the parliament, whether in terms of powers or popular representation. and the work of this council stopped in 1990 due to the iraqi invasion of kuwait. (asiri, 1994) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 8 sheikh saad al-abdullah assumed the presidency of the twelfth ministry from 19851986. which was formed on march 3, 1985. included 15 ministers, this ministry life lasted only 16 months, as the worsening relationship between the legislative and executive authorities led to the dissolution of the national assembly in 1986. that prompted the resignation of the government on july 11, 1986. then sheikh saad al-abdullah assumed the presidency of the thirteenth ministry from 1986-1990. it was formed on july 12, 1986. included 21 ministers. it created five new ministries and continued to function until june 19, 1990, when they submitted their resignation after the end of the national assembly elections and the announcement of the formation of the new council. the fourteenth ministry from 1990-1991. this ministry formed on june 20, 1990, headed by sheikh saad al-abdullah al-salem al-sabah. continued until march 20, 1991, the period that witnessed the iraqi invasion of kuwait and the war to liberate kuwait. despite the exposure of kuwait to the iraqi invasion in august of the year 1990. this government continued to carry out its operations from the saudi city of taif. until the liberation. the government submitted its resignation on april 19, 1991 in preparation for the start of the reconstruction phase. (kuna, 2019) after the liberation of kuwait, the fifteenth government, or it is called, the government of reconstruction and development was formed on april 20, 1991, headed by sheikh saad al-abdullah. it continued its work until october 16, 1992. when it submitted her resignation in preparation for the restoration of the constitution and the return of parliamentary life, represented by the new national assembly elections. the sixteenth government formed on october 17, 1992 under the leadership of sheikh saad al-abdullah and the membership of 15 ministers, including six representatives in the national assembly. this government completed its full four-year constitutional life, as it submitted its resignation on october 14, 1996, after the end of the legislative term for the national assembly and in preparation for new elections. the seventeenth government formed on october 15, 1996. headed by sheikh saad alabdullah. the life of this government did not last long as it submitted its resignation on march 21, 1998, as a result of the worsening of the relationship between the legislative and executive authorities. after three representatives submitted an interpellation to the minister of information, and then submitted a request for a vote of confidence. (kuna, 2019) the eighteenth government formed on march 22, 1998, headed by sheikh saad alabdullah. this government lasted only 15 months and a few days, as it submitted its resignation on 12 july 1999 after the issuance of amiri decree no. 134 of 1999 dissolving parliament. as a result of the deterioration of the relationship between the two authorities as a result of the questioning of the minister of justice and endowments. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 9 the nineteenth government formed on july 13, 1999, headed by sheikh saad al-abdullah. likewise in the previous government, and for the same reasons, the government submitted its resignation on january 29, 2001. as a result, the relationship with the national assembly worsened after a deputy requested to question the minister of justice and the minister of endowments and islamic affairs. during the year 2000, the crown prince was criticized by liberal mps. those who accused him of obstructing economic and democratic reforms due to his combination of the two positions. the twentieth government formed on february 14, 2001, headed by sheikh saad alabdullah. who, due to his health conditions that necessitated his travel abroad, was unable to form a government. his highness sheikh sabah al-ahmad assumed this mission for the first time. (al-jarida, 2018) separation between the mandate of the crown and the premiership in 2003: the issue of separation between the mandate of the covenant and the prime minister was settled in 2003. this means that the position of prime minister may be assumed politically from outside the ruling family, and thus the position of parliament. (al-jumaili, 2011) for the first time in the country's contemporary history, the emir of kuwait, sheikh jaber al-ahmad al-sabah, separated the duties of the crown prince and the prime minister, based on the demands of the reformists in the country. the emir issued a decree appointing his half-brother and former foreign minister sheikh sabah al-ahmad al-sabah as prime minister. he tasked him with forming the next government to replace the kuwaiti crown prince sheikh saad al-abdullah salem alsabah. he has held the position of prime minister since 1978. on his part, sheikh sabah has held the position of minister of foreign affairs since 1963. the decree put an end to many speculations in this country about the prince's intentions to separate the mandate of the crown and prime minister. (al-dustour, 2003) conclusion kuwait turned into a state of institutions with the promulgation of the 1962. constitution, which defined the relationship between the ruler and the ruled, especially since it was not issued through a royal honor. the kuwaiti constitution worked to achieve a balance between the parliamentary system and the presidential system in a dual manner. it is clear through the constitution, how to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 10 investiture the crown prince, also a deputy to the emir in the event that the crown prince cannot represent him in his absence and the constitution specifies how to appoint him. the crown prince is thus a major part of the executive authority in the state of kuwait, where executive authority is vested in the emir and the council of ministers. sheikh saad al-abdullah assumed the mandate of the covenant from 1978 to 2006, and sheikh saad al-abdullah remained head of the executive authority for twenty-five years, as he assumed the premiership from february 16, 1978 to july 13, 2003. during that period of saad al-abdullah as a crown prince, he formed ten successive ministries, then the mandate of the covenant was separated from the prime minister in 2003, and this means the possibility of assuming the position of political prime minister from outside the ruling family. references al-dahab, f. a., (2001). the kuwaiti democratic experience and steps for political reform. gulf affairs, spring, p. 76. al-deen, a., (2012). features in the political history of kuwait sabah al-awwal ruling kuwait with a mandate from the people is closer to the shura council, kuwait: altali'a. al-deen, a., (2012). features in the political history of kuwait the balance of political forces fluctuated and some considered the constitution a historical mistake, kuwait: al-tali'a. al-dustour, n., (2003). sabah al-ahmad assigned to form a new government: the emir of kuwait separates the mandate of the covenant and the prime minister. [online] available at: https://cutt.ly/hpsvffv [accessed 7 2020]. al-jarida, (2018). on the tenth anniversary of his passing ... father prince sheikh saad alabdullah, a great track record in building modern kuwait. [online] available at: https://www.aljarida.com/articles/1526110813830241500/ [accessed 6 2020]. al-jumaili, h., (2011). political reform in the gulf cooperation council countries: between motivations and obstacles. 1 ed. jordan: al-jinan house for publishing and distribution. al-najjar, g., (2001). the reality and future of political situations in the arab gulf countries. the arab future, june, p. 102. al-naqib, k., (1996). the conflict of tribalism and democracy the state of kuwait. beirut: dar al-saqi. al-otaibi, a., (2005). political reform in the state of kuwait requirements and possibilities, jordan: university of jordan. al-sabbagh, h., (2014). parliamentary system in the state of kuwait: reality and the future. arab future magazine, june , p. 41. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 11 al-saleh, o. a.-m., (1989). the contemporary kuwaiti order. kuwait: writing notes. asiri, a. r. a., (1994). the political system in kuwait: principles and practices. kuwait: alwatan press. constitution, s. o. k., (1962). article 4. kuwait: s.n. constitution, s. o. k., (1962). article 52. kuwait: s.n. constitution, s. o. k., (1962). chapter 1, article 4. s.l.:s.n. constitution, s. o. k., (1962). section 4, chapter 2, article 61. kuwait: s.n. diwan, k. s., (2017). a new generation of royal family members and succession dynamics in the arab gulf states, washington: the arab gulf states institute in washington. krsc, k. r. a. s. c., (2014). history of kuwait. [online] available at: http://www.crsk.edu.kw/aboutkuwait/kuwaithistory.aspx kuna, k. n. a., (2018). recommending sheikh saad al-abdullah al-salem al-sabah as crown prince on february 18, 1978,. [online] available at: https://www.kuna.net.kw/default.aspx [accessed 6 2020]. kuna, k. n. a., (2019). the 36 kuwaiti governments during the 57 years of political history. [online] available at: https://www.kuna.net.kw/articledetails.aspx?id=2842835 [accessed 7 2020]. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 295 frameworking the issues of lesbian gay bisexual transgender (lgbt) at magdalene.co (kalibata city article: between mutilation and “sanctuary”) djudjur luciana radjagukguk, munzi aulia rahmah universitas nasional djudjurluciana01@gmail.com, mnzaulia@gmail.com abstract ; the raid on an lgbt party in august 2020 and then in kuningan, south jakarta became the main spotlight amid the hustle and bustle of the covid-19 pandemic. the media coverage of the case was quite controversial. because several media discriminate against lgbt people. however, magdalene. co does not see lgbt people as oppressed and need to be heard. this paper analyzes how magdalene framed lgbt issues in one of her articles entitled “kalibata city: between mutilation and 'sanctuary'” through robert n entman's framing analysis approach to explaining how alternative media portrays sensitive issues such as lgbt in their writings. by using robert n. entman's framing analysis with the define problems, diagnose causes, make moral judgment, and treatment recommendation methods, this study is expected to identify and analyze the framing of lgbt issues in the article. the result of this research is that the alternative media magdalene. co framed lgbt people as oppressed and received unfair treatment so they need to be heard. on the aspect of defining the problem, magdalene. co explained that lgbt people get discriminated against by the community. diagnosing causes explain the cause of the discriminatory attitude because lgbt people are troubling citizens, and not following the norms that apply in society. in the aspect of making a moral judgment, magdalene. co emphasizes that lgbt is negatively stigmatized by society and the aspect of treatment recommendation emphasizes that this problem will always exist. keywords: framing, issues, lesbian gay bisexual transgender, and articles. submission : feb, 11th 2021 revision : june 18th 2021 publication : august 28th 2021 introduction in august 2020 ago, there was a raid on a gay party in the kuningan area, south jakarta. this raid became the focus amid the hustle and bustle of the covid-19 pandemic which continued to soar and then became the main conversation of the media in indonesia. later, there were also criticisms of how the incident was mailto:djudjurluciana01@gmail.com mailto:mnzaulia@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 296 reported in the mass media. as mentioned by tempo. co, the status in several media that was highlighted was the disclosure of the hiv status of the suspects at the party. even though the disclosure of hiv status is not relevant to the news. this has been explained in law number 14 of 2008 concerning public information disclosure that a person's medical history includes information that is excluded from the public. one of the media that highlighted this was suara.com which reported with the title "one of 9 suspects of a gay party at the south jakarta apartment is hiv positive" and "the story of a suspect of a south jakarta gay party undergoing rapid test, result is hiv positive". where the title can cloud the stigma of the disease in indonesia. the issue of lgbt is one of the sensitive issues to be discussed in the media. the cause of the sensitivity of this lgbt issue to be raised is because lgbt is considered a taboo subject, against religion, threatens the moral future of the state, and various other stigmas that also make lgbt people an oppressed minority. according to vience (rumata, 2019) in the journal of media and communications diakom) entitled lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender in the frame of systematic media studies and literature communication, he explained that not only are they accepted by society in general, lgbt people also get discriminatory treatment in the workplace, the world of education, health services, culture based on heterosexuality, even under state protection, is still very minimal. so that this is the main concern of lgbt in fighting for human rights advocacy for every lgbt. (https://jurnaldiakom.kominfo.go.id/index.php/mediakom/article/view/64/25 ) the 2016 report, entitled “violence against lgbt” by the indonesian lgbt forum, explains that the indonesian media is in second place in terms of perpetrators of violence against lgbt people, after state apparatus and ormas. it even touched the figure of 22%. then the community legal aid institute (lbhm) in 2018 also showed that lgbt is a minority that gets the most stigma, discrimination, and human rights violations. this also ultimately led to 98 of the media coverage of lgbt, and 25 of them were discriminatory reports as described in the 2017 lbhm report. in addition to the national report on indonesia – living as lgbt in asia, it is explained that the law in indonesia does not support lgbt people. several regional regulations (perda) prohibit homosexuality as a crime because it is considered to deviate from the prevailing norms. of course, in this case, the media also has a big role in shaping people's views and opinions on lgbt. the report also explains that mass media coverage in indonesia regarding lgbt is quite varied. ranging from supportive to hostile. in a thesis entitled " literasi media dalam komunitas lesbian, gay, biseksual dan transgender/transeksual " by dominius tomy w.(waskito, 2012) from atmajaya university, yogjakarta, he explains that the mass media at this time has done a lot of harm to the lgbt community because the news that often appears seems to add to https://jurnaldiakom.kominfo.go.id/index.php/mediakom/article/view/64/25 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 297 the stigma and discrimination that they previously received from the community. this is also due to the lack of media knowledge on gender issues, especially lgbt. however, this does not apply to magdalene. co media, even though this alternative media did not report directly about the raid case, they wrote an article related to the case and viewed lgbt people as the people who received the most discrimination in the media. magdalene. co is a place for people and parties who usually feel cornered. both are based on religion, gender, skin color, and or sexual preference. thus, this is by the vision and mission stated in their website (https://magdalene.co/about), that they are an online media that offer different perspectives and transcends gender and cultural boundaries. so, they want the minority group to be accepted in society with an understanding of the principle of difference. one of the articles that cover lgbt in magdalene, co is an article entitled "kalibata city: between mutilation and the 'sanctuary'" by e.j. bram which was published on 20 september 2020. after the raid case carried out by the police against the lgbt group in kuningan, south jakarta. magdalene. co presents the article with some case examples. however, the essence of the article explains how lgbt people get unfair and discriminated against by a group of people in a deaf housing complex who are lgbt couples. the author intends to analyze the text of the articles contained in the magdalene. co media regarding what kind of framing the present. the research will explore how journalists or journalists view the article. the research is focused on using an analytical text analysis approach, namely framing with a model from robert n. entman which is quite often used by practitioners of communication science. observing the framing of the article entitled "kalibata city: between mutilation and 'sanctuary'" by analyzing how magdalene. co media highlights select and publishes facts in article writing on the website to make it more meaningful, and more interesting, even though it discusses sensitive issues. method in this study, using a qualitative approach as the opinion (denzin & lincoln, 2011) explains that qualitative research is research that uses a scientific background to interpret the phenomena that occur and is carried out by involving various existing methods. meanwhile, according to bungin (2007:3), a qualitative approach is a research process based on a methodology that investigates a social phenomenon and human problem. this study analyzes an article using robert n. entmant's framing analysis. framing entman is a selection process from various aspects of reality so that certain parts of the event are more prominent than other aspects(entman et al., 2009). robert's analysis divides into four elements to get answers to problems, namely, define the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 298 problem (defining the problem), diagnose the cause (estimate the problem or source of the problem, make a moral judgment (make moral decisions), and treatment recommendation (emphasize solution). in this section, we will carry out several data collection techniques to get answers to the subject matter that can be accurate and correct. researchers conducted interviews and collected documentary evidence related to the article. the data collection techniques through interviews and documentation can be done to obtain the required data. however, this will not reduce the accuracy of the data. the key informant in this study is the managing editor and co-founder of magdalene.com, hera diani. in this case, interviews are conducted to provide information about the problem and become a strong source to be used as research evidence. results and discussion to be able to dissect the framing of an article in the media, robert etnam divides it into four elements, as well as highlighting a certain aspect of reality. the protrusion is the process of making information more meaningful, more interesting, meaningful, or more memorable by the audience (mulyana, 2002) in this article, the aspect that is highlighted lies in the 22nd paragraph which reads: “as part of a minority group with a label attached to society, i often find myself on the same side as people who are considered “deviant”, in the face of the stigma that intensified by the majority or ruling groups”. when viewed from the sentence, it describes how lgbt people feel when they receive discrimination in the form of negative stigma or are considered deviant by the community, and this is in line with what hera said during the interview that magdalene. co is indeed a place for minorities including lgbt to speak up. through framing robert n. entman is used as an analytical knife because this theory explains how to dissect to find out the views of the media by dividing them into 4 elements with each understanding. by dividing each paragraph into four elements that have been described by robert n. entman, namely define problems, diagnose causes, make moral judgment, and treatment recommendation. the details are as follows: 1. define problem this element emphasizes how the event is understood by journalists. how the event is digested and understood by journalists so that it is developed into writing or work. as for this article, magdalene. co explains the essence of the problem by presenting a case where there was an lgbt couple who received discrimination by the residents around the couple living. this discriminatory attitude is described by courting, cornering, and urging the couple to admit their sexual orientation. this shows the attitude of the residents' dislike of the lgbt journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 299 couple in their environment. indirectly, this attitude illustrates the attitude of discrimination because it has discriminated against a group. while on the other hand, the lgbt couple is described as not doing anything that disturbs the residents of the complex. 2. diagnose causes this element explains what the cause of the problem is, what can be and who did it to cause the problem. this element is important because to know how an event occurred, the first step is to know what and who caused the problem. as for in this article, the reason for this discrimination is because the lgbt couple is considered to be disturbing residents, not following religious norms, and many media are busy reporting on lgbt which makes them uncomfortable. so, the residents flocked to raid and corner them. in the article, this explanation is found in the 14th and 16th paragraphs. in the 14th paragraph magdalene. co mentions the causal factors, while the 16th paragraph magdalene. co contains justifying and providing the main arguments for the problem. the researcher considers that magdalene. co does not want to directly explain the factors that are the main causes of the problem but convey it implicitly through the cases that are told. 3. make moral judgment this element questions whether there are arguments that can strengthen the statement on the subject matter? meanwhile, in this article, the argument that strengthens the main issue lies in paragraph 22 which implicitly explains how the lgbt people feel how they are considered a minority group who are considered deviant and receive negative stigma from the community. in addition, it was further explained that this lgbt couple finally chose to move to the kalibata city apartment, which they found peace after moving. because of the high individualistic attitude that other residents of kalibata city have. in addition, it was reiterated that other forms of discrimination will continue to occur. 4. treatment recommendations this element is the last element used to judge what journalists want at the end of the article. what path did journalists choose, and did they provide a solution to the problem or not? researchers assess magdalene. co does not directly provide a solution to this problem. but in the end, magdalene. co reminded lgbt people that out there this problem will always be present, discrimination and other negative stigmas that might happen anywhere and anytime, and what needs to be done is to ignore it. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 300 conclusion from this study, the researcher found that magdalene. co views lgbt as a group that is discriminated against and oppressed, so it needs to be heard. this article consisting of 34 paragraphs has the four elements described by robert a. entman. in defining problems, magdalene. co demonstrated discriminatory attitudes in the article by courting, cornering, and urging the couple to admit their sexual orientation. the second element, namely the diagnosis of the cause or the cause of the problem that lgbt people get discriminated against is because they are disturbing the local people, not according to religious norms, and many media are busy talking about the raids making them feel uncomfortable. so that this is the beginning of the attitude of discrimination against lgbt couples. in the third element, make moral judgments that can support this statement, it is explained that lgbt people are indeed a minority who often get negative stigma from the wider community. the fourth element, namely the treatment recommendation for this problem, is to remind lgbt people that discrimination will be found anywhere and anytime. so, what is needed is an attitude of not caring about it. references denzin, n. k., & lincoln, y. s. (2011). the sage handbook of qualitative research. sage. entman, r. m., matthes, j., & pellicano, l. (2009). nature, sources, and effects of news framing. in the handbook of journalism studies (pp. 195–210). routledge. mulyana, d. r. d. (2002). analisis framing konstruksi, ideologi, dan politik media. lkis pelangi aksara. rumata, v. m. (2019). lesbi, gay, biseksual, dan transgender dalam bingkai kajian media dan komunikasi: sebuah kajian literatur sistematis. diakom: jurnal media dan komunikasi, 2(2), 168–177. waskito, d. t. (2012). literasi media dalam komunitas lesbian, gay, biseksual dan transgender/transeksual (studi deskriptif kualitatif pemahaman literasi media dalam organisasi komunitas lgbt plu satu hati yogyakarta). uajy. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 89 the entrepreneurial capabilities for sustainability of community empowerment programs frans alexander a. hukom1, aulia arbiani 1, arsy adziem wal hamdir1, nonon saribanon2* 1pt pertamina ep asset 5 sangasanga field, tarakan, indonesia 2department of agriculture, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, *email: (nonsa.enviro@gmail.com) abstract: an important aspect of implementing community empowerment programs is that the program is ongoing and sustainable. entrepreneurial activity is one of the important programs in empowering the community. therefore, the determining element of the optimal running and continuation of a community empowerment program is the entrepreneurial capabilities of the beneficiaries. program facilitation generally has limitations in implementing community empowerment, both in terms of budget and program intensity. therefore, beneficiary business actors need to develop their entrepreneurial capabilities through several training program and facilitator’s assistancy. these capacity building programs and facilitation could develop the sustainability of the implemented activities can be achieved. the entrepreneurial capability development program has been implemented by the setaria farmer group in kutai kartanegara regency, in order to optimize activities and develop product innovations as well as expand market share coverage. developing exploitative capabilities through various empowerment activities is a provision for the setaria farmer group to utilize honed entrepreneurial capabilities. afterwards, they can maintain the sustainability of business activities that are being pioneered and developed, including adapting. the market share situation during the covid-19 pandemic. keywords: facilitation; community empowerment; entrepreneurial capabilities submission : nov, 20th 2020 revision : jan 30th 2021 publication : feb 28th 2021 introduction kutai kartanegara as one of the areas adjacent to the equator has tropical climatic conditions with abundant natural resources. sangasanga district as a part of kutai kartanegara regency has historically developed the agricultural sector. in the next phase, the people in sangasanga became dependent on the coal mining sector which uses productive land in kutai kartanegara regency. this shift in livelihoods led to a decrease in the number of farmers in sangasanga. in addition, the fertility condition of the land in sangasanga has also changed due to land degradation which has resulted in some parts of the sangasanga area becoming critical land and becoming post-mining pits. the impacts of coal mining activities on the agricultural sector in sangasanga have the potential to cause problems in the agricultural sector if they are not anticipated and handled comprehensively. mailto:syarif.hidayat@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 90 the prevention of problems in the agricultural sector in sangasanga cannot be done optimally if it only involves the community. the success of community development requires collaboration between government, private and civil society elements. therefore, the synergy between the three elements needs to be formulated in a comprehensive manner so that the roles and functions of each stakeholder can encourage the community empowerment process. the government can act as a regulator, the private sector can act as a stimulator, while civil society can act as the main actor in improving the quality of life of the community. one of the efforts of the private sector is to contribute through the implementation of a corporate social responsibility (csr) program which can be configured in the form of a community empowerment program, as has been done by pt pertamina ep asset 5 sangasanga field as a business entity in sangasanga. together with the sangasanga community, pt pertamina ep asset 5 sangasanga field has formulated a csr program with a community empowerment model in the agricultural sector. one of the community elements involved is the setaria farmer group. literature review the implementation of corporate social responsibility (csr) is based on the triple bottom line concept proposed by elkington (1997). according to this concept, the company not only has responsibility for the company's profit (profit), but also has responsibility for improving the welfare of the surrounding community (people) and is responsible for preserving the environment around the company (planet). this concept then becomes the benchmark in managing corporate csr globally. in the context of legislation, the obligation to implement csr in indonesia is regulated in law number 40 of 2007 concerning limited liability companies (uupt) article 74, for business entities related to (extractive) natural resources are required to carry out social and environmental responsibility. in the initial phase, the implementation of csr programs by companies in indonesia was generally in the form of direct assistance (charity) which tended to be unsustainable and merely a spontaneous reaction by companies in responding to community demands. companies, which tend to carry out charitable activities by providing assistance to meet short-term needs only, do not yet have a sustainable orientation towards meeting long-term needs. however, currently the implementation of csr in indonesia has changed by providing a portion of the csr program through a community empowerment approach (rijkie, 2019). community empowerment is interpreted as an approach that provides opportunities, greater authority to the community to manage the development process (soetomo, 2011). empowerment refers to the process of obtaining power or the process of providing power to the less empowered. in the context of community empowerment-based csr programs, the corporation as one of the development actors also gives authority to the community to manage the development process independently. in carrying out community empowerment journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 91 programs, the company acts as a facilitator and supports program funding, while the community is involved in every stage of the program to achieve community independence. the implementation of community economic empowerment programs can use a program model that focuses on developing entrepreneurial activities. the entrepreneurship that is being developed also covers various sectors, such as the service sector, creative industries and agriculture. community empowerment programs that focus on entrepreneurial development can support the program's sustainability. therefore, it is necessary to have qualified entrepreneurial capabilities from the target groups who receive the benefits of the program. a discussion of entrepreneurial capabilities needs to begin with an understanding of the concept of capabilities. saith (2001) explains that capability is a person's ability to do or become something. sen (in hausman, 1994) emphasizes the meaning of capabilities in two positions, namely as a set of functions and individual abilities to be able to achieve these functions. in placing capabilities in the first position, it is explained that a person's capabilities reflect an alternative combination of functions that the individual can achieve. in the second point of view regarding the concept of capabilities, sen (1987: 36) emphasizes that function is an achievement point, while capability is an individual's ability to achieve that function. this can be interpreted that in the context of entrepreneurship, capability is more directed at an individual function that can be utilized to achieve new functions that support the development of entrepreneurial activities. furthermore, regarding the concept of entrepreneurial capability itself, arthurs and busenitz (2006) explain that entrepreneurial capability can be seen as the ability to identify new opportunities and develop the resource base needed to seize these opportunities. entrepreneurial capabilities are primarily linear with opportunities positioned as a reference point for decision makers (actors). therefore, actors identify the opportunities that exist and then begin to configure the resource base they deem necessary to seize the opportunities identified based on the description above, it can be interpreted that one of the entrepreneurial capabilities of a business actor lies at the level of recognition (entrepreneurial opportunity recognition). eckhardt and shane (in phillips and tracey, 2007) suggest that entrepreneurial opportunity recognition is the ability to identify situations in which goods, services, raw materials, market share, and organizational methods can be introduced through new forms of means, ends, or the relationship between means and ends. according to arthur and busenitz, entrepreneurial capability also touches on the ability to formulate a plan to utilize appropriate resource bases needed to seize opportunities. in short, the explanation above tries to emphasize that in order to follow up on the opportunities seen, business actors need to utilize various resources around them in such a way that they can achieve the opportunities that have been identified. in the process of exploiting opportunities and resources, business actors are required to be able to actualize recognized opportunities by developing technical capabilities which are the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 92 reference for the functioning of entrepreneurs. actualization is meant to realize the function of an entrepreneur through the ability to transform potential opportunities into actual ones, thereby creating real added value which can then be used as a support in the process of exploiting and developing subsequent opportunities. if the entrepreneurial context is emphasized in the discussion of the ability to identify and exploit opportunities, the actualization of entrepreneurial capabilities focuses more on matching two important components, namely products and prospective market share (good opportunities). the process of matching product opportunities and market share in entrepreneurial dynamics can be categorized into three types, namely recognition, discovery, and creation with an approach to adjusting the conditions of opportunities and entrepreneurial activities. the program implemented to encourage community empowerment through training activities for capacity building, and assistance by facilitators. method the unit of analysis in this study is the setaria farmer group as the csr foster partner of pt pertamina ep asset 5 sangasanga field.. this research consists in a descriptive and exploratory research, and its objective is to analyze recognition and exploitative capabilities of the setaria farmer group in identifying and taking advantage of opportunities in order to maintain the sustainability of group activities as community empowerment programs. the qualitative approach is justified as being adequate for situations which aim to understand psychological aspects related to this phenomenon (richardson et al, 2011). descriptive research aims to measure or to collect information, independently or not, about concepts and variables (miles and hoberman, 2014). exploratory research is supposed to examine themes not explored much, or not yet approached. the data collection process was carried out through literature study, focus group discussion (fgd), field observation, and indepth interview. result and discussion recognitive capabilities basically include the ability of business actors to identify opportunities such as opportunities for optimization of product concepts, opportunities for efficient and effective use of the resource base, and opportunities at the market share level. meanwhile, exploitative capability in the realm of entrepreneurship is defined as the ability to make use of potential situations around it which are actualized in product configuration activities, optimizing the use of resource bases, and distributing product value to market share. originated from early recognition of agricultural development opportunities in former coal mining areas. the setaria farmer group was formed in 2012. the initial formation of this group was motivated by the opportunity to use post-mining land that was abandoned but still in a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 93 productive condition for the agricultural sector. in addition, the group initiators also recognized market share opportunities for agricultural products such as vegetables and fruit which at that time could still be absorbed by local traditional markets. the initial recognition stage became a milestone in the early history of the initiation of the establishment of the setaria farmer group. as reviewed by pacheco, et al, (in kusworo, 2015), the initial stage experienced by this group is called recognition in which the activities carried out by business actors are matching products and markets that have previously existed or been known. pertamina ep asset 5 sangasanga field began facilitating the setaria farmer group and held discussions to prepare a 5-year strategic plan and details of a work plan per year starting from 2019-2023. the discussion process took place dynamically and actively in which group members who attended one by one expressed ideas for development based on the opportunities that each group member identified. when summarized, the ideas conveyed by group members emphasize the potential for integrated agricultural development integrated with cattle farming in the business process of the setaria farmer group. the integrated farming system (integrated) is considered to be able to increase efficiency because cow dung that was previously not managed properly can be used as raw material for making organic fertilizers. the process of forming these ideas can be interpreted as an effort by group members to recognize opportunities to use the resource base available around them for the development of previous business processes (conventional agriculture). the dynamics of group discussions indicate the potential for entrepreneurial capabilities in the form of opportunity recognition by group members. the company stimulated a discussion forum with proposals to develop an integrated agricultural education area. the response of group members to ideas actually shows the potential for the recognition capabilities of group members. immediately several members responded by explaining several preparation plan options, starting from managing livestock stalls, utilizing fragrant lemongrass as a neutralizer for the smell of livestock manure, building organic fertilizer processing sites for educational tours, developing derivative products that can be used as tourist souvenirs, and cultivation several species of plants that can support these ideas. the final proposal is a collective agreement. and is part of efforts to improve the production process and product development the planning options put forward by group members increasingly indicate the potential for cognitive capabilities which can then be used as the initial basis for developing the group. the way group members identify plan options also indicates the potential for the group to take a second approach in the individual opportunity nexus (ion), namely the discovery approach. the discovery approach taken by the setaria group is to formulate planning options for the development of integrated agricultural education tours that have not previously been found or exist in the sangasanga area and then formulate preparatory steps to attract the existing market share. the development of an integrated agricultural program as well as a means of education for visitors and the surrounding community is one of the strategies for expanding and developing the program. this can lead to a partnership model with new groups that can be formed. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 94 the indication of the potential for cognitive capabilities is then a consideration for the representation of the company's community development team in deciding to foster the setaria farmer group. the various planning options outlined earlier are then used as material for compiling strategic plans and work plans to realize the agricultural education development plan in the setaria farmer group. recognitively, the entrepreneurial capabilities of the members of the setaria farmer group do show a potential indication. however, in developing empowerment programs, exploitative capabilities are also needed as a set of skills to take advantage of identified opportunities. the exploitative capabilities of the members of the setaria farmer group need to be optimized to complement the existing cognitive capabilities so that the opportunities that have been identified are not only empty dreams that are not realized. therefore, the company started facilitating the setaria farmer group to develop its cognitive and exploitative capabilities in capturing entrepreneurial opportunities. at the coaching stage, through community empowerment programs, the company seeks to assist the setaria farmer group so that its cognitive capabilities can further develop, and the exploitative capabilities of group members can also be stimulated and developed. facilitating the optimization of the development of the exploitative capabilities of group members is carried out by realizing funding assistance to build the infrastructure that was planned in the beginning. the infrastructure realized in 2019 includes repairing cow sheds and building an organic fertilizer processing area. furthermore, in early 2020, pt pertamina ep asset 5 sangasanga field once again realized financial support for the construction of other supporting facilities such as the construction of a fragrant lemongrass distillation house, making a distillation device for burning husk smoke, and building a nursery for vegetable and ornamental plants. the manufacture of lemongrass distillation facilities aims to increase added value into industrial raw material products. in addition, nurseries are also needed to increase income and fulfill family nutrition. with the support of group development from physical aspects such as the above facilities and infrastructure, it can help accelerate the development of the entrepreneurial capabilities of the beneficiaries. the realization of the construction of lemongrass refineries has encouraged the development and diversification of group activities. the product of lemongrass distillation can be traded as aromatherapy, raw materials for making soap and natural handsanitizers, a mixture of natural disinfectant for cattle sheds, and lemongrass refined dregs used by the group as an alternative feed for cows so that a zero waste management system of lemongrass distillation can be realized. apart from the physical aspect, pt pertamina ep asset 5 sangasanga field also supports the development of the group's non-physical entrepreneurial capabilities. at the end of 2019 the company facilitated laboratory tests for the quality of organic fertilizers in order to guarantee the quality of organic fertilizers for consumers. the awareness of group members in proposing laboratory tests also indicates the growing exploitative capability of group members in developing organic fertilizer marketing to increase sales and reach a wider market share. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 95 other activities include training in the marketing of organic fertilizers and plant nurseries. the aim of the training is to increase the exploitative capabilities of group members in order to gain additional knowledge and skills regarding the importance of good packaging in the marketing process and the need for derivative products such as selling plant seeds using organic fertilizers. in addition to fostering the recognition and discovery approach, the company also strives to develop the entrepreneurial capabilities of the setaria farmer group through the discovery approach. assistance was carried out by facilitating the construction of a smoked husk distillation facility to be processed into derivative products that were not previously popular in the sangasanga market share. prior to this facilitation, in organic fertilizer management, one of the compositions needed was roasted husk. initially, the process of making roasted husks did not pay attention to environmental pollution. however, with the burning husk smoke distillation facility, group members can create new derivative products in the form of liquid smoke. with the new product, group members are motivated to find new market shares by making offers to other farmer groups to apply the liquid product from the distillation of roasted husks in the agricultural process. the offering process is deemed necessary by the group to grow a new diversification of market share, which can expand the marketing reach of the setaria farmer group's products. although it is still in the experimental stage, local farmers have begun to become interested in developing liquid smoke products from roasted husks. entrepreneurship capabilities activities in the form of recognition and exp loitative capabilities carried out by groups independently and as company interventions have a positive impact on the sustainability of community empowerment programs in the setaria farmer group. the existence of community empowerment programs through csr has a positive impact not only on group members, but also on the surrounding community. this is in line with the aim of fostering the setaria farmer group to realize the independence of the group and the surrounding community. the positive impact that emerged with the development of the entrepreneurial capability of the setaria farmer group, can be seen from the response of the surrounding community to the group's existence. the local community began to perceive the existence of the setaria farmer group as an inspiring other business entities and a reference for the development of other community groups around it. this is evidenced by the presence of several opportunities involving members of the setaria farmer group as resource persons for activities related to organizational management and agricultural management. the recognition capabilities of the members of the setaria farmer group in identifying institutional opportunities were disseminated in an organizational management training activity for members of the sarijaya village community empowerment institute (lpm), which invited group administrators as resource persons. in addition, the head of the setaria farmer group was also given the opportunity to become a resource person in the backyard farming training for the women farmers group (kwt) at the sangasanga district level. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 96 the positive impact that emerged with the development of the entrepreneurial capability of the setaria farmer group, can be seen from the response of the surrounding community to the group's existence. the local community began to perceive the existence of the farmer group. the opportunity to become a resource for these activities was then used by members of the setaria farmer group to promote products. promotion is carried out, for example, by offering training for kwt in sangasanga district to be held in locations managed by the setaria farmer group. this approach is a strategic effort to promote group product sales because on this occasion, the training participants can be persuaded to try to buy organic fertilizer products and plant seeds to increase sales. the strategies implemented by members of the setaria farmer group after receiving coaching have developed the group's entrepreneurial capabilities and an increase in monthly income of around 60-65%. several group members stated that prior to developing group business activities, the monthly income from agricultural activities ranged from rp1,200,000 to rp1,500,000 and increased to around rp.2,000,000 to rp.2,500,000 per month from the modification of entrepreneurial capability development activities. in the context of community empowerment, the development of the beneficiary's entrepreneurial capabilities needs to be carried out consistently and with full awareness. with this consistency, the configuration of potential products and market share opportunities can be identified more frequently. the accuracy of identifying and exploiting opportunities carried out by the setaria farmer group is proven to have an impact on increasing income. the existence of consistent recognition and exploitation of opportunities properly accompanied by the impact of increasing income can be a supporting element for the sustainability of entrepreneurial activities as a result of community empowerment programs. entrepreneurship capability as a provision for groups to adapt to the conditions of the covid-19 pandemic during the covid-19 pandemic, group entrepreneurship capabilities apparently played a vital role in supporting the sustainability of business activities. the main sector of the setaria farmer group's business activities is agriculture, which in the case of the covid-19 pandemic has the potential to experience a decline in income due to a decline in market demand for agricultural products. however, with the recognition and exploitative capabilities of group members, the setaria farmer group has configured the processed agricultural derivative products needed by the market during the covid-19 pandemic. one of the commodities reconfigured by the setaria farmer group is the refined lemongrass oil. the group's processed fragrant lemongrass oil is combined with alcohol and several other ingredients to produce a new derivative product in the form of a hand sanitizer. in addition, in order to optimize opportunities for the social conditions of the people during the pandemic, which tended to choose to do activities at home, the setaria farmer group recognized this as an opportunity to encourage the sale of organic fertilizers and seeds in polybags because people began to become interested in gardening as a living activity at home during a pandemic. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 97 conclusion in implementing csr programs with a community empowerment approach, the sustainability of activities is an important issue that needs to be considered by companies as facilitators and communities as beneficiary groups. on the other hand, the company has limitations so that it cannot provide continuous intervention. the interventions that have been given by the company need to be followed up with productive activities that are independently pursued by the beneficiary groups. in managing empowerment programs, the most important factor is building community awareness to be independent in maintaining the sustainability of group business activities. the study results show the importance of participatory processes in the framework of community empowerment. program planning activities that involve all stakeholders in a participatory manner, research support in program determination and program strategy, capacity building for groups and program facilitation show an important role in determining steps systematically towards an empowered community. however, it cannot be denied that the main challenge in maintaining the sustainability of the beneficiary group's business activities is the need for entrepreneurial skills related to opportunity utilization management in the form of recognition and exploitative capabilities. the ability of the setaria farmer group to identify opportunities in integrated agricultural activities has shown potential from a cognitive perspective. in order for the potential for group recognition capabilities to develop, pt pertamina ep asset 5 sangasanga field provides supports that can stimulate the exploitative capabilities of group members. alignment between the initial potential of group members in the form of cognitive capabilities combined with company intervention in developing exploitative capabilities through various empowerment activities is a provision for the setaria farmer group to utilize honed entrepreneurial capabilities so that they can maintain the sustainability of business activities that are being pioneered and developed, including adapting. the market share situation during the covid-19 pandemic. acknowledgments the team would to thank with the universitas nasional for their full support for this research. in addition, gratitude was also conveyed to pt pertamina ep asset 5 sangasanga field for supporting data collection in the field. references arthurs, j. d. dan lowell w. busenitz. (2006). dynamic capabilities and venture performance: the effect of venture capitalists", journal of business venturing. elkington, j. (1997). cannibals with forks – triple bottom line of 21st century business. stoney creek, ct: new society publishers. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 98 hausman, daniel m. (ed). (1994). the philosophy of economics: an anthology. new york: cambridge university press. kusworo, hendrie a. (2015). framing poverty: an institutional entrepreneurship approach to poverty alleviation through tourism. disertation. university of groningen. miles, mb, huberman, am, & saldana, j. (2014). qualitative data analysis, a methods sourcebook, edition 3. usa: sage publications phillips, nelson and paul tracey. (2007). "opportunity recognition, entrepreneuria capabilities and bricolage: connectinginstitutional theory and entrepreneurship in strategic organization", strategic organization. richardson, paul., allen goodwin and emma vine. (2011). research methods and design in psychology. exeter: learning matters. rijkie, k.m. (2019). “modal sosial dalam mendukung keberlanjutan dan pengembangan program csr”. lppm universitas nasional saith, ruhi. (2001). “capabilities: the concept dan its operasionalisation”. working paper. university of oxford. hawthorn (ed.), the standard of living: the tanner lectures on human values, new york: cambridge university press. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 172 strategy for countering terrorism in indonesia: study on the first ten years of reform (2002-2012) robi nurhadi, phd departement of international relations, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas nasional email: robi.nurhadi@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract; this study aims to look at how the strategy for handling terrorism is implemented in this phase by using three analysis variables: strengthening legal infrastructure, strengthening institutional capacity, and implementing policies for handling terrorism. the analysis of these three variables is related to the similarities between the labels used by terrorist groups and the majority religion in indonesia, namely islam; and the ongoing democratization in the second ten years of the phase of handling terrorism in indonesia. by using a qualitative approach and literature studies as well as limited observations from researchers who lived in indonesia during the research period, the following findings were produced: the indonesian government's strategy of counterattack against the threat of ji's malignancy experienced a "model disconnection" with previous indonesian experiences (discontinuity model), which was caused there is a change in the threat of violence which is completely different from the previous threat even though it has a historical connection with past violent groups. political changes since the enactment of the 1998 reform so that the ongoing democratization process at that time has slowed the strengthening of legislation and hampered the development of institutional retaliation efforts. there are ideological/religious similarities i.e. islam, which is held by the majority of the indonesian population and ji, has created a dilemma for the government in its implementation. keywords: terrorism, counterterrorism strategy, indonesia, islam, democratization submission : january, 13th 2023 revision : march 24th 2022 publication : may 30th 2023 introduction the ending of most terrorist groups requires a range of policy instruments, such as careful police and intelligence work, military force, political negotiations, and economic sanctions (jones & libicki, 2008). counter-terrorism strategy with involving international regime, known as scheme of strategy of the global war on terrorism (gwot), which put forward by the george bush after the events of 9/11. this policy is a counter-terrorism policy that aims to eradicate terrorists and extremist islamic groups, especially al-qaeda and other terrorist groups based in the middle east (jordan, bagus ibrahim 2019:3) the new phase of the threat of international terrorism characterize mailto:robinurhadi@yahoo.co.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 173 indicate that the ideology of terrorism is now influenced more by religion (andrew tan, 2007: 5) one year after the declaration of gwot, the countries of southeast asia were surprised by the bali bombing on october 12, 2002. tragedy that has killed 204 people from various countries (polri 2006), have confirmed that the southeast asian region as the second front the gwot (andrew tan, 2007: 5). it was reinforced by the security council of the united nations (unsc) passed resolution no. 1267 dated october 24, 2002 which mentions the jemaah islamiyah (ji) as a terrorist group which responsible for the 2002 bali bombing event. ji is also regarded as an “ally of al-qaeda” in southeast asia. the declaration has given confidence to countries in southeast asia that the source of security threats are no longer only from within the country but also from abroad. indonesia is a country where the majority of the population is muslim (means 2009). having the same ideology/religion i.e. islam between the majority of the country's population and ji is an interesting issue to study. what's more, the country must face ji while undergoing the democratization process (zaini othman 2006: 178). in the first ten years, the emergence of the issue of terrorism labeled islam came at a time when the issue of democratization was gaining strength in indonesia. therefore, the issue of terrorism tends to be rejected by muslims and supporters of democratization. for muslims, the issue of international terrorism involving al qaeda is considered a way for the us to create a new enemy, namely islam. the us has lost a major enemy after the collapse of the soviet union in 1991. the issue of international terrorism labeled islam has become a justification for indonesia's half-hearted response. supporting the us global campaign against terrorism or even acknowledging the bombings carried out by ji, is considered the same as fighting islam. in addition, the issue of terrorism has worried groups supporting democratization. the existence of the issue of terrorism seems to have become a reason for the government to re-strengthen the use of regressive policies and policies. for supporters of democratization, it is a threat to the survival of democratization. therefore, the government's measures to use or strengthen repressive laws against terrorists are considered as the government's efforts to constrain the strength of the opposition, or return political life to be more constraining. this study looks at the extent to which the democratization process taking place in indonesia affects the implementation of counter-terrorism strategies? in addition, to what extent is the factor of ideological/religious similarity i.e. the islam that ji and the majority of the indonesian population follow affects the implementation of its counterterrorism strategy? literature review counter-terrorism and indonesia's strategic model journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 174 the definition and concept of counter-terrorism is defined by experts according to their perspective and experience. segal (1987: 5) for example, defines counter-terrorism as a strategy to defend and protect society from acts of terrorism because it is an important part of national security. whereas morris and hoe (1987: 14) defined counter-terrorism as including the act of identifying terrorists, preventing the occurrence of acts of terrorism and providing protection to public safety. those activities, according to the scholars, should be supported by law. moris and hoe's definition provides an affirmation that a government should carry out acts of terrorism with a legalistic approach. another view is presented by mockaitis and rich (2003) who see counter-terrorism as a comprehensive strategy in countering the threat of terrorism. his actions are not only limited to the time of violence but also how to prevent the occurrence of violence. while martin (2003: 230) defines counter-terrorism as an act of responding to violence that combines a repressive response (hard-line response) and a persuasive response (softline response). as a country that is the main site of ji's acts of terrorism, indonesia performs a response strategy that martin (2003: 230) mentions includes hard-line response and soft-line response. hard-line response means that the response is done by using the military and paramilitary forces to destroy terrorists without any tolerance, while soft-line response means the response by using diplomacy, tolerance and improving the social situation as well as various options of possible actions. the various options that will be taken depend on the actual situation. therefore, martin (2003: 342) defines terrorism response as any action taken by a targeted interest in response to a terrorist incident or terrorist environment. the response action is very passive, but there are also very active ones. it can even be very intensive, which includes military attacks against terrorists and their supporters, until an anti-terrorism campaign that can reduce the ability of terrorists to act. theoretically, the strategy of dealing with terrorism in indonesia can be seen from the four steps martin (2003: 346-348) found. first, use of force options. these options include a hardline response in which policymakers use armed force to deal with terrorists and their supporters. the use of military forces or non-military forces can be aimed at providing symbolic punitive attacks or destroying the strength of terrorists and all their capabilities. the use of force response consists of three main policies: a). coercive covert operation. these actions include murder, sabotage, kidnapping and the use of "extralegal methods". this action aims to suppress the terrorist to the lowest level of capability and conduct a covert war against the terrorist movement; b). suppression campaigns. these actions are campaigns that suppress terrorists and groups associated with them. this action is meant to disable the terrorist's psychological strength; c). punitive strikes and pre-emptive strikes (punitive strikes and early strikes). the actions taken are aimed at punishing terrorists through attacks on members of terrorist groups and all their capabilities. second, repressive options. these options include responses that utilize the force of military units such as the army, navy, air force, and specialized anti-terrorism units. these options consist of three main policies: a) covert operations. this involves secret actions such as infiltration, information deception, and technological warfare (cyberwar). secret actions require creativity and adaptive abilities to deal with the varying environments of terrorist groups; b) intelligence. this involves gathering data to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 175 effectively understand terrorists and their threats; c) economic sanctions. this involves weakening a country or group by imposing economic restrictions, whether in trade or the cessation of economic cooperation. third, conciliatory options. these options include persuasive responses where policymakers develop non-violent alternatives. the goals of these non-repressive responses depend on the characteristics of the terrorists or the terrorist environment. martin (2003: 364) states that conciliatory responses are "soft-line" options that allow policymakers to develop a range of options that do not involve force or other repressive methods. the objectives of non-repressive responses depend on the characteristics of the terrorist environment. conciliatory options consist of three main policies: a) diplomacy. this involves seeking a resolution through negotiation when terrorists are willing to engage in discussions. the aim is to minimize violence and resolve conflicts more comprehensively; b) social reform. this includes social projects or government policy improvements that address the social conditions that contribute to terrorism. the objective is to understand the root causes of terrorism and the environments that support its occurrence; c) concessionary approaches. this involves making compromises or granting certain rights to terrorists in emergencies or when urgent needs arise. the aim is to mitigate specific crises and meet the legitimate demands of terrorists. fourth, legalistic responses. these options emphasize addressing terrorism through the development and application of laws. law development can be achieved by enacting international laws and protocols or creating and amendment existing laws for more effective use. legalistic responses can be carried out through: a) law enforcement. this refers to using law enforcement agencies and enhanced investigative methods to bring terrorists to justice; b) domestic laws. this involves the creation or amendment of antiterrorism laws from various perspectives, treating acts of terrorism as criminal acts. additionally, this policy attempts to increase the impact of anti-terrorism laws by enhancing punishment for terrorists; c) international laws. this refers to efforts to strengthen international anti-terrorism laws by ratifying conventions and protocols. it also involves cooperation with other countries to reach agreements in addressing transnational terrorism. this can include using international courts to prosecute terrorists, extradition agreements, or mutual legal assistance. the concept of counter-terrorism in indonesia also adopts collins' (2002: 47-48) model, which considers the political regime and its relationship with community involvement in counter-terrorism processes. there are three models: first, the dictator regime model, which emphasizes military involvement, controlled civil military units, and secret police. the soviet union used this model. second, the democratic governance model, which emphasizes law enforcement functions in counter-terrorism. the involvement of armed civilians as part of a tightly controlled domestic security apparatus is intended to strengthen national security. this was seen in the involvement of the coast guard under operation just cause in the united states in 1990. third is the orchestra team model, which involves various agencies performing their functions. this model has been used in the united states, where domestic counter-terrorism tasks are divided between the fbi and the federal emergency management agency (fema), while counter-terrorism functions abroad are entrusted to the central intelligence agency (cia) and the u.s. department of state. the success of such a handling model depends on the ability of toplevel leaders to coordinate this "orchestra." journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 176 the orchestra team model has been implemented in managing counter-terrorism in the indonesian context. the involvement of counter-terrorism agencies plays their respective roles according to their tasks. this signifies that the government has effectively managed counter-terrorism. method to answer these questions, a qualitative approach is used. data related to official indonesian government documents related to counter-terrorism were carried out using literature studies at relevant government agencies and special committees at the un security council. in addition, interviews were conducted with terror perpetrators who had been caught, and related officials and experts. result and discussion indonesia's counter-terrorism strategy (2002-2012) the indonesian government's counter-terrorism strategy in dealing with jemaah islamiyah (ji) underwent several changes. first, the government adopted a multi-faceted approach, which differed from previous strategies. during the soekarno era, the government primarily emphasized a military approach in dealing with darul islam. similarly, during the soeharto era, a military approach was employed in handling gam in aceh and separatist groups like the opm in irian jaya and the rms in maluku. soeharto's strategy in dealing with these groups also involved international diplomacy to prevent foreign support for the separatist movements. soeharto also utilized security approaches to address political acts of terrorism by opposition groups. second, the government placed greater emphasis on international cooperation rather than building internal support. this was evident in the early stages of addressing the bali bombings from 2002 to 2005. the change in counter-terrorism strategy was influenced by the unique threat posed by ji, which differed from previous terrorist threats. ji successfully gained support from international terrorist groups such as al qaeda. for indonesia, the change in counterterrorism strategy was necessary not only because of the evolving terrorist threats but also due to the internal political changes following the 1998 reformasi. this new political regime opened the path for extensive democratization. the democratization factor not only changed the concept of counter-terrorism strategy in indonesia but also affected the implementation process of that strategy. the influence of democratization on the implementation of counter-terrorism strategies became more evident when combined with the factor of shared ideology/religion, i.e., islam, which is followed by the majority of the indonesian population. this factor, combined with ji's use of the label of islam, successfully confused some segments of the muslim community, leading them to support ji's agendas. the government faced a dilemma in combating ji as it did not want to be perceived as suppressing islam. both factors influenced the implementation of the counter-terrorism strategy, including strengthening legal systems, institutional development and capacity building, and the enforcement of counter-terrorism policies. these factors do not solely determine the success of a country's counter-terrorism strategy. however, in the context of this journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 177 study, the influence of these two factors on the effectiveness of indonesia's counterterrorism strategy will be examined. strengthening the legal system strengthening the legal system refers to the government's efforts to strengthen laws applicable in counter-terrorism measures. these efforts can include enacting new laws, amending existing laws to make them more effective, or ratifying international conventions. as stated by makmur widodo, the indonesian ambassador to the un, the indonesian government considers strengthening the legal infrastructure as "a vital component in the fight against terrorism. efforts to strengthen the legal system were underway before the bali bombings in 2002. this is evident from indonesia's report to the chairman of the un counter-terrorism committee on december 21, 2001, which mentioned that the indonesian government was in the final stages of ratifying the antimoney laundering act. additionally, the government had prepared a draft antiterrorism act. before the enactment of these two laws, the government would utilize the drug law to address terrorism-related crimes and cross-border offenses. the government did not have a specific legal system that could be used to confront the threat of terrorism, nor did it initially perceive the threat posed by ji as significant. the report prepared to comply with un resolution 1373 in 2001 emphasized that the initial planning to strengthen the anti-terrorism legal system was in response to september 11, 2001, or to play a role in the global war on terrorism (gwot). the bali bombings in 2002 provided a boost to the government's position. firstly, the bombings generated strong domestic and international support for the indonesian government to issue an anti-terrorism act promptly. the government gained political support to enhance its power in the security field. this support also allowed the government to expand its powers through legislation. the strong support weakened movements that hindered or criticized the issuance of the act. at that time, opposition movements were not only considered unsympathetic to the victims of terrorism but could also be accused of sympathizing with terrorist groups. the need for opposition groups to balance the potential infringement of human rights was overshadowed by psychological pressure from groups sympathetic to the bali bombing victims. therefore, it is not surprising that during the ratification by the people's consultative assembly (dpr) of emergency laws no. 1 and 2 of 2002 on counter-terrorism, which became laws no. 15 and no. 16 of 2003, only two opposition groups rejected them (riza sihbudi 2005: 41-42). the strength of the government's position during the bali bombings was due to the legal system in indonesia that allowed the government to issue government regulation in lieu of law (perpu) without prior approval from the dpr (people's consultative assembly), in the event of extraordinary circumstances like the bali bombings in 2002. with such a legal system, the approval of the perpu by the dpr would take place in the subsequent session specifically held for that purpose (fourth amendment to the 1945 constitution: article 22 paragraph 1). perpu no. 1 of 2002 was a special act addressing terrorism in indonesia. compared to general provisions under the criminal code, this perpu was considered exceptional as it contained new provisions not present in existing legislation. the specificity of the perpu journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 178 strengthened two social claims against the indonesian government. first, perpu no. 1 of 2002 was seen as a political tool to increase security power, aiming to restore "civil order" as previously implemented during the soeharto regime in the new order era. this can be observed from the political language used in law no. 15 of 2003 in the "consideration" section point "d," which states: "to restore orderly and safe community life and to provide a strong legal foundation...". second, perpu no. 1 of 2002 was claimed to be part of the government's "political subservience" to international pressure, particularly from the us as the proponent of the global war on terrorism (gwot). this claim stemmed from the fact that in the "general explanation" section of the perpu, the tenth paragraph stated: "...these special provisions do not constitute discriminatory treatment but rather reflect the government's commitment to implement the provisions of the convention against terrorist bombings (1997) and the convention on the suppression of financing terrorism (1999)." the claim was not only related to the content of the two conventions, which were creations of the us, but also because these conventions were part of the us's cordon sanitaire strategy. the reference to various conventions in perpu no. 1 of 2002 gave rise to allegations of the government's involvement in supporting a western conspiracy to corner the islamic world. the anti-terrorism law in indonesia faces dilemmas and is subject to criticism. for instance, mc. jebhy (2009) criticizes the implementation of retroactive principles, warrantless detention for up to seven days, and the use of intelligence reports as legal evidence. furthermore, mc. jebhy notes that proposed amendments to the act include several offenses that potentially violate human rights, such as article 9a, which states: a. any person who intentionally and unlawfully trades potential explosive materials shall be sentenced to a maximum of 12 years' imprisonment; b. if the aforementioned materials are proven to have been used in acts of terrorism, the perpetrator shall be sentenced to a maximum of 15 years' imprisonment. the strategic planning and its relation to the enhancement of security powers through strengthening the legal system can be understood in the context of the diminishing government's power in security due to the reform era in indonesia. simultaneously, democratization has reinforced the freedom of political participation in society through the issues of democracy and human rights. this has posed challenges for the government in controlling societal forces, while also limiting the actions of security and military forces. therefore, strengthening counter-terrorism police is crucial. the decrease in power is not only determined by political pressures from political parties and civil society forces but is also supported by the absence of preventive laws that the government can effectively utilize to address various security issues in indonesia. the emergency law no. 11/pnps/1963 on the suppression of subversive activities, for example, which was used by the soeharto regime to arrest individuals without warrants, was abolished in 1999. the absence of such laws that the government can employ to confront terrorism threats is acknowledged in the "considerations" section of the anti-terrorism act (perpu no. 1 of 2002): "existing legislation is not yet comprehensive and sufficient to combat terrorist offenses." the statement in point e of the perpu emphasizes the decline in security powers. the strengthening of the legal system through the enactment of laws was also carried out with the passage of the anti-money laundering law on april 7, 2002. the law played a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 179 role in preventing the flow of financial support to terrorist groups. the passage of this draft law faced no significant opposition. however, this law did not play a major role in addressing the terrorism threat because terrorists generally employ traditional methods to provide financial support to their groups. the strengthening of the counter-terrorism legal system was also achieved through the ratification of several conventions, such as the international convention for the suppression of the financing of terrorism (1999) and the international convention for the suppression of terrorist bombings (1997) (government of indonesia 2002: 3; 2003: 9). the ratification of these conventions did not face any significant debates from the parliament or pro-democracy supporters. even the islamic community did not show any rejection in the form of demonstrations or newspaper reports. apart from the content of these conventions, which were deemed to be in line with democratic values and islam, the strategic aspect of strengthening the legal system through ratifying conventions is interesting. this may also explain why the government has engaged in numerous international collaborations. institutional development and capacity strengthening the development and strengthening of counter-terrorism institutions refer to the government's efforts to establish previously non-existent institutions and enhance the effectiveness of existing institutions in dealing with terrorism. these efforts can involve proposals from the government itself , suggestions from foreign countries, and cooperation between the indonesian government and the international community. as makmur widodo, the indonesian ambassador to the united nations (government of indonesia 2001: 4), stated, "...another vital component in the fight against terrorism is institution capacity building." therefore, the government has focused on strengthening law enforcement agencies. the initial response to enhancing counter-terrorism institutions involved bilateral, regional, and international cooperation through meetings, information exchanges, and other technical collaborations. indonesia has utilized various international organizations that have connections with the country. specifically, in response to international terrorism threats, as mandated by un security council resolution 1373, the indonesian government (2001: 3) established an interdepartmental group under the coordination of the ministry of foreign affairs. the members of this group include the coordinating minister for political, legal, and security affairs, the coordinating minister for economic affairs, the ministry of defense, the indonesian national police, the indonesian national defence forces (tni), the ministry of law and human rights, the attorney general's office, the ministry of finance, the ministry of transportation, bank indonesia, the state intelligence agency (bin), and the strategic intelligence agency of the indonesian national defence forces (bais). in developing counter-terrorism institutions, the government also held the bali ministerial conference on people smuggling, trafficking in persons, and related transnational crime from 26 to 28 february 2002. the conference aimed to explore how southeast asian countries could collaborate in safeguarding their nations against the inflow of financial support to terrorists within their respective countries. following this, on 30 december 2002, the government took the initiative to establish the national coordination committee on money laundering to coordinate anti-money laundering journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 180 institutions in participating countries (government of indonesia 2002: 3). the government also held various meetings with asean member countries to exchange intelligence information, border security measures, and other related matters. in regional cooperation, indonesia and australia jointly organized the regional conference on combating money laundering and terrorist financing in bali in december 2002. the meeting aimed to explore how southeast asian countries could collaborate in preventing the flow of financial support to terrorists within their respective countries. as a follow-up to this, the government took the initiative on 30 december 2002 to establish the national coordination committee on money laundering to coordinate anti-money laundering institutions in participating countries (government of indonesia 2002: 3). the government also engaged in numerous meetings with asean member countries to exchange intelligence information, security border measures, and more. the strengthening of counter-terrorism institutions was also carried out during the handling the bali bombings in 2002. the indonesian national police (polri) had close and intensive cooperation with several police forces from australia, france, germany, japan, the netherlands, new zealand, the philippines, sweden, the united kingdom, and the united states. this cooperation significantly helped in the swift capture of suspects. it also aided in uncovering the ji network and apprehending key ji members involved in bombings in indonesia from 1999 to 2002, such as bombings in jakarta, batam, medan, bandung, and east java. the democratization process also eliminated the position of the state in telligence coordinating board (bakin). during the new order era, this institution played a role in coordinating all intelligence agencies in indonesia. the abolition of this institution weakened the coordination of intelligence agencies such as the national intelligence agency (bin), the strategic intelligence agency of tni (bais), and various intelligence agencies in polri, the attorney general's office, and other government institutions. the weakened coordination function failed to detect various bombing incidents by terrorist groups. as a response, the government quickly realized the influence of democratization on this political structure change and issued presidential instruction (inpres) no. 4 of 2002, which coordinated all intelligence agencies under bin. however, the democratization process slowed the establishment of anti-terrorism units, such as the indonesian national police's densus 88 anti-terror and the national counter-terrorism agency (bnpt). to implement government regulation no. 1 of 2002 on counter-terrorism measures, president megawati soekarnoputri issued presidential instruction no. 4 of 2002, instructing the coordinating minister for political and security affairs of the republic of indonesia to take three steps. first, formulate comprehensive policies for counterterrorism, including the october 12, 2002 incident in bali. the formulation of policies was coordinated with relevant ministries based on their functions. second, develop operational measures to address terrorism threats. third, establish a task force under the ministry of political and security affairs to support the implementation of the first and second points (ansyaad mbai, interview, december 27, 2005). this instruction was a political will of the indonesian government to build a specialized anti-terrorism institution that was expected to be more effective. the issuance of this instruction was also an effort by the government to ensure the existence of a responsible entity in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 181 handling terrorism in indonesia, formally under the ministry of political and security affairs. the efforts to build the anti-terrorism institution conducted by the indonesian government began with the development of its legal basis, such as issuing government regulation and establishing a task force responsible for its system. the anti-terrorism task force also included the establishment of an anti-terrorism coordinating desk, the coordination of existing intelligence agencies, and the creation of counter-terrorism task forces within relevant ministries that could support counter-terrorism efforts (ansyaad mbai, interview, december 27, 2005). in 2010 , the government issued presidential regulation no. 46 of 2010 regarding establishing the national counter-terrorism agency (bnpt), which directly reports to the president. the bnpt is responsible for implementing the government's tasks in counter-terrorism. the bnpt is led by a chief who reports to the president through the coordination of the minister of political, legal, and security affairs. the period between the hope and the realization of almost five years was not without reason. as mentioned above, presidential instruction no. 4 of 2002 to the coordinating minister for political and security affairs was followed by establishing the desk for coordination of eradicating terrorism (dcet) on november 27, 2002. this desk was established to assist the coordinating minister for political and security affairs in formulating policies for countering terrorism and providing operational support for counter-terrorism measures. the indonesian government (2003: 3). the dcet faced challenges regarding its position and function. in terms of its position, the dcet was a task force under the secretary of the ministry of security, which complicated its coordination function because it had to coordinate ministries and government agencies that should be coordinated. this challenge occurred because the dcet's position was under the secretary of the coordinating minister for political and security affairs, but its work involved coordinating the activities of other ministries in counter-terrorism efforts. with the establishment of bnpt, politically, the organization's position and authority as a counter-terrorism coordinator in indonesia has been strengthened. establishing and upgrading agencies dealing with terrorism have provided the government with increased capabilities in counter-terrorism. the existence of bnpt challenges the government to improve the effectiveness of its counter-terrorism strategies in indonesia. however, when large-scale bombings continued to occur, as in the years 2002 to 2005, the increase in security power through bnpt may be criticized as the government merely enhancing its power in the security sector for political rather than public service purposes (interview, mohammad baharun, 2011). during its first launch, bnpt actively collaborated with islamic organizations such as nahdlatul ulama (nu), muhammadiyah, and majelis ulama indonesia (mui). bnpt launched a deradicalization campaign targeting the misconceptions about jihad (detiknews, august 11, 2011). the government's efforts to engage islamic organizations have not been a one-time occurrence. since 2005, the government has organized antimisinterpretation of jihad campaigns with islamic organizations. this step is seen as the government's way of addressing its dilemma in dealing with ji, which also carries the label of islam by offering suicide bombing jihad. in addition to establishing counter-terrorism units, president megawati soekarnoputri also issued presidential instruction (inpres) no. 5 of 2002 to the head of the state intelligence agency (bin). this instruction assigned the then-chief of bin, lieutenant journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 182 general (b) hendropriyono, to coordinate all intelligence activities in various ministries and state agencies. in indonesia, 13 intelligence units are operating at the central level. with presidential instruction no. 5 of 2002 issuance, bin gained the authority to coordinate them and enable joint operations. the coordination of intelligence units was only formalized through this instruction, which was done to address the terrorism threat. the step in building the capacity of counter-terrorism institutions is the establishment of densus 88 anti-terror. this operational unit operates under the indonesian national police (polri). its establishment was motivated by the absence of technical units that could directly deal with terrorist bombers. at that time, polri only had a bomb disposal team (gegana team) under the mobile brigade (brimob). this team was always relied upon whenever there was a bomb threat in indonesia. the establishment began during the international counter-terrorism campaign when the us department of state evaluated polri's capabilities in handling the increasing number of bombings in indonesia. through the anti-terrorism assistance (ata) program, in october 2003, the us trained 30 indonesian police officers led by brigadier general gorys mere. from this program, a team known as crisis response teams (crt) and bomb disposal technicians were formed, which later became the main team in the special detachment 88 anti-terror. afterward, the special detachment was officially established in march 2004 (awani irewati (ed), 2005: 102). from october 1, 2004, to september 30, 2005, the us-trained two crt teams and conducted crt instructor courses. the crt teams were assigned to handle terrorist activities in central java and central sulawesi, especially in poso. this team successfully neutralized dr. azhari m. husein, the most wanted ji terrorist by the indonesian government. the existence of densus 88 has had a significant impact on counter-terrorism in indonesia. the team is considered as the official spokesperson of the government in addressing the public's curiosity regarding counter-terrorism efforts. densus 88 has successfully conducted arrests, raids, and other effective operations. however, its establishment and financial support from the united states have also raised suspicion among muslims who are uncomfortable with the involvement of the us. another institution established to strengthen counter-terrorism efforts is the financial transaction reports and analysis centre (ppatk). as mentioned earlier, this institution was established based on the anti-money laundering law. essentially, the issue of terrorism that gained momentum after the 2002 bali bombings provided an opportunity for the indonesian government to reassert its security powers, similar to what happened in the us after the september 11, 2001 attacks. the us model of enhancing security powers was based on the assumption of vulnerability within the country. thus, the us established the department of homeland security on june 6, 2002, to coordinate more than 40 government agencies involved in security matters. following a similar pattern, the indonesian government entrusted the state intelligence agency (bin) to play the role of indonesia's "department of homeland security" by coordinating all intelligence agencies within ministries and other state institutions, including polri, the attorney general's office (kejaksaan agung ri), and other agencies. to strengthen security powers, the indonesian government enacted government regulation in lieu of law no. 1 of 2002, approved by the people's consultative assembly of the republic of indonesia on march 6, 2003, becoming the anti-terrorism act. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 183 in practical terms, the indonesian government actively participated in various international collaborations through the indonesian national armed forces strategic intelligence agency (bais-tni). in 2001, bais-tni organized seminars for intelligence exchange with three countries: thailand in jakarta on january 23, 2001, malaysia in jakarta on august 24, 2001, and the philippines in jakarta on september 25, 2001. baistni participated in the counter-terrorism conference held in kuala lumpur from january 29 to february 1, 2001. in other forums, indonesia actively signed the security trade in the apec region (star) declaration on october 27, 2002, in mexico. regardless of us involvement, the declaration provided important support for indonesia in the global campaign against terrorism. subsequently, indonesia actively responded to international issues by involving various international actions to address the terrorism threat. the indonesian government demonstrated efforts to strengthen counter-terrorism legislation by garnering support from foreign countries through enhanced relations with the us under the anti-terrorism assistance (ata) program. enforcement of counter-terrorism policy during the bali bombings in 2002, the government was seen as weak in ensuring public safety. therefore, the government’s first step was to exert political pressure on terrorists to demonstrate the government's handling capabilities and create psychological fear among them. according to the indonesian government, this step was important because every bombing incident represented a psychological victory for the terrorists. this pressure was exerted by arresting perpetrators such as imam samudera, muklas, amrozi, and their associates, serving as a legal measure to put psychological pressure on terrorists. after the jw marriott hotel bombing on august 5, 2003, the government began to intensify this strategy. the government started to "attack" terrorists politically. some of the measures taken included: first, polri announced dr. azhari and nordin m. top as the most wanted terrorists and offered a reward of idr 1 billion (rm 350,000) for their capture. second, the government turned counter-terrorism efforts into a political agenda that received support from various political parties. third, the government involved the public in campaigns that targeted the jemaah islamiyah network. fourth, polri regularly announced its successes in apprehending terrorists to the public. applying political pressure to terrorists was considered an appropriate step because some segments of indonesian society did not view groups like jemaah islamiyah (ji) as a threat but as representatives of islamic interests opposing the us and its allies. the government aimed to emphasize that terrorists were enemies of the state, creating a social impact that discouraged support for them. the government sought to make the public realize that if they supported terrorists, they were essentially opposing their community. another enforcement measure the government took was to regulate the curriculum of islamic boarding schools. the terrorism involving individuals from islamic boarding schools has changed public and government perceptions of these institutions. the strategy assumed that the militancy of terrorists was influenced by their understanding of jihad acquired from the curriculum of these schools. therefore, changing the perception of jihad, which was considered violent, needed to start with modifying the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 184 curriculum to a more simplified version. however, this strategy failed as terrorism continued to occur. in 2005, the indonesian government established a special desk under the ministry of religious affairs called the counter-terrorism team (tpt). this team was responsible for controlling the curriculum of islamic boarding schools. implementing the strategy of controlling the curriculum of islamic boarding schools faced many challenges. most traditional islamic boarding schools in indonesia never relinquished their authority to be controlled by the ministry of religious affairs. the curriculum in these schools is generally determined by the kiai (religious leaders) themselves. moreover, these schools do not issue certificates, especially those considered militant. as a result, there is no instrument for the indonesian government to exert control. this control over the curriculum is not appropriate in addressing terrorism rooted in islam because islam does not teach violence without legitimate religious grounds (based on religious rules). another strategy the government employs is conducting campaigns involving the muslim community. this approach is taken because the government faced allegations that fighting ji is equivalent to fighting islam. this perception arises due to the religious/ideological similarities between islam, the religion/ideology followed by ji terrorists, and most of the indonesian population. the religious similarity has prompted a meeting between us president george w. bush and indonesian president megawati soekarnoputri with indonesian muslim figures in bali on october 22, 2003. some of the muslim figures present were kiai haji hasyim muzadi (nahdlatul ulama), syafii maarif (muhammadiyah), azzyumardi azzra (rector of uin syarif hidayatullah, jakarta), and other muslim figures. one of the agreed-upon matters in the meeting was the rejection of any association between religion and terrorism. the significant meaning of the meeting lies in the importance of muslim support in combating terrorists who claim their acts of terrorism are based on islamic teachings. the need for community support led the indonesian government to recommend that any group within society launch anti-terrorism campaigns. this government initiative received positive responses in 2005. various community groups, including islamic organizations such as nu, muhammadiyah, and the indonesian ulama council (mui), spread messages and displayed statements opposing bombings as acts of jihad. the same was done by civil society organizations such as kosgoro, pemuda panca marga, and non-governmental organizations in jakarta. they rejected acts of terrorism from a humanitarian perspective. furthermore, mui issued a fatwa specifically addressing terrorism. fatwa mui no. 3 of 2004 presented arguments from the qur'an, such as surah al-ma'idah: 33, surah al-hajj: 39-40, surah al-anfal: 60, and other verses, to refute the verses used by terrorists to justify their actions. according to mui, terrorism fulfills the elements of crime and is therefore forbidden (haram) under islamic law. mui also differentiates between terrorism and jihad. mui considers jihad to be islah (doing good) while terrorism is considered ifsad (corruption) and faudha (violence). specifically, regarding suicide bombings, mui believes that such actions are akin to al-ya'su (despair) and ihlak an-nafs (self-destruction). therefore, mui deems suicide bombings to be forbidden (haram). the ideological/religious similarities have hindered the government's efforts to gain muslim support in the success of anti-terrorism campaigns or the involvement of muslims in counter-terrorism actions. the government, through the ministry of religious affairs, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 185 officially gained support from mui, nu, and muhammadiyah to establish a counterterrorism team in 2006 (government of indonesia 2006: 16). the ideological/religious similarity between ji and the majority of the indonesian population has made it difficult for the political structures involved in addressing the threat of terrorism to be effective. these structures often face rejection from the muslim community while carrying out their roles. however, this ideological/religious similarity has led to a new structure within counter-terrorism, involving the ministry of religious affairs and the establishment of the counter-terrorism team in 2006, which involved islamic organizations under the coordination of mui. this additional structure aims to modify the curriculum of islamic boarding schools, break muslim support for ji, and correct the concept of jihad among muslims. civil society involvement was not limited to the national level but also extended to the village level, such as the neighborhood association (rukun tetangga or rt). an rt is a smaller administrative unit within a village, and above the rt is the rukun warga (rw) or dusun, which is one level below the village. the village or sub-district (kelurahan) is at the same level as the village in malaysia. in mid-2005, for example, in klender subdistrict, east jakarta, the community supported the lurah (village chief) to ensure that no elements of terrorism were present in their residential areas, as desired by the indonesian government. the community’s support at the rt level was facilitated by a circular letter from the lurah addressed to the community. this circular letter was known to the general public as it was posted on bulletin boards, public places, and mosques. such counter-terrorism measures were appropriate, although, for the first time during the reform era, the circular letter raised unanswered questions among residents due to the need for a centralized system for them to seek clarification. the circular letter also raised suspicions about stricter control over non-jakarta residents. this approach was unusual as it was carried out by the village-level government rather than the police at the closest level to the village, such as the police sector (polsek). indonesia still faces challenges in involving civil society in addressing terrorism issues. besides being sporadic and limited to certain cities, some segments of civil society even oppose the government's initiatives. such a situation hampers the effectiveness of counter-terrorism strategies. the involvement of government personnel at the village level is a viable option, although it should ideally be the responsibility of the police at the level closest to the village, such as the polsek. enforcement measures are constrained by the ideological similarity between ji and the majority of the indonesian population, which poses a political dilemma for the elites. the efforts to fight ji are seen as desperate attempts to eradicate local islam for the benefit of the west. at the same time, the political elites need muslim support amid their weakened political position due to democratization. the support of indonesian vice president hamzah haz for abu bakar baasyir exemplifies this political dilemma. as a predominantly muslim country, it is unsurprising that most political elites in parliament and the government are muslims. therefore, when the government declares jemaah islamiyah (ji) as a terrorist group, it is rejected by most muslim political elites. the ideological/religious similarity between ji and most of the indonesian population has caused political elites to face dilemmas in supporting campaigns against terrorism. the political elites are concerned that supporting such campaigns will be perceived as endorsing eliminating islam's existence in indonesia. political elites fear this perception journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 186 as it would erode or eliminate popular support for them. the dynamics of the relationship between political elites, the government, and the people have hindered the implementation of counter-terrorism strategies. therefore, since the development phase of counter-terrorism strategies, the government has involved islamic elites from the indonesian ulama council (mui), nahdlatul ulama (nu), and muhammadiyah in implementing counter-terrorism measures. the change in the influence of democratization on political elites about strengthening counter-terrorism strategies after the bali bombings in 2002 was influenced by two factors. first, there was international involvement in the bali bombings. this involvement was evident when the united nations security council issued resolution no. 1438 on october 15, 2002. the resolution, fully approved by the 15 members of the security council, considered the bali bombings as an international event and called on all un member states to assist indonesia in combating international terrorism. indonesia took this international involvement as an opportunity to gain political support from the international community. according to the ministry of foreign affairs of the republic of indonesia (2010: 3), this support was needed to prevent foreign support for terrorists within the country. second, there was a tangible terrorism threat from 2002 to 2005. ji succeeded in carrying out bombings that had a significant impact on society, such as the bali bombings (i) on october 12, 2002, in bali; the marriott hotel bombing in jakarta on august 5, 2003; the australian embassy bombing in jakarta on september 9, 2004; and the bali bombings (ii) on october 1, 2005. at the same time, the indonesian national police (polri), particularly the special detachment 88 (densus 88) anti-terror unit, successfully proved the existence of terrorist groups. densus 88 also captured and neutralized the most wanted terrorists, such as dr. azhari and noordin m. top. after 2005, terrorism continued to be a topic of discussion in the news as densus 88 successfully captured terrorists. the achievements of densus 88 had a significant impact on building public trust in polri. this achievement was important because in the early days of democratization, polri was disliked by the people as it was seen as an instrument of power during the new order regime. democratization made polri respect human rights in its actions. the positive response of the public to the counter-terrorism efforts carried out by polri was as follows: table 1 public satisfaction with counterterrorism handling in indonesia (2007-2011) year 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 percentage (%) 54,5 47,9 57,6 79,0 62,8 source: compiled from kompas research survey conducted on june 22-23, 2011, in 57 cities across indonesia (kompas daily, june 27, 2011) people's satisfaction since 2007 has changed political elites’ perception regarding counter-terrorism efforts in indonesia. a number of islamic political figures and scholars formed an anti-terrorism team. the establishment of this team came after vice president jusuf kalla aired a recording of noordin m. top proposing acts of terrorism by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 187 distorting the understanding of jihad (gatra magazine, november 26, 2005). kh ma'ruf amin, as the chairman of mui (indonesian ulama council), also served as the chairman of the anti-terrorism team and stated that: "terrorists cause destruction, while jihad promotes goodness. therefore, it must be fought against. indonesia is not a darul harb (war zone). so why fight against fellow indonesians? and that is not jihad. it's terrorism. so we need to correct the distorted perception of jihad." (interview, june 5, 2010) support for counter-terrorism efforts also came from azyumardi azra, the rector of the state islamic university (uin) syarif hidayatullah. he stated, “we cannot instantly combat terrorism in the name of jihad." to be effective, he suggested that religious scholars must acknowledge that some muslims engage in terrorism, and not always assume that various bombings are a foreign conspiracy (gatra magazine, november 26, 2005). from a democratic perspective, terrorism issues can hinder the pace of democratization as they require political attention and strengthening of security legislation, which may psychologically impact political freedoms. however, from a strategic perspective, terrorism issues provide an opportunity to build international support, as indonesia faced similar problems to the us after being targeted by ji bombings in bali in 2002. international support is crucial for the success of counter-terrorism programs and to prevent external support for ji in indonesia. various actions from this strategy were demonstrated through official visits by the indonesian government to asean member countries from august 21-28, 2001. even before the september 11, 2001 tragedy, president megawati soekarnoputri began discussing security issues, including crossborder terrorism and small arms smuggling. as a result of these visits, a proposal was put forward by the indonesian government to establish extensive regional cooperation (government of indonesia, 2001: 3). conclusion indonesia's counter-terrorism strategy in the face of ji terrorism has experienced a "discontinuity model" compared to indonesia's previous experiences. this phenomenon occurred due to several factors. firstly, there has been a change like terrorism threats, which differ significantly from previous threats, although they have historical connections to past extremist groups. secondly, there has been a political change since the reform era in 1998, which led to the ongoing democratization process and transformed the structure and position of political elites in indonesia. these changes have slowed down legislative strengthening and hindered the development of counterterrorism institutional capacities. thirdly, the existence of shared ideology/religion, i.e., islam, between the majority of the indonesian population and ji, has made the government face a dilemma in developing a counter-terrorism strategy and its implementation. the presence of these factors has complicated the development of counter-terrorism strategies. consequently, the government has been limited to reactive counter-terrorism measures focused on responding to past terrorist acts, and even then, only when there journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 188 are legislative references. such a counter-terrorism strategy can be referred to as a curative-legalistic strategy. reference tan, a. (2005). southeast asia as the ‘second front’ in the war against terrorism: evaluating the threat and responses. terrorism and political violence, 144. tan, a. (2007). a handbook of terrorism and insurgency in southeast asia. edward elgar publishing limited. irewati, a., et al. (2005). hubungan indonesia-amerika serikat dalam menyikapi masalah terorisme pasca 9/11. pusat penelitian politik lipi. mbai, a. (2005). penanganan keganasan di indonesia. interview, december 27. mbai, a. (n.d.). terorisme dan penanganannya. makalah ketua desk koordinasi pemberantasan terorisme (dkpt) menko polhukam ri. buku putih bom bali. (2006). era baru. (2011). menlu sampaikan empat pemikiran pemberantasan terorisme di pbb. retrieved may 27, 2012, from http://erabaru.net/nasional/133-nasional/27850menlu-sampaikan-empat-pemikiran-pemberantasan-terorisme-di-pbb foreign affairs of the republic of indonesia. (2010). penanggulangan terorisme. retrieved may 27, 2012, from http://www.kemlu.go.id/pages/iissuedisplay.aspx?idp=25&l=id government of indonesia. (2001). report to the counter-terrorism committee of the security council pursuant to paragraph 6 of security council resolution 1373 (2001). government of indonesia. (2002). second report to the counter-terrorism committee (ctc) of the united nations security council pursuant to paragraph 6 of security council resolution 1373 (2001). government of indonesia. (2003). third report to the counter-terrorism committee (ctc) of the united nations security council pursuant to paragraph 6 of resolution 1373 (2001). government of indonesia. (2004). fourth report to the counter-terrorism committee (ctc) of the united nations security council pursuant to paragraph 6 of security council resolution 1373 (2001). government of indonesia. (2006). fifth report to the counter-terrorism committee (ctc) of the united nations security council pursuant to paragraph 6 of security council resolution 1373 (2001). amin, k. m. (2010). interview about islam dan penanganan terorisme di indonesia di jakarta pada 5 jun. majalah gatra. (2005). islam, radikalisme dan terorisme, november 26. martin, g. (2003). understanding terrorism: challenges, perspective and issues. sage publication. means, g. p. (2009). political islam in southeast asia. strategic information and research development centre (sird). mockaitis, t. r., & rich, p. b. (2003). grand strategy in the war against terrorism. frank cass and company limited. baharun, m. (2011). islam dan penanganan keganasan di indonesia. interview, april. polri. (2006). buku putih bom bali 2002. http://erabaru.net/nasional/133-nasional/27850-menlu-sampaikan-empat-pemikiran-pemberantasan-terorisme-di-pbb http://erabaru.net/nasional/133-nasional/27850-menlu-sampaikan-empat-pemikiran-pemberantasan-terorisme-di-pbb http://www.kemlu.go.id/pages/iissuedisplay.aspx?idp=25&l=id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 4, no. 2, may 2023 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 189 presidential instruction (inpres) no. 4 of 2002. jones, s. g., & libicki, m. c. (2008). how terrorist groups end. rand corporation. morris, r. g., & morris, c. w. (1991). violence, terrorism, and justice. cambridge university press. sihbudi, r., & turmudi, e. (eds.). (2005). islam dan radikalisme di indonesia. lipi press. othman, z. (2006). demokrasi di negara sedang membangun: pengalaman asia tenggara. in g. mayudin, j. hamil, s. daud, & z. othman (eds.), demokrasi, kepemimpinan dan keselamatan dalam politik malaysia. ukm. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 41 community empowerment discourse in the national development policy aris munandar department of sociology, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia 1 email: aris.munandar@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : this paper is a literature study on issues, concepts, and strategies for empowerment in the discourse of development in indonesia. the discourse of community empowerment in indonesia's national development, in principle, is not something new. philosophically and normatively, the ideals of community empowerment as the goal of national development have been strengthened in the 1945 constitution as the constitutional foundation of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia. however, at the practical level, these ideal goals are not implemented in the implementation of the national development program. poverty and inequality are still crucial issues, even though the reformation era, which represents a democratic government, has been running for two decades. keywords: national development, community empowerment, social justice, protective discrimination submission : nov, 20th 2020 revision : jan 30th 2021 publication : feb 28th 2021 introduction during the new order era, the orientation of national development focused more on material achievements or economic development and paid less attention to human development. as a consequence, development is more capital intensive, placing money and the owners of capital as the central role holders. the failure of the development strategy implemented by the new order government has left a traumatic experience for the indonesian people. the program, which was initially considered successful in increasing the country's economic growth rate, ultimately left several social, cultural, economic, and political problems that must be suffered by the indonesian people. poverty, unemployment, and crime rates continue to go up, as a result of the inability and wrong strategy adopted by the government in national development policies. development policies and programs that are economically biased have resulted in development activities tending to be elitist. this phenomenon is often referred to as "distorted development" journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 42 (midgley, 1995), namely development which only involves and is oriented towards a certain small group of people, who are strong politically and economically. meanwhile, some indonesian people who are economically and politically helpless are marginalized from the development arena. this was a growth-oriented trickle-down effect development strategy and became a mainstay in the development policies of the new order rulers at that time. the issue of equality that has become the jargon of development in the past is national idealism that cannot be realized, in which most of the indonesian people live in limitations. even though the poverty data statistically at that time experienced a sharp decline reaching the level of 11.3 percent or 22.5 million people in 1996 (the end of the new order era), the community was helpless and less involved in social, political, economic and society in general (suharto, 2006). the authoritarian style of the new order government forces most of the people to become passive recipients of various government policies, without being able to actively involve themselves in decision making, even if it involves their fate and future. the end of the new order government regime, leaving several social, economic, and political problems, has become "homework" for the government in the reformation era and all stakeholders to reorganize national development activities that have suffered destruction. a long series of consequences for the failure of the development program continues. this can be seen from the development of socio-economic problems that have not been adequately controlled so far. for example, in early 2000 the number of poor people increased sharply to 49.5 million (24.2 percent of the total population). then, in 2019, after two decades of the reformation era, poverty conditions did not change much. based on the indonesian sdgs fact sheet, there are still 22.76 people living below the national poverty line. the three provinces with the highest poverty rates are ntt, papua, and west papua (ministry of national development planning / bappenas, 2019). the latest data released by the world bank of the 270.2 million population of indonesia, around 26.42 million people still live below the poverty line. without a significant expansion of social assistance, 5.5-8 million indonesians will increase the number of poor people due to the covid-19 disruption. the great potential of indonesian human resources and natural resources cannot guarantee the achievement of the people's welfare nor can it elevate the dignity of a nation that is currently getting worse in the eyes of the world. what should the indonesian people do in the future to improve the condition of indonesia which was badly damaged? even though, the issue of empowerment is considered to be the right way out to reconstruct the development of today's society, but where should it start? empowerment programs for individuals and communities, in general, have been going on, but the tangible results of these programs are not yet visible. people still do not have enough access to the resources they need, including economy, politics, education, law, and so on. this suggests that there are still structural obstacles that prevent people from getting fair opportunities in the various fields of life mentioned above. community empowerment is a major issue in today's national development programs and orientation. the emergence of this community-based development model is not only based on the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 43 experience of the failure of indonesia's national development strategies and policies in the past but also the experiences of developed countries which then encourage a reorientation and change in development paradigms from the economy as a central to humans as the main center. development (goudzwaard, lange, strong, 2001). in a development model that is centered on capital, technology, machines, and money are the main instruments in development activities, human involvement only reaches a small part of those who belong to the group of capital owners, political rulers, experts, and a small group of people as production forces. ultimately, this kind of development strategy creates dehumanization; human beings who lose their soul, initiative, are passive, and powerless. how many members of the community do not enjoy economic opportunities (jobs), politics, education, social services, and other public services, because they do not have access to these resources. meanwhile, the human-centered development model places humans as the initiator and goal of development itself. in this model, development is considered to be more than just an economic result that grows simply and is undivided. korten (2001) defines people-centered development as follows: development is the process by which members of a community increase their individual and institutional capacity to mobilize and manage resources to produce sustainable and equitable improvements in the quality of life according to their aspirations. (korten, 2001: 110). the above definition emphasizes that the development process and its intrinsic focus lies in individual and institutional capacities. therefore, development must consider the origin of equity, sustainability, and inclusion. only the people themselves can determine what they consider to be an improvement in their quality of life. in the reformation era, it is hoped that social transformation will occur related to the orientation of development programs that rely on economic strength and the central role of capital owners towards a community-based development model (community empowerment). to actualize these changes, a government commitment is needed to create conditions that are in favor of the welfare of the people. as stated by paiva (in tangdilintin, 1999), there are four important aspects needed to support the achievement of community empowerment efforts: structural change, socio-economic integration, institutional development, and reform. this means that individual empowerment without changing the four aspects above will fail. literature review development and empowerment issues in indonesia development is the keyword in the process of changing society towards the desired progress in all areas of life. the success of the development program does not stop at achieving material prosperity or achieving high economic growth, but also that the material prosperity that has been achieved must be able to meet the welfare of all members of society (equality of result). besides, community participation (social participation) must have an adequate place in the development process, which has implications for achieving prosperity. development cannot be said to be successful if the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 44 prosperity achieved is only dedicated to the interests and is the product of the activities of a small group of people. thus, development is a process of humanizing life. according to korten (2001), development transformation must be able to solve three basic problems: 1. the issue of justice, namely that all people must have the opportunity to work so that they can live properly. 2. the problem of the sustainability of natural resources, that is, each generation must maintain natural resources for life in the future. 3. the problem of participation, namely development must provide opportunities for all groups of society to participate and contribute their energy and thoughts. by touching on the three basic issues above, development is a process that focuses on the interests of the people (people-centered development), both the process and the outcome. development is no longer a government project presented to the people or a foreign government project that provides loans to poor countries but is a movement of all components of society. entering the new indonesian era, development is designed to encourage efforts to strengthen civil society. therefore, development program policies must be oriented towards community empowerment efforts. the priority of development programs in the economic, political, educational, health, social and cultural fields is directly aimed at empowering the community as a whole. meanwhile, the material success achieved is a consequence of an optimally empowered society. based on these thoughts, empowerment efforts must cover three sides. first, creating an atmosphere or climate that allows individual potential to develop. this means that every person naturally has the potential that can be developed towards a better life. second, strengthening the economic potential of individuals. to strengthen this potential, efforts that need to be done are to increase the level of education, health status, and access to sources of economic progress such as capital, technology, information, employment, and markets. third, empowerment through family economic development means trying to protect to prevent unbalanced competition, as well as creating togethern ess and partnerships between the developed and the underdeveloped. the government is a facilitator and motivator of the community development movement. the success of the national development program as a whole will very much depend on the ability to develop the community. in this regard, this paper seeks to explore the role of government in strengthening the three sides of empowerment above. to what extent do government policies in development programs provide space for the community, especially the poor, to have equal access and opportunities in the socio-economic field, which in turn can achieve the goal of community empowerment based on social justice? empowerment concepts and strategies according to webster and the oxford english dictionary, the word empowerment contains two definitions, namely: (1) to give power or authority to or to give power, transfer power or delegate authority to other parties; (2) to give the ability to or enable or an effort to give ability or journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 45 empowerment. meanwhile, according to the big indonesian dictionary, empowerment is an effort to make something capable or powerful. thus, empowerment or empowerment is an effort to make individuals or community groups independent through the realization and strengthening of existing potentials. the concept of empowerment began to become a development discourse when people began to question the meaning of development. in europe, the discourse of empowerment arose when industrialization created a society that ruled the factors of production and a society that controlled workers. in developing countries, discourse on empowerment arises when development causes social disinteraction, economic inequality, degradation of natural resources, and the alienation of society from production factors by the authorities. the concept of empowerment was born as an antithesis to the development model and industrialization model which did not favor the majority of the people. this concept is built from a logical framework as follows: (1) that the process of concentration of power is built from the concentration of control over factors of production; (2) the concentration of power in the factors of production will give birth to a working society and a society with marginal entrepreneurs; (3) power will build superstructure or knowledge systems, political systems, legal systems, and manipulative ideologies to strengthen and legitimize; and (4) co-optation of knowledge systems, legal systems, political systems, and ideology, which will systematically create two groups of people, namely people with disabilities and people with disabilities (projono and pranarka, 1996). in the end what happened was a dichotomy, namely ruling society and ruling humans. to free the situation of control and control, liberation must be carried out through a process of empowerment for those under control (empowerment of the powerless). empirical experiences and historical experiences from this dichotomous socio-economic format have given rise to various views on empowerment. the first view, empowerment is the destruction of power or power to nobody. this view is based on the belief that power has alienated and destroyed humans from their existence. therefore, to restore human existence and save humans from isolation and oppression, power must be abolished. the second view, empowerment is the distribution of power to everyone (power to everybody). this view is based on the belief that centralized power will cause abuse and tend to alienate the normative rights of people who are not in power or und er control. therefore, power must be distributed to everyone, so that everyone can actualize themselves. the third view, empowerment is strengthening the weak without destroying the strong. this view is the most moderate view of the other two views. this view is the antithesis of power to nobody and power to everybody. according to this view, power to nobody is an impossibility, and power to everybody is chaos and anarchy. therefore, according to the third view, the most realistic is the power to powerless. the three views above have a significant effect on the concept and practice of empowerment. in the field, there are at least 3 empowerment concepts. the first concept, the empowerment that only dwells on 'leaves' and 'twigs' or conformist empowerment. since the social structure, economic journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 46 structure, and economic structure have been considered given, empowerment is an attempt at how disabled people must adjust to what has been given. the form of action from this concept changes the mental attitude of the disabled people and the provision of compensation, such as providing capital assistance, building educational infrastructure, and the like. this concept is often referred to as a magical paradigm. the second concept, the empowerment that only dwells on the "trunk" or reformist empowerment. this means, in general, the social, economic, political, and cultural order has no problem. the problem is with operational policies. therefore, empowering this style is changing from top-down to bottom-up, while developing human resources, strengthening institutions, and the like. this concept is often referred to as the naïve paradigm. the third concept, empowerment which only dwells on 'roots' or structural empowerment. because society's powerlessness is caused by political, economic, and socio-cultural structures, which do not provide space for weak communities to share power in the economic, political, and socio-cultural fields, this structure must be reviewed. that is, empowerment is only understood as overturning the existing order. all orders are considered to be wrong and therefore must be destroyed, such as facilitating the people to fight against the government, provoking the poor to fight against the rich and/or businessmen, and the like. in short, the concept of community empowerment which only dwells on the roots is overthrowing the powerful. this third concept is often referred to as the critical paradigm. in a marxist perspective, community empowerment is a process of struggle for powerless people to obtain surplus value as their normative right (see johnson, 2008). the struggle to obtain surplus value is carried out through the distribution of control over production factors. and the struggle to distribute control over the factors of production must be carried out through political struggles. meanwhile, according to friedmann (1992), empowerment must start from the household. household empowerment is empowerment that includes social, political, and psychological aspects. social empowerment is an effort to make weak households gain access to information, access to knowledge and skills, access to participate in social organizations, and access to financial resources. political empowerment is an attempt at how weak households have access to public decision-making processes that affect their future. meanwhile, psychological empowerment is an effort to build self confidence in weak households. in principle, empowerment is strengthening the community to be able to participate in the decision-making process that affects their future, strengthening the community to be able to obtain production factors, and strengthening the community to be able to determine their future choices. from various views on the concept of empowerment, it can be concluded that community economic empowerment is strengthening ownership of production factors, strengthening control over distribution and marketing, strengthening the community to get adequate wages/wages, and strengthening society to obtain information, knowledge, and skills, which must be carried out in multi-aspects, both from the aspect of the community itself, as well as aspects of the policy. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 47 however, the strategic issues and issues of the community's economy are local and specific, so that the concept and operation of community economic empowerment cannot be formulated generically. efforts to formulate concepts, approaches, and operational forms of community economic empowerment in a generic manner are indeed important, but what is far more important is a clear shared understanding of the characteristics of the problem of community powerlessness in the economic field. because with a clear understanding of this, it will be more productive in formulating concepts, approaches, and operational forms of community economic empowerment following the characteristics of local problems. community economic empowerment that is quite realistic for disabled workers is through affirmative action (for example, subsidies for education for disabled people) in the field of education. to carry out affirmative action for disabled people, the government must have funds. to get funds, it can be done through fiscal policy, for example with a progressive tax. sumodiningrat (1999), argues that the concept of economic empowerment includes: 1. a people's economy is an economy that is run by the people. the economy run by the people is that the national economy is rooted in the potential and strength of the people at large to run the wheels of their economy. the definition of the people is all citizens. 2. empowerment of the people's economy is an effort to make the economy strong, large, modern, and highly competitive in the right market mechanism. since the constraints on people's economic development are structural constraints, the people's economic empowerment must be carried out through structural changes. 3. the structural change referred to is a change from a traditional economy to a modern economy, from a weak economy to a strong economy, from a subsistence economy to a market economy, from dependence to independence. the steps of the structural change process include (1) allocating resources for the empowerment of resources; (2) institutional strengthening; (3) mastery of technology; and (4) empowerment of human resources. 4. empowerment of the people's economy is not enough just to increase productivity, provide equal business opportunities, and only provide capital injection as a stimulus, but it must be guaranteed that there are close cooperation and partnership between the advanced and the weak and underdeveloped. 5. the policies for empowering the people's economy are (1) providing greater opportunities or access to production assets (particularly capital); (2) strengthening the position of the people's economic business transactions and partnerships, so that people's economic actors are not just price takers; (3) education and health services; (4) strengthening small industries; (5) encouraging the emergence of new entrepreneurs; and (6) spatial equalization. 6. community empowerment activities include: (1) increasing access to business capital assistance; (2) increasing access to human resources development; and (3) increasing access to facilities and infrastructure that directly support the local community's socio-economy. from the six main points regarding the concept of community empowerment, it can be concluded that: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 48 a. community empowerment cannot be done only through the leaf approach, or only branches, or only stems, or only roots; because the problems faced exist in each aspect; b. community empowerment in the economic sector is not enough just to provide revolving capital, but also to strengthen community economic institutions, strengthen human resources, provide infrastructure, and strengthen their bargaining position.; c. community empowerment in the economic field or strengthening the people's economy, must be carried out elegantly without hindering and discriminating against strong economies; for this reason, partnerships between micro, small and medium enterprises, and large businesses are the way to go; d. community empowerment in the economic field is a process of strengthening the people's economy towards a strong, modern, efficient people's economy; and (5) community empowerment in the economic field, not through an individual approach, but a group approach. method this study is based on literature and documents regarding community empowerment policies in order to promote social welfare as one of the main objectives of national development. the author conducts a desk review of the concepts and content of laws relevant to this topic, and uses the document as secondary data related to the implementation of community empowerment programs. the results of the desk review and secondary data analysis are then combined to see the suitability of concepts, policies, and implementation of empowerment programs in indonesia. result and discussion in indonesia, community empowerment is the main concern of development goals today, especially when the development model that is centered on money or capital fails to provide the welfare guarantees it promises to all citizens of society. community-centered development then emerged, as an alternative to shifting conventional development models. this alternative model places people's creative initiatives as the main development resource. meanwhile, material and spiritual well-being is the goal the development process seeks to achieve. this conception is a criticism of the shortcomings of conventional development models, both socialist and capitalist, which focus too much attention on production so that the needs of the production system take a more prominent place than the needs of society. the strengthening of the issue of democratization and the spirit of civil society has resulted in people getting a wider place, at least in expressing their aspirations and needs which are the foundation for national development policies. in this context, the discourse of community empowerment needs to be contextualized into development policies. thus, the national development policy does not only function as a standard and enforcement that ensures equal opportunities for everyone but is also journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 49 able to provide space for community empowerment, both in its formulation, implementation strategy, and program content. the powerlessness experienced by a group of people has become a fairly heated academic discussion and discourse in this decade. certain groups that experience discrimination in a society, such as low economic class, ethnic minorities, women, people with disabilities, and so on, are generally people who experience helplessness. according to berger and nenhaus (1977), "mediating structures" that allow weak groups to express aspirations and demonstrate their ability to the broader social environment are now likely to weaken. the emergence of industrialization which gave birth to specialization in work and mobile work has weakened the institutions that can act as a linking structure between the weak and the wider community. social organizations, religious institutions, and family institutions which hav e traditionally been natural institutions that can provide informal support and assistance, solve problems and meet the needs of their members, tend to weaken their role. therefore, the economic system that is manifested in various forms of physical development projects, on the one hand, can improve the quality of life of a group of people, but also often marginalizes certain groups in society. according to sennet & cobb (1972), powerlessness is caused by several factors, such as lack of economic security, inexperience in the political arena, lack of access to information, lack of financial support, lack of training, and physical and emotional tension. meanwhile, empowerment is defined as the giving or increasing of power (power) to people who are weak or disadvantaged (disadvantage). jim ife (1955) states that empowerment refers to efforts to reallocate power through changing social structures. meanwhile, swift and levin (1987) state that empowerment is a way in which people, organizations, and communities are directed to be able to control their lives. in the human services literature, the definition of empowerment has several dimensions. first, a development process that begins with individual growth and culminates in greater social change. second, a psychological condition characterized by an increase in feelings of self-esteem, efficiency, and control. third, the liberation generated by social movements, which starts from education and politicization of community powerlessness, then involves collective efforts from being powerless to gain power and changing structures that are still oppressive (suharto, 1997). the implementation of the process and the achievement of empowerment goals are carried out and achieved through the implementation of empowerment strategies. empowerment can be done through three approaches (suharto, 1997): 1. micro approach. empowerment is carried out on individuals through guidance, counseling, stress management, crisis intervention. the main goal is to guide or train individuals in car rying out life tasks. this model is often called a task-centered approach. 2. the mezzo approach. empowerment is carried out using groups as a medium of intervention. education and training, group dynamics, are usually used as a strategy in increasing the awa reness, knowledge, skills, and attitudes of individuals to have the ability to solve the problems they face. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 50 3. macro approach. this approach is called a large-system strategy because the target of change is directed at the broader ecological system. policy formulation, social planning, campaigns, social action, lobbying, community organizing, and development are some of the strategies in this approach. empowerment includes access to resources and the capacity to use these resources effectively. access to these resources can only be accomplished if there is equal opportunity for everyone and at the same time reflects the realization of the principle of social justice as one of the main foundations of national development. thus, to accelerate the realization of community empowerment efforts, a fair regulatory (policy) mechanism is needed, which allows everyone to have the same opportunity (equality of opportunity) to the resources that are the livelihood of indonesian citizens. the spirit of creating equal opportunities, which is one of the indicators of development with social justice, has been normatively stated in several articles/paragraphs of the amended 1945 constitution, which is the constitutional foundation of the indonesian state. for example, in art icle 27 paragraph 2 "every citizen has the right to work and a living that is decent for humanity." article 28h paragraph 2 "everyone has the right to receive special facilities and treatment to get the same opportunities and benefits to achieve equality and justice." article 31 paragraph 1 "ready citizens have the right to education", paragraph 2 "every citizen is obliged to attend basic education and the government is obliged to pay for it." article 34, paragraph 2, "the state develops a social security system for all the people and empowers people who are and are not able to be in accordbygnity", paragraph 3 "the state is responsible for the provision of adequate health service facilities and public service facilities. and there are many other articles in the 1945 constitution which are the rethatof amendments. this means that conceptually and morally the current reform order government is quite concerned about the interests of all citizens. but in its implementation, the spirit of building equality and social justice is not accompanied by a policy mechanism that regulates citizens' rights in various fields of life to be realized equitably and socially justice. instead, what happens is la iberala -style free competition, in which strong citizens win and gain more privileges than weak citizens. until now, to obtain rights in the fields of education, employment, health, politics, housing, and aspects of people's welfare in general, as variables thareinforceor the creation of an empowered (powerful) society, is left to the market mechanism. . meanwhile, the government stands as a 'referee' who often favors the strong and ignores the rights of the weak. for example, article 31 paragraph 1 of the 1945 constitution and article 5 of the national education law states that "every citizen has the same right to obtain an education." this law only addresses the rights of citizens who are ideally the same. but in reality, the socio-economic opportunities to get an education, especially favorite schools differ from one another, depending on the socioeconomic status of a person or family. in various areas of life, economy, politics, health services, and other public services, people must compete freely without any regulation of the fundamental differences that occur to the p arties involved (competitors). of course, this kind of liberal-style competition will produce strong winners. meanwhile, the government is only the supervisor of the running of the competition and there has journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 51 been no significant effort to establish a regulatory mechanism so that the competition runs healthily and fairly so that the goal of empowerment and equal opportunity for all citizens can be achieved effectively. protective discrimination is a term put forward by kolenda about empowerment programs for the lower classes (harijan caste and isolated tribes) in india (kolenda, 1985. the concept of protective discrimination is positive, namely, discrimination is aimed at providing protection. against the weak from the domination of the strong, so that equal opportunities and community empowerment can be achieved at the same time. this kind of discrimination also applies in the world of sports (gardono, 1993, 2015), where the physically weak (women and people with disabilities) separate matches are held. in fact, in some sports, for example, boxing, there is a division based on body weight. they compete with each other and get a gold medal. this shows that equal opportunity and fairness in sports is reflected in the existence of a separation of matches between groups. different to strength physically. without this separation, all the gold medals could only be won by male athletes. likewise, in social, economic, and political life, justice can only be realized if there are social arrangements that allow for inclusive social participation for all groups of society. conclusion weaknesses and failures of development strategies that ignore the importance of empowerment must be corrected quickly and appropriately. public expectations for the government in the reformation era are very high to be able to bring the indonesian people out of adversity. community empowerment policies must be a strategic development priority to restructure social, economic, and political conditions as a whole. the manifestation of community empowerment is significantly influenced by the political will (political will) of the government. therefore, state intervention in the form of application of "protective discrimination" is very urgent to be applied in indonesia, if these citizens are to be truly empowered. this intervention can be implemented, among others, in the form of laws or other regulatory mechanisms that stipulate the provision of rations to groups of society who are weak or weakened in the fields of education, economy, politics, health services, and other public services proportionally. in some cases, this kind of policy has indeed begun to be implemented, although the results have not shown significant changes. for example, in the field of politics, the involvement of women in politics has begun to be paid attention to the necessity for every political party to at least nominate women to become members of the legislature at least 30 percent of all proposed candidates for legislative members (caleg). however, the 'affirmative action' program which protects women with a share of 30 percent as a legislative candidate is considered not to side with women, because the chance and proportion of them to become members of the legislature are still low. this is possible because the law that regulates it does not guarantee that women are elected as members of the legislature, but only as a candidate. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 52 the rationing program as a manifestation of efforts to equal opportunities and empower communities should also be implemented in all important areas which are the needs of all communities. they, especially the weak can only meet their needs through intervention or facilitation carried out by the state. with the quota system for the weak, the state is demanded not only as a referee to arrange matches between weak and strong parties but must create a new system that separates "social matches" between weak and strong groups. if real efforts like this are not carried out, it seems that community empowerment is only running as far as moral ideals and the indonesian people will continue to hope without getting out of the problem. references arif budiman (1997). teori pembangunan dunia ketiga, jakarta: gramedia berger, o.l. & nienehaus r.j. (1997). to empower people. washington dc. american enterprise institute for public policy research. bob goudzwaard, harry de lange, maurice f. strong (2001). beyond poverty and affluence: toward an economy of care with a twelve-step program for economic recovery. eerdmans: william b. publishing co. edi suharto, pembangunan, kebijakan sosial & pekerjaan sosial, lembaga studi pembangunan – stks bandung, 1997. -----------(2006). membangun masyarakat memberdayakan rakyat: kajian strategis pembangunan kesejahteraan sosial dan pekejaan sosial. bandung: refika aditama friedmann, john (1992). empowement: the politics of alternative development. cambridge: blackwell publisher. gardono, iwan (1993). negara, masyarakat, dan keadilan sosial, seminar memperingati 25 tahun fisip universitas indonesia, jakarta 26 – 27 januari 1993. ------------(2015). struktur masyarakat dan keadilan sosial (perspektif sosiologi transformatif). pidato pengukuhan guru besar sosiologi politik pada fisip-universitas indonesia. depok, 10 juni 2015. ife, jim (1995). community development: creating community alternatives, vision, analysis and practice. australia: longman. johnson, doyle p. (2008). contemporary sociological theory: an integrated multi-level approach. lubbock, tx: springer. kementerian perencanaan pembangunan nasional/bappenas. 2019. roadmap of sdgs indonesia: a highlight. jakarta: bappenas klitgaard, robert (1991). adjusting to reality: beyond ‘state versus market’ in economic development. san francisco: ics press. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 53 kolenda, pauline (1985). caste in contemporary india: beyond organic solidarity, prospect heights. illinois: waveland press. korten, david c. (2001). menuju abad ke-21: tindakan sukarela dan agenda global. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. midgey, james (1995). social development: the developmental perspective in social welfare. london: sage publication. projono, o.s dan pranarka, a.m.w (1996). pemberdayan: konsep, kebijakan dan implementasi. jakarta: csis. sennett, richard , and cobb, jonathan (1972) the hidden injuries of class. cambridge, uk: cambridge university press. sumidiningrat, gunawan (1999). pemberdayaan masyarakat dan jaring pengaman sosial. jakarta: gramedia. swift, c., levin, g. “empowerment: an emerging mental health technology”. journal of primary prevent. vol. 8, 71–94. https://doi.org/10.1007/bf01695019 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 54 is indonesia losing the soul of its democracy? a look at 11 year trend of indonesian democracy abdul malik gismar paramadina public policy institute paramadina university malik.gismar@paramadina.ac.id abstract: this paper describes 11 year dynamics and trends of indonesian democracy, specifically, aspects of civil liberty, political rights, and democratic institutions, through the results of indonesia democracy index’s (idi) annual assessment. idi is an assessment of provincial democracy. its calculation is based on events occurring throughout the year; it is an attempt to capture democracy from the ground up; a depiction of democracy as it is practiced in everyday life at the institutional as well as at behavioral level. the results indicate complex dynamics and trends where issues of civil liberty, political rights and democratic institutions intertwine to shape political reality on the ground. discrepancies of performances between idi’s indicators of democracy indicate a certain paradox in indonesian democracy as it is practiced at the provincial level. on one hand, the space for civil liberty is open and the citizens are freely and enthusiastically express themselves; and on the other hand, democratic institutions are lacking in capacity and cannot respond adequately to the democratic demands arising from the opening up of civil liberty. more than a decade long abject performance of provincial parliaments across indonesia in performing its legislative roles (i.e. initiating legislation and giving public policy recommendation to the executives) have no doubt contributed to dissatisfactions express in many public complaints and demonstrations throughout indonesia. this lack of parliamentary capacity across indonesia translates into the absence of representation. keyword : indonesia democracy index, democratic assessment, democratic trends submission : nov, 20th 2020 revision : jan 30th 2021 publication : feb 28th 2021 introduction for at least the past ten years, scholars of democracy have been suggesting that democracy is in decline globally. their suggestion is confirmed by many assessments of democracy (democary, 2015). we witness authoritarian return in many new democracies of asia, africa, and south america, but the declining trend is not restricted to new democracies. it can also be witnessed in many old and well established democracies of the west. right wing populism, often with a shade of racism and xenophobia, spread across europe. yes, even the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 55 first democracy (the united states of america), according to the economist’s democracy index 2016, is experiencing a democratic “demotion”. (index, 2018). recent events around the us’ elections, from the lies about elections fraud to storming of the us capitol building (one of the most sacred symbols of democracy in the us) by trump’s supporters, graphically sums up the democratic crisis in the us and around the world. nancy fraser suggests that democracy’s current predicament is nothing less than global political crisis: at first sight, today’s crisis appears to be political. its most spectacular expression is right here in the united states: donald trump—his election, his presidency, and the contention surrounding it. but there is no shortage of analogues elsewhere: the uk’s brexit debacle; the waning legitimacy of the european union and the disintegration of the social-democratic and center-right parties that championed it; the waxing fortunes of racist, anti-immigrant parties throughout northern and east-central europe; and the upsurge of authoritarian forces, some qualifying as proto-fascist, in latin america, asia, and the pacific. our political crisis, if that’s what it is, is not just american, but global (fraser, 2018). perhaps representative democracy, especially in the west, will metamorphose into something else. but we cannot be very sure what or how the “new” democracy will look like, albeit some have entertained the idea of a “post democracy” and “neo democracy” (crouch, 2004; beyme, 2018). as nancy fraser puts it, “the old is dying, but the new cannot be born” (fraser, 2018). arguably, the main reason for the democratic discontents around the globe is the failure of democratic regimes to deliver the promises of democracy. from the occupy now movement in new york to the yellow vest demonstrators in paris (and everywhere else) the protesters are telling us that their democratic governments do not represent them; have not been working for them; and worst, have been making policies contrary to their interests and the sense of justice in general. votes that people dutifully cast during election do not become voice in the parliamentary chambers. in a representative democracy, representation is the soul. therefore, a democracy without representation loses its soul. for countries recently transitioning to democracy this trend is mindboggling. democracy that they all so craved during the authoritarian era, turned out to be so complicated and problematic, to say the least, even in the countries that they used to see as a reference or benchmark for democratic government. democracy that they believe will take us to the land of liberty, safety, justice, and prosperity is not a sure thing anymore. the prophetic words of dunkwart rustow (1970) come to mind when we ponder upon the current global democratic journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 56 trend, especially among transitioning countries; more than 40 years ago he suggested that “the factors that keep a democracy stable may not be the ones that brought it into existence”. the indonesian experience tells us that after the noise of democratic transition recedes, the painstaking process of delivering the promises of democracy begins. this process does not always run smoothly. on the contrary, it is often arrested, taken on a detour, or even reversed. as a result, after nearly twenty years, for many people the situation is still far from the euphoric expectation at the beginning of the transition. democracy comes to offer legitimacy for the state; specifically, through the establishment of democratic institutions such as multiparty competition, elections, free press, etc. however, we cannot be sure anymore that this is sufficient to guarantee the emergence of a stable and sustained democratic state where justice, liberty, security, and welfare can be realized. after two decades of reform some questions need to be asked: what does current indonesian democracy look like and what are the trends trajectories ahead? this paper attempts to answer these questions through a careful examination of the past 11 year results of the indonesia democracy index. the framework and method of indonesia democracy index the indonesia democracy index, or idi, is an annual assessment of democratic condition in indonesia’s provinces. it specifically portrays the condition of civil liberty (civil liberty), fulfillment of political rights (political rights), and the performance of democratic institution. (democratic institutions). civil liberty is captured by four variables, namely 1) freedom of assembly and freedom of association; 2) freedom of expression; 3) religious freedom; and 5) freedom from discrimination. political rights are elaborated into two variables which capture not only the system and procedures to guarantee that the rights are fulfilled, but also the behavioral expression of the citizens in their participation to monitor public affairs throughout the year (bollen, 1993). these two variables are 1) the right to vote and to be elected in a general election; and 2) political participation in monitoring public affairs decisions and processes. the institutions of democracy are operationally defined as public institutions established to regulate and carry out the activities of the state, and/or the government. these institutions may exist within the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, as well as independent commission in charge for certain task, i.e general elections, political parties, the media, and interest groups. the role of institutions of democracy are captured through the following variables 1) existence of free and fair general elections; 2) the performance of regional parliament; 3) the performance of political parties; 3) the performance of provincial journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 57 bureaucracy; 4) independent judiciary. these variables are further translated into respectively ten (10) indicators for civil liberty, seven (7) for political rights, and eleven (11) for democratic institution. although the aspects of democracy to be assessed by idi overlap with democratic assessment worldwide, the indicators to capture these aspects are tangible events, some even at behavioral level. the insistence on using indicators at such level of expression is to capture democracy as it is lived by citizens in their everyday life (index, 2014). for each indicator, evidence is found first in newspaper reports and official documents. in each province one newspaper is selected (newspaper with the highest number of readership) to be content analyzed. official documents include documents issued by regional governments and regional parliaments, such as provincial regulations (perda), gubernatorial decrees, and other official documents such as statistics on voters issued by the regional general elections commission. the national statistics agency, which has offices in all provinces and districts across indonesia, is charged with the data collection. collected data are cleaned and verified (in terms of their agreement with the definition of the indicators) in a meticulous process of going through all one by one, involving the expert panel and national statistics agency’s team. once it is cleaned and verified, data is brought up in focus group discussions in each province to be further verified, qualified, and elaborated (in terms of its accuracy of depiction of what really has happened). the participants of the discussion are well informed persons representing all stakeholders in the province. for certain indicators, an interview with well-informed persons are conducted to further enrich the data. idi employs a fourfold data collection method, each in conjunction with the other with the purpose of covering the weakness of each data collection method. the newspaper and document reviews serve to capture incidents as defined by the indicators throughout the year. newspaper is chosen because it is there all year long reporting on life in the province. the content analysis results are then verified in focus group discussions (which usually include chief editor other newspaper in the province) and in-depth interviews. idi assumes that each aspect and each indicators within aspects have different contribution to the overall condition of democracy. therefore, before the index can be calculated, a separate process is conducted to calculate the weight of each indicator, variable, and aspect. this is done by analytical hierarchy process. these weight is then used in further calculation of the index. to describe the outcome of democratic performance in each province, a scale of 1 to 100 is used. this scale is a normative scale in which a score of 1 indicates the lowest performance journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 58 (theoretically possible if all the indicators receive the lowest score) and 100 indicate the highest (theoretically possible if all the indicators receive the highest score). idi further qualify score of ≤60 as bad; 61 – 80 as moderate, and > 80 as good. results: 11 year trend of indonesia’s democracy the overall national index in 2019 is 74.92 and fall into moderate quality according, as has been in the past 11 years of assessment. this number represents the condition of indonesian democracy as an aggregate of the democratic conditions in all provinces. as an aggregate it is not identical to any provincial index; there are provinces that perform better or worse than this aggregation. the overall moderate quality of democracy is also reflected in the number of provinces, 28 out of 34, that fall into this category. this flat overall trend belies the different dynamics and trends of each aspects of democracy being measured as shown in figure 1 below. the first thing to be noticed is that, except for 2019, there is a consistent pattern where civil liberty achieved higher scores than the fulfillment of political rights and the performance of democratic institutions. figure 1 also indicates that in general the threat to civil liberties in indonesia is relatively low, although there is also evidence of a slightly declining trend. in contrast, the performance of democratic institutions fluctuates across the years, at times drastically. figure 1. indonesia democratic trend 2009 – 2019 political right shows a very different trend. after showing a very low performance for the first five years of assessment, this aspect jumped in 2014 and remained consistently high thereafter. democratic institutions show yet another different dynamic and trend. this aspect stay in the same level of performance but with a much sharper year to year fluctuation. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 59 to better understand these different dynamics and trends we need to understand the scores of the variables and indicators. table1 below give us the scores of idi variables in 2018 and 2019. the complete list of scores of indicators can be found in the appendix. there are five variables with a score between 60 and 80 (moderate quality), one variable score below 60 (low), and five variables score above 80 (high). the only variable with low score is political participation. it is important to note that we can find high and moderate performance in all aspects; hence the performance of variables does not follow the aspects. table 1: 2018 – 2019 scores of idi variables no. variables 2018 2019 difference 1. freedom of assembly and association 82.35 78.03 -4.32 2. freedom of expression 66.17 64.29 -1.88 3. religious freedom 82.86 83.03 0.17 4. freedom from discrimination 91.77 92.35 0.58 5. the right to vote and be voted in a general election 75.77 79.27 3.50 6. political participation in decision making and monitoring 54.28 56.72 2.44 7. free and fair elections 95.48 85.75 -9.73 8. the role of provincial parliament 58.92 61.74 2.82 9. the role of political parties 82.10 80.62 -1.48 10. the role provincial bureaucracy 55.74 62.58 6.84 11. the role of independent judiciary 90.72 93.66 2.94 the deviation between 2018 and 2019 scores of variables indicate the fluctuation of the democratic conditions. further, the three aspects also show different average of deviation between 2018 and 2019. they are 2.09 for civil liberty, 6.08 for political rights and 4.29 for democratic institutions. the same dynamics can also be seen for 2018. these numbers show that civil liberty is a much more consistent throughout the years compare to the other variables. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 60 the consistently high civil liberty scores seem to indicate a real opening up of public spheres and the rules and that the regulations established in the post-suharto era have been effective in ensuring that the state does not trample on the civil rights of the citizens. likewise, threats of freedom from society, as indicated by incidents where people inhibit or curb others’ freedom, are also relatively small. however, if we look closely at conditions of civil liberty from the variables that formed them, a very interesting picture emerges. figure 2 illustrates clearly how all variables tend to cluster close to each other at the high score, except for freedom of expression. figure 2: civil liberty trend 2009 -2019 for eleven years all variables of civil liberty scored above or around 80, except for freedom of expression which consistently scored lower, with the lowest score of 60.86 in 2012. consequently, when all the scores of all variables are averaged, freedom expression pulls down the overall score of civil liberty significantly. if we took out this variable, civil liberty score would drastically jump. hence, the low score of freedom of expression is an anomaly within the aspect of civil liberty. the picture becomes even more interesting if we look at the trend of each indicator of civil liberty (see appendix). all indicators in every variable, except for indicators in freedom of expression variable, tend to have high scores and similar trends. only two indicators consistently obtained scores below 80. those are “threat or use of violence by officer(s) which restricts freedom of expression” (indicator 3) and “threat or use of violence by people which restricts freedom of expression” (indicator 4). both are indicators of freedom of expression (see appendix). 91.44 84.21 91.7 80.28 86.06 84.62 86.65 82.79 79.16 82.35 78.03 83.97 70.35 64.96 61.86 69.15 67.76 62.21 72.17 65.97 66.1764.29 90.67 89.17 84.8 83.79 81.13 83.22 80.5 81.69 84.28 82.8683.03 88.92 88.31 89.49 84.7 86.22 87.02 87.6 87.43 90.74 91.7792.35 0 20 40 60 80 100 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 freedom of assembly freedom of expression freem of religion freedom from discrimination journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 61 contrary to civil liberty, the fulfillment of political rights consistently scored low in the first five years. as can be seen from figure 3 below, of the two variables in this aspect, in 2014 the score of “the right to vote and to be elected” showed a significant jump from the previous year. in the meantime, “political participation” did not move much from the previous year’s position. figure 3 illustrates this trend. figure 3: trend of political rights 2009 – 2019 the discrepancy between the two variables is wide in the past 6 years. there are 22.55 discrepancies in 2019, and in the last three years the discrepancies seem to follow a widening trend. one indicator particularly contributing to the increase in “the right to vote and to be elected” score is the “the quality of the list of eligible voters” (indicator 14) which jumps drastically in the last assessment (see appendix). if we look into the score of indicators, in the eleven year assessment the political rights score is determined by two indicators that measure people’s behavior; “violent demonstration or strike” (indicator 16) and the other “peaceful participation in public affairs” (indicator 17). in 2019 the score for indicator 16 was 34.91 and indicator 17 was 79.19. the gap between them is 44.28 point. what these scores tell us is that in 2019 there were many peaceful protests (more incidents mean higher scores), but at the same time there were many protests that ended in violence (more incidents mean lower scores). the performance of democratic institutions is the most fluctuating among the three aspects of democracy being assessed. the score goes up and down across the years, but the overall trend is climbing. there are distinct groupings of the variables into the high scoring variables and low scoring ones, as can be seen in figure 4 below. 50.05 49.98 50.11 50.26 50.31 75.27 75.26 75.26 75.55 75.77 79.27 55.16 48.32 45.97 44.52 45.61 50.28 60.59 61.24 56.16 54.2856.72 0 20 40 60 80 100 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 right to vote and be voted political participation journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 62 figure 4. trend of democratic institutions 2009 2019 the high scoring variables are free and fair election, the role of bureaucracy, and independent judiciary. these variables consistently score above 80. on the other hand, the role of parliament and the role of political parties fluctuating in the lowest range of scores, and at times almost hit the floor. these two variables drag down the overall performance of democratic institutions and are closely related; the role of the parliament is determined by the role of the political parties through the members they send to the parliament. upon closer look, there are groupings of variables (at least from 2015 up) into high scoring variables and low scoring variables. the first group includes free and fair election and the role of independent judiciary. the second group includes the role of provincial parliament and the role of provincial bureaucracy. one variable, the role of political parties, fluctuates highly across the eleven years. these groupings of variables indicate two different underlying factors; the high scoring variables are not directly related to politics and their indicators are procedural indicators and the low scoring variables are more directly related to politics and their indicators are substantive indicators. in the ten year assessment, the role of political parties seems to be most prone to intervention or seasonal conditions such as general election. it is important to note that the role of provincial parliamentary achieved low scores throughout 11 years, and the score of the role of provincial bureaucracy significantly dropped in 2017. a glaring example of the abysmal performance of the provincial parliament can be found in the score of indicators “legislation initiated by parliament” and “parliamentary public policy recommendation to the executive” which in 2019 respectively score 46.16 and 16. 70. since these scores are aggregate scores, we can be sure that there are many provinces that score 87.67 87.67 87.67 87.67 87.67 95.35 95.48 95.48 95.48 95.48 85.75 38.03 42.89 47.39 35.53 36.62 39.51 42.9 46.76 59.78 58.92 61.74 19.29 23.37 64.49 69.52 53.51 61.76 59.09 52.29 71.64 82.1 80.62 88.58 88.58 88.58 88.58 88.58 99.38 53.11 47.51 56.26 55.74 62.58 90.53 90 81.97 82.42 83.94 86.29 92.28 91.36 86.31 90.72 93.66 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 free and fair election role of parliamentary role of political parties role of bureaucracy role of independen judiciary journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 63 even lower. it is hard to imagine that legislative body has no role in initiating legislation, but this seems to be widespread across provinces. also, it is difficult to understand the almost non-existence parliamentary public policy recommendation amidst the daily complaints and demonstrations that can be found across indonesia. result and discussion the results of indonesia democracy index indicate the dynamics and complexity of indonesian democracy where issues of civil liberty, political rights and democratic institutions intertwine to shape political reality on the ground. take the aspect of civil liberty, for example. the usual image to showcase the problem of civil liberty in indonesia is religious intolerance which often ends in the threat and use of violence. idi 2009 – 2019 shows that the tendency to threaten the use of violence, and in many cases to actually resort to violence, is a tendency that exists for many various issues in indonesia. the biggest portion of demonstrations that ended with violence were related to government performance in conducting public affairs. religious intolerance and tensions certainly occur in indonesia and from an ethical standpoint it should be very clear that if one incident occurs in a year, it is already one too many. though there is a tendency to attribute the cause of these religious tensions to “primordial” factors or factors within the religion itself, idi indicates that many religious contentions in indonesia are related to management of religious diversity, not due to inherent conflicting religious values or deeply rooted religious enmity. one of the most common tensions between muslims and christians in indonesia, for example, is related to the construction of churches or mosques. problems occur when christians wish to build a church in majority muslim area, and vice versa, when muslims wish to build a mosque in a christian majority area. the constitution is very clear on this matter: every citizen is free to believe in any religion and practice it in their life, however problems arise when this principle is translated into bad regulations. in the case of mosque or church construction, one that contributes and exacerbates the tensions is the regulation prescribing any religious group to ask approval of the residence of the area where they want to construct their house of worship (in the form of certain numbers of signature). this is a very sensitive issue and can easily be predicted that the approval is very hard to come by if the religion is a minority religion, regardless of whether it is islam or christianity. this regulation has made it very difficult for christians to build churches in predominantly muslim areas, and for muslims to build mosques in predominantly christian areas. the problem with this regulation is that, without any clear delineation and direction acceptable to all, it relegates a very sensitive issue to the people; and eventually to the street, where there is not even a chance for a serious and careful deliberation. this deliberation should happen in the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 64 parliamentary chamber involving all stakeholders to find out rules and regulations acceptable to all. once a decision that can be accepted by all stakeholders is made, every effort must be made to uphold it. it is obvious from the trend across the years that freedom of expression in indonesia has its own dynamic, different from other civil liberty variables. if we look at the incidents of violation of freedom of expression, many are associated with political activities in and out of campaign season. local political activities, especially during election time are fertile ground for partisan disagreements, tensions, and conflicts that are emotionally charged and often find expressions that trample others’ rights. pertaining to the fulfillment of the political rights, the jump in the score of the right to vote and to be elected tells an interesting story. the scores of four of the five indicators of this variable are actually similar across the years. only one indicator “the quality of the list of eligible voters” jumped drastically in the last assessment. this jump can be attributed almost solely to the success of the indonesian election commission to significantly improve the list of eligible voters. indeed, in the last round of elections in indonesia, the election commission succeeded to guarantee almost all eligible voters the opportunity and ability to vote. very comprehensive rules and regulations concerning voting facilities that include various disabilities were enacted and implemented to the utmost details. this is a major institutional achievement, because until 2014 “the list of eligible voters” was the source of never ending complaints and disputes. the political participation variable measures two sides of political participation; on one side people’s awareness and participation in public and governmental affairs and, on the other side, how they express their opinions and feelings about it. these two indicators trends show interesting relationship between the enthusiasm to be involved in public and government affairs (to monitor, report, protest, demonstrate, strike, boycott, etc.) and the civility of the expression. scores of “people’s participation” keep increasing, a good sign that people do care about what is going on around them and are willing to be involved in it; if they do not like what they see, they will let those responsible know what they feel. this is a good sign of civic involvement, a much needed prerequisite for a healthy democracy. however, the score of indicators that specifically measure public demonstrations that end in violence is going in the opposite direction; it is getting worse by the year. so, as there is more public expression, there is also more violence. glances at violent demonstrations clearly show widespread questioning of the state legitimacy and capability. on the target of the demonstration that end in violence, data from idi 2015 for all provinces in java show that it is overwhelmingly targeted to the government; journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 65 mundane everyday issues such as unmaintained road, electricity, clean water, poverty, and health to bigger issues such as corruption, and various government policies, and land disputes. the next largest issue is related to labor relations (such as unfair wages, perceived government partiality towards businesses) and the impact of business activities (such as pollution, destruction of public road, destruction of environment, and the like). surprisingly perhaps to many people, violence demonstrations related to religious issues are only a very small portion of the total number of demonstrations that end in violence (gismar, 2016). the most disheartening data seen in the indonesia democracy index throughout the year is the performance of the parliament. all indicators of the role of parliament score extremely low throughout 11 years of assessment period. this clearly indicates that the provincial parliaments simply did miserable jobs as representatives of the citizens. we can safely assume that this is related to the performance of political parties described earlier. because of the poor performance of political parties, we cannot expect much of the parliament. by sending unqualified people to the parliament, political parties have put a ceiling to what the parliament can achieve. the emerging picture from the results of the democratic institutions aspect is that the fundamental issue of democratic representations still remains, even as there are some improvements in some indicators of democracy. indonesia has successfully established system, mechanism, and procedure of democracy that guarantee a regular, free and fair elections but has not been as successful in translating the votes cast in the elections into voice in the parliament due to the weak provincial parliaments and the low performance of political parties. guaranteeing that votes translate into voices in the parliament is the biggest challenge of indonesian democracy today. conclusion so, after two decades of reform, what does current indonesian democracy look like and what are the trends and trajectories ahead? the picture from more than a decade assessment of provincial democracy is not a simple one and characterized by many intricately intertwined factors related to all aspects of democracy (i.e. civil liberty, fulfillment of political rights, and the performance of democratic institutions). in the broadest sense, however, we can discern a paradox in indonesian democracy. on the one hand, public spheres are open up and the citizens can relatively freely and enthusiastically express themselves. free and fair elections with a relatively high voter turnout are conducted regularly; voters’ satisfaction with the running of elections is relatively high. these are major democratic achievements that need to be acknowledged and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 66 appreciated. on the other hand, however, democratic institutions are lacking in capacity and cannot respond adequately to the burgeoning democratic demands. provincial parliaments across indonesia perform their roles as legislating bodies abjectly; in fact they almost has no role in initiating legislation or giving public policy recommendation to the executives; these are important indications whether they are actually voicing the aspiration and interest of their constituents. political parties play very important roles in contributing to this situation too, since they are the ones who send their members to the parliament. this is not a minor problem. the origins of the above paradox perhaps can be traced to the early years of reform. in answering the demand of may 1998 reform movement, indonesia engaged in a massive, some even call it “big-bang”, initiative to create institutions necessary for system of representative democracy (hidayat, 2010). among these initiatives are amendment of the 1945 constitution, the establishment of constitutional court and regional representative council (dewan perwakilan daerah/dpd); corruption eradication commission (komisi pemberantasan korupsi/kpk); direct election, regional autonomy; multiparty system; and press freedom. by any measure, these are massive undertaking to be taken in such short period of time. perhaps, in a rush of establishing the appearance of democracy, indonesia has overlooked the importance of ensuring the capacity of these democratic institutions. to borrow loosely from migdal (2003) we have focused on creating “state image” (i.e. massive effort in building state institutions and revitalization the rules and regulations), but less on ensuring “state in practice”. democracy in indonesia, and social-political life in general for that matter, were shaped by this paradox. from the remote villages in the most remote province to the capital city we witness an enthusiastic public participation in monitoring public and government affairs, often in the form of complaints, protests, and demonstrations on various issues. these legitimate democratic demands, however, do not find their echoes in parliamentary chambers and unanswered by executive responses. the results is frustration that may find contrasting expression, either apathy or anger; both breeds contempt to the state and, perhaps, to the system of democracy itself. this is indeed a serious problem. if representation is the soul of representative democracy then, looking at the 11 years dynamic and trends of indonesia’s provincial democracy, we are forced to seriously asked the question: are we losing the soul of democracy? journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 67 references bollen, kenneth a. (1993). “political democracy: conceptual and measurement traps,” in alex inkeles, ed. “on measuring democracy. transaction publisher. brunswick, nj. crouch, collin. (2004). post-democracy. cambridge: polity press. 2004. dahl, robert. (1971). “poliarchy: participation and opposition”. yale university press. new haven, ct. fraser, nancy. (2019.) “the old is dying and the new cannot be born”. verso. ny. ny. gismar, abdul malik. 2011. “after the big bang: governance in indonesia democratic transition”. jurnal ekonomi pembangunan politik. vol. 7. no. 2, (2011). gismar, abdul malik. (2010). “kewarganegaraan dan kebangsaan”. in gismar and hidayat. half baked reform. teraju, jakarta. hidayat, syarif. (2007). "too much too soon: local state elite's perspective on and the puzzle of contemporary indonesian regional autonomy policy”. rajawali press. jakarta. indeks demokrasi indonesia (2019): dua dekade reformasi – potret capaian dan tantangan konsolidasi demokrasi. kemenkopolhukam. indeks demokrasi indonesia (2017): citra demokrasi minim kapasitas. kemenkopolhukam. indeks demokrasi indonesia (2014): ketimpangan antara institusi dan kultur demokrasi kemenkopolhukam. migdal, joel (2003), state in society: studying how states and societies transform and constitute one another, cambridge: cambridge university press rustow, dunkwart. 1970. “transitions to democracy: toward a dynamic model”, in lisa anderson, transitions to democracy, columbia university press, ny. sandel, m. 1996. “democracy and its discontent: america in search of public philosophy”. harvard university press , cambridge, ma. von beyme, k. (2018). from post-democracy to neo-democracy. springer international publishing. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 68 appendix score of indonesia democracy index’s indicator 2018 – 2019 no. name of indicator tahun 2018 tahun 2019 civil liberty: freedom of assembly and association 01 threat or use of violence by officer(s) which restrict freedom of assembly and freedondicatorm of association 82.35 77.21 02 threat or use of violence by other(s) which inhibit freedom of assembly and freedom of association 82.35 83.82 civil liberty: freedom of expression 03 threat or use of violence by officer(s) which restricts freedom of expression 70.20 65.69 04 threat or use of violence by people which restricts freedom of expression 45.96 57.35 civil liberty: religious freedom 05 written rules and regulations which restrict the freedom or require people to practice their religions 80.43 81.71 06 actions or statements by officials which restrict the freedom or require people, to practice their religions 84.38 83.73 07 threat or use of violence by a group of people against other related to religious teachings 91.47 87.79 civil liberty: freedom from discrimination 08 discriminatory rules and regulations on the grounds of gender, ethnicity or against vulnerable groups 92.16 92.65 09 discriminatory actions or statements by regional officials (gender, ethnicity, vulnerable groups) 91.91 88.97 10 threats or use of violence by people/society (gender or ethnicity of the victim and/or vulnerable groups) 91.18 94.85 political rights: right to vote and to be elected 11 incidents in which people’s right to vote or get elected is restricted 95.83 94.80 12 incidents of lack/shortage of facilities for people with disabilities as a result of which they cannot exercise their rights to vote 60.00 96.83 13 the quality of the fixed list register voters (daftar pemilih tetap – dpt) 74.44 73.67 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 69 14 percentage of eligible voters who actually vote in a general election (voter turnout) 75.07 82.54 15 percentage of female provincial parliamentarian (of the total members of provincial parliament) 59.61 58.63 political rights: political participations 16 demonstrations /strikes that turn violent 30.37 34.91 17 peaceful protests, complaints, demonstrations on how the government run the affairs of the province 78.19 78.53 democratic institutions: free and fair elections 18 incidents that indicate the partiality of regional general elections commissions (kpud) 98.93 81.55 19 incidents or reporting of the fraudulent counting of votes 92.03 89.95 democratic institutions: role of provincial parliament 20 budget allocated for education and health per capita 74.02 78.07 21 legislation initiated by parliament 40.35 46.16 22 number of parliament’s public policy recommendations to the executive 20.80 16.70 democratic institutions: role of political parties 23 cadre recruitment and training carried out by political parties participating in general elections 80.25 78.57 24 percentage of women in the leadership of political parties at provincial level 98.76 99.07 democratic institutions: role of provinvial bureaucracy 25 misuse of government facilities by candidates /political parties in legislative general elections 72.76 73.45 26 involvement of civil servants in political activities of political parties in legislative general elections 41.42 53.43 democratic institutions: role of independent judiciary 27 controversial rulings handed down by judges 92.46 93.20 28 controversial terminations of investigations by prosecutors or police 88.97 94.12 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 124 capital comparison of candidates from political dynasties in the 2020 mayoral and deputy mayoral election in indonesia siti sadiyatunnimah department of political science, faculty of social & political sciences, universitas nasional. jakarta, indonesia email: sadiyatunnimah@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : this study was conducted to compare the capital owned by candidates from political dynasties in the 2020 mayor and deputy mayor elections and make a generalization about which capital turns out to be the most influential in the election. the study is a comparative research which uses the large-n, a method that compares cases in a broad area and a large number, with 28 candidates from political dynasties as the objects. the conclusion of this study is that the dynasties owned by candidates do not seem to mean much in the 2020 mayor and deputy mayor elections. the victories of candidates from political dynasties were influenced by various combinations of capital. no capital is more influential than other capital because ownership of capital will not mean much if the candidate does not have a good enough strategy in using that capital to attract voters. key words: economic capital, election, political capital, political dynasty, social capital submission : feb, 11th 2020 revision : april 18th 2021 publication : may 28th 2021 introduction indonesia is a country that adheres to a democratic system and conducts general elections as a direct implementation of democracy. the holding of regional head and deputy regional head elections (local election) is an important part in a democratic country like indonesia, as stated in article 18 of the 1945 constitution. through local election, the people can choose the candidates they believe that can fight for their local interests, then it is a means of giving trust and legitimacy from the people. the elections that were just held in 2020 were marked by rampant dynastic politics. dynastic politics is a recent style of kinship politics as a neo-patrimonialistic path. the beginning of the emergence of this political dynasty took root in a traditional way, in the form of a patrimonial system where prioritized political regeneration based on genealogical ties, rather than a merit system to weigh achievement. political dynasty here can be interpreted as a political power that is exercised by a group of people who mailto:sadiyatunnimah@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 125 have family ties. in general, political dynasties are likened to a kingdom, because this power is passed down from generation to generation from father to son with the aim of keeping this power in the family circle. politics of dynasties exist from the desire of people, groups of people or families to be able to occupy power, with an organized group, agreement and togetherness in groups can form group rulers and be followed by group followers. this collaboration of the rulers aims to be able to build capital strength with the ties of politicians, then there is a division of tasks between political power and the power of capital owned. based on the findings of the nagara institute research, there were 124 candidates for regional heads in the 2020 regional elections who were exposed to political dynasties. although still a candidate, this figure is somewhat fantastic, with the following details: 57 candidates for regent and 30 candidates for deputy regent; 20 candidates for mayor and 8 candidates for deputy mayor; 5 candidates for governor and 4 candidates for deputy governor. this phenomenon is interesting to examine, because basically the direct local election is an institutional design that has been implemented after the reform in the context of realizing the democratization process in the regions. local election is held not only to elect representatives of the people in the regions, but also to form a government that is democratic, strong and gets popular support in realizing national goals. dynastic politics is considered to damage the quality of democracy because it often destroys the rationality of voters. the quality side of the candidate pair is often overlooked due to the factor of fame of the extended family of the candidate pair for regional leadership. this will then have an impact on the closing of the opportunities for competitors who come from ordinary citizens to be able to win the regional head election contest. however, despite having almost all the resources needed to win the regional election, not all candidates won the election because the candidates had different capital strengths. based on what was reported by the nagara institute, out of 124 candidate pairs affiliated with political dynasties that participated in the 2020 elections, 72 candidates were declared defeated and only 52 candidates were declared victorious. in the election for mayor and deputy mayor in the 2020 regional elections, out of the 28 candidates who came from political dynasties, only 8 candidates could win the contest. thus, being part of a political dynasty will not automatically be a winner in political contestation, but there are other capitals that are needed. as stated by pierre bourdieu, to win the contest, apart from having the role of a figure or symbol in the form of a family background, candidates also need the support of economic, social, and political capital. the fact that not all candidates from political dynasties won the contestation in the 2020 regional elections, is interesting to be investigated further. this study compares some capital the candidates have and make a generalization about which capital turns out to be the most influential in the election. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 126 literature review election is a procedural and democratic process by choosing a person or a figure, while the victory is determined by obtaining the most votes. in a democracy country, all citizens have given the same opportunity to nominate as regional head with sufficient freedom to form political organizations, channel their political aspirations, and participate in competitions in the placement of elected public positions. however, at the empirical level, the opportunity differs from one another because of the capital they have in fact different. there are three capital that always mentioned as determining factors in the winning of an election event. the three capitals are political capital, social capital, and economic capital. these three capitals can influence a candidate in obtaining support from public. the greater the accumulated capital a candidate has the more support you get (marijan, 2006). the first capital that candidates should have is social capital. social capital must be owned by candidates for building relationships and trust from the community. this social capital can be seen from the level of education, employment, character figures in society, as well as the network of each candidate (nurhasim et al, 2003). the views of experts in defining social capital are divided into two groups. first emphasizes on social network relationships (social networks), while the second group emphasizes the characteristics inherent (embedded) in individual human beings who are involved in a social interaction (jamaluddin, 2003). in this study, the two focuses of these experts are defined in two ways, the first is that the candidate's social capital is related to the social network it has, namely the network owned by its lineage which we call dynasty. while the second, the involvement of individual candidates in society can be seen from the work they did before becoming a candidate. the second capital is economic or financial capital. candidates need economic support because the political election process is very expensive. this poses a challenge to the process of developing local democracy, because the candidates who are contesting should be the owners of large amounts of money/capital (sahdan, 2009). the high cost of regional elections can be caused by 3 (three) factors, which are: 1. regional head candidate who will compete are required to buy political parties as political vehicles. political parties that will be used as vehicles in the regional elections require candidates to deposit donations of up to billions of rupiah. 2. the political campaign model carried out by the candidates requires a lot of money. for example, making posters, advertising in the mass media, both print and electronic. 3. to persuade voters, candidates usually use money politics practices. the model of giving money to voters is usually carried out in almost every regional election journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 127 staging process. the circulation of money is most prominent at the time of the candidate campaign and before the vote. the last capital that influences the candidate's victory in political contestation is political capital. political capital is the ownership of a political position, support in politics, consisting of the support of a coalition of political parties and the support of local political elites, a political institution and society as a successful team for victory in general elections (nasir, 2009). most researcher who studied about capital in political context, especially about local election usually focus on one capital owned by the regent and deputy regent candidate pair in the election, such as: arwantinna, 2013; putra, 2012; pantouw, 2012; rasyid, 2012; agusyanto, 2011. some others focus on the relationship between those capitals and how the candidates use their capital as a strategy of winning, such as: mbolang, 2020; solihah, 2018; rasyid, 2010. whereas this study compares some capital the candidates have and make a generalization about which capital turns out to be the most influential in the election. method the study is a comparative research which process is carried out by collecting, analyzing, and interpretating data. the descriptive method in this research is used to provide facts and characteristics of the fields which is the target of the research. the method used in this research is to describe the capitals owned by the candidate for mayor/deputy mayor in the 2020 regional elections, and to find which capital is the most influential in the regional elections. the study uses the large-n, which is a method that compares cases in a broad area and a large number. the data source in this research is online news related to the regional election in indonesia who are national or regional in scale. result and discussion comparison of the candidates' social capital the first capital that is important in winning the candidates for mayor and deputy mayor in the 2020 local elections is social capital. in this study, researchers conducted an analysis of two types of social capital owned by the candidates. the first type of capital is the relationship between the candidates and their dynasty group, which is the main network that connects candidates with the constituency. based on existing data, the first social capital is divided into four categories based on dynastic coverage and dynastic losses or victories in the last contestation (whether the dynasty was in power or not at the time the election was held), which are: a1: national elites dynasty in power (winning the contest) a2: national elites dynasty not in power (lost the contest) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 128 b1: local elites dynasty in power (winning the contest) b2: local elites dynasty not in power (lose the contest) the second type of social capital is the position of the candidates in society. based on the data obtained, this type of social capital is divided into two categories, which are public officials (i) and entrepreneurs (ii). the table below shows the types of social capital the candidates have as well as the categories of social capital these candidates have: table 1 comparison of the candidates' social capital no name region relation with the dynasty position of the candidate 1 lisa andriani lubis kota binjai lisa andriani is the wife of muhammad idaham mayor binjai 2 period, 2010-2015 and 2016-2021 (b1) dpd ipk board of binjai city for the period 20202025 (i) 2 m. bobby nasution* kota medan son-in-law of the president of the republic of indonesia jokowi dodo (a1) businessman (ii) 3 fikar azami kota sungai penuh the biological child of asfri jaya bakri, mayor of sungai penuh city, 2011-2016 and 2016-2021 (b1) dprd member of sungai penuh city (i) 4 eva dwiana* kota bandar lampung eva is the wife of herman hasanusi who is the mayor of bandar lampung 2 for the period 2010-2015 and 20162021 (b1) dprd member of lampung (i) 5 ratu ati marliyati kota cilegon daughter of tb aat syafa'at, former mayor of cilegon 2000-2005 and 2005-2010 and also younger sister of tb iman ariyadi as mayor of cilegon 2010-2015 and 2016-2021 sentenced to 6 years of corruption in 2018 (b2) deputy mayor of cilegon for the 2016-2021 period (i) 6 rahayu saraswati djojohadikusumo kota tangerang selatan prabowo subianto's niece, the chairman of the gerindra party, as well as the minister of defense of the republic of she is a former member of the indonesian parliament for the 20142019 period. rahayu is journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 129 indonesia. even though prabowo subianto is a public official now, because he lost the previous presidential election, he was categorizes as a2. (a2) also an activist, politician, actress, presenter. his educational background is acting in london, england (i) 7 siti nur azizah kota tangerang selatan daughter of k.h. ma'ruf amin as vice president of the republic of indonesia for the period 2019-2024 (a1) lecturer at stai salahudin al ayubi, north jakarta since 1995 until now. he has worked as a civil servant at the ministry of religion of the republic of indonesia in 20042019 (i) 8 pilar saga ichsan* kota tangerang selatan the son of ratu tatu chasanah who served as regent of serang 2016-2021 (b1) activist (i) 9 hevearita gunaryanti rahayu* kota semarang wife of alwin basri, the chairperson of commission d dprd central java for the period 2019-2024 from pdip. (b1) vice mayor of semarang period 2016-2021 (i) 10 gibran rakabuming raka* kota surakarta son of indonesian president, joko widodo (a1) businessman (ii) 11 henry pradipta kota blitar the son of samanhudi anwar, the mayor of blitar, who served the 2016-2021 period (b1) deputy treasurer of dpc pdi-p surakarta for the period 2000-2005 and secretary of dpc pdip surakarta from 2005 until now (i) 12 aji setyawan kota magelang aji is the eldest son of the current mayor of magelang, sigit widyonindito, served in the 2010-2015 and 20162021 period (b1) member of dprd kota magelang 2019-2024 (i) 13 gede ngurah ambara putra denpasar the older brother of gede ngurah ambara served as a member of the dpr ri from the pdip faction for the period 2009-2014 and 20142019 (b1) businessman (ii) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 130 14 badruttam kota mataram son of the mayor of mataram for the period 2010-2015 and 2016-2021 (b1) businessman (ii) 15 baihaqi kota mataram the son in law of the leader of dprd ntb (b1) businessman (ii) 16 putu selly kota mataram putu selly’s husband is rachmat hidayat, chairman of dpd pdip ntb who also asses as a member of the ntb pdip fraction dpr-ri (b1) head of the ntb provincial trade office 2020 (i) 17 rahmad masud* kota balikpapan brother of abdul gafur mas'ud, the young regent of penajam paser utara regency for the period 20182023. the older brother of rudi mas'ud, s.e, a member of the people's representative council of the republic of indonesia (dpr ri) for the 2019-2024 electoral district of east kalimantan. the younger brother of hasanuddin mas'ud became a member of the balikpapan dprd in 2019-2024 (b1) chairman of dpd ii partai golkar balikpapan (i) 18 neni moerniaeni w kota bontang andi faizal hasdam, the second child to become a member of the botang city dprd for the period 20192024 (b1) mayor of bontang 2015-2020 (i) 19 muhammad hasan bay kota ternate cousins from mayor ternate 2 period 2010-2015 and 2016-2021 (b1) member of dprd kota ternate (i) 20 munafri arifuddin kota makassar nephew of former vice president of the republic of indonesia jusuf kalla 20042009 and 2014-2019 (a2) businessman (ii) 21 irman yasin limpo kota makassar irman’s brother is the current minister of agriculture syahrul yasin limpo (a1) governor's expert staff for economics, development and finance, south sulawesi provincial government's economic sub-sector (i) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 131 22 andi zunnun amin nurdin kota makassar the biological child of nurdin halid, a golkar politician, has served as chairman of the pssi for the 2003-2011 period and was a member of the dpr-ri from the golkar party in 1999-2004 (a2) member of dprd sulsel (i) 23 abdul rahman bando kota makassar brother of bupati enrekang muslimin bando 2018-2023 (b1) head of the makassar city government marine and fisheries service and entrepreneurs in the plantation and agricultural service sector (i), (ii) 24 fatmawati rusdi* kota makassar fatmawati is the wife of rusdi masse mappasessu, who is a member of the dpr ri for the 2019-2024 period. he has served as regent of sidenreng rappang district for the period 2008-2013 and 2013-2018 (a1) members of the dpr-ri for the 2014-2019 period from partai persatuan pembangunan (i) 25 maurits mantiri* kota bitung the son of geraldi mantiri, served as a member of the dprd city of bitung in 20192024 (b1) chairperson of the pdi perjuangan dpc for the 2015 2020 period (i) 26 hengky honandar* kota bitung the sister-in-law of a member of the dprd city of bitung for the period 20192024, lanny sondakh (b1) member of dprd sulut (i) 27 julyeta paulina kota manado she is the wife of veky lumentut, the mayor of manado for the period 20102015 and 2016-2021 (b1) rector of universitas negeri manado 2016 – 2020 (i) 28 jilly g eman kota tomohon his father jimmy f eman is mayor of tomohon 20162021 while his younger brother christo bless eman is a member of dprd tomohon 2019 -2024 (b1) member of dpd ii partai golkar kota tomohon (ii) description: * = the winning candidate data source: data taken from various sources the table shows that 19 candidates or 68% of the total candidates for mayor and deputy mayor in local election 2020 are part of the ruling local political dynasty (category b1), journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 132 5 people or 18% of the candidates are part of the ruling national political dynasty (category a1), 3 people or 11% are part of the non-ruling national political dynasty, and the rest are local elites who are not currently in power. based on the profession or position the candidate has in community, the results obtained are 75% of public officials, and the rest are entrepreneurs. the data of the candidates who won the contestation (candidate names marked with an asterisk), can be concluded that the winning candidates came from the ruling political dynasty, both local and national. however, there were several candidates from the ruling dynasty but suffered defeat in the 2020 local elections, one of which was siti nur azizah who is the daughter of vice president k.h ma'ruf amin. candidates who came from dynasties that were currently out of power or lost in previous contestations had all lost. this shows that the political dynasties owned by these candidates are not always the determining factor in the victory of candidates for mayor or deputy mayor in the 2020 local elections. from the eight candidates who came from political dynasties who won the contest in the 2020 mayor and deputy mayor elections, only two of them are businessmen, and both are part of the political dynasty of the president of the republic of indonesia (the son and son in law of president joko widodo). apart from them, the candidates who win the contestation in the 2020 mayor and deputy mayor elections are public officials. it is very rational if public officials find it easier to become winners in political contestation because they interact more with the community directly in their daily lives. comparison of the candidates' political capital political capital is very much needed as a political vehicle for mayoral candidates, it will help them to make approaches and outreach to their constituents. the more political parties that support a candidate for mayor and deputy mayor, the more likely the candidate will win. another thing that falls into the category of political capital is the position of the candidate for mayor or deputy mayor in the region. if one of the candidate pairs for mayor is an incumbent, it will make it easier for the candidate pair to win the contest. the table below shows the political capital held by candidates for mayors and deputy mayors from political dynasties competing in the 2020 local elections. table 2 comparison of the candidates' political capital no name region incumbent/not supported party 1 lisa andriani lubis kota binjai no pdip, hanura, pan (3) 2 m. bobby nasution* kota no pdip, hanura, pan (3) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 133 medan 3 fikar azami kota sungai penuh no demokrat, pan, hanura, gerindra, nasdem, pkb, pks, berkarya, golkar (9) 4 eva dwiana* kota bandar lampung no pdip, gerindra (2) 5 ratu ati marliyati kota cilegon incumbent golkar, nasdem, gerindra (3) 6 rahayu saraswati djojohadikusumo kota tangerang selatan no pdip, gerindra, pan, hanura, nasdem, perindo (6) 7 siti nur azizah kota tangerang selatan no demokrat, pks, pkb (3) 8 pilar saga ichsan* kota tangerang selatan no ppp, pbb, golkar (3) 9 hevearita gunaryanti rahayu* kota semarang incumbent pdip, golkar, pkb, demokrat, pan, gerindra, nasdem, psi, pkpi, hanura, berkarya, pbb, ppp (12) 10 gibran rakabuming raka* kota surakarta no pdip, golkar, gerindra, pan, psi, pkb, nasdem, perindo, ppp (9) 11 henry pradipta kota blitar no pkb, golkar, pks, pan, nasdem, partai berkarya, pkpi (7) 12 aji setyawan kota magelang no pdip, hanura, gerindra, perindoapbb, pan, nasdem, ppp (7) 13 gede ngurah ambara putra denpasar no golkar, demokrat, nasdem (3) 14 badruttam kota mataram no gerindra, partai berkarya, pkpi, pkb (4) 15 baihaqi kota mataram no demokrat, pan, hanura (3) 16 putu selly kota mataram no pdi p, pks (2) 17 rahmad masud* kota balikpapan no golkar, pdip, gerindra, pks, demokrat, pkb, perindo, pan (8) 18 neni moerniaeni w kota bontang incumbent golkar, pks, gerindra, ppp, pan, nasdem, hanura, berkarya, psi, perindo, demokrat, pbb (12) 19 muhammad hasan bay kota ternate no golkar, gerindra, hanura (3) 20 munafri arifuddin kota makassar no ppp, demokrat, perindo (3) 21 irman yasin limpo kota no golkar, pan, pks (3) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 134 makassar 22 andi zunnun amin nurdin kota makassar no golkar, pan, pks (3) 23 abdul rahman bando kota makassar no ppp, demokrat, perindo (3) 24 fatmawati rusdi* kota makassar no gerindra, nasdem (2) 25 maurits mantiri* kota bitung no pdi perjuangan, perindo, gerindra (3) 26 hengky honandar* kota bitung no pdi perjuangan, perindo, gerindra (3) 27 julyeta paulina kota manado no nasdem, perindo, psi (3) 28 jilly g eman kota tomohon no golkar, nasdem, demokrat, hanura (3) description: * = the winning candidate data source: data taken from various sources the table above shows that only three people were incumbents in the 2020 mayor and deputy mayor elections, while the rest were not the rulers of the area. from the three incumbents, only one person can win the contest. this shows that the position as incumbent is not always the most influential thing in winning the candidate pairs for mayor and deputy mayor. the number of political parties supporting candidates from political dynasties varies widely. there are candidates who get a lot of support, also those who get very little support from political parties. however, based on these data, 71% of these candidates received support from more than eight political parties, and the rest received support from less than eight political parties. however, it turns out that from the eight candidates from political dynasties who won the contest, only three people received support from more than eight political parties, which are: hevearita gunaryanti rahayu; gibran rakabuming raka; and rahmad mas'ud, while the rest were supported by only two or three political parties. from this data, it can be concluded that the large number of supporting political parties is not a determining factor in the election of mayor and deputy mayor in 2020 because fewer supporting political parties but having more constituents will have more influence in the candidate's victory. comparison of the candidates' financial capital data regarding economic capital is obtained from the state officials' wealth report (lhkpn) of candidates who have been reported to the corruption eradication commission (kpk). to facilitate the data analysis process, a categorization was made based on the amount of assets owned by the candidates, which are: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 135 i : <1.000.000.000 ii : 1.000.000.000 – 25.000.000.000 iii : 25.000.000.000 – 50.000.000.000 iv : > 50.000.000.000 the table below shows the comparison of assets owned by candidates for mayor and deputy mayor from political dynasties that are contesting the 2020 local elections: table 3 comparison of the candidates' financial capital no name region wealth category 1 lisa andriani lubis kota binjai rp. 6.800.377.712 ii 2 m. bobby nasution* kota medan rp. 54.861.280.543 iv 3 fikar azami kota sungai penuh rp. 1.438.513.891 ii 4 eva dwiana* kota bandar lampung rp. 11.514.413.187 ii 5 ratu ati marliyati kota cilegon rp 5.006.726.905 ii 6 rahayu saraswati djojohadikusumo kota tangerang selatan rp. 23.771.000.000 ii 7 siti nur azizah kota tangerang selatan rp 17.011.825.862 ii 8 pilar saga ichsan* kota tangerang selatan rp 28.063.872.562 iii 9 hevearita gunaryanti rahayu* kota semarang rp 10.449.486.306 ii 10 gibran rakabuming raka* kota surakarta rp. 21.150.000.000 ii 11 henry pradipta kota blitar rp. 9.209.749.834 ii 12 aji setyawan kota magelang rp. 67.000.000.000 iv 13 gede ngurah ambara putra denpasar rp. 14.291.983.801 ii 14 badruttam kota mataram rp. 287.736.563 i 15 baihaqi kota mataram m rp. 5.247.500.000 ii 16 putu selly kota mataram rp. 2.256.420.000 ii 17 rahmad masud* kota balikpapan rp 12.460.067.031 ii 18 neni moerniaeni w kota bontang rp. 9.000.000.000 ii 19 muhammad hasan bay kota ternate rp 54.686.287.909 iv 20 munafri arifuddin kota makassar rp. 4.807.869.082 ii 21 irman yasin limpo kota makassar rp. 9.194.448.282 ii 22 andi zunnun amin nurdin kota makassar rp 5.445.000.000 ii 23 abdul rahman bando kota makassar rp 39.478.148.898 iii 24 fatmawati rusdi* kota makassar rp. 62.946.559.087 iv journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 136 25 maurits mantiri* kota bitung rp. 1.671.415,248 ii 26 hengky honandar* kota bitung rp. 17.704.921,869 ii 27 julyeta paulina kota manado rp. 4.525.825.435 ii 28 jilly g eman kota tomohon rp. 11.837.171,782 ii description: * = the winning candidate data source: data taken from various sources the table above shows that 75% of the candidates for mayor and deputy mayor who come from political dynasties in the 2020 local election have assets that are in category ii, which is between one and twenty-five billion rupiah. the wealth is quite large for the people of indonesia, but it turns out that there are several candidates who have a total wealth that is much greater than this figure and reaches more than sixty-four billion rupiah. the lowest number of assets is owned by badruttamam ahda, a candidate for deputy mayor from the city of mataram, amounting to less than three hundred million rupiah. data related to economic capital cannot be used to generalize because to conduct the analysis, data from other candidates who are competitors to candidates from political dynasties are needed as a comparison. however, from the data obtained, the candidates who win the contestation are candidates who have considerable wealth, more than ten billion rupiah. the combination of capital owned by candidates from political dynasties who win the elections for mayors and deputy mayors in 2020 the capitals owned by the candidates cannot stand alone, but they need to complement each other. the table below shows the combination of capital owned by candidates from political dynasties who win the elections for mayors and deputy mayors in 2020 table 4 comparison of the capitals owned by the winner no name region dynasty position incumbent supported parties total wealth 1 m. bobby nasution* kota medan (a1) (ii) no 3 iv 2 eva dwiana* kota bandar lampung (b1) (ii) no 2 ii 3 pilar saga ichsan* kota tangerang selatan (b1) (i) no 3 iii 4 hevearita kota (b1) (i) incumbent 12 ii journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 137 gunaryanti rahayu* semarang 5 gibran rakabuming raka* kota surakarta (a1) (ii) no 9 ii 6 rahmad masud* kota balikpapan (b1) (i) no 8 ii 7 fatmawati rusdi* kota makassar (a1) (i) no 2 iv 8 maurits mantiri* kota bitung (b1) (i) no 3 ii 9 hengky honandar* kota bitung (b1) (i) no 3 ii data source: data taken from various sources the table above shows that the victories of candidates from political dynasties were influenced by various combinations of capital. no capital is more influential than other capital because ownership of capital will not mean much if the candidate does not have a good enough strategy in using that capital to attract voters. conclusion the conclusion of this study is that the dynasties owned by candidates do not seem to mean much in the 2020 regional head elections, there are certain categories of political dynasties that can win the contest, which are the dynasty that is in power and won the previous contest. however, not all political dynasties like that can also win the contest, because other capital is needed as well as the use of capital in a winning strategy that is in accordance with the conditions of the region and its constituents. the victories of candidates from political dynasties were influenced by various combinations of capital. no capital is more influential than other capital because ownership of capital will not mean much if the candidate does not have a good enough strategy in using that capital to attract voters. as it is known that the use of large-n in comparative research like this has a drawback, which that the explanation presented will be less in-depth, so it is necessary to continue this research using other methods to get more in-depth results so that we can understand more about capital in relation to contestation politics 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(2009). evaluasi kritis penyelenggaraan pilkada di indonesia. yogyakarta: ipd. solihah, r., dkk (2018). “jeje-adang’s capital relations in local election of pangandaran regency”. jurnal mimbar, vol 34 no 2nd (december) 2018 pp. 378-388 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 369 aviation diplomacy in southeast asia a soft power strategy in the region mutiara indriani international relations department, faculty of humanities, bina nusantara university mutiara.indriani@binus.edu abstract : globally, the covid-19 pandemic brought a wave of economic decline to the aviation industry due to disruptions in the supply and demand chain. with a population of 650 million, asean governments are obliged to support the recovery process following the negative impacts of the covid-19 pandemic. while the aviation industry is opening up, an approach that is inclusive and appealing to the public to complement safety policy and liquidity support is necessary for the aviation industry. this research attempts to gain a deeper understanding of how aviation diplomacy could play a role in the regional connectivity agenda amid the rising importance of international aviation. this research proposes that aviation subjects as diplomatic actors are engaged in the diplomatic process, whereas in the context of soft power and multistakeholder diplomacy concept, the asean government and airlines are drivers of regional connectivity. by employing qualitative methods with inductive logical thinking as the analysis framework, this research shows that air assets and air infrastructures are meaningful in three different ways; raising national and regional identity awareness, building political ties, and ensuring cross-border mobility. thus, asean governments shall continue to support the aviation industry and utilize aviation diplomacy as a soft power approach in the region. keywords : asean; aviation diplomacy; connectivity; soft power; southeast asia. submission : aug 7th 2021 revision : sept 18th 2021 publication : nov 28th 2021 introduction at the 42nd asean anniversary celebration, asean secretary-general surin pitsuwan promoted people-to-people mobility in the region by inviting stakeholders from various asean nationalities, including journalists, businessmen, academics, diplomats, and bureaucrats, to fly with him to three asean capitals in one day to mark the launching of the asean community (ong, 2009). his gesture was a symbolic indication of an effort to make asean more relevant to the public as the aircraft carried his guests across international airports for the momentous celebration. this is an example of aviation diplomacy, or the use of air transport in diplomacy, which is the use of air assets to support foreign policy (lespinois, 2012). it is also defined as various diplomatic processes and structures pursue within the context of civil aviation (kobierecki, 2020). mailto:mutiara.indriani@binus.edu journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 370 the civil aviation has political significance towards sovereignty, defense, and national status (dobson, 1993). government negotiation in air service agreements is also an example of aviation diplomacy. it is, for instance, the case of the 1944 chicago convention when the u.s. dominance in shaping public international law on civil aviation was showcased. the diplomatic significance of aviation emanates from the unprecedented growth of the global air travel industry due to the waves of deregulation in the 1970s and the 1980s, which has resulted in cheaper air tickets. aviation becomes a major economic driver underpinned by a growing number of global middle-income population. the global number of carried passengers has significantly increased from 0.9 billion passengers in 1987 to 3.97 billion in 2017 (world bank, 2018). the asean number of carried international passengers has increased from 120.5 million passengers in 2007 to 288.8 million passengers in 2017 (aseanstats, 2020). this trend shows the increasing popularity of air travel, which constructed a straight way for political and diplomatic significance to be attached to civil aviation in southeast asia. this research proposes that aviation subjects, or air assets, are significant tools to exercise soft power by taking into account the multistakeholder approach. because in the case of aviation as tools for soft power, states mostly remain the key subject, but they often need other actors, such as airlines due to the particularity of the field. as such, national flag carriers can become symbols for national identity (raguraman, 1997). the design of airports and air shows can trigger certain states’ image to international audiences (kobierecki, 2020). this shows that diplomacy has been substantially shifted beyond state actors, whereas the emergence of non-state actors has also played a significant role in diplomatic processes. despite its potential as tools to exercise soft power, the use of air assets and air infrastructure in diplomacy has yet to attract wide scholars’ attention. this research found that air assets and air infrastructure can constitute tools for soft power in three different ways; raising national and regional identity awareness, building political ties, and ensuring cross-border mobility. this finding is timely since the covid-19 pandemic has inflicted a heavy toll on the aviation industry, which resulted in liquidation and bankruptcy of airlines and airports due to serious cash burn instigated by travel restriction. people mobility was particularly hit, with a 60% decrease in the total number of passengers globally in 2020 (economic development air transport bureau icao, 2021). with a population of 650 million, asean governments are obliged to support the recovery process following the negative impacts of the covid-19 pandemic. while the aviation industry is opening up, an approach that is inclusive and appealing to the public to complement safety policy and liquidity support is necessary for the aviation industry. therefore, by focusing how aviation diplomacy could play a role in the regional connectivity agenda, this research bridges the gap between the political strategy and the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 371 practice of diplomacy, both of which are significant in addressing contemporary economic and geopolitical challenges in asean. method this research aimed to analyze how aviation diplomacy could play a role in the asean connectivity agenda amid the rising importance of international aviation. referring to such a purpose, this research is exploratory qualitative research whereas the data collection technique is mostly relied on secondary data and academic literature, involving research reports, scientific books, official documents, journal articles, expert opinions, speeches, and other kinds of publications. furthermore, facts and findings are interpreted by exploiting inductive logical thinking for the data analysis technique through which the research question led the examination process to focus on exploring variables neglected by viewpoints in existing studies. result and discussion airline regulation and regional agreement in southeast asia the government regulation of the airline is required to serve the public interest as it brings implication to the fares and market efficiency of the aviation industry. in 2004, asean leaders mentioned the aviation industry as one of eleven priority sectors for economic integration (asean, 2012). subsequently, asean member states implemented the asean open skies policy in 2015 and ratified the asean single aviation market (asam) protocols in 2016 aimed at opening a greater degree of liberalization of the regional market for the aviation industry. but, this liberalization process is still restrained. for example, to govern market access for international passenger air services, the 2009 asean multilateral agreement on air services (maas) and 2010 asean multilateral agreement for full liberalization of passenger air services (maflpas) mentioned noncabotage principle within the internal border of asean member states which don’t allow foreign airlines to carry domestic passengers. the government of indonesia showed inclination towards protectionism by prioritizing the domestic airlines’ demand to protect their markets, over the liberalization of domestic aviation markets (permana et al., 2020). the philippine government used runway congestion and lack of slots at manila’s ninoy aquino international airport to prevent the ratification of the asean agreement to liberalize market access rights (tan, 2013). regarding the ownership and control regulation, most asean member states restricted the foreign ownerships to not more than 50% of the shareholding. the asean governments’ unsteadiness towards asam implementation displays a lack of a united stand to regional commitments. previously, the asean government promised to ensure a “coordinated approach in the areas of aviation safety” (asean, 2011). at the start of the covid-19 outbreak, the implementation of aviation safety in asean suffered journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 372 heavily due to a lack of policy harmonization and no uniform standards in seating capacity and covid-19 testing within the region, confusing both airlines and passengers (sobie, 2020). the asean air transport working group (atwg) held meetings in july and october 2020 (asean, 2020a) and may and october 2021 (civil aviation authority of the philippines, 2021; department of transportation republic of the philippines, 2021), a measure deemed too slow to facilitate recovery for the regional aviation industry during the covid-19 pandemic. as noted above, there is a gap between the asean people’s desired level of aviation safety and security, and the asean government’s actual level of coordination in both areas, which shows the existing limitation in aviation diplomacy in the region. in this regard, different use of air assets and air infrastructure is desirable to project a meaningful asean community. it is noteworthy that, the principle of asean centrality – asean establishment at the center of asia-pacific regional institutions – is at the heart of asean corporate identity. subsequently, this self-perception guides the development of the air transport network in the region. asean leaders’ rationale behind developing an integrated and sustainable air transport network is “to enable asean to leverage its location at the crossroads of northeast asia, south asia, and oceania to grow asean’s strategic significance to asia” (asean, 2011). this is important to maintain asean’s strategic location in international politics that in recent years plays a constructive role as a counterweight to great powers like the u.s. and china (petri & plummer, 2014). building national and asean identity along with the asean motto, one vision, one identity, one community, asean leaders designated 2020 as the year of asean identity aimed at creating public awareness on asean (asean, 2020b). however, asean civil society conference/asean peoples’ forum (acsc/apf) stressed a lack of regional identity and unity as one of csos’ top concerns in 2017 (heinrich böll foundation, n.d.). to construct southeast asia’s identity that is “socially and political constructed, through interactions amongst its governments and societies” (acharya, 2017), asean people need to experience asean and participate in regional integration. as such, asean stakeholders and citizens need to be facilitated to learn about asean identity and asean community. asean identity as soft power require tools and assets, whereby aviation diplomacy can contribute to this purpose. the diplomatic significance of civil aviation gives way to airlines as a means for shaping a country’s image, which has been used by governments in projecting the national identity internationally. it is, for instance, the case of singapore airlines that has successfully become a symbol of national pride. every year, the singapore girl the cabin crew and the airline icon is showcased during the singapore national day parade wearing a traditional dress, blue sarong kebaya, the trademark of singapore airlines. one of the keys for the airline’s success is its brand positioning, of which broad themes is the singapore journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 373 girl. she is the leading figure in the international marketing and advertising campaign of singapore airlines. in 1993, the singapore girl’s wax model became the only commercial figure installed at madame tussaud in london alongside the world leaders and personalities (heracleous et al., 2006). another national flag carrier, thai airways, also provided example how civil aviation projects country image through marketing campaign and by hosting events during thailand’s asean chairmanship in 2019. a low cost carrier, airasia, also provided collaboration with asean by launching “i love asean” and “sustainable asean” liveries to celebrate asean 50th and 52nd anniversaries in manila and bangkok (paul, 2019), adopted “truly asean” as its first tagline in 2008 and continue to tailor its brand identity by adding the asean emblem in its aircraft since 2017 (kositchotethana, 2017), and launched the “think asean, think airasia” campaign via social media and in-flight magazine (mirtha, 2017). figure 1. asean summits 2019. (reprinted from thai airways website, by thai airways, 2019, retrieved from https://www.thaiairways.com/en_th/news/news_announcement/news_detail/asean_su mmits_2019.page copyright 2011 by thai airways.) figure 1. general prayut chan-o-cha, prime minister of thailand, together with h.e. dato lim jock hoi, secretary-general of asean, visited the thai airways international public company limited (thai) exhibition booth at the thailand together event for the asean chairmanship 2019. (reprinted from thai airways website, by thai airways, 2019, retrieved from https://www.thaiairways.com/en_th/news/news_announcement/news_detail/asean_summits_2019.page https://www.thaiairways.com/en_th/news/news_announcement/news_detail/asean_summits_2019.page journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 374 https://www.thaiairways.com/en_nz/news/news_announcement/news_detail/asean_ch airmanship_2019.page copyright 2011 by thai airways.) figure 2. airasia (truly asean livery), hs-abe, airbus a320-216. (reprinted from wikimedia commons website, bty anna zvereva, 2019, retrieved from https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/file:airasia_(truly_asean_livery),_hsabe,_airbus_a320-216_(40696562403).jpg licensed under a creative commons attribution-share alike 2.0 generic license.) furthermore, the design of the airport could serve the needs of regional branding, or, projecting the region’s identity. it is, for instance, the case of the asean lane in international airports in southeast asia. this mechanism would incentivize asean citizens to notice the asean emblem, internalize their asean identity, and take advantage of the assigned fast-track lane. asean lane in international airports – a strategic measure under apsc blueprint 2025 to promote asean awareness existed first in thailand in 1995, followed by malaysia, viet nam, the philippines, indonesia, and myanmar (thu, 2017). figure 3. a view of the asean lane at the kuala lumpur international airport. (reprinted from the reportingasean website, by kavi chongkittavorn, 2016, retrieved from https://www.reportingasean.net/asean-lane-shows-asean-spirit-lack/ copyright 2016 by reportingasean.) https://www.thaiairways.com/en_nz/news/news_announcement/news_detail/asean_chairmanship_2019.page https://www.thaiairways.com/en_nz/news/news_announcement/news_detail/asean_chairmanship_2019.page https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/file:airasia_(truly_asean_livery),_hs-abe,_airbus_a320-216_(40696562403).jpg https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/file:airasia_(truly_asean_livery),_hs-abe,_airbus_a320-216_(40696562403).jpg https://www.reportingasean.net/asean-lane-shows-asean-spirit-lack/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 375 building political ties as a geopolitical actor, asean’s self-perception as the center of asia-pacific regionalism and identity formation plays a role in shaping the other actor’s foreign policy. it is, for instance, the case of asean-eu relations where asean’s rank in the eu’s external relations is elevated, from a low-profile-cum-inferior-normative-power, to an equal partner, a central power in asia, and a distinctive model of regionalism (xuechen, 2018). the conclusion on the asean-eu comprehensive air transport agreement (ae cata) on 2 june 2021 was regarded by the european commissioner for transport as “an important milestone in the eu’s external aviation policy”1. as the world’s first bloc-to-bloc air transport agreement, the ae cata stresses the importance of air connectivity between asean and europe. the ae cata implementation will allow an increase in passenger and cargo services operation and routes expansion between the two regions. more significantly, the agreement also touches upon aviation safety, air traffic management, consumer protection, and environmental and social matters. this shows how aviation diplomacy, especially due to covid-19 pandemic, becomes an important tool to support the asean government agenda in opening new economic growth opportunities. on country bilateral relations, the use of thai airways as a foreign policy tool has contributed to thailand’s diplomatic ties with other countries. denmark established its first embassy in thailand after both governments issued an agreement on air navigation and created thai airways international in 1960, a joint venture between the scandinavian airline and the thai airways (the royal danish embassy, 2008). further, thai airways international established a new route between bangkok and tehran in 2016, which was a precedence to the iranian president visit to thailand (thai airways, 2016). to strengthen ties with the u.s., thailand’s “shopping diplomacy” in 2016 during thai state visit to the u.s. included the purchase of 20 boeing aircraft for thai airways alongside 155,000 tons of coal and arms and military equipment (busbarat, 2017). relatedly, the use of air assets during humanitarian intervention also contributes to political ties and provides significant tools for soft power. at a bilateral level, a state may use their air force as tools for humanitarian intervention, evacuation of nationals, peacekeeping, and propaganda. it is, for instance, the case of french dispatching air forces for humanitarian intervention when an earthquake hit peru in 1970. the four transalls contributed to stronger links between france and peru. this significant french assistance supplemented strong historic ties that both countries already forged, resulted in peru buying french mirage aircraft in 1968, 1973, and 1982 (lespinois, 2012). similarly, air operations during humanitarian intervention serve as tools to project soft power at the regional level. when an earthquake hit bohol in the philippines in 2013, the 1 https://ec.europa.eu/transport/modes/air/news/2021-06-04-conclusion-asean-eu-comprehensive-air-transportagreement_en https://ec.europa.eu/transport/modes/air/news/2021-06-04-conclusion-asean-eu-comprehensive-air-transport-agreement_en https://ec.europa.eu/transport/modes/air/news/2021-06-04-conclusion-asean-eu-comprehensive-air-transport-agreement_en journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 376 royal malaysia air force deployed two c-130s aircraft to transport the asean’s relief items from the un humanitarian response depot (unhrd) warehouse in malaysia to the philippines (center for excellence in disaster management and humanitarian assistance, 2019). this humanitarian response was coordinated by the asean coordinating center for humanitarian assistance on disaster management (aha center) through disaster emergency logistic system for asean (delsa) mechanism, a regional priority under the asean agreement on disaster management and emergency response (aadmer). further, as an earthquake hit central sulawesi in 2018, singapore deployed two c-130 aircrafts to help indonesia (salleh, 2018). former asean secretary-general surin pitsuwan had helped to establish the role of airports as the nexus of regional connectivity in southeast asia. when cyclone nargis struck myanmar, the asean-un framework designated don mueang airport in thailand as a hub and staging point for transporting relief aid to myanmar (asean, 2008). most of the time, air assets such as helicopters, planes, and other transport aircraft are deployed in humanitarian aid to conduct air-dropping supplies and transporting casualties during a disaster. on the other hand, the smooth conduct of aid supplies distribution and evacuation are greatly affected by infrastructure readiness, such as air traffic control and ground handling at the airport. in both cases, air assets and air infrastructure play a great role in ensuring humanitarian intervention success. indeed, aviation diplomacy employs tools such as air assets and air infrastructure to support government agenda for bilateral, regional, and multilateral relations. building asean connectivity and strengthening regional integration through cross-border mobility the air transportation network is essential for economic development and market integration in the region. as the number and frequency of aviation connections are highly correlated with economic growth, government policies towards air transport development are usually to secure domestic and international aviation connectivity (njoya et al., 2018). the use of public service obligations (pso) scheme in air transport is when the government opts to subsidize airline connections to non-profitable destinations for reasons of national interest as opposed to free-market conditions (merkert & williams, 2013). in the aftermath of the covid-19 pandemic, maintaining the levels of air transport connectivity is crucial to most governments because several unprofitable routes and airlines are expected to disappear for some time. against this backdrop, most governments provide support to airlines to ensure economic activity and jobs as the pragmatic approach to mitigate the impacts (abate et al., 2020). airports contribute to economies by sustaining services to airlines, transporting cargo, and moving passengers, and these are fundamental to the economic development of cities, countries, and regions. due to the pandemic, airport revenues were particularly hit, with journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 377 an expected 54% decrease in the total airport revenues globally in 2021 compared to 2019 (airports council international, 2021). further, the number of international airports can determine the network of air connections between asean cities. for tourism development in asean, major international hubs can attract more transit tourists to extend their stay. when an airport is characterized as efficient and convenient, it reflects the country's productiveness and spirit. the development of international aviation has contributed to global interdependencies and cross-border people mobility. the presence of cross-border transports, such as airlines, can be pivotal to reducing the barrier on asean citizens' mobility and increasing asean's territorial integration. improving cross-border accessibility is key to people-topeople mobility, regional connectivity, regional integration, and economic growth. figure 5. conceptual framework of aviation diplomacy in southeast asia. (source: author’s own) conclusion in the globalization era, the increasing popularity of air travel has constructed a straight way for political and diplomatic significance to be attached to civil aviation. however, the role of aviation diplomacy in projecting asean identity has yet to attract scholars’ attention. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 378 this research demonstrates that aviation diplomacy plays a role in projecting asean identity by using air assets and air infrastructure as tools for soft power in three different ways. first, airlines can serve as symbols for national and regional identity. second, the use of air operations as tools to build political ties, especially during a humanitarian intervention. third, by designating air transportation networks and airports as the nexus of cross-border mobility and regional connectivity. based on the findings in this research, the role of aviation diplomacy towards the regional connectivity agenda can be accurately assessed, and more research on how the relationship between aviation diplomacy and soft power will be conducted in the future. references abate, m., christidis, p., & purwanto, a. j. 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(2018). the role of asean’s identities in reshaping the asean-eu relationship. contemporary southeast asia, 40(2), 222–246. https://doi.org/10.1355/cs40-2c journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 255 the role of women in the winning of the 2019 election (study on the nation women's dpp) nieke monika kulsum1 1 department of communication, faculty of social and political science universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 1 email: nieke.monika@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: the research focus on the democratic party that held in 2019. the legislative election (pileg) and presidential election (pilpres) activities were simultaneously for the first time. there were many various kinds of things done by parties in indonesia in preparing themselves to face the national event. the 2018 elections will be a new era for women in leadership. several female candidates in the 2018 elections is a sign of democracy in indonesia which has reached a significant maturation stage compared to previous years. society increasingly has the freedom to determine the figures deemed appropriate to lead the region, including the courage to support women candidates. these included the election of nahdliyin women such as khofifah indar parawansa as east java governor, chusnunia chalim as deputy governor in lampung, ana muawanah as bojonegoro regent, completing other women who were equally elected as regional heads in the 2018 elections. the study was a qualitative study, gathering data is done through interviews, documentation studies and literature studies. keywords: public relations, political communication, perempuan bangsa, election submission : august, 11th 2020 revision : sept 9th 2020 publication : nov 30th 2020 introduction on april 17, 2019, the legislative elections (pileg) and the presidential election (pilpres) were held simultaneously. in facing this general election, each political party has prepared itself to achieve its goals. the parties in indonesia have done various kinds of things in preparing themselves for this national event. one of the parties involved in this 5-year grand event is the national awakening party (pkb). this conservatism ideology party was founded in jakarta on july 23, 1998 (29 rabi'ul awal 1419 hijriyah), declared by the kiai of nahdlatul ulama, one of the mass organizations with the most extensive mass base in indonesia. this research will focus on indonesian women's progress in political activities as has been done by women in the dpp perempuan bangsa, led by siti masrifah. secretary-general of the national women's dpp, national awakening party (pkb), luluk nur hamidah, assessed that the holding of the 2018 pilkada was a new era for women's leadership. according to luluk, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 256 the victory of several female candidates in the 2018 pilkada signifies that democracy in indonesia has reached a significant maturation stage compared to previous years. the community, said luluk, had more freedom in determining the figure deemed suitable to lead their region, including the courage to support female candidates. among other things, the election of nahdliyin women such as khofifah indar parawansa as governor of east java, chusnunia chalim as deputy governor in lampung, ana muawanah as regent of bojonegoro, complementing other women who were equally elected as regional heads in the 2018 pilkada (https: // national. kompas.com/read/2018/06/29/22103941/dpp-perempuanbangsa-pilkada-2018-era-baru-kepemerdekaan-perempuan). the role of women in the nation's progress in this era is not just giving birth and caring for the nation's successors. however, today millennial women can advance the economy because they have two roles: taking care of the family and taking part in the family economy. the boundaries of gender dividing are gradually disappearing in the swallow of time. today's woman can do whatever she wants; she can seek sustenance in men's path; there are no taboo things that limit her. in the current era, it can be seen that women do jobs that were generally done by men, for example, motorcycle taxi drivers, soldiers, soccer referees, bus drivers, pilots, ceos, or even tire repairers. it is clear evidence of the emancipation of women that has taken place in this country. it is widely celebrated by women for their freedom against stigma and old rules. modern women are free to be anything; they can spread their wings any width to achieve their dreams. compared with america, which does not have a history of female presidents (almost in the last presidential election with presidential candidate hillary clinton), indonesia has had a woman president. indonesia also has a national day to commemorate a woman's role with education and her rights, namely kartini day. apart from international women's day, kartini day is celebrated in indonesia as a public reminder of an important female figure who has kicked off the education system for all genders. on international women's day, many women take to the streets to give speeches to raise the flag of gender equality worldwide. however, in indonesia, people celebrate kartini day by wearing traditional clothes. both women and men celebrate kartini day to celebrate how abundant the country's cultural wealth is and remember the struggles of national heroes fighting for people's rights to get proper education (https://www.polygonbikes.com/id/peran-perempuan-perhadap-kem progress -nation). some of the theoretical concepts used in this study include; public relations a public relations function in an organization or company is usually known from a public relations department. in various companies in indonesia, the term public relations is as journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 257 much used as public relations. in general, government agencies or organizations still use public relations, while private companies prefer to use the term public relations. in writing this research, the writer uses the term public relations because the writer researches one of indonesia's political parties. frank jefkins (in morissan, 2008: 8) provides a public relations limitation, namely, "something that summarizes all planned communication, both inside and outside between an organization and all its audiences in order to achieve specific goals based on mutual understanding." according to widjaja (2010: 53), public relations is "an activity that involves both the individual inside and outside and all activities are held in the framework of implementing the duties and functions of each institution or organization." cutlip, center, et al. (2006: 6) provide that public relations are a "management function that builds and maintains a good and beneficial relationship between the organization and the public that affects the organization's success or failure." after the authors see the definition of public relations from several experts, the authors conclude that public relations are a management function that creates, plans, and evaluates all planned activities to build good relations between employees and management or employees and employees. public relations duties widjaja (2010: 53) argues that several things need to be considered in public relations duties : a. the implementation of inward and outward goals through informative, educative, persuasive approaches, and imperative and punitive approaches are avoided. b. the communication process through activities is carried out in a planned and continuous manner, which includes communicators' skills; the message is conveyed accurately, objectively, and has a strong power of influence to achieve the stated goals successfully. according to abdurrachman (2001: 35), a public relations practitioner must organize persuasive and informative communication. informative and persuasive communication can be carried out with : a. written: using letters, papers, bulletin, brochures, and others. b. oral: holding briefings, meetings, discussions, lectures, and similar events. c. counseling: providing several staff members who have received training or education to advise employees, help solve their problems, or discuss them together. public relations function according to ardianto (2009: 181), public relations has a function as a member of the management coalition, a combination of identity, image, and reputation. various changes or shifts in values above certainly impact the role and function of public relations as a bridge and communicator of an organization or company so that there is no misunderstanding between the organization or company and the community. canfield (in widjaja, 2010: 54) suggests that public relations functions: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 258 a. serve the public interest. b. maintain good communication. c. emphasize morals and good behavior. scope of public relations according to jefkins (2003: 80), audiences (public) are groups or people who communicate with an organization, both internally and externally. the scope of public relations duties in an organization or institution includes the following activities: 1. fostering external relations (external public) ruslan (2010: 23) explains that what is meant by the external public is the general public (society). seek the growth of a positive public attitude and image towards the institution it represents. widjaja (2010: 73-74) argues that external public relations (external relations) also determines an agency's success or institution's public relations activities. based on the various audiences, this is known as: a. press relations organizing and maintaining relations with the press in general with the mass media such as the press, radio, film, and television, primarily the press. b. government relations regulate and maintain relationships with the government, both central and local governments. official institutions or agencies related to company activities. c. community relations organize and maintain relationships with local communities. d. supplier relations manage and maintain relationships with suppliers (contractors) contractors to receive all company needs regularly and at reasonable prices and terms. e. customer relations manage and maintain relationships with subscribers so that the relationship is always in the situation that the customer needs the company, not the other way around. 2. fostering internal relations (internal public) according to ruslan (2010: 23), what is meant by the internal public is "the public that is part of the unit/agency/company or organization itself." meanwhile, according to ardianto (2010: 124), the internal public is "the public inside the company. for example, employees, security guards, telephone recipients, supervisors, clerks, managers, and shareholders ". jefkins further explains (2003: 82) that the internal audience in public relations consists of partner companies, prospective employees, existing employees, management, new employees, foreign partners, shareholders, and trade unions. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 259 widjaja (2010: 71-74) explains that the purpose of inward public relations is essential to increase the enthusiasm for the work of the employees of the institution or agency concerned. as an outline, it can be concluded as follows, internal public includes: a. employee relations maintain a special relationship between management and employees' informal employment. for example, regarding placements, transfers, promotions, dismissals, pensions, and so on. b. human relations maintain unique relationships between fellow citizens in the company in an informal, human (humane) manner. intercourse between humans, not as a formal human relationship. c. labor relations maintain a relationship between the board of directors/managers and the labor union in the company and solve problems that arise. taking preventive measures prevents difficulties that arise, thereby contributing to harmonious relations between the two parties. d. stockholder relations, industrial relations by the nature and needs of the company, namely making a relationship with the shareholders. with the description above, apart from having a role in carrying out employee relations activities, pr also has a role in maintaining relations with the outside public and the inside public. in this case, employee relations activities in increasing employee motivation. purpose of public relations activities in describing the objectives of public relations activities, it is necessary to divide the definition of public relations based on its activities. in contrast, the division of public relations activities is divided into two activities, namely internal relations activities, and external relations activities. 1. purpose of external relations activities according to danandjaja (2011: 25), explaining the purpose of public relations based on external relations activities is intended to get public support. the definition of public support here is: a. expand subscriptions or marketing. b. introducing a type of production or idea that is useful to the public in a broad sense. c. seek and develop capital. d. improve the image of the company against the opinion of the wider community; in order to practice the objective of external relations, it must be able to organize effective communication which is informative and persuasive in order to gain public support or also change public opinion as desired by communicator. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 260 2. purpose of internal relations activities according to danandjaja (2011: 22), describing the objectives of public relations based on internal relations activities includes several things, namely: a. conducting an assessment of attitudes and public opinion towards the company, primarily aimed at the company's policies that are being implemented, get a favorable public opinion. b. conducting an analysis and improvement of the current policies to achieve the company's goals without forgetting the public interest. c. provide information to the public of employees regarding a company policy that is objective and related to the company's routine activities and explain the company's development. at which the next stage, it is hoped that the public employees will remain well informed. d. planning for the preparation of adequate staff for assignments that are internal relations within the company. danandjaja (2011: 24-25) said that in order to avoid misunderstanding between the leadership and the employee public through the purpose of this internal relations activity, the company should organize activities such as darma tours, sports, face-to-face meetings, social actions, where this activity aims to foster good relations. to close the gap between the leadership and the public employees, so that at the next stage, the employee can be expected to be a good participant in facing the assigned tasks by the company to him in a work situation. communication and politics an analysis of the study of political communication in indonesia in the context of developing knowledge, a theory or model of knowledge is often inspired by previous theories or models. however, the later theory, to some degree, also shows its originality so that some studies with the theme of political communication will be examined by researchers in this sub-chapter to provide an initial description of the studies carried out related to this problem. a. overview of the communication process a study conducted by muhmmad firdaus (2002: 22) on political communication states that communication is a process, meaning that communication is a series of actions or events that occur sequentially (there are stages) and are related to one another within a certain period. as a process, communication is not static but dynamic because it always changes and takes place continuously. in line with this, effendy (2000: 11) states that, in essence, the communication process conveys thoughts or feelings by someone to another. thoughts can be ideas, information, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 261 opinions, etc. feelings can be in the form of conviction, certainty, doubt, worry, anger, and so on that arise from the bottom of the heart. according to sendjaja (1993: 9), the communication process involves many factors, or elements of the factors or elements referred to, including actors or participants, messages (including form, content, and presentation methods), channels or tools used in conveying messages, time, the place, result or effect that occurred, as well as the situation or condition during the communication process. so it can also be interpreted that communication is an exchange of meaningful symbols. when individual interactions with other individuals occur, there is a phase where a transaction of symbols occurs, which results in a similarity in meaning between them. to establish communication-based on the uniformity of meaning, humans in social interaction always try to match what is in their mind with what is happening in their environment, meaning that humans in the communication process are not just recipients of symbols or symbols, heard, or seen. he feels passive, but the individual will try to respond and provide feedback on the meaning generated by the symbol, symbol, or sign. the reaction given by the individual is part of the interaction he can carry out in order to establish communication between the sender of the message and the recipient of th e message. interpretation interactions are carried out on messages conveyed among communication participants. however, interpretive interactions are also carried out on themselves because people are aware of others and can also realize themselves. ardianto (2003: 76) cites the opinion of b. aubrey fisher in aripin (1992), saying that it has been noted that the paradigm that has developed in the last few decades, namely the mechanistic paradigm emphasizes the effects of communication, psychologically provides a picture that communication is conceptualized or understood as a process and internal mechanisms for receiving and processing information on oneself. in the interactional paradigm, communication is conceptualized as a human interaction for each individual, whereas in the pragmatic paradigm, communication is conceptualized as a behavior system. hayakawa (in mulyana, 1996: 6) states that "a basic need is a need for symbols." the function of forming this symbol is an essential human activity, such as the meaning of motion. it is a fundamental process of thought and occurs all the time. not all creatures in this world can interpret symbols because the symbol itself is a sign that can only be understood with a unique ability that only humans have. human communication utilizes a symbol, which is very important to be able to communicate. the symbol itself is defined by tubbs and moss (1996: 72) as something that is used for or seen as representing something else. symbols do not stand or exist by themselves; symbols are created to inform people who see the symbols themselves. the symbol is the most sophisticated indication; this symbol mainly functions in reasoning and thinking; the use of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 262 symbols by humans is an achievement that humans have achieved because human achievements depend on the use of symbols (in mulyana, 1996: 96). so the symbol is more of a particular sign that is arbitrary, meaning that it is like or not the same as the one marked, and can only be understood or interpreted in a specific context by particular social groups so that it is culture-specific. symbolic action is only possible as a straightforward communication between humans; two people determine the relationship. however, humans, as social beings tend to group, live in a specific community. symbols are growing; the more they are understood together through broader interaction, symbols do not belong to individuals anymore but are communitarian and belong together in their social world. in general, effendy (2000: 11) divides the communication process into two stages, namely primary and secondary. the primary communication process is conveying one's thoughts or feelings to others by using symbols as a medium. symbols as the primary medium in the communication process are generally language. however, in particular communication situations, the symbols used can be gestures, images, signs, colors, etc., which can directly translate thoughts or feelings in communicating. language is the most widely used symbol in the communication process because language is the most effective way to translate one's thoughts. however, for the effectiveness of a communication process, these symbols should be combined in their use. the secondary communication process is the process of conveying a message by a person or group of people to other people using tools or means as the second medium after using the symbol as the first medium. b. concept of political communication blake and haroldson (1975: 44) say, "political communication is communication that has actual or potential effects on the function of a political state or the political entity." fagen (in blake and haroldson, 1975: 44) defines political communication as all communication that occurs in a political system and between that system and its environment. its broad scope includes the study of organizational communication networks (parties, unions, public bureaucracy, and other mass organizations), groups, mass media, and specific channels and socio-economic determinants of the system's existing communication patterns in question. political communication, according to denton and woodward (in mc nair 1995: 3-4), includes communication in the following matters: 1. all forms of communication undertaken by politicians and other political actors to achieve specific objectives 2. communication addressed to these actors by non-politicians such as voters and newspaper columnist, and: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 263 3. communication about these actors and their activities, as contained in news reports, editorials, and other media discussions of politics. all forms of communication carried out by politicians and other political actors to achieve specific goals. where communication is directed to the perpetrators by those who are not politicians such as newspaper voters and columnists, and; communication about actors and their activities, as stated in news reports, editorials, and various forms of political discussion media (galnoort in nasution, 1989: 24 ), explains that political communication is a political infrastructure, which is a combination of various social interactions in which information relating to joint efforts and power relations enters it. political communication is directed at achieving an influence so that the problems discussed by this type of communication activity can bind all groups or citizens through a sanction that is jointly determined by political institutions. meanwhile, when viewed from political goals, the essence of political communication is the effort of a group of people who have a particular orientation, political thought, or ideology to control and or gain the power to realize political and ideological thoughts as they expect. the elements in political communication generally consist of communicators, communicants, messages, media, goals, effects, and communication sources. these elements are in two political situations or political structures, namely the political superstructure and the political infrastructure. the political superstructure includes the legislature, executive, and judiciary. meanwhile, political infrastructure reflects groups in a society consisting of political parties, interest groups, political communication media, etc. (harmoko in rauf, 1993: 10). juergen habermas describes the political public sphere as communication conditions that allow citizens to form common opinions and wills discursively. in this political communication habermas in hardiman (http: /duniaesai.com, page 3 of 8) refers to several things, as follows: first, participation in political communication is only possible if we use the same language with consistent semantics and logic; second, all participants in the political public sphere have the same opportunity to reach a fair consensus and treat their communication partners as autonomous individuals responsible and not as tools used for goals outside of themselves. third, there must be standard rules protecting the process and repression and discrimination so that participants can ensure that consensus is only through better arguments. these three things in short, in the political public sphere, must be "inclusive," "egalitarian," and "free from pressure," so that this will give identity to a strong government, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 264 which can facilitate political communication between the political system and civil society in the political public sphere. in the research results, yenrizal (2003: 151) illustrates that in the context of political communication, a cognitive and affective-oriented political culture of society must be given enlightenment and political education from an early age so that it will produce the effect of political communication as a result of this political culture. political communication can be carried out in the form of political communication, which is carried out systematically and directed. political communication in a political system can be likened to the circulation of blood in the human body. it is not the blood, but what is contained in that blood that makes the political system alive. like blood, political communication flows political messages in the form of demands, protests, and support (aspirations and interests) to the heart (center) of processing the political system. the processing results, which are encapsulated in output functions, are streamed back by political communication, which then becomes the feedback of the political system itself (alfian, 1993: 1-2). political communication connects all parts of the political system and the present and the past to convert aspirations and interests into various policies. political communication occurs from instilling values in society (political socialization or political education), to the articulation and collection of aspirations and interests, to the process of policymaking, and the evaluation of these policies by the community, each part of which is connected by political communication. by the definition and scope of the study of political communication above, the function of political communication in a democratic country is to channel the political aspirations and interests of the people who are input to the political system and at the same time channel the policies taken by the authorities in the form of output from the political system itself. through this, they know whether the support, aspirations, and supervision are channeled or not towards the various political policies taken by the rulers. it can be concluded that political communication is a kind of "artery" or "blood" of a political system on which all the mechanisms of state political lives depend on it. political communication is something important, coordinates and synchronizes state institutions both vertically and horizontally. vertically, it is to regulate the relationship mechanism between the government and all its institutions and organizations structurally functional and interrelated. for example, to communicate its policies to the community to get support (support) from the community and vice versa, the government wants to open itself to demands, suggestions, suggestions, and criticism. meanwhile, horizontally, it is to regulate and harmonize people's lives by creating mutual understanding between one community and another. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 265 the rise and fall of the level of democracy are highly dependent on the structure and characteristics of the communication system. a new state organization or institution is called a democracy if it allows communication without obstacles. the benchmarks of democracy are communication criteria, namely the existence of public discourse, an open exchange of opinions, ideas, and differences, an unrestricted flow of information, and the right and freedom of choice. political communication, according to budiarjo (1999: 20), is a suggestion used by political interpreters in carrying out one of their functions to uphold democracy. in a communication system, the political parties' position is a bridge of communication flow between those who govern (the rulers) and those governed (the ruled). representatives of the people or parliament members (dahlan, 1999: 6) can be said to be communication brokers, which act as intermediaries between their constituents and the government. representatives of the people must tap into the problems, ideas, or demands of their voters by hearing their messages and then articulate their aspirations by using all their communication skills (both verbal and non-verbal) to achieve their desired goals. implementing democratic governance is not intended to provide the greatest possible freedom to the people, but rather how to limit the power held or exercised by the government. in this case, budiarjo (1980: 52) states that a democratic government is a government that has limited power and is not allowed to act arbitrarily against its citizens. in line with this, huntington (1994: 1) says that broad political participation is the hallmark of political modernization. communication is a form of natural behavior that every human being has. a human being becomes a human being precise because of his ability to communicate, interpret his social environment, and provide feedback in response to this. even more extreme can be said that humans are incapable of not communicating. so, in essence, through the exchange of meaningful symbols, a person integrates and internalizes himself in the social environment. according to alfian (1993), political communication is assumed to make a political system alive and dynamic. political communication presents the political system's activities so that aspirations and interests are converted into a decision. political communication, like any other communication, requires a sender, messages, and recipients. political communication usually takes written or spoken words, symbols, or signals that convey meaning and messages. according to kantaprawira (1999: 61), through political communication, thoughts can be reconciled because, in essence, all thoughts must be conveyed through messages, and in the end, someone accepts or responds to them. method journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 266 this study uses a qualitative approach with procedures that will produce descriptive data in written or spoken words from people whose behavior is observed. the aim is to gain an authentic understanding of people's experiences, as perceived by those concerned (mulyana, 2002: 156). to support the method used, the author also establishes an approach commonly used in the political science approach, namely the pluralism (pluralism) approach, namely: an approach built by institutional understanding (institutionalism) and behavioralism which emphasizes political participation as a link. between society and the government and also emphasizes the side of political activity and the learning process to adjust through political participation at the political level and in various cultural-socio-political crocodiles (apter, 1988: 287). then muhadjir (1996: 12) mentions several terms used in qualitative or phenomenological research, namely grounded research, ethnomethodology, naturalistic paradigm, symbolic, semiotic, heuristic, hermeneutic, or holistic interaction. lofland (in mulyana, 2001: 149) argues that the types of questions characterize qualitative research: what is going on here? what are the forms of this phenomenon? what variations do we find in this phenomenon? then answer the questions in detail. more specifically, denzin (in mulyana, 2001: 149) states the purpose of methodological principles based on symbolic interaction theory, namely: a. symbols and interactions must be combined before the research is complete. b. researchers must take the perspective or role of other people who act (the acting other) and view the world from the subject's perspective. however, in doing so, the researcher must distinguish between the conception of everyday life's reality and the scientific conception of that reality. c. the researcher must associate the symbols and definitions of the subject with the social relationships and groups that provide such conceptions. d. behavioral settings in these interactions and observations of methods should be noted. e. research methods must be able to reflect processes or changes and static forms of behavior. f. research implementation is best viewed as an act of symbolic interaction. g. the use of ethical concepts is first of all directing (sensitizing) and then operational, an ethical theory to become a formal theory, grand open theory or middle-range theory, and propositions built to be interactional and universal. the principle that the theory or proposition produced based on symbolic interactionism becomes universal as stated by denzin above is in line with the views of glaser and strauss (in mulyana, 2001: 149), whose efforts to build a "theory based on data" (grounded theory) can be considered as one serious attempt to develop a symbolic interactionist methodology. qualitative research methods can be distinguished from quantitative research because qualitative research methods do not rely on evidence-based mathematical logic, number principles, or statistical methods. actual speech, other social cues, and actions are mental journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 267 material for qualitative analysis. although qualitative research in many forms often uses computations, it does not use sum values used in data collection and analysis in experiments and surveys. qualitative research aims to maintain the form and content of human behavior and analyze its qualities, rather than transforming them into ancient quantitative entities. (mulyana, 2001: 150). meanwhile, according to bodgan and taylor (in moleong, 2000: 3), research using a qualitative approach is a research procedure that produces descriptive data in written or spoken words from people and observable behavior. this approach is directed at the individual's background holistically (whole or as a whole). meanwhile, according to neuman (1997: 329), researchers must focus on subjective meanings, definitions, figures of speech, symbols, and descriptions of some instances to capture aspects of the social world. then further stated by garna (1999: 35) that the researcher seeks to organize in showing how various ideas and social actions in space and time are given meaning. also explained by deddy mulyana (2001: 147), the objectives of research in a subjective perspective are: addressing specific matters, not only overt behavior but also unspoken processes, with a small sample / purposive, understanding events that have historical significance, emphasizing individual differences, developing hypotheses (theories) that are bound to context and time, making ethical/aesthetic judgments of specific (communication) phenomena. it should be noted here that the intended subjective nature does not mean that the meaning is only based on the researcher's understanding, but rather the interpretation of the subject who is the object of the research. by the paradigm used, the postpositivist view using systems theory assumes that the researcher must write down his report in a value-free, objective manner, without the inclusion of the researcher's interpretation other than the subject who is the object of the research itself. in this study, the design and the course of this study can clearly be described through the 14 characteristics of a qualitative approach as described by lincon and guba (1985: 39-43) as described below: natural setting, human as an instrument (human instrument). the use of non-explicit knowledge (utilization of tacit knowledge). qualitative methods (qualitative methods). purposive sampling (purposive sampling). inductive data analysis. the theory is based on data in the field (grounded theory). the research design emerged naturally (emergent design). research results are based on negotiation (negotiated outcomes). sace study reporting mode. idiographic interpretation. tentative application of findings. focus-determined boundaries. trustworthiness with unique criteria (particular criteria for trustworthiness). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 268 in this study, extracting information was carried out on informants, according to koentjaraningrat (key informant). base informants are informants who provide clues about other individuals in the community who can provide further information needed. c. data sources the primary data needed to achieve the research objectives are focused on elements related to the national women's council's pr process, both verbal and non-verbal. according to lofland (moleong, 2003: 112), the primary data source in qualitative research is that the words and actions of the subject are only a note (information), which does not give any meaning before being categorized and reduced. so the researcher can capture data, not only to digest verbal information but also to uncover what is behind the respondent's actions or nonverbal language. the data collected consists of primary data and secondary data. primary data is data obtained directly from the object of research following the scope under study. secondary data is data obtained indirectly from the research object, both from documents and publications that support the subject matter of the research discussion. data can be in the form of oral, written, and action data obtained from information sources. the words and actions of the people being observed or interviewed are the primary source of data and are documented through written notes, photographs, or films. meanwhile, other data sources, such as books, documents, newspapers, etc., cannot be ignored and complement the existing reality. data collection technique the data in this study were collected on a secondary basis. because this research uses qualitative methods, the data collection technique to be used is to make observations. the most important thing about this data collection technique is that the researcher acts as the main instrument. the role of researchers is vital in collecting data. humans' general characteristics as instruments include responsiveness, adapt, emphasize wholeness, base oneself on knowledge, process data as quickly as possible, and take advantage of opportunities to seek unusual or idiosyncratic responses (moleong, 2002: 121). so this technique leads to the logic of discovery, a process that aims to suggest concepts or build theories based on real human reality (mulyana, 2002: 167). to complement the findings in the field, researchers also complemented two other data collection techniques, namely in-depth interviews and reviewing various documentation found. interviews are data collection by asking questions directly by researchers (soehartono, 1999: 67). interviews were conducted by asking questions to explore the information needed to construct the existing reality. questions must be made flexible and adapted to the conditions of need so that both the researcher and the respondent can understand each other. according to lincoln and guba (in moleong, 2003: 135), the intent of conducting interviews includes: constructing people, cruelty, activities, organizations, feelings, motivations, demands, concerns, and other needs; reconstructing events experienced in the past; projecting hopes for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 269 the future; verify, modify and expand information obtained from other people; and verify, modify and expand the constructs developed by researchers as checking data. so, the interview is intended to refocus, clarify, raise critical awareness, and ask respondents for explanations and information. meanwhile, data collection techniques that are sourced from documents include demographic data and geographic data owned by the local government, newspaper news and magazine articles, official documents, brochures, photographs, etc. the data obtained is supporting data on the results of observations and interviews conducted. other document sources such as letters or personal notes that can provide important information, in this case, are not included as a study material. two criteria that are important for the objectivity of a qualitative study, according to kirk and miller (in riawanti, 2004), are the reliability associated with the research steps and the validity associated with the content of the study. the technique of checking the validity of the data used by researchers in this study is that extending the researcher's participation in the research setting will allow an increase in the degree of confidence in the data collected. in contrast, the triangulation technique is done by comparing the data obtained with other data and theory. thus the data that has been found can be guaranteed the degree of trustworthiness. the discussion technique with peers is done by discussing the interim results or the final results obtained from analytical research. the researcher double-checked the data that did not match or did not match the research focus on this discussion. result as stated earlier, various kinds of public relations activities can be carried out to support an organization's activities, as was done by national women in winning the national awakening party in the 2019 general election. some of the activities carried out by women cadres of the national women's dpp carried out several public relations activities supporting the national awakening party in the 199th general election. among the activities carried out by the regional leadership council (dpw) for women of the nation of east java, holding an egg-eating action together, which is held to convince the public that eggs from breeders in east java are suitable for consumption. in gaining votes among orphan lovers in jakarta, the dpp perempuan bangsa held an event entitled 'sharing love with 1000 orphans' in the courtyard of the dpp national awakening party (pkb) office, jalan raden saleh no. 9, cikini, central jakarta. the c1nta sharing activity with 1000 orphans was divided into two event terms. a total of 500 orphans participated in drawing and coloring competitions and breaking the fast together at the pkb dpp office's office. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 270 in comparison, sharing activities with 500 other orphans were spread in several areas involving the orphanage companion community or directly visiting the orphanage's residence. perempuan bangsa, which is the autonomous body of the national awakening party (pkb), is also involved in helping earthquake victims in ambon by conducting trauma healing to relieve trauma caused by repeated earthquakes in refugee camps. in addition to coloring and playing together, the national awakening party (pkb) also distributed assistance aimed at providing psychosocial support to earthquake victims. the assistance included various children's toys, fairy tale books, short stories, coloring tools, and dolls. assistance was handed over to evacuation posts in three villages, namely liang, tial, and tulehu villages, located in salahutu district, central maluku. these three villages were severely damaged, most of their houses were leveled to the ground, so they had to be in evacuation sites. in liang village, for example, this location is home to about a thousand refugees. another activity is to get support from women by holding an event to commemorate mother's day by giving awards to great mother in east java. in the great mother awards theme, there are ten categories of awards given to great mothers by the autonomous body of the national awakening party (pkb). apart from inside the country, these women also carry out cooperation with abroad, including holding the nation's woman in cooperation with the british conservative party wing organization, to strengthen voters relationship management where the meeting resulted in training cooperation for relationship management voters, namely training in the management of managing voters to remain loyal to pkb. discussion as one of the parties presenting their female election in parliament, pkb becomes enjoyable to be a research topic. it is very positive in line with pkb's goal of ensuring a 30 percent quota for women in parliament. twelve women in the dpr come from pkb, so it is hoped that they can produce pro-women policies. the political realm for women is still very minimal, even though women need more representatives in parliament. it is what became the beginning of the formation of national women in pkb. this organization is led by hj siti masrifah, who is often called cifah; she is a member of the dpr-ri for the 2014-2019 period from the national awakening party (pkb), which represents the electoral district of banten iii after obtaining 32,308 votes—and assisted by luluk nur hamidah, who is also a member of the indonesian house of representatives from the pkb fraction of central java electoral district iv, acting as secretary-general of the national women's council. of course, to increase this organization's existence, public relations activities are essential to achieve these goals. in this case, the national women have carried out many public relations activities presented by the author. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 4, nov, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 271 conclusion based on the research results that have been carried out on the national women's pr activities in winning the national awakening party in the 2019 general election, the authors conclude that the national women have carried out several activities related to public relations activities. several activities that have been carried out have been described in the analysis and discussion. references alwasilah,a.chaedar,m.a.,ph.d., (2003), pokoknya kualitatif : dasar-dasar merancang dan melakukan penelitian kualitatif, jakarta, pt. dunia pustaka jaya. althoff,phillip., dan michael rush., (1997), pengantar sosiologi politik, pt. raja grafindo persada, jakarta. ardianto, elvinaro, (1999), kehadiran ilmu komunikasi, paradigma komunikasi politik rezim dan masyarakat madani, dalam jurnal ikatan sarjana komunikasi indonesia, bandung : remadja rosdakarya. blake,red h., dan edwin o.haroldsen., (1979), a taxonomy of concepts in communication, toronto, hasting house publisher. creswell, jhon w., (1998), qualitative inquiry and research design : hoosing among five traditions, sage publication, california. dance,frank e.x., (1982), human 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rachman, budi (2005) pengaruh komunikasi legislatif dan eksekutif terhadap kinerja aparat pemerintah di kabupaten tasikmalaya, tesis, tidak dipublikasikan. salim, agus (2001) teori dan paradigma penelitian sosial, (dari denzin guba dan penerapannya), yogyakarta, tiara wicana. sendjaja, s. djuarsa, ph.d.,dkk., (1994) teori komunikasi, jakarta,universitas terbuka jakarta. tubbs, stewart l., slvia moss, (2000) human communication, jilid i-ii, penerjemah deddy mulyana dan gembira sari, bandung, pt remaja rosda karya. yenrizal, (2003) budaya “ politik kulit” dan komunikasi politik demokratis di indonesia, dalam mediator : jurnal komunikasi , bandung : fikom unisba. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 301 foreign policy analysis of operation peace spring by turkey in 2019 as a form of securitization of the syrian refugee crisis maulana wahyu prakasa, prihandono wibowo universitas pembangunan nasional “veteran” jawa timur, surabaya maulanawahyu.prakasa11@gmail.com abstract; the outbreak of civil war in syria since 2011 has resulted in 3.8 million syrian refugees having to move to neighboring countries. turkey is one of them, with the total number of refugees as of december 2020 reaching 3.6 million refugees who fled to turkey. this led to the emergence of a refugee crisis in turkey which caused various problems at home. one of the problems with the refugee crisis is that it causes high unemployment in turkey and is one of the factors inhibiting the economy. as a form of securitization of the refugee crisis by the turkish state, it has been responded to in various ways and one of them is the operation peace spring’s foreign policy launched in 2019. this policy is in the form of military operations to occupy territories by turkey in the northern part of syria, with the aim of providing a "safe zone" for syrian refugees to return to their homeland. through the concept of securitization, the writer finds that as a sovereign country, turkey must provide security to its citizens from threats, especially from abroad. this type of research used in this research is to use a qualitative descriptive method. this method is used to obtain a more detailed explanation regarding developing issues. with this process, it will be explained comprehensively and also pay attention to the structure of how the securitization carried out by turkey in operation peace spring's foreign policy can provide security for the threats it receives. keywords: foreign policy, military operations, refugee crisis, securitization, operation peace spring. submission : feb, 11th 2021 revision : june 18th 2021 publication : august 28th 2021 introduction turkey has long been a country of asylum, primarily for refugee flows since its founding in 1923. however, since the 1980s, the country has faced irregular inflows of refugees and migration and also transit, mainly from the middle east as well as from africa and asia (aras & mencutek, 2015). in 2011, syria experienced armed conflict with protests against the authoritarian government and finally a vacuum of power occurred in northern syria. this was followed by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 302 the emergence of isis in the region in 2013. until 2015, kurdish militia and nonkurdish militia united to establish the syrian democratic forces (sdf) in eradicating isis in syria until the autonomus authority of north and east syria was formed. erdogan has also launched an attacks against the kurds that began in 2015 and forced millions of syrians move away from their homes. a total of 3.6 million fled to turkey. at the same time, turkey's economic downturn and high levels of layoffs made things getting worse, public confidence in erdogan also declined, leading to an attempted coup in 2016 (solace global, 2019). accommodating many refugees whose return dates are uncertain will not only burden the host country's public finances, but also affect the local economy (akgündüz, berg, & hassink, 2015). then why are there so many refugees who stop or seek asylum in turkey, it is none other than because political events and decisions in syria's neighboring countries have caused a funnel effect, cornered and concentrated a large number of syrian refugees in turkey (cristiani, 2015). the problems with the kurds have had a direct impact on relations between turkey and syria over the past three decades. turkey considers that this issue has a special meaning, impact and a real threat to turkey's national security, this issue has caused an increase in tensions in turkey-syria relations and has reached the stage of armed conflict, turkey believes that syria supports the kurdish groups for armed confrontation against them (abdel & altrawneh, 2020). starting in 2019, an initiation of the turkish state's military operation carried out an invasion right on the border between turkey and syria. the military operation is known as operation peace spring, which has the main objective of realizing a 480km safe zone along the turkey-syria border and as deep as 30km into syria. the area will be reserved for syrian refugees who fled to turkey. of course, in the realization of these policies, it is necessary to have support both from within the country or from abroad, especially to the united nations (un). recep tayyip erdogan, as the president of turkey has been promoting this foreign policy since 2015 both at home and abroad to gain his support (nyadera & islam, 2020). as such, providing security for refugees is a challenge both inside and outside the refugee camps. refugee camps can pose a significant security threat, this is evident by the growing ground for organized criminal groups and for the recruitment of these groups. at the same time, providing security to a widely dispersed refugee population often living in informal settlements is a different task but poses a similar threat (berti, 2015). as the country that hosts the most syrian refugees in the world, turkey has provided temporary shelter to cope with the large influx of syrian refugees now in the country. turkey sees the refugee crisis as a problem resulting from the inefficiency of the international community and forces turkey to use its country journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 303 as a good and true example to overcome this inefficiency (cevik & sevin, 2017). to address the humanitarian needs of syrians, the turkish government has provided temporary housing in 21 camps (tent cities as they are called in turkish) located in 10 turkish provinces (dimitrova, aksak, & ahern, 2018). every syrian refugee clearly needs guaranteed protection and also at least can continue to live well. instead of accepting state-recognized and verified status as refugees, syrians in turkey are only given temporary protection, a precarious status that makes them more vulnerable to their own security, threats of poverty, and massive exploitation. such temporary protection status places syrian refugees in a situation that is arguably insecure, especially in terms of limited access to legal work and unstable living conditions given their inability to access full citizenship to the point of not having access to long-term housing. this temporary protection status symbolizes the failure of policies to address the syrian refugee crisis at home (rygiel, baban, & ilcan, 2016). in short, various problems arise in the country which are very detrimental to syrian refugees. the problem of the syrian refugee crisis in turkey is of course handled by the government in various ways, both domestically and abroad. the author sees that on the foreign side, the turkish government applies a concept of securitization to the security of its own country. this can be seen from how erdogan as president of turkey said that the main reason in the policy of military operations abroad was to return syrian refugees to their country. in addition, the area he calls a "safe zone" is also used as a turkish security wall to deal with armed conflict with the kurds on the border. in the book security: a new framework for analysis by barry buzan, ole waever, and jaap de wilde (1998) also provides an explanation of securitization theory as “... beyond the established rules of the game and frames the issue as either a special kind of politics or as above politics” (buzan, waever, & wilde, security: a new framework of analysis, 1998). thus, in a simple way, the perspective applied is nothing but a method or process that is carried out when a certain issue is classified and/or understood as a form of security problem, whether the issue is included in politics or not at all. this securitization can also be seen as a view to understand and also place an issue as something that poses a threat as well as an unstable condition from it in addition to other issues that are natural and not dangerous. this securitization theory is also the answer to the traditional security theory which is quite limited with only state actors being the perpetrators of the threat. this also provides another answer from the understanding of "security is what actors make of it" (buzan & waever, regions and powers; the structure of international security, 2003), so that the actor in this case is the state should be journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 304 able to determine and provide understanding related to the securitization of an issue that is considered a threat. if a policy implements a securitization view on an issue, it certainly does not constitute an extraordinary threat, with such a view the state does not need to respond with militaristic actions because the issue is classified as ordinary and does not pose a very dangerous threat. thus, this study will focus on how turkey's securitization attitude is in responding to the syrian refugee crisis in their country with a descriptive explanation. the use of the concept of securitization is considered to be more subtle than traditional security, because the issues faced may not pose as much security threats. but the turkish government chose to provide security against the issue it is currently facing, namely an issue of the refugee crisis that can pose new threats and problems from it. that is why, this securitization discussion needs to be studied further based on concepts or theories that are relevant to the issue, considering that the military operation policy is relatively new under 5 years. there are various other turkish military operations against syria, but this operation peace spring policy is the largest and also as a form of state securitization. therefore, this research will focus on answering the foreign policy of operation peace spring by turkey in 2019 as a form of state securitization. method the type of research used in this research is using qualitative methods. this method is used to obtain a more detailed explanation of the issues that develop. this process will be explained in a comprehensive manner and will also pay attention to the structure of how turkey responds to a refugee crisis with foreign policy as a form of state securitization. in line with what was explained by lamont regarding qualitative research which led to the collection of data that was not related to quantitative (lamont, 2015). based on the type of research that has been determined, the data collection technique is qualitative. with a focus on secondary data collection, researchers were not able to participate directly in the field. this causes future research to focus on literature studies from scientific journals, internet networks such as official websites to media channels. result and discussion the syrian refugee crisis in turkey in fact turkey is the only neighbor of syria who is materially and politically willing to assume part of the responsibility for reconstructing post-war syria. this is necessary because it is the minimum necessary condition to allow the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 305 return of syrian refugees back to their lands. the magnitude of the effort to reconstruct and return syrian refugees to their homeland could be much greater with the help of the european union and the united states. otherwise, the reconstruction and repatriation of such refugees will most likely remain limited and only turkey has access to in northern syria. why only turkey, because political events and decisions in syria's neighboring countries have caused a funnel effect to corner and concentrate a large number of syrian refugees in turkey (cristiani, 2015). turkey wrongly assumed that the bashar al-assad regime would soon collapse and refugees would return to syria. in this view, turkey shifted from a security-centered approach to an early moral-oriented approach. it is widely suspected that the reason for the turkish government's initial generosity towards syrians and the non-registration of syrian refugees is related to turkey's support for the syrian opposition (donelli, 2018). the development of the issue of securitization will certainly focus on how a country responds to an issue it faces. this securitization approach provides a new perspective on traditional security concepts. of course, state actors with great power are considered too big when dealing with small activities such as directly touching the community. meanwhile, the threats given are not as big as those given by other state actors which require great protection power to deal with them. in response to this, turkey views that there is a security threat to its country which is considered to have originated from the syrian refugee crisis in turkey. turkey has had many problems since it became a country of asylum for refugees. this hall indirectly poses a threat to the state. the problems that are slowly having an impact start from the number of refugees who want to survive and need permanent jobs and food to survive. this causes a decrease in the purchasing power of the people in turkey which indirectly affects the country's economy. the threat of poverty is increasing and as a country, turkey must be able to provide safeguards against these threats. the eight billion dollars turkey spends providing homes for refugees has a noteworthy economic impact. the influx of refugees has led to rising rents and costs of living and finding affordable accommodation has become increasingly difficult. in some cases, landowners forced tenants especially turks to leave so they could rent them out to syrians at higher prices (donelli, 2018). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 306 figure 1. turkey’s gdp 2011-2020 (https://tradingeconomics.com/turkey/gdp) in 2015, the turkish economy experienced a significant decline. the statistics in figure 1 show that in 2014 turkey's gdp stood at 934.19 billion us dollars and fell to 859.8 billion us dollars in 2015 and continued to decline in subsequent years. this decline can have a variety of causes, and the erdogan regime is aware of this. exactly in the same year in 2015, erdoan also promoted his foreign policy, namely operation peace spring, to the public to international forums. threats in the issue of the refugee crisis are clearly not based on state actors, recalling that from a rational perspective, external or external threats are often linked to state actors. considering this, of course, the actor with the most authority and capacity is the state itself in the process of securing it from threats. so with such a view, it can form an understanding if the threat made by nonstate actors is not a threat that is quite serious and dangerous compared to state actors. if the threat from non-state actors can be considered a very dangerous threat to the state, of course there are efforts to prevent and safeguard the issue. the process of trying to classify non-state actors who were not originally a state threat into a state threat is the basic view of the securitization approach. waever also adds that in the current context, politics and the responsibility of the power holder can involve prevention as well as limitation and with that, this securitization tool or approach will tend to be needed (waever, 1995). in addition to the economic impact, there are also social problems that also arise from the refugee crisis in turkey. one of them is the problem of sexual harassment and underage marriage. women and girls who have fled syria alone or with their children are vulnerable to sexual and verbal abuse. a common practice in turkey's border provinces is marriage between turkish men and young syrian women. these are often forced marriages and many of the brides are minors (donelli, 2018). on the other hand, the threat also arises from the large number of refugees that can lead to an increase in criminal cases in turkey. refugee camps can pose a security threat, this is evident by the existence of a breeding ground for organized criminal groups as well as for the recruitment of these groups. it is also supported by the partîya karkerên kurdistanê (pkk) or https://tradingeconomics.com/turkey/gdp journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 307 kurdistan workers party which is considered by the turkish government as a terrorist group with affiliated to the syrian democratic forces (sdf) in syria. it becomes very vulnerable for these groups to spread understandings and give birth to new fighters who will later pose a threat to the turkish state. this rapid influx of refugees has caused feelings of insecurity among local communities. demographic changes are also driven by the high birth rate among the refugees, indicating that there will be a second generation of syrian refugees in turkey which will further shift the ethnic balance in turkey. in addition, the long-term negative impact of increasing social tensions will encourage future vulnerability (donelli, 2018). turkey's securitization through operation peace spring from these various threats, there is a feeling of insecurity for the turkish state itself, especially for its citizens. given that some of these issues are problems caused by non-state actors, the government must provide security in the form of securitization of these issues. so that the turkish government has the choice to apply securitization to issues that pose a threat and the choice is to overcome it, namely eliminating the source of the problem by returning syrian refugees back to their land. according to the turkish government, this must be done by liberating syrian territory from the sdf, which in fact has control over northern syria. the implementation of the turkish military operation in northern syria is the means chosen by the turkish government to liberate the territory designated for syrian refugees. thus, in the concept of securitization that successfully constructs the definition that an object or issue needs to be protected from existing threats, it also determines what values and attitudes are acceptable and also what cannot be accepted. rita abrahamsen (2005) explains that security politics and risk management usually do not involve extraordinary actions but instead turn to a series of risks such as increased law enforcement and the emergence of restrictive policies rather than "spectacular emergency politics" such as war (abrahamsen, 2005). if safe zones are deemed so flawed and if we want to lighten the burden on neighboring countries and the world in general, the bolder option is to end the refugee flow by ending the conflict itself. as well as the refugees finally returning home, resolving the conflict would end the world's bloodiest civil war and resolve the source of tremendous regional instability. of course, to solve this problem, it is necessary to have the participation of the great powers in it. it is not turkey itself that is tasked with solving problems (byman & speakman, 2016). turkey is only able to provide security to its own country, with that the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 308 concept of securitization can be implemented. human security in general is actually prioritized and the turkish government sees developing issues as having an impact on its own country. of course, the foreign policy actions taken by turkey are for the good of their own country first. military victories do look more attractive in theory, but only as long as the right syrians have to win. for now, that seems unlikely. since russia's military intervention began in autumn 2015, the bashar al-assad regime and its allies have regained control and some of their strongest opponents are jihadist groups such as isil and other radical groups (byman & speakman, 2016). from abrahamsen's explanation, turkey's action itself can be said to be a form of spectacular emergency politics because it involves military operations and war in it. this shows that issues that do not actually pose an extraordinary threat can escalate to the point where extraordinary actions must be taken. the author argues that the turkish government should be able to overcome the problem of the refugee crisis, not necessarily with a foreign policy in the form of military operations. however, this foreign policy is still a form of turkey's securitization of threatened issues. of course, each country has its own level of flexibility which influences a range of policy choices. these include sanctions, strict law enforcement, enforcement through militarization and up to eradication (abrahamsen, 2005). so the military policy is still not an extraordinary act. conclusion the concept of securitization can be adapted depending on the issue at hand, based on a series of data analysis and findings. turkey's foreign policy, especially operation peace spring, is a form of securitization of syrian refugees. in the process of securitization, the turkish government tends to assume that every threat that exists in certain issues has a source of problems that need to be eliminated and the source of the problem is refugees from syria. what the turkish government has done is to provide territory in northern syria and to achieve it, it is necessary to enforce it through militarization in the operation peace spring military operation in 2019. to secure the territory, their borders must be protected and the population is well guarded and this requires militaristic strength. in the process (byman & speakman, 2016). indeed, the turkish government should be able to overcome it with other policies without involving militarization, but whether these other options can eliminate the main source of the problem, namely the overflow of syrian refugees in turkey. because basically, the turkish government has the notion that these refugees are the source of the problem that must be solved. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 309 before the threats that turkey received could actually be tackled earlier. the state as the main actor, must have more awareness of the potential threats that can be accepted by a state. the assumption that these refugees are not a problem and that the state security protocols are flexing has actually backfired on the turkish government itself. any policy to respond to the threats received does not have to be followed by a militarization process, as long as the issues at hand do not pose an extraordinary threat. in this case, turkey must learn that non-state actors from outside will certainly exert influence, both large and small, and this must be overcome with proper securitization. in the end, doing nothing is the worst option, both from a moral and strategic point of view. it is also a strategic failure, risking more conflict and instability in the region and the world. the lack of priority for the syrian refugee crisis has made it difficult for turkey to deal with it politically and financially. as this article has slightly pointed out, the refugee situation in turkey has become a security issue with economic and social effects. handling these issues can certainly be faced earlier and better, so there is no need for bloodshed. references abdel, k. j., & altrawneh, b. a. (2020). the turkish military intervention as one of the tools for implementing the turkish foreign policy orientations in northern syria. palarch's journal of archaeology of egypt / egyptology, 14751-14765. abrahamsen, r. (2005). blair’s africa: the politics of securitization and fear. alternatives vol 30 no. 1, 55-81. akgündüz, y. e., berg, m. v., & hassink, w. (2015). the impact of refugee crises on host labor markets: the case of the syrian refugee crisis in turkey. iza discussion paper no. 8841, 1-24. aras, n. g., & mencutek, z. s. (2015). the internationa migrtion and foreign policy nexus: the case og syrian refugee crisis and turkey. migration letters vol. 12 no. 3, 193-208. berti, b. (2015). the syria refugee crisis: regional and human security implications. strategic assessment vol. 17 no. 4, 41-53. buzan, b., & waever, o. (2003). regions and powers; the structure of international security. cambridge: cambridge university press. buzan, b., waever, o., & wilde, j. d. (1998). security: a new framework of analysis. london: lynne rienner. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 310 byman, d., & speakman, s. (2016). the syrian refugee crisis: bad and worse options. the washington quarterly, 45-60. cevik, s., & sevin, e. (2017). a quest fo soft power: turkey and the syrian refugee crisis. journal of communication management, 1-20. cristiani, j. z. (2015). analysing the causes of the refugee crisis and the key role of turkey: why now and why so many? robert schuman centre for advanced studies, 1-26. dimitrova, d. v., aksak, e. o., & ahern, c. c. (2018). on the border of the syrian refugee crisis: views from two different cultural perspective. american behavioral scientist, 1-15. donelli, f. (2018). syrian refugees in turkey: a security perspective. new england journal of public policy, 1-9. lamont, c. (2015). research methods in international relations. london: sage publications ltd. nyadera, i. n., & islam, m. n. (2020). transnational operations, international reactons, and legitimacy: the case of turkey and saudi arabia. contemporary review of the middle east, 1-22. rygiel, k., baban, f., & ilcan, s. (2016). the syrian refugee crisis: the eu-turkey 'deal' and temporary protection. global social policy vol.16, 215-320. solace global. (2019). operation peace sping: a new syrian frontline? solace global. waever, o. (1995). securitization and desecuritization. new york: columbia university press. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 irregular migration, cross border crime and the securitization theory: a south african reflection victor h mlambo university of zululand (department of politics and international studies) south africa email: halavico@yahoo.com abstract: this paper attempted to examine the narratives and debates around undocumented migration, cross border crime and the securitization and militarization of south africa‘s borders. adopting a systematic review of literature, this paper attempted to add to the growing literature around this highly politicized issue. this paper revealed that undocumented migration and cross border crime are not serious issues that pose a threat to the country's socio-economic development let alone its national security. the drive to securitize these issues has been driven by politicians who seek voters and who use migrants as political scapegoats. this paper contends that rather than investing millions on border securitization and militarization, such monies will be well spent on health, education, social welfare and infrastructure development. finally, this paper argues that unilateral approaches to border security are bound to fail because the factors driving undocumented migration and cross border crime are multifaceted and beyond south africa's control. hence regional cooperation becomes key. securitization and militarization approaches don‘t stop migration and border crime, rather migrants and crime syndicates always find ways to go around such approaches. keywords : policy, security, development submission : nov, 20th 2021 revision : jan 30th 2021 publication : feb 28th 2021 introduction since the september 11 attacks in the united states and the subsequent global war on terror, concepts such as securitization, militarization exclusion and national security have become embedded in the foreign policy of nation-states. phenomenon‘s such as migration and transitional crimes became the focal points of such concepts. farny (2016) reflects that in the last decade, many countries have seen a rise in immigration, coupled with an increasing fear of ―terrorists‖, ―illegal migrants‖ and other threats to internal safety. thus the concept of securitization, which was first brought into the agenda of security studies by the so-called copenhagen school of security studies, has become a major topic of discussion. issn: 2715-7539 (online) 12 mailto:syarif.hidayat@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 for shelley (1995), cross border crime has conventionally been seen as a threat to the state, threatening its national and regional security and rule of law, impeding its political and economic development, and limiting the social and cultural development of its society. in south africa, the end of apartheid in 1994 singled a new socio-economic era for the country, an era which many hoped would be driven by collective and inclusive development, a non-racial society and more importantly, the integration of south africa with the rest of the continent which was cut out from south africa under apartheid. however, post-apartheid south africa has not reflected the hopes and tolerance many would have hoped, frequent outbreaks of xenophobia directed at african nationals, the increase in cross border crime, corruption and stagnation of economic growth have compounded the developmental potential ability of the country. african nationals have been often being blamed for the country's socio-economic woes, they have become cheap political scapegoats for politicians attempting to win votes and push for tougher border controls (tella, 2016). at the same time, cross border syndicates have been profiting from the porosity of the country‘s borders. there have been increased incidences of drugs and human trafficking and the increase in counterfeit clothing. over the years, there have growing calls for the maximum reinforcement of south africa‘s borders to keep the ―other‖ out and to reduce the growth of cross border crime. politicians and pundits have called for the securitization and militarization of the border, the introduction of sophisticated surveillance systems to assist border officials to ensure the maximum reinforcement of south africa‘s borders. this paper, therefore, seeks to examine how south africa is slowly sliding back to border securitization and militarization reminiscent of the apartheid era. it seeks to dwell on the narratives that inform the need for border securitization and militarization. it seeks to examine if border securitization and militarization are the rightful approaches towards addressing irregular migration and cross border crime and more importantly, this paper seeks to scrutinize if securitizin g borders is applicable in a south african context, especially considering the regional socioeconomic dynamics. method this paper employed a qualitative research approach where the review of the literature was undertaken to answer the underlying arguments of the paper. this approach was employed to contextualize the understanding of irregular migration, cross border crime and the securitization theory, and the narratives informing the debates and arguments within south africa‘s political and public domain. therefore, this paper dwelled on the debates, arguments and theoretical literature informing this contemporary issue. taking into account the apartheid and post-apartheid narratives around irregular migration, cross border crime and the securitization of the border, these narratives will therefore become integral in allowing the paper reach a meaningful conclusion hence the reasoning utilization of this methodological approach. literature which spoke to the key questions of this paper was sourced from research databases such as; ebsco, emerald insight journals; google scholar; ibss; scopus and elsevier. irregular migration and cross border crime in south africa have historical connotations attached to them; it was therefore important for the paper to examine these historical narratives and debates to understand how they issn: 2715-7539 (online) 13 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 have evolved to inform current debates around the concept of border securitization. the collected data from these sources was analyzed and interpreted thematically to answer the research questions underpinning this paper. result and discussion the definition of security, as a concept, is generally contested among scholars. in a simplified form, buzan (1991) defines security as the pursuit of freedom from potential threats. baldwin (1997) formulates a series of questions that can guide the definition of security. figure 1.1: baldwin’s guiding questions to the definition of security for with from what security in what for when? quantities? at what for which issn: 2715-7539 (online) 14 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 source: baldwin (1997) baldwin (1997) further asserts that the quest to define security has traditionally revolved around the narrowers and the so-called wideners. narrowers are associated with the realist school of thought and view the concept of security as freedom from an objective military threat to the survival of the nation-states in an anarchic international system. narrowers believe that because the international system is chaotic, such anarchy bounds the state to undertake whatever means necessary to militarize or securitize its borders to protect its freedoms from threats from this anarchic international system (holliday & howe, 2011). the wideners, on the other hand, have challenged the view of defining security from an anarchic and military perspective. the wideners believe that the military element should not be the only defining element in the quest to define security, mainly because challenges in the international system today range from political, economic, societal and environmental factors. šulović (2010) asserts that the end of the cold war brought with it the emergence of entirely new security challenges, risks and threats, and this only added to the intensification of the debate regarding the concept of security. the securitization theory the securitization theory was developed by the copenhagen school of security studies by barry buzan, ole wœver, jaap de wilde and others. most of its writings came from the conflict and peace research institute (copri) in copenhagen in the 1990s (taureck, 2006). proponents of the copenhagen school stand firmly as wideners. the philosophical grounding of the theory assumes that to prevent something from becoming a security threat, three elements have to be present. these three elements are the identification of existential threat, emergency action and effect of inter-unit effects on inter-unit relations by breaking free of rules (guzzini & jung, 2004). this theory assumes that political situations are constituted as extreme security issues to be dealt with urgently when they have been labelled as dangerous, menacing, ‗threatening‘, ‗alarming‘ and so on by a securitizing actor who has the social and institutional power to move the issue beyond politics. consequently, security issues are not simply out there but rather must be articulated as problems by securitizing actors (mcglinchey et al., 2017). the securitization theory conceptualizes security as a process of social construction of political threats by the securitizing actor (mostly politicians and business elites), threats are then declared as a matter of urgency that pose a significant danger to the survival of the nation-state and once this rhetoric is accepted by the audience (citizens) this then legalizes the introduction of measures above the normal realms of politics to neutralize the perceived threat. once this is achieved (and supported by the audience (society), the issue or situation becomes securitized and removed from the normal bounds of democratic processes and placed in the panic policies agenda, even if the identified threat may not necessarily endanger the existence and survival of the state (wilkinson, 2007). the securitization agenda has grown to include obvious issues such as terrorism and less obvious issues such as cross-border issn: 2715-7539 (online) 15 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 crime and irregular migration (charrett, 2009). taureck (2006) argued that language plays a huge role in convincing the audience that a real threat exists. the securitizing actor, in most cases, exaggerates the urgency to deal with the perceived threat and uses language pointing to a point of no return should the threat not be dealt with, i.e. ―if we do not act now, we are all doomed‖. the geneva graduate institute (2013) explains that every securitization process is made up of a securitizing actor (who speaks the language of security and calls for the adoption of extraordinary measures) and a political act (a political decision to articulate the threat in such a way that it convinces the audience that securitization measures are extremely necessary) and unfortunately, these two components of securitization and politicization have become very difficult to distinguish. for example, when politicians for political reasons use securitization threats as a means to increase their chances of re-election, it then becomes difficult to understand if a threat does exist or not. figure 1.2: the securitization spectrum source: geneva graduate institute, 2013. the copenhagen school established a spectrum along which public issues can be classified – ranging from non-politicized to securitized matters. non-politicized issues are those that the state does not deal with and that are not part of public debate. politicized issues are tackled within the political system and are part of public debate and policy calling for government action. securitized matters are at the end of the spectrum. they are those which ask for extraordinary means, beyond normal political procedures of the state (geneva graduate institute, 2013). according to the copenhagen school, matters are moved from the politicized into issn: 2715-7539 (online) 16 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 the securitized area of the above-shown spectrum via an act of securitization. securitization and the state of south african borders: an apartheid overview securitized borders are characterized by, inter alia, stringent immigration requirements that reinforce the actual border in the form of walls or fences and/or border militarization. south africa has vast borders and serious illegal immigration as well as crime problems (hennop, jefferson & mclean, 2001). it has an extensive land border of about 4,864 km (3,022.4 miles), which it shares with six countries— mozambique, zimbabwe, botswana, namibia, lesotho, and swaziland. border security during apartheid was pegged on racism, xenophobia, fear of the other and the need to ensure the regime's security apparatus was never infiltrated by hostile forces. calhoun (1986) reflects that the regime understood that from a geopolitical perspective, it was surrounded by countries who were against it and where intent on assisting liberation movements and anti-apartheid movements in every way possible. border security during this time was highly securitized and characterized by a huge presence of the sadf (south african defence force) in the border. the objective was simple, ensure no hostile forces enter the country but at the same allow for the smuggling of the weapons meant for the regime. mcmicheal (2012), states that south africa's borders have a painful history of racism and segregation, during the apartheid era, the regime in the country had a strict border security program. the country‘s land borders ―were fortified with electric fences, regular army patrols and auxiliary civilian commando units. however, it is important to debunk the notion the border security was only meant to keep foreigners out, it was also meant to prevent black south africans from initiating contact with those beyond the borders. building on this view, hennop jefferson & mclean (2001) revealed that in 1985, the regime installed 2,800-volt fences‖ to seal off some portions of its international borders (with zimbabwe, mozambique, and lesotho) and borders with three of the ten homelands (bophuthatswana, transkei and venda), ethnicity-based structures established as states for black south africans with the idea of carving out an all-white south african republic. however, the boom in mining drove the need for migrant labour and thus the regime had to compromise on its tight border security apparatus. immigration took place through a ―two-gate‖ policy (lennep, 2019). the ―front gate‖ welcomed certain ―desirable‖ white migrants that did not constitute a threat to ―european culture‖. the ―back gate‖ tolerated ―undesirable‖ and often clandestine african migrants for temporary periods, to satisfy the labour demands of mining and agriculture. humphreys & smith (2014) explain that the regime was able to apply the assumptions of the securitization theory in its attempt to fortify the borders. during the apartheid period, the national party strongly promoted patriotism and self-sacrifice, portraying south africa as facing ‗total onslaught from hostile neighbours, from guerilla groups from within and beyond the country, hence there was a need to protect the country beyond the realms of ordinary processes. from 1970 onwards, the regime had to contend with the presence in the region of an exiled liberation movement dedicated to infiltrating south africa‘s borders to fight guerrilla warfare and to engage in campaigns of armed propaganda (seidman, 2001). to reinforce its political ideology, the regime ensured that the institutions primarily responsible for border control were the sadf and the quasi-military sap (south african police). nevertheless, as argued above, the regime had a more sinister interest in the issn: 2715-7539 (online) 17 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 border. as pressure piled up through sanctions and embargos, the regime sought to facilitate the surreptitious movement of goods across borders and was extensively involved in illicit international trade (steinberg, 2005). south africa had a plethora of covert intelligence agencies operating within the border and thus the regime had a permanent and powerful presence in the sphere of borders. the interest in the border by the regime even sidelined civilian agencies which customarily ran border control functions were relegated to a secondary role under apartheid as security concerns eclipsed customary concerns about efficient and lawful trade and human development (steinberg, 2005). however, by focusing too much on restricting entry into south africa, the attempts to fortify white supremacy across frontiers were marked by a blurring of the lines between the police and military, the foreign and the domestic (mcmicheal, 2012). under the regime, borders were linked into a wider repressive architecture which joined domestic clampdowns by the military and police with combat deployments, cross-border raids and covert operations in neighbouring frontline states which were seen as a threat to the regimes hold on power (mcmichael, 2012). the regime was very hostile to states it observed as threats and who were harbouring liberation fighters. for example, south africa‘s conflicts in namibia and angola were erroneously described as the ‗border war‘ necessary to protect the country from the dual threats of communism and black nationalism, a cartographic fiction that disguised invasions of foreign territory (mcmichael, 2012). the securitization of the border was thus cared out by an array of actors, while there sadf was deployed in the black townships to crush the internal revolt, police units such as the notorious ‗koevoet‘ (afrikaans for crowbar) pursued brutal counterinsurgency warfare across the namibiaangola border. in turn, these tactics were later applied within south africa itself through the vlakplaas death squad (stapleton, 2014 & mcmichael, 2012). the obsession with border security was not isolated, rather while keeping others out, the regime needed for the border for its sinister motives. as the south african state gradually became an international pariah and as the truth about apartheid became internationally known – it moved from a normal member of the world community to a covert operator (plaut, 2018). it began working in shady ways, through even more shady operators. to ensure that it had access to arms and oil, pretoria moved from legitimate to illegitimate trade; from overt to covert deals and from legal to illegal transactions (plaut, 2018). this was supported (or at least connived at) by many western powers. the us, britain and france did this knowingly, or at least suspected, for many years. therefore, this paper argues that the human right abuses that were taking place in south africa were not isolated, rather world powers at the time were complacent of the regimes in inhumane action s. supporting this, hefti, & staehelin-witt (2002) posited that sanctions were not imposed against south africa because the heads of government in britain, the usa, and germany did not regard sanctions as the correct means of prompting political change in south africa. since the ―constructive engagement ―approach favoured by them (stabilizing south africa, which would strengthen the will of south africa to reform) but did not lead to ending apartheid for many years, advocates of sanctions could ultimately prevail. issn: 2715-7539 (online) 18 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 securitization and the state of south african borders: post-apartheid the demise of apartheid brought with it renewed calls to review the management of south african borders. key to this review was their securitized approach that hindered a newfound south africa from advancing its regional and continental interests. esterhuyse (2019) communicated that there were six reasons which gave rise to these calls. firstly, there was a consensus in south africa that colonialism and apartheid affected the continent the same way and thus south africa is in africa and therefore ―we are in africa‖ – and we need to prove it! hence there was a need to abolish policies of racism and separation; these included those found at the border. secondly, there was the notion that ―africa is not a threat – and we need to prove it! therefore there was a need to foster continental relations to show that the apartheid years were behind and south africa is now open to its neighbours. thirdly, there was a consensus that human securityrelated challenges were better solved in the spirit of cooperation rather than force, therefore, borders to reflect this spirit of cooperation. fourthly, apartheid and colonialism were racist, exploitative and had total disregard for black life, hence there was a need to consolidate the spirit of brotherhood. fifthly, there was a need for south africa to repay its debt to africa as the continent provided sanctuary to those who were exiled. finally, there was a need to show that south africa was not a military state and that the country was open to investments. to begin the road to political transition with regards to border management, post-1994, south africa, sought to rectify this history in part by scaling back the involvement of the south african national defense force (sandf), historically a key institution in ensuring border security (hennop, jefferson, & mclean, 2001). in 1994, the south african government put in place a policy for a gradual withdrawal of sandf from the border areas. gone were the days when people were jailed or killed for border violations, in this new era, border security was relaxed, migration (skilled and unskilled) began to increase and the emergence of cross border crime syndicates began to take shape. this paper argues that south africa soon realised that the accommodative posture it had adopted began to bare problems and ought to be addressed. however, the country realised that going back to the militarization and securitization of the border was not going to be an option, considering how south africa had expanded its interests regionally. nevertheless, soon politicians (supported by sections of the public) began to worry about the increasing rates of irregular migration and the subsequent pressure on the country‘s socials services. increased incidences of drugs, human and cigarette smuggling began to draw the attention of the authorities especially considering the effect these have on the economy (van der watt, 2018). irregular migration poses a considerable problem for south africa in migration management, population planning, infrastructure development, resource management, governance, social services, economic development and security (waller, 2006). a government can only work with what it knows, with a reasonable margin of error. by its nature, irregular migration creates many unknowns. while the exact number of migrants in the county is not known, the united nations population division estimates that 4.2 million international migrants were living in south africa in 2019. this, it said, represents 7.2% of the country‘s total population (clifford, 2020). the militarization and securitization of the border observed under apartheid have not changed much in issn: 2715-7539 (online) 19 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 post-apartheid south africa. while there have been few alterations and amendments to south africa's immigration a policy, however, migration management in the county has not changed substantially since the demise of apartheid (klaaren & ramji, 2001). at the implementation level, the sandf (south african national defence force) and police have operated without little or no oversight from the department of home affairs, this has allowed for the growth of corruption which has manifested itself in both the arrest and detention of migrants. in 1997, a south african police service report revealed 192 organised crime syndicates were operating in south africa, with a combined total of 1,903 primary suspects. at least 32 syndicates were assessed to be operating internationally, while the criminal activities of 150 were restricted to countries in subsaharan africa (shaw, 1997). this paper argues that while the government was eager to demilitarize the border, it did not have a concerted plan of how borders were going to be managed after this demilitarization process. south africa‘s weak border controls are an indictment of a weak government with no plan and sadly cross border syndicates have become well entrenched. in 2003, the thabo mbeki administration instituted a policy in which the south african police service (saps) would take over the functions of sandf over five years with the final transfer of functions slated for 2009 (hennop, jefferson & mclean, 2001). nonetheless, when it became clear that saps was poorly equipped to effectively secure the borders, in 2009, the south african government overturned its initial decision and ordered the sandf to resume the function of border security. securing borders is a task that requires a unique set of capabilities, which neither the saps nor the sandf truly possesses. in many respects, it is a task that falls somewhere between the capabilities of these two branches of our nation‘s security services (baker, 2009). on the one hand, it requires the ability to enforce the law, detain and process suspected lawbreakers something which the sandf is not adept at doing. it also requires robust patrolling (often over difficult terrain), surveillance, communications and cohesive small unit skills skills which are not generally in the police officer‘s toolkit (baker, 2009). many pundits today argue that borders in south africa have become re-militarized and are becoming securitized. the frequent outbreaks of xenophobia, the increase in illicit border trade and the inability of the region (sadc) to collectively manage border security has seen south africa unilaterally take control of its borders from a nationalistic perspective. this paper contends that while open borders can be sources of economic development and increased regional financial flows, when borders become porous; they breed criminality and are bound to stir tensions between locals and migrants locals. this has been the case with african migration to the eu and migration from latin america to the united states. the question, therefore, is to what extent has south africa securitized and militarized its borders and going forward, will these approaches be effective in addressing irregular migration and cross border crime is irregular migration and cross border crime urgent security problems for south africa? given the arguments and politic rhetoric around irregular migration and cross border crime, it is not surprising to note that south africa is in a dilemma on whether to issn: 2715-7539 (online) 20 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 securitize its borders or not. security is a multifaceted and context-specific concept, and there has been an ongoing debate about who or what should be protected and the risks that should be prepared for, by whom, and for what purpose (baldwyn, 1997). maliti (2018) contends that it has become undeniable that ever since the fall of apartheid, south africa‘s borders have become porous and lack the required resources owing to a lack of investments, upgrading of infrastructure, corruption and a shortage of skilled personnel needed to ensure effective stability and integrity. mcmichael (2012) commented that south africa should have long securitized these issues, and while the process of border securitization has begun in the country, it might be too late. martin (2018) asserts that the failure to sufficiently secure borders increases the like hood of infiltration by threats that may pose significant dangers to the state. former south african president, jacob zuma, mentioned that cross-border crime and illegal cross-border migration are serious issues that needed to be dealt with as a matter of urgency (above the normal realms of politics). such statements have not only been uttered by the former president, but by ministers, local authorities, and citizens themselves (sibiya, 2017). for example, xenophobic speeches and rhetoric uttered by some people in south africa‘s political circles have always been welcomed by the audience, some political figures have stated that foreigners in south africa are stealing jobs, selling drugs and are into prostitution (landau, 2015). such securitization sentiments according to heleta (2018) can be drawn by the statements made by politicians, for example, haniff hoosen, a member of the parliament and the opposition democratic alliance shadow minister of home affairs, said that ‗the employment of illegal and undocumented immigrants has a direct impact on our job creation abilities as a country.‘ they are stealing jobs from south africans and this must be stopped, even though research shows something completely different. former gauteng mayor herman mashaba also a member of the da stated ―unworthy and unskilled are not welcome. they have nothing that south africa needs. most of them are criminals, and to stop migrants from coming, south africa must build a fence so high that the foreigners cannot jump over. while such remarks lack factual evidence, they nonetheless have been able to garner the support of locals, who view immigrants as criminal and thugs, hence warranting the securitization of migration. there have been increasing incidences of car smuggling from south africa to mozambique and apparently. politicians have often called for extra measures to be implemented that would not only eradicate such syndicates but also ensure that the issue is securitized indefinitely (increase police and army presence, modern tech infrastructure, excessive prison sentences for corrupt border officials etc.) as it has caused significant economic and societal damage. besides car-smuggling, there has also been increasing incidences in human trafficking from sadc into the country and especially in the limpopo/zimbabwe border post and this has resulted in increasing calls from locals for government to declare an emergency in dealing with these issue as corruption in the border has made cross-border crime syndicates consolidate their presence and increase their illicit businesses (irish, 2005). however, this paper argues that the motives for securitization are not underpinned by migrants been threats as such, but rather the socio-economic dilemma many south africans find issn: 2715-7539 (online) 21 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 themselves in, i.e. unemployment, poverty and rising inequality. shelley and metz (2017) argue that cross-border crime and migration issues, to some extent, are not as threatening as they have been painted to be by politicians. however, increases in attempts to smuggle drugs, pharmaceutical products and cigarettes into the country, coupled with the increase in foreigners being arrested on drugs charges and the political rhetoric underpinning the call for securitizing these issues have rallied the public to urge the government to use extraordinary measures to deal with these issues. the securitization of migration in south africa has been largely underpinned by three factors: firstly, it is argued that illegal migration leads to societal tensions; secondly, it has been maintained that illegal migration leads to an increase in cross-border crime and thirdly, there has been growing consensus among south africans, especially those who are unemployment that illegal migrants are taking jobs meant for south africans (maharaj, 2002). this rhetoric has increased with time and has resulted in violent clashes between foreign nationals and locals. for example, recent xenophobic attacks in the gauteng province in 2019 claimed 12 lives, over 10 000 undocumented foreigners were deported in the first six months of 2019 and there have been increasing calls from political parties for increased border security to keep out illegal migrants as they have been seen as outsiders and perpetrators of cross-border crime (madia and somdyala, 2019). taylor (2012) argues that to make matters worse, the south african government‘s unofficial attitude towards migration-related problems is that the country has enough problems of its own – including mass unemployment and poverty, frequent labour unrest and popular uprisings against the state‘s failure to provide basic services – and cannot be expected to help shoulder the continent‘s immense burden of migrants. as a result, immigration controls have been tightened significantly in recent years. however, best (2010), from a general point of view, discusses that while indeed border surveillance, or intelligence as the author calls it, has far-reaching benefits, effectiveness and holistic operational frameworks, border technology alone will not resolve issues of cross-border crime and illegal cross-border migration. best further opines that for technology to be effective and assist south africa to realize its border security objectives, there is a need for the integration of three key components, man, infrastructure and technology. such amalgamation creates a better and more harmonized operational environment. however, even if such elements are combined, they will not eradicate migration and cross-border crime but could facilitate a quick and timely reaction from border authorities (best, 2010). this paper reinforces the notion by shelley and metz (2017) that cross-border crime and migration issues, serious as they may be, are no immediate threat to the socio-economic development of south africa let alone the country‘s national security. while borders are indeed weak and have become a breeding ground for corruption, crime and irregular migration, this paper argues that there are more serious issues that south africa needs to address rather than investing millions of rands on border militarization and securitisation that may not yield the desired outcomes. firstly, the south african education system, characterized by crumbling infrastructure, overcrowded classrooms and relatively poor educational outcomes, is perpetuating issn: 2715-7539 (online) 22 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 inequality and as a result failing too many of its children, with the poor hardest (mohamed & bryne, 2020). secondly, in south africa, the divide between rich and poor is visible from the sky. previously disadvantaged south africans hold fewer assets, have fewer skills, earn lower wages, and are still more likely to be unemployed (scoot, 2019). thirdly, south africans, particularly black working-age south africans, are less employed today than in 1994, at 36.1 per cent, south africa's unemployment rate amongst the youth (15 to 34 years) is significantly higher compared to that of those aged 35-64 years (belling, 2020). fourthly, health care inequality in south africa is even worse for poor, black south africans than it was under apartheid. fifthly, former minister of cooperative governance and traditional affairs, dr zweli mkhize, revealed that about a third of south africa‘s total of 257 – remain dysfunctional or distressed (brand, 2018). he identified a plethora of issues such as bribery, fraud, nepotism, and systematic corruption as being factors crippling local government development. finally, south africa's economy is in a precarious state, economic growth is low or non-existent. second, tax revenue collection is repeatedly below forecasts and debt levels have risen rapidly and are now at their highest levels in the post-apartheid era (brand, 2018). this paper contends that these issues are not connected to cross border crime or irregular migration, rather they point to an internal policy mismatch within south africa. moreover, the above-mentioned issues are more serious threats to south africa's developmental potential then irregular migration and cross border crime. hence this paper argues observing border crime and irregular migration as highly important issues (that ought to be securitized) has been hyped up by politicians who seek voters and are not based on the reality on the ground. even though they do somewhat exert pressure on south africa's resources, they are not a serious threat to national security or the country‘s socio-economic development prospects. criticisms of border securitization and militarization and in south africa the number of undocumented foreigners deported was 33 399 in 2015, 23 004 in 2016, 15 033 in 2017, 24 266 in 2018, and 11 455 in 2019 (parliamentary monitoring group, 2019). department of correctional home affairs spent over r33 million in the 2018/19 financial year deporting migrants illegally in south africa. r9 million was spent between april 1 and august 31 in 2019. migrants across the globe have been pushed out of countries and regions as a result of poor economic fundamentals that include inflation, unemployment, lack of opportunities among others (flahaux & de haas, 2016). hübschle (2010) argues that crime syndicates operating in the vicinity of borders are driven by weak internal policy to clamp down on border operational deficiencies. this paper reflects that south africa‘s drive towards the securitization and militarization of its borders fails to consider factors that give rise to these border challenges. for example, the economic and political decline in zimbabwe drives migration to south africa; hence south africa should intervene and stabilize the situation in zimbabwe in its quests to address irregular migration. border securitization and militarization policies are often shortsighted, while they do reduce migration and border crime, often migrants together with syndicates and always find ways around it. south africa recently passed a new law in response to growing concerns in the country about its porous borders. the socioeconomic and security dangers posed by having large numbers of undocumented migrants and crime on the border have become key political issues in the country in recent times issn: 2715-7539 (online) 23 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 (moyo, 2020). the new law provides for the establishment of a border management authority. its primary function is to provide integrated border law enforcement. its core functions include the governance and management of the lawful movement of people and goods within the border law enforcement areas and at ports of entry (moyo, 2020). south africa realises that migration and immigration are not efficiently managed at the moment, being undertaken by several entities. hence the bma bill aims to secure the porous borders, stop undocumented migration and enhance legitimate trade. moyo (2020) however notes that chapter 6 of the new act how‘s that there is a strong move towards the militarization of the country‘s borders which is similar to what european countries have implemented. operationalizing this law in south africa will entail the deployment of border guards who have powers to arrest and detain anybody deemed to have transgressed the new law. the border guards will have extensive powers. they will, for example, be empowered to search any person, premise, goods and vehicles as well as question any person about any matter related to the passage of people, goods or vehicles through a port of entry or across the borders (moyo, 2020). however, this paper contends that geopolitically, south african, without addressing factors that drive migration and inform border crime cannot pin its hope on securitization and militarization approaches as key to border stability with addressing the policy fragmentation. moreover, the agency is expected to initially cost just under r4 billion with a future anticipated budget of r10.3 billion annually. the ―cost of employment‖ of the dha in 2019 was r 3.5 billion, so the bma effectively triples the personnel budget of the dha (lennep, 2020 & defenceweb, 2020). this paper argues that such monies could be used to revitalize existing border management policies. regionally, many regional counties are sceptical. they fear the opposite, given south africa‘s wide-spread governance crisis. a new layer of bureaucracy will be created, more delays are likely and trade could be affected. compounding this scepticism have been a statement by home affairs ministers aaron motsoaledi who stated that the reason we want to expedite the establishment of the bma is that we concede that due to the porousness of our borders, law enforcement agencies of the country are not able to be present everywhere where criminal acts are taking place (eramus, 2020). however, some have argued that the issues of incapacity and lack of coordination do not require the creation of a new institution under the auspices of the dha, rather there should be a reformulation of border policy and harmonization of tasks, resources and the reduction in corruption. moreover, moyo, (2020) argues that militarization of borders and securitization of migration has always failed to stop irregular migration and cross border crime. this can be seen in the case of the eu where they have failed to stop migrants and crime syndicates from crossing into europe. from a southern african perspective, no single country can effectively address the problem of irregular migration on its own. beefing up security at borders through military and security strategies is not the answer. an effective response lies in a regional approach to the management of migration and its root causes. conclusion nation-states are entitled to secure their borders. indeed, they are constitutionally bound to uphold their territorial sovereignty but this must be done within the frameworks of regional cooperation. this paper argued that cross-border crime and issn: 2715-7539 (online) 24 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 migration issues are not urgent issues compounding south africa‘s development, rather issues related to health, education, corruption and consolidating good governance are of vital importance and need to be placed at the top of the prioritization. the uses of migrants as political scapegoats to drive the securitization agenda is misplaced, but because securitizing actors have been able to consolidate their opinion and ensure public support, today irregular migration in south africa has been seen as a threat to the national security of the country. crime within the borders of the country is driven by an array of factors that might not be in the control of the country. while cross border crime has serious socio-economic repercussions, the fragmentation of south africa's border policies has given way to the inability of the country to respond to this perceived growing threat. in southern africa, inequality, poverty, porous borders and economic opportunities and to open up new market factors drive migration and border crime. hence this would then call for a regional cooperative framework to address these issues rather the border unilateralism. this paper however notes that cooperation with regards to collective security management in the southern african development community has for decades not been forthcoming, thus countries are left with no choice but to go at it alone. while south africa‘s border management authority bill seeks to address issues of border crime, irregular migration and to foster cooperation, it has elements of securitization and militarization. taking examples from around the world securitization and militarization approaches have failed to stop migration and border crime (even though they have managed to reduce their frequency), and thus south africa should invest in effective policy development and lobby regional countries on the need for the development and implementation of a collective framework on the cooperation and coordination on security-related issues. references baker, d. 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to a new kind of normal, and as a global phenomenon, the pandemic has for once and diplomatically re-ordered the entire world where every country has had to choose which side of the diplomatic coin it belongs. the virus has potentially grouped countries of the world into the rich, with strong and more efficient health and political institutions, scientific knowledge and innovation, and the poor, whose economy cannot adequately support its citizens. the covid-19 has challenged the modern diplomacy, forcing every state to consider the pandemic as a top priority owing to its crippling impact on the global economy. amidst the political tension in africa between groups and individual needs vis-à-vis state and international requirements, will africa be able to diplomatically navigate its way through the covid-19 “world”? this work uses the lens of innovative diplomacy, thematic content analysis, and a critical discourse approach to unpack the relevance of innovative diplomacy to africa amidst the pandemic and conclude that africa need to understand the contemporary diplomatic environment vis-à-vis the importance of innovation diplomacy. keywords: diplomacy, africa, pandemic, politics, innovation. submission : jan, 20th 2021 revision : march 30th 2021 publication : may 28th 2021 introduction often, it has always been said that almost all the developing nations with particular reference to countries in africa, as a result of their socio-political and economic woes [which has been their central problem] may not be able to adapt to or respond to the changes that covid-19 pandemic may likely bring their ways. more pressing than that of their economic development today, is how to mitigate the devastative effect of the pandemic on human development. dramatically, the covid-19 pandemic has altered the terrain and dynamics of global politics. lee and lederer (2020) concurred that while the disruptions of the international environments may seem to many like inconsequential inconveniences for a wealthy and well-to-do states, the probability that they may have a devastating effect on matters of war and peace, arms control, terrorism and human rights is significantly high. the covidmailto:oluwatoyin9ja_333@outlook.com mailto:adetibat@unizulu.ac.za journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 100 19 pandemic, without mincing words can be classified as a global crisis with its threat to alter the world balance of power. what this suggests is that if the pandemic is not brought under control timeously, the post-world war ii diplomatic environment could be laid on the line. surmise to say that the unannounced arrival of covid-19 pandemic, seems to have ended the diplomatic lifestyles that has existed for decades among states. the covid-19 pandemic is a reminder of 1918 flu pandemic, where the loss of innocents, or the complacent, taught humanity a new way of being-in-the-world where men and women, old and young are expected to change their doing-in-the-world. the pandemic has, as a catalyst accelerated the diplomatic trends that were underway before covid-19 with reference to the relationship between africa and the west. across the globe, it has become a norm that touching things, surfaces, shaking of hands, being with other people, sneezing and breathing the air in an enclosed space can be dangerous if not a risky adventure. if the memory of 1918 flu still lingers, then it will be a herculean task to easily forget the memories of covid-19 completely for anyone who lived through the year (s) of the pandemic. arguably, having the mind-set that one could be infected with covid-19 virus could unconsciously become a norm to withdrawal from shaking hands or touching our faces. in fact, one might intuitively discover that one can’t stop washing of hands. tannen (2020) comment that the comfort of being in the presence of others might be a greater compensation for their absence, particularly those we don’t know intimately. instead of asking, is there a reason to do this online? one might be asking, is there any good reason to do this in person? in one way or the other, one might need to be reminded and convinced that it is needful. regrettably, those without access to internet facility are likely to be disadvantaged further as a result of the covid-19 pandemic. ironically, online communication will be heightened thus creating more distance, as well as, more connection because it is safer notwithstanding the distance. the covid-19 pandemic has brought with it a shift in the dynamics of international system and thus having the potential to break, escalate socio-economic, political and cultural schism across the globe, thus helping states to change course towards greater national solidarity and functionality in their foreign relations. the covid-19 pandemic has presented the global community with a formidable enemy that does not know the differences between developed, underdeveloped or developing states while encouraging global alliance of singular purpose and action and has made people and states alike to begin to look past their differences. although the waves of the diplomatic cum political shock that covid-19 brought can make or mar the international political system. given the current level of tension it is imperative that states begin to promote more constructive patterns of change in their cultural and political discourse. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 101 overtly, the economic consequences of the covid-19 pandemic were what hit africans the most with the closure of several sectors of its hitherto underperforming economy after the introduction of a lock down in 2020. however, africa is faced with other, equally pressing issues, these includes restoration of its economy, restructuring of government parastatals, and creation of jobs and maintenance of robust relations with the outside world during and “after” covid-19 pandemic which requires maximum coordination from the authorities to maintain socio-political stability amid the continuing social and economic crisis in the continent. central to this is the place of innovative diplomacy while trying to access the complexity of the modern diplomatic environment amidst covid-19 pandemic. literature review innovation in modern diplomacy can be of great diplomatic instrument in the hands of states if properly used. diplomatically, every state has had to adapt to international political environment that is fast-changing. although the need for innovative diplomacy might be faced with numerous socio-political limitations particularly among the underdeveloped states of africa. however, the dynamics of the need for innovation in diplomacy and its challenges is a function of its influence on international relations. the foreign department of foreign affairs (switzerland) (2008:3) defines diplomacy as the means by which independent states conduct their affairs in ways to ensure peaceful relations. historically, the art of diplomacy has been deeply entrenched in the communication between man, tribes, communities and, thereafter states. the term is a derivation of the 18th century french word “diplomate” (he who was authorized to lead conversations on behalf of a state) kalvins (2011). diplomacy has been defined as the conduct of human affairs by peaceful means, where diplomatic techniques of persuasion and negotiation are employed. it is a method of managing international affairs using the weapon of negotiation which is usually done by diplomats, thus making it is an essentially political activity, a major ingredient of [international] power that enable independents states to achieve the goals and targets of their foreign policies while avoiding the use of force (hocking, 2011, berridge, 2010, kalvins, 2011). diplomacy concerns as much the promotion of socio-economic, economic, scientific or cultural relations as it does international commitment to defend human rights as well as peaceful settlement of disputes. traditionally, diplomacy is hierarchical, and somewhat secretive. o'gorman (2015:6) writes that one of the inherent, characteristics of diplomacy, has been the use of confidentiality or secrecy in its relations and negotiations, and it underpinned the very essence of the polities and diplomacy of states. hence the assertion that secrecy is an essential element of diplomacy (berridge, keens soper and otte, 2001). according to berridge (2010) secret diplomacy can be interpreted journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 102 as holding unto the secrecy of the contents of a negotiation between states, knowledge of ongoing negotiations, the content of any [bi-lateral or multi-lateral] agreement resulting from negotiations, or that any agreement has been reached. the culture of diplomacy is shaped by avoiding diplomatic errors and being diplomatically cautious about international change. cited in o'gorman (2015) shale (2006) allude that since that nations and their governments is yet to see the last of international and internal conflicts, the best and the only available tool to reach agreements, compromises, and settlements is diplomacy. bound (2016) believe that actors in international diplomacy to some extent have not been able to monopolise their influence on ir. the reason might be because every state goes through critical junctures (matambo, 2020), a situation of diplomatic uncertainty where the decision taken by state actors are causally pivotal to the selection of one diplomatic goal of institutional development over other possible diplomatic goals. these junctures are usually fundamental in a country’s diplomatic history and fundamentally enough to change the course of that country’s relations with other countries. bound further argued that the power to change from sidestepping politics to helping avoid military conflict has been demonstrated as early as the 18th century just as the power of the international scientific community has been able and still transforming international relationships. griset (2020) concurred that, the concept of innovative diplomacy emerged after economic diplomacy as one of the major areas of diplomatic reflection on new global diplomatic practices. leijten (2017: 3) advance that theoretically, innovation diplomacy should build on and/or combine the fields of international relations [with its orientation on power] and innovation policy [with its orientation on economic opportunities and learning]. the use of the soft powers of scientific cooperation amongst states to grease their socio-economic and political relations has been conceived as science diplomacy. the royal society and aaas (2010) refer to this as science for diplomacy, which must be differentiated from diplomacy for science. diplomacy for science connotes the establishment of scientific cooperation which may be bilateral or multilateral aiming at addressing common scientific problems. therefore, innovative diplomacy through science can be seen as a diplomatic channel through which healthy diplomatic relations can be maintained in times of global tension often offered by situations such as the covid-19 pandemic that threatens the existentiality of humanity. as such innovative diplomacy acts as the link to peace that promotes bringing people of different socio-economic, political, and cultural background together. the goals and practices of innovation diplomacy [driven by science and technology] has continue to change. this is as a result of the increasing importance of innovation in international, regional, national, and foreign policies. and thus, with the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 103 growing importance of knowledge driven innovation as an important factor that drives socio-economic growth, competitive thinking has therefore become more influential globally (royal society and aaas, 2010). according to skolnikoff (1993) innovation and economics can hardly be separated just as innovation seems inseparable to successful diplomatic interactions. debatably, [scientific] innovation depends on economic activity to provide the means while bringing light to the problems that will enable it to answer the right questions but of a certainty, it generates economic activity which is why the interactions between science which is a product of innovation, and economy constitute multifaceted elements when analysing global affairs. leijten (2017) had argued that diplomacy for innovation is lodged between two extremes of [international] political economy, the neo-liberal theory that every state benefit from the key means of production in developed economies through free exchange of knowledge and capital. internationally, this can be realised through bilateral and multilateral agreements, innovative driven coalitions and cooperation. the other extreme according to leijten dwells on short-term self-interest driven approaches. this approach focus on the protection of states’ national companies, the markets as well as employment, which may include import taxes and other means to protect the markets and employment. between these two extreme, the driven factor of innovation systems is thinking. of course, this helps to identify series of innovative processes cum developments, as a guide to the development of diplomacy for innovation. to griset (2020:384) the concept of innovation can be one of the keys to dynamically take the link between science and economy into account. as such innovation can be connected to the world of knowledge and ideas, on the one hand, and material civilisation on the other. by implication, innovation appears as an element in diplomacy after economics and science. this can be of help to better delineate, as well as characterise, detailed diplomatic practices. hence, leijten (2017) assertion that the definite silhouette of science, technology and innovation diplomacy is the outcome of developments in science, technology and innovation and positive bilateral and multilateral developments in international relations. although the term innovation has always been used to frequently refers to scientific innovations, however innovation in broad sense and in many respects, includes and can be associated with many forms of organisational, commercial, political, cultural or even social creativities. kahn (2007) opine that one rule that has become the absolute rule in the business world is innovate or perish. in a much far-reaching way, this has become the stimulating diplomatic factor that can serve as a new impetus to opening the borders of [africa’s] diplomacy to new ideas. thus a stronger top-level designing diplomacy and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 104 strategic planning in diplomatic work among states should include the bottom line thinking with a view to upholding state’s essential interests. in public debate, the idea of innovation has become conventional where it has asserted itself as a fundamental value of modern society, which could not be claimed by states as crucial to their diplomatic policies. innovative diplomacy has therefore emerged as a concept that is based on an observation of diplomatic practices argued (griset, 2020). he further argued that communication which is an element of innovative diplomacy allows states to assert itself on the international scene which can be linked to a form of soft power that relies solely on the positive public image which make it easier for states to generate sympathy from other states. innovation to some extent is an imaginative ability of states to adapt to future diplomatic challenges, it is a tool for promoting international partnerships that support the dynamism of the international economy that underpins the appeal of a space to attract foreign direct investment (fdi). in the face of major diplomatic challenges, innovation can be the pedestal to building the socio-economic [and political] alliances that transcends resentments or cultural differences while dealing globally with issues such as the covid-19 pandemic. hence the need for global collaborations through research in dealing with challenges that easily threatens the existentiality of humanity such as covid19 pandemic. understanding innovation system therefore, will help to influence socio-economic policies to improve the wider conditions for collaboration with innovative relationships with decision-makers while developing and co-developing socio-economic resources for innovative collaborations that will help diffuse and transform the gains of innovation. one country that has been highly successful through innovative diplomacy is china. bound, saunders, wilsdon and adams (2013) points out that strategically, china’s approach to international collaboration has continue to increase. a process that was opened up in 1978 as part of the chinese foreign policy, and has been constantly used to advance china’s economic development (breznitz and murphree, 2013). further to this, breznitz, and murphree advance that chinese influence through international connections/innovative diplomacy has spread across every aspect of its system such that it cut across joint academic research to technology transfer and licensing, foreign direct investment, and mergers and acquisitions. based on the chinese innovation system, its socio-economic system is overt and covertly connected to sources of expertise internationally. breznitz, and murphree (2013) concurred that one aspect of the chinese foreign policy that extricates its innovation pathway from others is its willingness, where necessary, to buy expertise off the shelf. hence segal’s (2011) conclusion that one chinese’ great diplomatic strengths has been journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 105 its consistent ability to aligning its diplomatic thoughts, belief, and actions with its goals on shaping foreign interactions to serve national innovation goals. from the chinese innovation experience in foreign policy, it thus means that change and modernity are the major foreign policy tools states can use when it comes to promoting and benefiting from their foreign policy actions. basically, africa needs to re-evaluate the relevance of its diplomatic mental maps they have relied on to make sense of its capability to innovate while dealing with the rest of the world. central to revaluating africas’ diplomatic mental maps is questioning the relevance and adequacy of existing diplomatic practices to account for the complexity of the modern diplomatic environment. hence the need to understand the contemporary diplomatic environment vis-à-vis the importance of innovation diplomacy. method this paper used a thematic content analysis, and a critical discourse approach to unpack the relevance of innovative diplomacy to africa amidst the covid-19 pandemic. when research, when this type of method is used in research, the researcher intends to gather information from a wide range of sources/viewpoint regarding the subject. thus the data used in this work were drawn from sources made up of journal articles, credible and reliable online sources, books, newspapers, and academia vis-à-vis the covid-19 pandemic. result and discussion which way africa amidst covid-19 pandemic? navigating through the challenges in many countries, particularly africa, it may be a bit challenging to determine a farreaching diplomatic strategies and a growing prioritization of innovation diplomacy. by implication what works in some countries may not work in some for obvious reasons. specifically, the link between a particular diplomatic intervention and its outcome may not be the same from one region to the other. in the modern world, the global interconnectedness of health is unquestionable (chattu and chami, 2020:1). evidently, the state of health of one state may likely affect the health and well-being of others globally, if adequate precaution is not taken hence, the fast spread of covid-19 virus. as a result, every country needless say must be determined and address any health concerns in its foreign policy just as they do with their domestic policies. in the evolving [innovative] diplomatic agenda, health issues have always been dominant and persistent. within this locale, chattu and chami (2020) believe that diplomatically, there are competing interests of [state and non-state] actors, as well as other relevant journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 106 diplomatic players that cannot be jettisoned but must be taken into consideration as they directly or indirectly influence and determine the global health agenda. it is important to appreciate the effects of diplomacy on health as a result of which appropriate and collective diplomatic response must be developed while trying to maintain global as well as regional peace and order, although health at the global or regional level have not been given the same diplomatic position as politics and economics. however, the dreaded covid-19 pandemic seems to have change and reorder diplomatic relationships thus forcing every [developed, developing and underdeveloped] economies to consider the covid-19 as a top priority in their relations owing to its crippling impact on global economy. amidst this global turmoil, will africa be able to diplomatically navigate its way through the political tensions at home between groups and individual needs vis-à-vis state and international requirements, without any socioeconomic harm to the state? as part of global health diplomacy, the relations between developed and developing economies according to rubbini (2018) is at risk as the developed economies can adopt a diplomatic behaviours induced by the financial needs of overcoming their socioeconomic predicament, ethically if the developing states is to have a say, it will be most likely be on the premise of a global society where there is a respect of human rights while driving growth and harmonization of relations between governments. this is where africa found itself and must navigate through this. conceptually, the idea of states; joining together in the diplomatic environments to wrestle states from the hand of public health problem such as covid-19 pandemic is a diplomatic plus to participating states. evidently, the need for an appropriate and effective practice of innovation diplomacy (id) has since been demonstrated with the global response to the covid-19 pandemic since its outbreak in 2020. in this area, there have been a significant development towards fighting the dreaded pandemic. debatably, the entire globe has demonstrated that with one goal there can be global peace if the international community [both rich and poor] will embrace innovation diplomacy. using the power of innovation, cuba though a small country has been able to diplomatically use its medical expertise to convince the world that where big economies have failed they can succeed there. it is pertinent to ask the question could the advent of covid-19 pandemic help the international community to act as one community? irrespective of the power of the economies of each state it is significantly important for states to come together as one as no state can on its own fight the pandemic. the covid-19 no doubt has strongly affects both the rich and the poor states. sauco (2020) had argued that every pandemic has always been accomplished by enormous uncertainty, notwithstanding there are two certainties from the previous experiences. firstly, pandemics spread very fast and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 107 therefore requires immediate and urgent innovative action to avert its destructive tendencies, secondly as a global crisis it also requires a global responses and by interpretation it requires international cooperation. further to this the outbreak of covid-19 pandemic revealed the level of the lack of cooperation among states vis-à-vis the ineffectiveness of international response to the spread of the pandemic in terms of time and action thus, turning the entire globe into a virtual world. overtly, the historical enemies such as china and japan, germany, italy, france, and spain must forget their differences and fight the upsurge of covid-19, just as african states must forget about their colonial past and come to the aid of one another. sauco (2020) however comments that the opposite has been the case in that there is more tension between the superpowers, conspiracy theories against one another. the outbreak of covid-19 coincided with when reactionary [nationalistic] leaders and populist leaders were in office and when the values of international cooperation as well as mutual aid were no longer consider as important thus hampering early response to the devastating effects of covid-19 on the international socio-economic and political space. the ‘arrival’ of covid-19 in 2020, has brought with it a new diplomatic stands amongst states with international borders reshaped and under strict surveillance, a thick network of threats where economic protectionism and diplomatic unilateralism has become the order of the day. by implications the old hard power systematically, displaced the ever supportive and inclusive soft power. thus, sailing in the opposite direction to the detriment of other [smaller] economies. overtly, the fear of the devastating effect of the pandemic also go along with the impression that the pandemic could allay the fears of some of the anti-innovative developments in states’ ‘selfish nationalism, ideological disposition, economic greed, and cultural differences’ (alvarez, 2020). dominant among the discourse about covid-19 pandemic was the emotions that surrounds global health management and, the different diplomatic policies adopted by states to cope with the crisis coupled with fear and mistrust within the international domain. this is where innovation comes in, where african leaders must support science diplomacy [as it is done in europe] for the benefit of african capacities, and its foreign policy objectives with particular reference to the development of scientific cum diplomatic solutions for the myriad of africa’s health challenges. taking a que from the european model, there should be provision for a new insights and a better understanding of the contributions of science and technological partnerships to foreign policy objectives, thus facilitating effective and well-organized interfaces for african science diplomacy to take better advantage of african sciences. however, there should be provision for policy guidance as to where and how africa science diplomacy can be active. this is imperative because many african states still have journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 108 diplomatic alliance with their former colonial masters who overtly or covertly control their economy which may hinder its expansion global visibility. hence the need for better preparation, increased scientific capacities and knowledge resources as well as clearer diplomatic mandate and a very strong identity of african science diplomacy. the challenge posed by the covid-19 pandemic to global [health] community and particularly africa cannot be overemphasised. significantly, these challenges present itself to countries across geographical, political and social contexts in various forms and this is underpinned by the robustness of the individual states’ economy. african continent is therefore, facing a possible public health crisis owing to its poor state. this is borne out of the fact that africa has always been relegated to the back seat during inventions of, and access to, new technologies and its production. this is capable of undermining equitable distribution and quick access to the covid-19 vaccines by africans. for example, african states have been struggling to secure sufficient vaccines to inoculate its approximately 1.3 billion people, the south african president, cyril ramaphosa once urged wealthy economies not hoard surplus vaccine supplies instead share global production equally. according to news24 (2021) britain for example has ordered 367 million doses of seven different vaccines for its population of 67 million while the eu has secured close to 2.3 billion doses for its 450 million people which the who described as catastrophic moral failure. in retrospect, the world and its arrays of big and plump economies are not safe if some countries are vaccinating their people and others are not. this is the reason why africa has to endorsed and develop the establishment of a multilateral framework for african states to engage actively in the culture of developmental and scientific innovations. the job of decision-makers according to gardini (2020) is very tasking if not a very difficult one. the south african president cyril ramaphosa once said 'it's impossible to please everyone” (fin24, 2021). as a leader, patience, strong nerves, and a variety of interpersonal, and diplomatic skills that have and are constantly tested is required in order to bargain appropriately and make compromise where needed. therefore, a huge psychological pressure is put on anyone in a position of command either at normal or in times of socio-economic and political crisis (gardini, 2020:15). the statement that uneasy lies the head that wears the crown is the appropriate statement that describes the enormous demands, pressures, and responsibilities that goes with the office of the policymakers significantly those at top. the civil society, the media, the public, opposition parties, and so-called experts as well as various communication tools exercise a tremendous pressure on policy-makers. it thus means that their decisions [good or bad] may determine the fate of the populace from education, jobs, retirement, movement to their individual survival. this is the case with covid-19 pandemic. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 109 within the context of the covid-19 pandemic, there is possibility that decision makers in africa are likely going to face a unique problem. unique, where the developed economies respond to the pandemic with sweeping unilateral actions and belligerent, threatening diplomatic language with africa only waiting for the proverbial crumbs that falls from the table of the developed world. the menace of covid-19 in africa can only be overcome through international collaboration, that engenders strong and effective innovative diplomacy. gardini (2020:16) opines that there are technical times for good decision making as well as moral dilemmas. the period at which the world is struggling to find its feet owing to the outbreak of covid-19 with its attendant challenges due to inadequate and nonavailability of vaccines in poor african states falls under technical times and moral dilemmas which demands for a technical diplomatic move to douse the flame of covid19. and to do this there must be global ties through innovation. with the space of the international environment, there is possibility to reorder africa’s diplomacy through scientific innovations where african states can form a long lasting relationships to get along. however, african states have to recognise the diplomatic value of such innovation which can possibly re-establish trust and diffuse tensions when political relations are strained. africa, being what we are; scientific innovations under normal socio-economic and political circumstances should not be overshadowed with individual or group political goals, neither should such innovation replace states’ diplomatic and peace-building efforts. in the time past and sometimes vaccination programmes, for example, have brought about a short-term cessation of hostilities while paving the way for [local and international] medical teams to carry out their work. this does not necessarily lead to lasting peace as hostilities often resume after crisis. covid-19 pandemic is an unnecessary evil whose capacity to network from one state to another does not require any internet but simple contact. as a member of the international community every state is inter-dependent and therefore needs one another, hence the unsafe global world where some countries have the capacity to vaccinate their citizens and others do not. carreiras, and malamud (2020:21) had argued that overcoming the covid-19 pandemic requires international cooperation, however, almost none of the international organisations were up to the task, except for the world health organistion (who) that has become a reference point for many states. one fact that need to be emphasised is the fact that the pandemic does not affect every state equally. in africa, for example, there more than 3.5 million cases in africa with south africa alone having more than 1.5 million cases. again carreiras, and malamud (2020) explain that owing to the outbreak of covid-19 pandemic, the developed and developing states faces different challenges. the developed faces double challenges (health and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 110 economic), for the developing world where africa belong, their challenges are in three fold (health, economic and social), thus challenging the power of states which are despotic and infrastructural deficient. the former speaks to the ability of the state to act decisively without any constitutional constraints while the latter speaks to the ability of states to penetrate and organise social relations. african states may be able to coercively control its citizens but the capability in terms of infrastructure to organise its citizen is inadequate as a result of which capacity building within a short period of time in between the covid-19 pandemic may be challenging. precisely, the covid-19 pandemic has revealed the fragility and the poor level of africa’s public health system. while the covid-19 has increase the interdependence of states, it has also reinforced the power of states in that the pandemic has forced everyone to look unto the state as the last hope of getting out of the grip of the pandemic. carreiras, and malamud (2020) question the relationship between power and dependent, that how can one be stronger and at the same time more dependent? this has shown that no country can play the role of an isolationist in the face of covid-19 pandemic, instead african states must come out with innovative ideas to manage and cage the pandemic. in his contribution, spedaleti (2020) opines that to combat the covid-19 pandemic, states can adopt the antarctic model (this treaty was signed in 1959), the treaty put forward the suspension of the sovereignty claims of states and work as one in terms of international cooperation. as established in article 3 (a, b, and c) of the treaty, information regarding plans for scientific programs . . . shall be exchanged to permit maximum economy of and efficiency of operations, scientific personnel shall be exchanged . . . between expeditions and stations and scientific observations and results . . . shall be exchanged and made freely available (center for international law. national university of singapore, nd). by interpretation, the treaty recognises the concept of humanity, understood as recognition of the right common to human beings. unfortunately, covid-19 does not recognise human right and neither does it distinguish black and white. if adopted it will act as a blue print or as containment mechanisms for the spread of the covid-19 pandemic. in the context of public health system and putting into consideration scientific innovations in this area, the health threat facing humanity in the wake of covid-19 can be tacitly dealt with by states recognising and admitting the customary practices that every state has the legal and ethical obligation to recognise the need of other state where an orderly manner and modalities for innovative cooperation is set out. this would in no way give a degree of certainty to the exchange. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 111 conclusion the connection between diplomacy and innovation is not new. it is probably right to say that competition and power always have been part of the set of drivers for diplomacy and in particular innovative diplomacy. however, diplomatic actions have been diversified as a result of the growth of knowledge based competition in the international system. this is a period in africa where playing politics is not enough rather being innovative [and do what is best] to combat the menace of covid-19 pandemic. of utmost priority to africa is the need for solidarity and international action against covid-19 pandemic and by extension other dangerous pandemic, such as gender based violence, human right abuse, ethnic politics, and corruption which has eating deep into every sphere of african socio-economic system. these must include a better and innovative way of exchange of information related to the covid-19 pandemic, innovative way of communicating complex facts to the public in clear and simple terms, and translating scientific texts into local languages and thus boosting trust with local communities to enable quick action. at the international scene, there are many players engaged in what is regarded as the game of international politics. of course, one of the oldest and universally acknowledged actors on the modern world stage is the state. however, within the international arena, are multiple and distinct non-state actors [ who are entities that participate in or promote international relations] and, capable of challenging a world dominated by state actors. the activities of non-state actors cut across different geopolitical entities where they are capable of substituting nation states in many areas. for example, the south africa based “gift of the givers” have contributed to the greater health needs of africans and humanity within and outside africa. innovative way of collaborating with none state actors. traditionally, the realist in international relations according to gardini (2020) has maintained that the supremacy of the state as the main international actor (s) is not negotiable. however, there are some none state actors such as multinational corporations, transnational civil society, and international organisations whose actions overtly or covertly affect the international position of host country. in africa, there are some multinational corporations with bigger turnover than the annual budgets of these states. further to this, it is imperative to state that states have seeded part of their sovereignty to international and regional organisations such as african union, sadc, ecowas etc. in addition to the fact that many ngos in africa now perform once reserved to states as multiple health stakeholders such as the “gift of the givers” while contributing to the greater health needs of africans and humanity in general. in a nut shell the time has come for africa to begin to embrace what the non-state actors can offer. african leaders should begin to see africa as the future as not all western aid journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 112 are meant to sustain/build africa but are meant to further impoverish if not totally enslave the continent through their carrot and stick diplomatic moves. africa has the resources such as oil, gold, diamond, fertile farmland, abundance of water 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participation widya gustiani1, sony aditya kusuma1, hesty apriani1, angga aria1, nonon saribanon2 1pt pertamina ep regional 4, 2school of graduate studies universitas nasional nonon.saribanon@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: this integrated health system innovation in rahayu village is an integrated and sustainable health program involving several stakeholders and related agencies. this program deals with health by integrating clean water programs as a health solution, agricultural programs for food self-sufficiency and nutrition improvement, and goat farming programs to support medicinal plant farming programs and organic vegetables. the study of the impact program using a qualitative approach, through fgds and in-depth interviews, also observation and desk study on secondary data. this program has succeeded in raising awareness of healthy living and independence in solutions to the problems of the clean water crisis, health problems for children & families, and independence in fulfilling children's and family's nutrition. keywords: health awareness, integrated program, community involvement, the role of stakeholders submission : aug 11th 2021 revision : sept 18th 2021 publication : nov 28th 2021 introduction the standard of success of a company is now starting to refer to the triple bottom line concept, which is a company performance measurement framework consisting of three parts, namely: social, environmental, and profit. john elkington first formulated this framework in 1994 (elkington, 2018) elkington argues that the bottom line beginning a company's profit and loss, which is a measure of a company's success found at the bottom of a company's income statement, is now defined more broadly. nowadays more broadly defined. the company is now measuring its success by adding two measures, namely social and environmental(khlif et al., 2015). a company is successful, if not only able to generate profits that prosper the owner of the company, but also contribute to social and environmental interests(księżak, 2017; roth et mailto:nonon.saribanon@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 312 al., 2020; singh & misra, 2021). corporate social responsibility (csr) or within the scope of indonesia is known as social and environmental responsibility (tjsl), it is "the company's commitment to participate in sustainable economic development to improve the quality of life and the environment that is beneficial, both for the company itself, the local community, and society in general" (undangundang nomor 40 tahun 2007 pasal 1). carroll (2004) states that csr is a responsibility of corporations in the global economy, which has the following priorities: (1) being a good company in its country, (2) being an organization that follows ethics in its business practices, (3) complying with applicable laws and regulations, and (4) generating profits in line with expectations(vuković et al., 2020). the importance level of csr is increasing every single day. in indonesia, the implementation and reporting of csr are mandatory for some companies as regulated by law(al-mamun & seamer, 2021; carnahan et al., 2017; hamid et al., 2020; putra & lindrianasari, 2020; sethi et al., 2017; wardhani et al., 2019). based on government regulation number 47 of 2002, companies obliged to implement csr are limited liability companies that carry out business activities in the field and/or related to natural resources based on the law(nayenggita et al., 2019; rahmawati et al., 2020; zainal, 2019). various studies prove that csr implementation and reporting positively impact increasing competitive advantage (chen et al., 2021) through intensity public reputation, decreasing employee turnover, increasing return on investment, and so on. pt. pertamina ep sukowati field has implemented the tjsl program since 2017. the csr programs implemented include the hipam program and pertamina's sahabat program. these two programs were implemented as corporate responsibility to the community and the environment in ring 1 of the company, namely in bojonegoro regency and tuban regency. strengthening program of kesadaran kesehatan berbasis masyarakat (sahabat) or sahabat pertamina is a program aimed at anticipating health problems related to abnormal behavior situations in the sukowati field, with an activity scheme consisting of basic promotive, preventive, and curative activities with an approach to the community. the problems that will be handled in the pertamina friends program are; first; public health problems related to the abnormal situation in the sukowati field, second; community support for the sukowati field operation, third; public health, especially toddlers, adults and elderly. the general objectives of the pertamina friends program are: to overcome health problems (promotive, preventive, and basic curative) related to abnormal conditions in the sukowati field, to increase community support for the sukowati field operation managed by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 313 pertamina ep, and to help improve the health status of the community through health services on family and society. specifically, it aims to deal with health problems related to conditions or technical constraints in the sukowati field according to sops (standard operating procedures), to increase awareness of healthy living and independence in dealing with family base health problems, to intensity awareness of healthy living in the environment, community with health services from promotive, preventive, and curative aspects, basis curative treatment, and upgrade public awareness of the importance of supporting the government in optimizing the operation of the sukowati field. the various activities in pertamina's sahabat program are as follows: activities related to the sukowati field abnormal situation, consist of daily monitoring at least four times per day, oil and gas education in the assisted families, and follow-up to new reports. activities are related to efforts to strengthen support for sukowati field, consist of oil and gas education for fostered families, education on community activities in examination and treatment activities for the community, sympathy strengthening activities such as helping posyandu, village health teams, and helping refer residents who need advanced health services. another related to improving public health consists of assisting the assisted families, examining and treating the community, health education on posyandu activities, and nutritional interventions for toddlers. method the method of the pertamina friends program uses the semi participatory rural appraisal (pra) approach, wherein the implementation of the program most of the emphasis is on community involvement. the study of the impact program using a qualitative approach, through fgds and in-depth interviews, also observation and desk study on secondary data. the parties involved are mainly posyandu cadres, village midwives, program targets kabi (involved as a source of data on community expectations and village official representatives). result capacity building in terms of institutional capacity building, 5 standard operating procedure or sop have been prepared, consisting of: 1. emergency sop 2. referral sop 3. sop for using stn official car 4. sop for borrowing a service car 5. sop for foster family visits journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 314 in addition to producing the 5 sops mentioned above, there are other inputs related to program implementation, including: 1. hopefully, this program implementation can help overcome the waste problem expected to become a severe problem for indonesian people in the next 3-4 years. the head office of kapas gave the suggestion. 2. in future program implementation, hopefully that there will be additional assisted families and the target number of participants for the community examination and treatment (ppm), the suggestion was delivered by the nurse from the ngampel village polindes. 3. other suggestions related to csr management, submitted specifically to pertamina ep by the kepala desa from sambiroto village and representatives from ngampel village. health services at the family and community level accompaniment in foster families this kabi activity also helps the success of the healthy indonesia program through the family approach (pis pk) from the government which is stipulated through the minister of health regulation 39 of 2016. the criteria for the families to be fostered are determined through suggestions from cadres, local health workers, village heads, and/or pkk chairpersons. the number of assisted families from 2018 to 2021 reaches 1200 families, in 2 regions, bojonegoro regency and tuban regency. the paramedic team carried out mentoring activities by visiting the assisted families seven times face-to-face and providing direct intervention to the families' homes that were the targets of kabi's activities in the form of: 1. assessing family health and building a trusting relationship (bhsp) 2. check vital signs (blood pressure, pulse) 3. education on clean and healthy lifestyle (phbs) 4. education for pertamina's sahabat program and the benefits of owning the sukowati field 5. education 6 steps to washing hands 6. education on healthy homes and environmental health 7. health counseling according to family health problems experienced 8. basic health checkup (uric acid, blood sugar and cholesterol) 9. education about communicable and non-communicable diseases as well as the first method of treatment 10. education about the smell 11. education for handling poisoning journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 315 12. education about covid-19 kabi's mentoring activities were also an effort to introduce residents to the sahabat pertamina program and mapped residents' perceptions of the existence of sukowati field for intervention by providing education. from the results of the internal workshop, a phbs questionnaire and independent criteria prepared by pertamina's friends have been compiled together with academics from stikes icsada bojonegoro, to summarize and make the results of the questionnaire survey more specific to assist the company in carrying out competition program activities such as proper, pria, and others in carrying out mentoring activities for the assisted families, according to the discussion between pic sahabat pertamina and stikes icsada, a survey related to the kabi satisfaction index of the sahabat pertamina program was carried out and a survey about the introduction of kabi to the sukowati field manager, in this case, pt pertamina ep sukowati field. the purpose of involving village cadres is to make the survey results more significant by the village. in addition, the involvement of village cadres in assisted family activities is a form of village support organized by the pertamina friends program. the results of the assisted families in terms of clean and healthy family behavior in 6 villages in 2 districts of bojonegoro and tuban obtained results as shown in the diagram below: diagram 1. chart of phbs percentage of pertamina 900 friend's families before mentoring journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 316 diagram 2. chart of phbs percentage of pertamina 900 friend's families after mentoring the diagram shows that from 2018 to august 2021, as many as 900 families assisted by pertamina's friends were found in the initial survey of foster families in the healthy category at 24% and pre-healthy at 76%. after being assisted by the sahabat pertamina team by providing health education and procedures for implementing clean and healthy daily behavior, it was obtained from a total of 900 families, 74% in the healthy category and 26% in the pre-health category. community examination and treatment for health service activities in the form of examination and treatment for the community aimed at 2 bojonegoro regency and tuban regency with the number of activity targets from 2018 to 2021 reaching 4,400 target residents of the pertamina friends activity program. the criteria for the community examination and treatment participants are determined based on an agreement between the friends team, village midwife, cadre, and/or pkk chair including: 1. residents from 4 villages who have health complaints 2. aged 35 and over, 3. preference will be given to those who have not entered a foster family and 4. never participated in ppm before 5. provisions number 3 and 4 can be waived if the quota is still not met. 6. other criteria are determined by agreement. the implementation of ppm stikes icsada activities involves puskesmas, cadres and health workers in villages as part of implementing ppm to establish good and mutually supportive journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 317 relationships in improving community health status and strengthening support for the operationalization of ppm stikes icsada. sukowati field. coordination of the implementation of activities begins with an agreement on a schedule that synchronizes time between doctors, midwives, cadres and officers from stikes icsada. sustainable cadre the cadre class activity aims to provide additional competence to posyandu cadres as needed, provide education about oil and gas, and increase support from cadres in sukowati field operations. the theme is "improving the capacity of cadres to support a healthy indonesia". the ngampel village cadre class was held on june 24-25 2019. there were 20 training participants, village cadres, village midwives and nurses, and representatives from the cotton sub-district (bkkbn). the first-day speaker was ns. fatimatus zahro, s.kep about posyandu and posyandu governance, cadres are allowed to exchange opinions, solve various problems that are often faced when managing and implementing posyandu in ngampel village, and games to increase cadres' understanding of the posyandu implementation flow according to the modules, which the pertamina friends team has prepared. on the second day, ngampel village cadres received material related to communication with resource person m. abdul qohhar, s.sos.i, m.si. the implementation of the sambiroto village cadre class was held on 28-29 june 2019. the training participants from posyandu cadres were 20 people. the speaker on the first day was ns. ferawati, m.kep about the role and function of cadres in posyandu management. the second day with resource person m. abdul qohhar, s.sos.i, m.si with communication materials, hopes or achievements of this event is to increase the capacity of cadres, especially related to posyandu management and improve interpersonal and public speaking skills in helping carry out health promotion efforts the implementation of the campurejo village cadre class was held on 2-3 july 2019. participants consisted of 20 village health cadres, especially posyandu cadres. the material provided includes the roles and functions of cadres in posyandu management and effective communication. great cadre workshop for healthy indonesia this activity is a forum for pertamina ep to assist the government in tackling stunting. on november 29, 2019, at the andrawina aston hotel bojonegoro with the theme "prevent stunting, create a healthy generation of excellent indonesia". the results of the activities obtained are as follows: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 318 a. the participants who attended were 40 people, according to the target from ngampel village, sambiroto village, kapas district and campurejo village, bojonegoro district. b. the material on "optimizing stunting prevention efforts for superior human resources " has been delivered by mrs. erni ernawati, s.gz from the bojonegoro district health office representatives. c. the material on the importance of nutrition in preventing stunting was delivered by mrs. ida irawati, s.gz from a bojonegoro regional general hospital practitioner. d. he conveyed the commitment of pertamina ep asset 4 sukowati field to help improve public health status, including stunting prevention. e. the information conveyed that pertamina ep's concern was in the form of programs to empower the community to be more independent. f. the conveyance of csr programs from pertamina ep asset 4 sukowati field is to assist the government in improving the health status of the community, not taking over tasks or roles. g. formulation of action plans as a follow-up for each village, with clear activity plans and timelines. h. it was agreed on the monitoring of the action plan to be carried out by the pertamina friends team. i. the slogans for stunting prevention were created and displayed by the cadres of each village. new habit socialization socialization activities about new habits during the covid-19 pandemic in the bojonegeoro area, such as ngampel village, were carried out on 30 july 2020 and in campurejo village on 12 august 2020 and sambiroto village on 26 august 2020. while in tuban as in rahayu village, it was held on 9 september 2020, in kebonagung village on 23 september 2020, and in bulurejo village on 7 october 2020. each activity was attended by 20 cadres consisting of nurses and village midwives. participatory activities helping toddler posyandu activities to build a stronger relationship with posyandu cadres and residents, the sahabat pertamina paramedic team always assists the implementation of posyandu activities held in every village. in this posyandu activity, the team could build better communication with cadres, village midwives, parents of toddlers, and the next generation. posyandu activities for toddlers, the team helps midwives and cadres measure the growth and development of children/toddlers, consultations and health education, and other documentation activities. the number of beneficiaries from posyandu activities participated by the pertamina friends team per month is around 60-100 toddlers in three partner villages. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 319 helping the elderly posyandu activities besides assisting the activities of the toddler posyandu, the sahabat pertamina paramedic team also contributes to the implementation of the elderly posyandu, which is held in the village by the midwife and village cadre. the team's role is medical examinations for the elderly, health consultations, counseling, and teaching healthy gymnastics for the elderly. contributes other health service activities help to refer the existence of a health service car and a paramedic team brings considerable benefits to the residents of mitra village. residents can more easily obtain transportation when their family members need a fleet to go to the nearest health care to get medical services immediately. paramedic team in various activities the sahabat pertamina program in pertamina ep partner villages brings its benefits to the village government and local health centers, the sahabat pertamina team can assist in various health activities carried out by the village government or local health centers in providing services to village communities, related to the covid-19 pandemic especially. a team of paramedics on duty 24 hours can provide a sense of security and comfort to the residents of partner villages. in addition to the presence of a health service car, residents can use to go to the nearest health service, or hospital to receive intensive care, besides that the friends of pertamina team also helped in various implementations in accelerating the handling of covid-19 transmission organized by the village government and the local health center as for these activities, including: bojonegoro district 1. assist with disinfection and education activities related to covid 19 and cough ethics in sambiroto village 2. assist in the implementation of the rapid test 3. pick up residents who have finished isolation from the isolation place provided by the regional government 4. delivering isolated residents to isolation places provided by the regional government 5. together with the ngampel village task force, the pertamina friends team dispersed the crowd and imposed a curfew. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 320 6. the pertamina friends team served as a health guard team in the covid-19 control competition activity in campurejo village organized by the bojonegoro police and the covid-19 handling task force 7. the friends of pertamina team accompanied the covid-19 task force team in campurejo village to socialize and prevent covid which the bojonegoro police chief attended. 8. pertamina's friends team became health workers during the visit of the east java police chief, tangguh semeru village in campurejo village 9. assist in the implementation of the covid 19 ppe competition activity in campurejo village 10. education on covid-19 health protocols at every kabi visit 11. assist in the implementation of phase 1 vaccination in ngampel and sambiroto villages 12. conducting new normal socialization to village cadres 13. help deliver residents suspected of having covid-19 symptoms to the nearest hospital according to the direction of the local village midwife and nurse 14. help deliver residents for covid-19 isolation tuban district 1. home visit with the rahayu village midwife to provide education regarding covid-19 and recommend immediately check your health condition. 2. together with soko health center and rengel, pertamina's friends team carried out mobile socialization regarding the prevention of covid-19 transmission 3. together with soko health center, pertamina's friends team assist in the implementation of the rapid test 4. education on covid-19 health protocols at every visit of the fostered family 5. conducting new normal socialization to village cadres 6. assist with citizen tracing activities with midwives and village apparatus 7. assist in the implementation of vaccination for the people of rahayu village discussion in implementing the program, an appreciative inquiry approach is used by optimizing the positive potentials that exist to solve problems and lead to better changes, as well as a structural and cultural approach that considers the existing leadership hierarchy and community culture in carrying out the program that affects program implementation. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 321 the structural approach pattern carried to obtain program support starting from the district level to the village level, covering all sectors related to the program. this is done by holding hearings to explain the program to related parties to obtain a correct understanding of the program. the target beneficiaries of the program according to the types of activities arranged for one year are described in tables 1 and 2. table 1. program benefit receipt no activity benefit recipients volume location dorp district regency 1 examination and treatment for residents general public according to criteria 2,400 people (divided by 6 villages and 3 times the implementation) campurejo ngampel sambiroto bojonegoro dan kapas bojonegoro rahayu kebonangung bulurejo soko dan rengel tuban 2 assistance for fostered families (kabi) family 408 families campurejo ngampel sambiroto bojonegoro dan kapas bojonegoro rahayu kebonangung bulurejo soko dan rengel tuban 3 services related to the abnormal situation of sukowati field target villagers 6 villages campurejo ngampel sambiroto bojonegoro dan kapas bojonegoro rahayu kebonangung bulurejo soko dan rengel tuban table 2. additional activities strengthen program roots no activity benefit recipients volume location dorp district regency 1 helping posyandu elderly, toddlers and teenagers campurejo ngampel sambiroto bojonegoro dan kapas bojonegoro rahayu kebonangung bulurejo soko dan rengel tuban 2 help deliver residents to health care partner village 6 villages campurejo ngampel sambiroto bojonegoro dan kapas bojonegoro journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 322 rahayu kebonangung bulurejo soko dan rengel tuban 3 assist with other community health service activities partner village 6 villages campurejo ngampel sambiroto bojonegoro dan kapas bojonegoro rahayu kebonangung bulurejo soko dan rengel tuban 4 assist in the implementation of health programs carried out by primary health care and villages partner village 6 villages campurejo ngampel sambiroto bojonegoro dan kapas bojonegoro rahayu kebonangung bulurejo soko dan rengel tuban 5 helping to accelerate the handling of covid19 partner village 6 villages campurejo ngampel sambiroto bojonegoro dan kapas bojonegoro rahayu kebonangung bulurejo soko dan rengel tuban pertamina's community-based health awareness strengthening program (sahabat) uses an appreciative inquiry approach by looking for potentials and positive attitudes of residents or parties involved in the program combined with a community nursing approach that is quite effective in building closeness with residents, especially health cadres village. an audience with the local government activity needed to implement the sahabat pertamina program from both the bojonegoro regency and tuban regency governments. initial hearings before the program ran conducted at the district head, sub-district, village, and community health centers. program introduction and getting support from the government and related agencies in running the health program with pertamina ep. stakeholders are people or organizations who are exposed to or affected by the activities being measured. stakeholder identification is carried out by starting with reading the program report and then conducting an in-depth search through interviews and searching for supporting documents. the stakeholders involved in the sahabat pertamina program are detailed in table 3 below: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 323 table 3. key stakeholders no. activity key stakeholders reason for appointment as stakeholder key interest 1 family support fostered foster family (kabi) benefit recipients binaan (kabi) stikes icsada field executive drivers from residents local field executive 2 checkup and community medicine beneficiary community benefit recipients community medicine community medicine stikes icsada field executive village health cadres field executive doctor field executive midwife/nurse field executive village janitor field executive 3 health care car and paramedic team on duty beneficiary community benefit recipients stikes icsada field executive 4 health care services related to abnormal situations and daily monitoring beneficiary community benefit recipients stikes icsada field executive 5 cadre class health cadre benefit recipients 6 new normal socialization stikes icsada field executive 7 preparation and socialization sahabat pertamina sop stikes icsada field executive 8 audience with parties related stikes icsada field executive impact mapping impact mapping is the process of determining the impact received by each key stakeholder. this mapping is determined from interviews, discussions, also document reviews. table 4 below provides impact mapping information hipam program. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 324 table 4. impact mapping no. activity stakeholder key interest reason for stakeholder main interest impact received 1 family support foster familty (kabi) benefit recipients improving the quality of kabi's health. fostered (kabi) stikes icsada field executive get an internship place for alumni to be ready to work driver dari penduduk setempat field executive receive additional income 2 checkup and beneficiary community benefit recipients receive free examination and treatment services medicine stikes icsada field executive receive additional income village health cadres field executive receive additional income doctor field executive receive additional income midwife/nurse field executive receive additional income village janitor field executive receive additional income 3 health care car and paramedic team on duty beneficiary community benefit recipients receive free delivery services to the health facilities stikes icsada field executive receive additional income 4 health care services related to abnormal situations and daily monitoring recipient community benefit recipients increased sense of security and comfort for the community around sukowati field regarding the abnormal condition of sukowati field and increasing support and trust in sukowati field managers. stikes icsada field executive receive additional income 5 cadre class health cadres benefit recipients increased knowledge and skills of village health cadres in implementing village community health promotions and improving interpersonal skills in public speaking. 6 new normal socialization stikes icsada field executive receive additional income health cadres benefit recipients gaining more insight into the ways to coexist in the era of the covid-19 pandemic, so that cadres village health, provide health education to rural communities 7 preparation and socialization sahabat pertamina sop pt pertamina ep – sukowati field investors pertamina friends sop formed thereby facilitating future community development activities. stikes icsada field executive receive additional income 8 audience with parties pt pertamina ep – sukowati field investors streamlining future community development activities. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 325 related stikes icsada field executive receive additional income conclusion the sahabat pertamina program from 2017 to 2021 carried out by pt pertamina ep – sukowati field can provide social impacts for stakeholders. the sahabat pertamina program is considered capable of providing added value to the community. evaluation of this program is needed so that social impact intensity, especially by tracing the benefits of the output of this program for the benefit of the widest user community. the program's social impact is a change in the behavior of the community and groups that previously only relied on health services and medicines, became active in planting vegetables and medicines for nutrition, increasing immunity, and handling health complaints. the environmental impact of this program is a reduction in the use of chemical fertilizers by farmers who are replaced with manure, and the planting of vegetables and medicinal plants in people's yards. the economic impact of this program is an increase in community income from clean water and manure production. acknowledgment pt pertamina ep sukowati field initiated this community empowerment through the csr program. we thank the community leaders and the local government of tuban and bojonegoro regency, east java province for providing the necessary sources of information. references al-mamun, a., & seamer, m. 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(2020). employees‘ perception of csr in a specific post-socialist context: the case of serbia. journal of east european management studies. https://doi.org/10.5771/0949-6181-2020-1-55 wardhani, j. v., widianingsih, l. p., & karundeng, f. (2019). the effect of company size, profitability, leverage, and management ownership towards the level of corporate social responsibility (csr) disclosure. journal of accounting, entrepreneurship and financial technology (jaef). https://doi.org/10.37715/jaef.v1i1.1338 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 327 zainal, r. i. (2019). analysis of csr legislation in indonesia: mandate to business. business and economic research. https://doi.org/10.5296/ber.v9i3.14978 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 281 developing a small enterprise business model with zero waste management systems approach: a case study in fish processing at dongin village, central sulawesi, indonesia abidzar akman1, kikie m rijkie1, abdul syakur masulili1, ramona ginting1, bayu ananta1, m abrar putra1, nonon saribanon2* 1pertamina ep donggi matindok field, 2 universitas nasional nonon.saribanon@civitas.unas.ac.id (*corresponding author) abstract: zero waste is a goal that is ethical, economical, efficient and visionary, to guide people in changing their lifestyles and practices to emulate sustainable natural cycles, where all discarded materials are designed to become resources for others to use. in coastal area of banggai, economic activities in fisheries with zero waste approach is implemented also to increase the added value of fish. fish processing activities into food products cannot be separated from the waste generated. waste generated from fish processing is in the form of bone, head, and entrails of fish. the amount and intensity of waste that appears can be reduced by applying the concept of zero waste through optimizing the use of waste generated during the fish processing process. the application of the zero waste concept provides benefits and reduces waste handling activities. from processing activities, there was an increase in the added value of rp. 34,079,315.00. if calculated as an increase in income for members, this activity increases income by rp. 236,661.91 per member per month or 10.10% of the umr of banggai regency (rp.2,343,970,-), and the ability to prevent waste generation by 75.61 kg per year. keywords: community empowerment, zero-waste, malalgis fish submission : may, 23rd 2022 revision : june 19th 2022 publication : august 30th 2022 introduction dongin village is one of the villages in west toili district. this village is located along the dongin coast. dongin village has a unique graphic contour, namely coastal areas, rice fields and hills. according to the source of income data, most of the dongin villagers are in the marine sector (badan pusat statistik, 2020). fishermen are the livelihood of most of the residents of this village. however, most of the dongin villagers are still below the welfare threshold. this is influenced by several factors, namely the lack of managerial ability, a culture of saving that is still low, the low quality of human resources and difficulties in accessing. in addition to these factors, there are also natural factors that are difficult to mailto:nonon.saribanon journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 282 control. when the season is not good (bad weather), fishermen cannot go to sea at all, as a result, they have no income. if the sea season is good, the catches of fishermen are abundant and they have difficulty selling their catch. therefore, most fishermen sell their caught fish to collectors at a lower price (pt. pertamina ep, 2020a) one way to improve the economy of people engaged in fisheries is to increase the added value of fish. fish processing activities are one way to increase the added value. however, fish processing activities into food products cannot be separated from the waste generated. waste generated from fish processing is in the form of bone, head, and entrails of fish. handling this waste safely requires a large amount of money. the amount and intensity of waste that appears can be reduced by applying the concept of zero waste through optimizing the use of waste generated during the fish processing process (haryati & munandar, 2012). the application of the zero waste concept will provide benefits and reduce waste handling activities (sulaeman, 2008). the purpose of this activity is to determine the social impact of program implementation, determine the economic impact caused by program implementation, and find out how much the program contributes to saving the environment (pt. pertamina ep, 2021). method the research was carried out on august 13-21, 2020. the research location was in dongin village, west toili district, banggai regency, central sulawesi province. the object of this research is a member of the baronang food group as the executor of fish processing based on the zero waste concept and the dongin village community. data and information were obtained through various ways of taking information, including in-depth interviews, observation of measured data, literature studies (lembaga penelitian dan pemberdayaan masyarakat “omah cipta,” 2017). in-depth interviews were conducted to obtain information related to the socio-economic conditions of the community before and after the program, the physical condition of the environment, the impact of program implementation. the informants in this interview are key informants who come from the fish processing implementing group, the local government, and related stakeholders. observation of the measured data is carried out at the fish processing location based on the zero waste concept and the environment around the processing site. the parameters observed include parameters related to processing activities, waste facilities, community sanitation habits, social conditions, economic conditions, and the impact of program implementation. literature study was conducted to support justification and conclusion based on primary and secondary data obtained. the literature used is in the form of research journals, books and other scientific manuscripts (lembaga penelitian dan pemberdayaan masyarakat “omah cipta,” 2017). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 283 observation variables include social aspects, economic aspects, and environmental aspects. the social aspect is seen from the culture of togetherness, relationships between individuals, and stakeholder support. observations on social aspects are carried out by conducting in-depth interviews with community leaders, government leaders, and local community members. the economic aspects observed are the main livelihood, the role of women in the effort to fulfill the economy, the economic analysis of processing activities. information on this aspect was obtained through in-depth interviews with the community, community leaders, and village government as well as secondary data from the village government, and members of the baronang food group. as for the environmental aspect, the things observed were the sanitation of community settlements, the habit of managing waste by the community, and the pile of garbage. data related to the potential for waste generation and reduction from processing activities were obtained through in-depth interviews with community members, community leaders, and village government as well as observation of measured data (pt. pertamina ep, 2020b). result and discussion social aspect one of the supporting factors and even determinants of success in community empowerment activities are social capital. social capital is a concept with various interrelated definitions, which are based on the value of social networks. social capital will be able to work well if a set of social systems support it. one of the important aspects of social capital is the relationship between individuals in society (bebbington, 2006). the dongin village community has experienced various social, cultural, and economic dynamics. more or less this dynamic has an impact on the social character of the community. if in general, the character of rural communities has a very high mutual trust between individuals, some of these rural communities do not show this. various conflicts, both small scale, and even larger scale arise from this mutual distrust. cohesiveness between residents is not easy to build. this possibility is related to the condition of welfare which is still relatively low. realizing this, one of the first steps that need to be the main focus of the non-technical aspect is to take various emotional approaches, the goal is to make it easier to strengthen the community. as a result, there is an increase in community cohesiveness and a sense of community. this phenomenon shows that in community empowerment activities, it takes a companion who can approach the emotion to the community. through this empowerment program, a stronger social structure is formed that can be used as social capital (pt. pertamina ep, 2020b). economic aspect community independence is a condition experienced by the community which is characterized by the ability to think, decide and do something that is deemed appropriate to achieve solving problems faced by using the power/ability possessed. when referring to the data and conditions journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 284 in the field, most of the dongin village community are still below the threshold of economic independence. the existence of this program has not completely overcome this problem, but it has been able to increase the income of the fostered partners. if viewed from a simple economic analysis, the business run by the fostered partners is a business that is very feasible to be appointed to the msme business realm. the concept brought from this program is the concept of an environmentally friendly small business through minimizing the waste generated. even further, waste by-products from the fish sauce production process can be processed into products that have economic value that is not inferior to the main product (lembaga penelitian dan pemberdayaan masyarakat “omah cipta,” 2020). main product economic analysis (sambal fish) production cost fixed cost (fc) fixed costs are calculated based on the estimation accumulated depreciation of equipment and supporting facilities used in the production process. in the fish processing process, the fixed cost is rp. 25,000.00. variable cost (vc) variable costs are costs incurred for the purchase of all consumables used in each production process. the following is a breakdown of consumables used in the production process of fish sauce (main product): table 1. raw materials and costs incurred for the production of fish sauce. ingredients total weight cost (rp) fish 7000 gr 140.000 small chilli 1500 gr 45.000 curly chilli 500 gr 30.000 coconut oil 4 liter 60.000 shallot 500 gr 25.000 garlic 250 gr 10.000 sugar 500 gr 9.000 packaging and labels 40 gr 140.000 bbm 35.000 subtotal 494,000 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 285 the total cost of products used in each fish sauce production process is rp. 25,000.00 + rp.494,000.00 = rp. 519.000, 00. number of products produced each time of production: 39 packs, product price per pack: idr 25,000.00. sales proceeds: 39 x rp. 25,000.00 = rp. 975,000.00 gross profit: rp. 975,000.00 – rp. 519.000,00 = rp. 456,000.00, r/c ratio: rp. 975,000.00/rp.519. 0000.00 = 1.88. revenue cost ratio (r/c ratio) is a feasibility analysis test with a comparison between total income and total costs incurred. the criteria used in this analysis are if the r/c value > 1 then the business is said to be profitable and feasible to run because the amount of income is greater than the costs incurred, and vice versa. (asnidar & asrida, 2017). when viewed from the variable r/c ratio, the business of processing malalagis fish into fish sauce is very feasible to be appointed as an msme business. every rp1,000.00 of capital issued will result in rp.1,000.00 (baronang, 2021). when talking about the business of processing raw materials, it is closely related to how much the process can increase the added value of the product. the greater the increase in added value, the better the process. from this understanding, the definition of added value is the excess difference between the value of the product and the value of the input costs, excluding labor costs (tim kajian nilai tambah, 2012). based on this statement, the added value of processing malalagis fish into fish sauce products is rp. 65,142.86/kg of fish (pt. pertamina ep, 2021) . economic analysis of sticks by-products from fishbone waste production costfixed cost (fc) the estimated accumulated depreciation of the equipment and supporting facilities used in the production process of fishbone sticks is rp. 10,000.00 variable cost (vc) table 2. materials and costs for the production of fish sticks ingredients total weight cost (rp) fishbone 700 gr 0 butter 350 gr 14.000 coconut cream 7 pcs 15.000 starch 2800 gr 21.000 wheat 7000 gr 70.000 shallot 600 gr 14.000 garlic 1000 gr 21.000 egg 5 butir 10.000 c cooking oil 3500 ml 42.000 flavoring 4 bks 2.000 bbm 10.000 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 286 total production cost(vc+fc): idr 282,000 + idr 10,000 = idr 292,000.00. number of products produced each time of production: 84 packs (@125 grams). product price per pack: idr 5,000.00. sales proceeds: 84 x idr 5,000.00 = idr 420,000.00. gross profit: idr 420,000.00 – idr 292,000.00 = idr 128,000.00. r/c ratio: idr 420,000.00 / idr 292,000.00 = 1.44. similar to the results of the main product r/c ratio analysis, processed by-products also produce a fairly high r/c ratio, namely 1.44. each capital spent on product processing in the amount of rp. 1,000.00 will bring in an income of rp. 1,440.00(baronang, 2021) . thus, the business of processing fish bone waste into fish stick products can be said to be very feasible to be developed into an msme business. in addition, when viewed in terms of increasing added value, the processing of fishbone waste can increase the added value of rp. 18,285.71/bone waste produced from 1 kg of fish raw materials. liquid organic fertilizer fill fish stomach production cost fixed cost the estimated accumulated depreciation of the equipment and supporting facilities used in the production process of fishbone sticks is rp. 10,000.00 variable cost cost (vc) table 3. materials and costs required for the production of liquid organic fertilizer ingredients total weight cost (rp) entrails fish 600 gr 0 sugar 380 gr 17.500 kitchen waste 750 gr 0 6400 water ml 700 package 7 pcs 3.500 sticker 7 lbr 7.000 subtotal 28.700 packaging and labels 84 pcs 63.000 subtotal 282.000 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 287 total production cost(vc+fc): idr 28,700.00 + idr 5,000.00 = idr 33,700.00. number of products produced each time of production: 7.5 packs (@ 1000 ml). product price per pack: rp15.000,00. sales proceeds: 7.5 x rp. 15,000.00 = rp. 112,500.00. gross profit: rp.112.500.00 – rp.33.700.00 = rp.78.800.00, r/c ratio: rp.112.500.00/rp.33.700.00 = 3.34. far above the value of the r/c ratio of the main product and processed fish stick products, the processing of by-products in the form of fish stomach contents into liquid organic fertilizer produces a very high r/c ratio of 3.34. this figure shows that the processing of fish stomach contents into liquid organic fertilizer is very feasible to cultivate. the increase in added value resulting from this waste treatment is rp11,257.14/waste entrails produced from 1 kg of fish (baronang, 2021) . table 4. records of baronang food production during the program production quantity (packaging) income frequency month fish sambal fish stick organic fertilizer group production march institutional formation and strengthening april production preparation, trial and formulation may* 76 157 15 rp2.910.000,00 2 times june 152 333 30 rp5.915.000,00 4 times july 196 397 22 rp7.215.000,00 5 times august 201 409 23 rp7.415.000,00 5 times total 625 1.296 90 rp23.455.000,00 16 kali * starting at the beginning of the third week. source: baronang food group data, 2021 at this stage, within three months it can produce 625 packages of fish sauce (75 kg), 1,296 packages of fishbone sticks (162 kg), and 90 bottles of liquid organic fertilizer (90 liters). if you look at the trend of the data, in a year the baronang food group is able to produce around 2,142 bottles of fish chili sauce (257.04 kg), 4,443 packages of fish bone sticks (555.38 kg) and 309 packages of liquid organic fertilizer (309 liters). from these processing activities, by applying the concept of zero waste, there is an increase in the added value of rp. 34,079,315.00. if calculated as an increase in income for members, this activity increases income by rp. 236,661.91 per member per month or 10.10% of the umr of banggai regency (rp.2,343,970,-). environmental aspect through this program, it is possible to reduce waste generation which is usually generated from each fish processing process. the following is a form of waste that can be reduced: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 288 table 5 . fish waste generation reduction bahan ikan sampel (gr) rerata presentase i ii iii iv v (gr) (%) total fish weight 983,8 966,7 945,5 969,1 1.010,4 975,1 100 bones and head 108,3 98,7 121,9 100,8 99,3 105,8 10,85 stomach contents 86,8 76,4 90,1 88,3 89,4 86,2 8,84 ** weighing with 1 kg of fresh malanggis fish based on the data above, the consumption index (edible part ratio) of the average malalgis fish is 80.31%. generally, the largest part of the part that is not consumed is the bones and heads of fish. however, through fish processing based on this zero waste concept, the bones and heads of fish are processed into products that can be consumed. in other words, this program can increase the edible part ratio by 10.85%. even though it is not the main raw material, in the process of processing fish sticks, this waste of fish bones and heads has an important role in providing flavor to the resulting product. processing of liquid organic fertilizer made from fish entrails waste can eliminate the waste generation of 8.84% of the fresh weight of malalgis fish used in each processing process (program ppm dmf olahan ikan, 2021). table 6. reduction of fish waste generation per time period bone (gr) entrails (gr) total (gr) every time production 759,50 618,8 1.378,3 production per month 3.472 2.828,8 6.300,8 production per year 41.664 33.945,6 75.609,6 * each production uses 7 kg of fish; production 16 times/3.5 months if accumulated, the fish processing based on the zero waste concept carried out by the baronang food group is able to eliminate the generation of large amounts of waste. every year, the group's activities are able to eliminate 41.64 kg of bone and fish head waste and 33.95 kg of fish gut waste so that if accumulated, the ability to prevent waste generation from the activities carried out is 75.61 kg per year (baronang, 2021). conclusion the positive impact of empowerment can increase a sense of community and strengthen relationships between members (socially). the increase in added value in the production of main products, by-products, liquid organic fertilizer from fish intestines shows the added value and is very feasible to become a household-scale fish processing group (msme). it can journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 289 be seen from the analysis of revenue cost ratio (r/c ratio) if the r/c value > 1 then the business is said to be profitable and feasible to run because the amount of income is greater than the number of costs incurred, and vice versa. the positive impact from the environmental aspect is indicated by the ability to eliminate 41.64 kg of bone and fish head waste and 33.95 kg of fish gut waste so that if accumulated, the ability to prevent waste generation is 75.61 kg per year. this figure is big enough for the group, but not big enough for the wider community. the hope is that fish processing activities based on the zero waste concept can inspire the general public so that the environmental impact that can be overcome can be even greater. acknowledgement this community empowerment was initiated by pt pertamina ep asset 4 donggi matindok field through the csr program. we thank the community leaders and the local government of dongin village, toili barat subdistrict, banggai regency, central sulawesi province for providing the necessary sources of information. references asnidar & asrida. (2017). analisis kelayakan usaha home industry kerupuk opak di desa paloh meunasah dayah kecamatan muara satu kabupaten aceh utara. jurnal s. pertanian, 1(1), 39–47. badan pusat statistik. (2020). kecamatan toili barat dalam angka. jakarta pusat : badan pusat statistik. badan pusat statistik jakarta pusat. baronang, k. (2021). catatan produksi kelompok baronang. bebbington. empowerment social capital as idea and practice at the world bank. (kumarian press inc.,2006) haryati, s., & munandar, a. (2012). penerapan konsep zero waste pada pengolahan abon ikan bandeng (chanos chanos). jurnal perikanan dan kelautan, ii(2), 127–130. lembaga penelitian dan pemberdayaan masyarakat “omah cipta.” (2017). pemetaan sosial dan analisis kebutuhan desa kamiwangi dan desa dongin, desa sindangsari kecamatan toili barat, kabupaten banggai sulawesi tengah. lembaga penelitian dan pemberdayaan masyarakat “omah cipta.” (2020). pemetaan sosial dan analisis kebutuhan desa sindangsari, desa kamiwangi dan desa dongin, kecamatan toili barat, kabupaten banggai sulawesi tengah. program ppm dmf olahan ikan. (2021). oli rante ( olahan ikan dengan menerapkan konsep zero waste). pt. pertamina ep. (2020a). dokumen ringkasan kinerja pengelolaan lingkungan. 26. pt. pertamina ep. (2020b). pengembangan masyarakat pesisir pantai: pengembangan masyarakat melalui kelompok pengolah ikan berbasis konsep zero waste di desa dongin. 142. pt. pertamina ep. (2021). olahan ikan nir limbah. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 3, august , 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 290 sulaeman, d. (2008). prinsip menciptakan agro-industri ramah lingkungan. plant engineer (london), 53(nov/dec), 12–13. tim kajian nilai tambah. (2012). kajian nilai tambah produk pertanian. badan kebijakan fiskal, 6. https://www.kemenkeu.go.id/sites/default/files/nilai tambah produk pertanian.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 16 information communication technology and the question of state security : the malaysia experience zaini othman international relations program university of malaysia sabah zo@ums.edu.my abstract : in the modern age, the increasing use and exploration of information technology and the internet by hackers has created a new security threat to the integrity and sociopolitical stability of the malaysian nation. malaysia is not only one of the most dynamic developing countries in the region, but it is also facing many border disputes and terrorism with its neighboring countries. for example, maritime and territorial disputes between malaysia and indonesia, malaysia and philippines, as well as sovereignty disputes with singapore over part rocks island with singapore. these disputes not only dragged diplomatic diplomats among the two political leaders of the country, but also involved cyber-hacking between countries. for example, cyber-attacks have taken place, when disputes over ownership of the ambalat block and east ambalat block in the makassar strait are at its peak between malaysia and indonesia. the attack has resulted in severe damage to a number of government sites owned by both countries. this paper analyzes the emerging role of information technology, the internet and hackers as a potential future security threat to the malaysian nation and society, both international and domestic. keyword : information communication technology, state security, malaysia experience introduction terms such as cyber power, the internet, virtual space, and information communication technology (ict) have, in many cases, dominated the lives and social systems of the world to date. the political system of a society is also no exception from the dominance and influence of these terms especially ict. for example in the context of a democratic system, the dissemination of information has form as an important element or a fundamental condition for the healthy development of democratic polity and values to be flourished within such democratic society. hence, the definition of democracy would be incomplete without the freedom of information, the elements of transparency, the freedom of the press and other media as well as various issues related to the basics of information such as level of literacy within society, better access to the education and systematic improved of it infrastructure. mailto:zo@ums.edu.my journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 17 thus, this has made the mosaic of community in managing their daily activities becoming more dependent on ict than ever before. half a century ago, these phenomenon was something that had never been anticipated; except to specific individuals, groups who have direct links to the science of fiction. one of the most obvious things in the context of these developments is the emergence of a new form of power called as cyber power; which in many cases has a strong influence and dominance on the development of a state societal and public system, particularly on the aspect of security. the unprecedented reliance on computer systems and information technology has brought a new form of threat to the well-being of nations, especially in terms of political stability. for example, cyber threats or cyber warfare launched by one country over another; similar threats may be faced by specific individuals or groups in one country against particular parties located in another country; carried out on specific motives or with specific agendas and purposes through a network of computer systems. imagine, our society or country in the future: a certain group or group of people who are well-versed in computer knowledge, called hackers, disrupting central electric power computer systems; making false alerts to the country's traffic system; and then sent the news via e-mail and short message to the public mobile phone saying that the government had circulated an order for everyone not to leave their home until a notice was issued? given consideration on the mosaic and culture of life to date that heavily rely on ict as well computer networking system (cns), it is very likely that in the near future the same phenomenon will take place in our society. case in point is most of the critical infrastructure (in modern nation state to date) such as banking and financial systems; power supply; telecommunications and information; gas and petroleum production; transportation; water supply; emergency services; as well as the public service are very much associate with ict and cns. this paper aims to study and analyze the role of hackers as a potential new form of threat to the future survival of our nation and society. in doing so, this paper will distinguish three types of activities often used by hackers in the context of security threats to a country's ict and cns network system. first, demonic activity refers to any form of action or action that is defamatory or offensive to the computer system of a company, group or government that reflects the conduct of a protest against the activity of that company, group or government. second, cyber-terrorist activities are defined as premeditated, politically motivated attack against information, computer systems, computer programs, and data which results in violence against non-combatant targets by sub-nationals groups or clandestine agents. third, cyber-war, refers to the activities carried out by hostile hackers and illegal encroachment on computer systems and networks. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 18 discussion hackers, cyber-terrorits and cyber-war: defining the parameter hack is an act or action that is falsely accused or intruded into a computer system; whose actions are based on political and social motives. individuals who perform these 'actions' are called hackersactivists. they are very knowledgeable about the intricacies of computer systems. hackers are completely different from hackers-activists. the average hacker is acting out of desperation by wanting or finding out; while the hackers-activists are working to persuade the world community that their behavior is civil-disobedience in nature (michelle. 2017). the activists carry out their own acts of aggression either alone or in cooperation with the idol activists who have the same goal of fighting each other, whether politically or socially. the earliest idea of the term hackers-activist was first coined by john perry barlow, co-founder of the electronic frontier foundation in 1996 in his declaration on “independence of cyberspace”. in the modern world to date, "extreme" exploitation of information technology and internet by hackers, as mentioned earlier, has created a new threat to the internal integrity of a nation. activists see cyberspace as a way or tool for non-state actors to enter into the arena of conflict, whether national or international. in recent times, hacks has emerged as a global phenomenon and is so common in the context of international it and internet systems. hack has covered many aspects of attacks in the context of cyber-space; all of these attacks are the result of acts of hacks that are politically motivated, jealousy-nationalism, excitement, curiosity, profit and personal revenge. based on recent developments, hacks has become a very popular "ism" of cyber-world or cyber-media and has many followers. this is due to the unprecedented and rapid growth of the internet in all parts of the world. for example, in the asia-pacific region, telecommunications networks have grown so fast that their size has expanded over the last 5 years and is expected to grow over the next 5 years. in this context, the threat of cyberwar is a real and very serious issue for every nation in the region. for example, malaysia is one of the countries in the southeast asian region that is very advanced in terms of telecommunications network infrastructure, ranked 2nd, after singapore, and ranked 27th in the world in 2016. however, in terms of information technological access, malaysian covers only 42.2 per cent; that is, by comparison, much lower than the rate of information technological access of the people in the countries such as singapore, japan and south korea; which covers up to 60-70 percent of users (auerbach & william, 2000). the asia-pacific region is not only a dynamic region in terms of technological development, population, and economic growth; but also a region that is flooded with international conflict among countries in the region, as well as other political power-house from different region. among the escalations of international conflict disputes that have been journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 19 around for decades are the kashmir conflict between india and pakistan, the “bangsamoro” nationalist separatist movement in the mindanao region of philippines; maritime border disputes between malaysia and indonesia, malaysia and singapore; and the most popular is the spratly islands rights dispute involving many countries in the southeast asian region as well as countries in east asia such as china and taiwan. the aforementioned conflicts have not only been around for a long time and have involved diplomatic disputes among political leaders between countries, but have also involved conflict over the inter-state hackers (barlow, 2006.). for example, the conflict between the moors and the philippine government as well as the indonesian islamic movement [ji] with the indonesian government; the 2 supporters of the organization have committed cyber-attacks as well as cyber-crimes against their respective governments; as a form of attack and threat in the struggle of these organizations. this situation was once described by winston churchill during world war ii as the "wizard war". this means that the phrase "wizard war" revealed by churchill half a century ago [during the second world war], has re-emerged in the form of cyber space as a new field or battlefield. in other words, wherever there is a physical or conventional conflict between nations, there will be cyber conflict between the hackers of the country involved (). one of the most popular forms of cyber-attacks among hackers is the website defacement. the act or deed of damaging the enemy's web site is one of the forms of hacker war activity; where the enemy's web site will be destroyed; and this action is not confined to a specific location or boundary; it is common for activists to carry out their actions or attacks from various locations and levels. because the internet world is not in a physical state or has a specific physical location, any individual, group or organization that is activist can attack the enemy from any location. for example, a cyber-attack campaign aimed at destroying the website occurred during a dispute between the malaysian and indonesian governments over the issue of ownership of the ambalat block as well as the east ambalat in makassar strait in 2005. as tensions escalated between the 2 countries, cyber-attacks on the website of malaysia also increased significantly. malaysian websites have received attacks and their content has been destroyed. websites owned by the government administration also received attacks accompanied by insults and hate speech against the government. the malaysian computer emergency response team [mycert or malaysian computer emergency response team] reported that 256 malaysian websites had received attacks and hacked in the first quarter of 2005, compared to 42 websites in the first quarter of the previous year. among the high profile websites that were hacked in the attack were the malaysian multimedia and communications commission [mcmc] and the university of science malaysia [usm] website. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 20 malaysian activists have carried out counter-attacks and have successfully hacked 36 indonesian websites and among indonesian high profile websites being hacked and destroyed including indonesia's department of homeland security. however, there is a skeptical side to the cyber-attack. this is due to ambiguous nature of the cyber community such as the anonymity, has made it difficult for the analysts to point precisely that the cyber-attackers on the 2 websites of the country are malaysians or indonesians. (devi, 2017). based on the expert's analysis of the cyber-attack; they concluded that the attack was unintentional and unprofessional. the attack was according to experts solely in the wake of activists; that is, they do not receive support or assistance from the governments of the 2 countries involved. the issue of ambalat, is not the first incident where a malaysian website was hacked or attacked and destroyed. it is well known and well understood that the level of security of the malaysian internet is not in a secure and reliable condition. for example, in june 2015, activists sympathetic to the kashmir independence struggle launched a cyber-attack and destroyed the malaysian government's website. the attack is a manifestation of how cyber space and ict influence can threaten a country's defense system at any time (devi, 2017). meanwhile, terrorist organizations as well as radical organizations use information technology and the internet for various purposes; these include the process of identifying and training new members of the group, planning acts of terrorism and propaganda campaigns. cyber-terrorists tend to resort to cyber-attacks as a method of attack because it gives them many advantages, including: 1. cheaper than traditional method; 2. cyber terrorist activities or actions that are difficult to detect; 3. this method is able to protect their activities from being detected by the authorities; 4. able to do activities wherever they are; 5. this method is capable of targeting larger goals. thus, the information technology revolution that is affecting the world today, provides similar opportunities for terrorist organizations operating in the region to intensify their struggles and activities. for example, a thousand terrorist organizations in southeast asia, have used and manipulated the internet in their ideological dissemination activities to the public in the region. these developments indirectly exposed the threat of political stability to countries in the region. armed terrorist groups are no longer just rifles and bombs; now the weaponry of these groups includes mini-cam, video-tape, cd-roms’, laptops, cdburners, e-mail accounts, and including the construction of specific website. two well-known terrorist / radical groups in the region, abu-sayyaf and ji, are among the groups that are actively using the internet and it as the new "weapon" to achieve their goals. ji, for example, was the earliest radical group in adopting it and the internet as a tool for the struggle and propaganda of the group, in particular the agenda of spreading the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 21 islamic caliphate. apart from abu-sayyaf & ji, the ltte was once among the terrorists responsible for carrying out a series of cyber-attacks against the sri lankan embassy's worldwide computerized computer network in 1997. using the message "we are the internet black tigers and we are doing this to disrupt your communications”, the ltte has successfully disrupted the sri lankan embassy's computerized computer network, and the message clearly proves they were responsible for the hacking activities way back in 1997 (arquilla & john, 2016). in light of the recent rapid developments in the cyber world, it is not surprising that today, most countries in the world today are developing and implementing cyber strategies to suppress and destroy their enemy's defense structures. cyber-warfare is seen as a form of military power deployment that can act as a multiplier. small-sized countries that have been unable to match the powers of conventional powers, have now begun to move towards developing and strengthening their it and internet facilities. in the asian region, for example, china is seen as one of the most active countries in developing their cyber warfare facilities and infrastructure; and this development is seen as a threat to the security of other countries in the region. information technology & security threats: the malaysian experience as explained at the beginning of this discussion, this paper attempts to discuss how this development of it has had a profound impact on a country's political viability and security, especially in terms of security. it is well known that freedom of speech in malaysia has always been controlled and influenced by the government, but with this development (and coincidentally supported by the government itself with the construction of the msc) has accelerated the development of democracy, especially in terms of democratic space. malaysian prime minister tun dr mahathir mohamad could be considered the person responsible for this development as he seeks to enhance the use of it in the community by launching a project called the multimedia super corridor (msc). the project is an attempt to develop the use of it as described by asian wall street journal as follows: “it is dr. mahathir who is most responsible for making the internet accessible to ordinary malaysians. in 1996, the technology-loving premier launched the multimedia super corridor, an ambitious plan to wire a strip of real estate with telecommunications powerful enough to support "smart" schools, a paperless government, telemedicine and a center for software development, among other things (asian wall street journal 30 march 1999).” in this regard the government under his administration has also doubled down on this agenda. for example, in 1997, the government launched an it use campaign among citizens across the country. in order to improve the raising awareness of the peoples towards the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 22 use of it, government through programs broadcast on television, has play-down several slogan such as “accept it”, “learn it”, “use it” and “love it”. the internet in malaysia has evolved since the early 1990s. it is not only subject to internet and email but also involves many other information technology tools as mentioned above. this effort appears to be fruitful with the increasing number of people using this service. out of the total 2 million people surveyed, it was estimated that in 1999 an estimated 480,000 people were using the internet and this number is increasing over time (awsj 30 march 1999). the presence of the internet has facilitated the dissemination of information to various parties including governments, political organizations and individuals. political parties have leveraged this ict by building their website and sharing a wealth of information as well as providing a wide range of interaction and views. activists and the public can communicate with each other more quickly and efficiently. however, the use of it has grown exponentially in the wake of the arrest of former deputy prime minister [tpm] of malaysia anwar ibrahim and the rise of a gerakan reformasi [reform movements] in malaysia. reports from the international media say that ict was fully utilized by his supporters [anwar ibrahim] to expose to the public about the movements: at 9 pm on september 20, 1998, when masked policemen armed with submachine guns stormed into the home of malaysia's sacked deputy premier anwar ibrahim, it was not the local television stations or even cnn which were the first to break the news of the historic arrest. just minutes after the arrest, an email alert from a supporter present at the house was sent out to newsgroups and discussion lists on the internet, giving thousands of malaysians access to vivid details of the events that night. it signaled a crucial turning point in malaysia's political landscape--the internet had arrived (sabri zain 6 ogos 99). since then, various sympathetic and supportive sites that support the former tpm leadership have been built on the internet. the numbers are huge and difficult to calculate. since september 2, 1998, the date on which the former tpm was detained for the first time, over 50 internet sites have been created to provide alternative views to the mainstream media. a spokesperson for tmnet (malaysia's largest internet service owner) said that previously, only about 9,000 new applications were received per month to subscribe, however, since the tpm detention case, applications for internet subscription purposes have increased dramatically by an increase of 14,000 per month (awsj, march 30, 1999). the average new customer is a supporter of the gerakan reformasi in malaysia. in the early stages of the movement, among the first sites to be established were anwar.com, anwar online, reform page, conspiracy, reform.com and anwar org. when most of the daily newspapers run by the ruling party made various nasty statements that demeaned anwar ibrahim's leadership, widely regarded as the idol of the public, anwar online's website was set up just two days after his arrest to deny all allegations and highlight their truth. (awsj, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 23 march 30, 99). a few days later dozens of new sites were created specifically to give birth to the same aspirations. with the advent of various web pages the focus of it is growing. visits are becoming more frequent and information disseminated is ever-expanding, constantly updated and up-todate. suddenly, the public's response to the local press has been declining. information obtained from distributors of mainstream newspapers around kuala lumpur states that for the period 1998-1999, the response and sales of utusan melayu (the malay post) and daily news have decreased by 40%. the public is beginning to feel uneasy with the local newspapers that are seen to be biased. some of the news published by mainstream newspapers has questioned the validity of the news. for example, news of the gathering of the reform movement was attended by tens of thousands, but mainstream newspapers in their news reports said only a few hundred were present. this question marks the truth of the news reported by the mainstream newspapers. this can be viewed from the excerpts obtained from some of the following sites: "just by looking at a reformasi site, you are making a statement that you reject the mainstream media," says sumitra visvanathan, 30, webmaster of saksi.com, or "witness." photographs and eyewitness accounts on saksi of the 40,000 to 60,000 strong crowd that gathered in the capital to hear datuk seri anwar the day he was arrested attracted 20,000 hits the day they were posted, says ms. visvanathan. she says saksi isn't strictly a reform site: "we don't glorify anwar and we don't just knock mahathir." for example the justice page was built in respond to and compete against pro-reform sites but it did not get good support. a may 1999 report stated that the site received only 18,000 visits compared with those who supported the reform. to date, the so-called reformasi supporters have reached more than 200,000 visits, far exceeding the justice page (new sunday times 23 may 1999). email especially mailing-list is also a growing electronic link in line with it developments such as sangkancil, titiwangsa, anwar-net. hizbi-net, fair net, sarawak talk and news-malaysia. it has emerged as a field of free expression. these opinions will be read by others and will be commented or answered so that sometimes it leads to long arguments. in sangkancil for example, political, economic and social issues are the main issues in the discussion. there were also discussions about religion in particular islam and it attracted many commentators including from other religions. what is certain is that the customer here must be moderate in their intelelctual views, otherwise they can be easily disturbed or challenged by other people's perspectives on their religion. there are also mailing lists where customers are only provided with up-to-date information on things like stratfor.com's global intelligence, financial time news, global knowledge development (gkd), and malaysian news. these it developments reveal something that has never been disclosed before, served as a counter view or information journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 24 counter to the mainstream media, and increased public transparency. in the words of sabri zain observations states as follows: it is a telling reflection of malaysia's biggest political crisis in more than a decade. the local media generally have tended to reflect the government's viewpoint in reporting datuk seri anwar's sacking, arrest and trial. now they are coming up against critics armed with computers in the tussle to shape public opinion. ironically, the amazing success of the internet as an alternative voice is probably due largely to the mainstream media. opinions that are critical of the government and the ruling political parties are given little, if any, coverage in local newspapers and television stations. the constant fear of losing their publishing or broadcasting licenses hangs like a sword of damocles over their heads every year when they have to renew them. but malaysians have long been used to a cowed, docile media. what probably ‘turned over' most people was the way the local media went into a veritable feeding frenzy of graphic reports about the depraved sodomite anwar, the bloodthirsty reformists and their evil foreign backers. (sabri zain 6 ogos 99, aliran) this has indirectly revealed to us that the development of technology in the information dissemination system has given birth to a new form of power in the social life of malaysian society, vis-a-vis, cyber power. this emerging cyber power has the same features and strengths as any other form of conventional power. cyber power has the possession element. and this element is in line with the concept of power once conceived by german sociologist max weber who described the concept of power as: in general, we understand by ‘power’ the chance of a man or of a number of men to realize their own will in the action’ (weber, 1952: 180; 1986: 29) in view of the context of the above discussion, it is clear to us that the element of dominance is reflected in the growing cyber power. this development seems to be affecting not only physical aspects, such as the ownership of information technology tools in society, but also the dominance of the values and forms of thinking of society itself. what is interesting is that the development of value and thought by the cyber powers is colliding and undermines the influence of governmental powers that have long dominated and controlled the development of socio-political values of the malaysian community themselves. this emerging cyber power also has elements of social order. in other words, social rules that have been shaped by governments over the years have begun to be regulated by cyber powers. although this cyber power exists in virtual form, it is interesting that it still creates a form of virtual social interaction among the people with discussions surrounding its new and more democratic social rules. this can be seen by looking at the socio-political issues that are discussed on most of the internet sites available on the internet. almost 90 per journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 25 cent of the social issues discussed on the website are social issues of knowledge, individual responsibility and community in the context of the malaysian democracy system. such social issues, however, are indirectly linked to the pre-mordial social issues that have colored and shaped political development in malaysia, particularly in the context of political alliances, policy-making and political stability. this development has directly reeducated the thinking and norms of the malaysian community on the issue of national and community life beyond the boundaries and contexts of thinking of a particular race or group. conceptually, these developments (cyber power & social order) coincide with the definition of the concept of power ever touched by british sociologist barry barnes: any specific distribution of knowledge confers a generalised capacity for action upon those individuals who carry and constitute it, and that capacity for action is their social power, the power of the society they constitute by bearing and sharing the knowledge in question. social power is the added capacity for action that accrues to individuals through their constituting a dsitribution of knowledge and therby a society. (barnes, 1988: 56-7) the concept of power described by barnes is developing in the context of the development of information technology in malaysia. although the dissemination of such information, as already described in virtual form, the fact that the power of cybersecurity to emerge as a social power of organizing and disseminating knowledge and subsequently expressed through daily social behavior, is interesting to consider in the context of socio-political development in malaysia especially the democratic system. what is interesting to examine and analyze from the development of information technology and cyber power is from the standpoint of political stability and security in the context of the malaysian democratic system. for the past six decades the most widely discussed aspect of democracy in malaysia has been the limited and controlled space of democracy (civil society and political participation) and the dominance of governments in the management of its democratic polity. the reciprocal relationship analysis between limited democratic space and governmental dominance, has led many malaysian political scholars to classify the malaysian democracy system in various forms and properties, such as democratic and authoritarian (crouch, 1996), semi-democracy (case, 1993), statist-democracy (jesudason, 1995), quasi-democracy (zakaria hj ahmad, 1989). in the context of such a democratic system it is difficult to say that the expansion of democracy space exists. this has been explained as the government has taken control of the space through legal control and education system. in other words, the democratic space allowed is space (either physical or non-physical) under the influence of the government. that is why, for the last 6 decades, civil society has been unable to break free from the influence and domination of the government's journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 26 intellectual property. civil society that exists in a limited space of democracy is unable to carry out a process of cultural revolution among the people. this is in line with antonio gramsci's (1920) notion that a society's failure to compete with government hegemony is closely linked to the society's inability to conduct a cultural revolution based on intellectual freedom independent of government intellectual hegemony. thus, in this context the emergence of it has directly acted as a "tool" for the weak to position themselves with the government in an arena that is no longer a hidden transcipt as scott stated in his study of the peasant community in the state of kedah. it, as a form of modernization in malaysia, has fostered the process of democratizing information in malaysia. the emergence of the internet, blogs and youtube sites, for example, has dramatically increased access and transparency of information that is alternative to the government media. for example, on the eve of the 2008, 2013 and recent 2018 general election, it was reported that the malaysiakini, malaysia today, malaysia insight, sakmongkol (to mention a fews) and many others website was crashed due to the inability of the site to handle such high traffic and traffic. also reported during the 2018 pru14 (14 general election) election campaign, the malaysia today website, run by raja petra, is a site that has been consistently reached by alternative media visitors. on the other hand, youtube has been used not only as a competition arena, but thousands of people have used it to watch political talks and campaigns organized by opposition parties that they cannot physically attend. it is clear to us that the presence of it, especially the internet has not only enabled the democratization of information in the development of malaysian politics, but also raised the political power of the weak to position themselves with the government at the open system. bloggers who appear on certain internet blogs openly cast their opinions on the state of the country which they viewed as contrary to democratic norms. for example, over the past three decade, bloggers such as sang kelembai, kadir jasin blog, tinta merah, shahbudin blog, ruhanie ahmad blog, rocky’bru and many others, were all "daringly" expressed their opposition to governmental behavior that was not in line with democratic culture. in addition, the contribution of wi-fi in the process of democratization of information is without doubt undeniable. wi-fi or wireless broadband has emerged as one of the "cultural traits" in today's social life style of any society and country. wi-fi has shaped a new culture or lifestyle among the people or the young generation in their access to information and their social interaction style. at locations such as star-bug, mcdonald's, a&w, secret-recipe; paired with their own laptops, this star-bug community expresses their world views on any issue or social issue without any political fears or governmental constraints. in other words, it can be said here that the emergence of it within the malaysia journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 27 socio-political structure has directly democratized and consolidated their political will. the development was also acknowledged by the former malaysian information minister, ahmed shaberry check, who clearly stated that the bloggers community was one of the segments of society that challenged barisan nasional's political hegemony in the last general election of 2018. his statement revealed that alternative media is one of the new political forces that needs serious attention today. this has indirectly informed us that technological advances, especially in the field of information dissemination, have created a new form of power in the social life of malaysian society, vis-a-vis, cyber power. the above discussion clearly shows us that the emergence of it and the internet has presented new challenges to the patterns of national and urban life malaysian society as a whole. malaysia as a free country for more than 6 decades has achieved a remarkable level of political, economic and social stability compared to other developing countries. in these context, it does not mean that malaysia does not face any challenges that could jeopardize its existing and stability, nevertheless the emergence of it and the internet has made the challenges to the integrity of malaysian nations are becoming more complex than ever before. conclusion in modern times, the reliance and widespread use of it and the internet has created a new form of threat to the security of a nation. we have briefly discussed above, how organizations like abu-sayaff, al-qaeda, and many others terrorists groups have used and adapted it for the purpose of their struggle and attacked the said target. malaysia is no exception in this context. in fact, recent developments indicate that malaysia's cyber security is also exposed to security threats, whether domestic or international. thus, the rapid growth of the cyber world requires the rethinking of not only the concept of security and its challenges, but also an increasing demands for every nation to strengthen its knowledge pertaining to cyber-world. reference arquilla, john j & david f ronfeldt. (2016). cyberwar and netwar: new modes, old concepts of conflict. rand corporation 1993 atas talian http://www.rand.org/publications/randreview/issues/rrr.fall95.cyer/cyberwar.htm l. asmarani, devi. (2017). jakarta-kl dispute sparks cyber war-hackers from the two countries deface nearly 100 websites. malaysia today, atas talian http://www.malaysia-today.net/blog-e/2005/03/jakarta-kl-dispute-sparks-cyerwar.htm. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 28 auerbach, jon g. & william h.bulkeley. 2000. web in modern age is arena for activism, terrorism & war. wall street journal: new york. barlow, john p. (2006). a declaration of the independence of cyberspace. electronic frontier foundation. http://homes.eff.org/~barlow/declaration-final.html. barnes, j.p. (1988). the nature of power. cambridge: polity brookes, peter. (2005). the art of cyberwar. the heritage foundation. http://www.heritage.org. delio, michelle. (2017). hacktivism and how it got there. wired news. http://www.wired.com/news/infostructure.html. denning, dorothy. (2015). cyberwarriors: activist and terrorist turn to cyberspace. harvard international review, 23[2] pp: 70-85. ho, peng kee. (2006). governmentware seminar. http://mha.gov.sg/mha/detailed/html. hoffman, bruce. (2006). the use of the internet by islamic extremists. rand corporation http://www.rand.org/publications/randreview/issues/cyberwar.html. case, w. (1993). malaysia: semi-democracy in withstanding the pressures for regime change. pacific affairs. 66(2): 183-205. crouch, h. (1993). malaysia: neither authoritarian nor democratic. dlm. hewison, k., robinson, r. & rodan, g. southeast asia in the 1990s: authoritarianism and democracy, hlm. 135-157. sydney: allen and unwin. jesudason, j. v. (1995). statist democracy and the limits to civil society in malaysia. journal of commonwealth and comparative politics. 33(3): 335-356. saravanamuttu, j. (1999). thinking the thinkable: politics after mahathir (part 1-3). aliran online. oct./nov. weber, m. (1952). class, status, party, from gerth, h & c. wrights mills (eds) from max weber. london: routledge. _________. (1986). domination by economic power and by authority, in lukes, s (ed) power: readings in social and political theory. oxford: blackwell zakaria ahmad. (1989). malaysia: quasi democracy in a divided society. dlm. diamond, l., linz, j.j. & lipset, m. s. (pnyt.) democracy in developing countries: asia. jil. 3, hlm. 347-382. boulder, colorado: lynne rienner. aliran monthly, (1999). asian world street journal, (1999). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 355 prediction of post and repost content on ciletuh geopark instagram accounts in the covid-19 pandemic prima agustini, angela m devita, annisa w putri, tracy virginia bakrie university prima.agustini@bakrie.ac.id, mangela163@gmail.com, annisaputri096@gmail.com, tracyvrgnaa@gmail.com abstract : during this pandemic, the ease of use of the instagram application has made it a medium of information to meet user needs, including for tourism purposes. indonesia has many tourist destinations with the concept of sustainable tourism, one of which is the ciletuh geopark. geopark ciletuh has an instagram account that actively posts various content. geopark ciletuh's instagram account, namely @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi uses posts and reposts as content sources. its function is to increase the visibility of tourist destinations. this study uses a qualitative descriptive method to study the predisposition of the content of @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi to build engagement with the audience. the purpose of this study includes a description of the difference in a post and repost content, the tone of followers' comments, and the process of diffusion of tourism ideas to the ciletuh geopark. the conclusion from the results of this study is that the post content on the @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi instagram account does not reach 100 likes in each post. reposting content on the @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi instagram account has more engagement in terms of the number of likes and comments. meanwhile, the content tone in the comment column is divided into positive tones, neutral tones, and negative tones. the process of diffusion of ideas also depends on the length of time it takes for each individual or group to adopt the idea of traveling to the ciletuh geopark which is spread on instagram accounts. keywords: diffusion of innovation, geopark, instagram, content, tone, submission : aug 7th 2021 revision : sept 18th 2021 publication : nov 28th 2021 introduction the use of social media to deliver tourism information, whether neutral or persuasive, has been widely used by tourism managers to move communication targets to change as desired by content creators(berhanu & raj, 2020; kim et al., 2017; munar & jacobsen, 2013). these changes can be in the cognitive, affective, or behavioral domains. communication messages in the tourism sector are packaged in such a way as to achieve the purpose of communication through social mailto:prima.agustini@bakrie.ac.id mailto:mangela163@gmail.com mailto:annisaputri096@gmail.com mailto:tracyvrgnaa@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 356 media(commed et al., 2018; huerta-álvarez et al., 2020; mason et al., 2019; nugraheni et al., 2020). instagram is one of the social media that is widely used to promote tourism. instagram is used by tourism managers to promote new ideas, that tourism is not just to malls, abroad, or artificial tours, but tours in the earth park. one of them is the ciletuh geopark tourism object, which is located in sukabumi regency, west java province. geoparks in indonesia are regulated by presidential regulation number 9 of 2019 concerning the development of earth parks (geoparks). in the regulation, it is mentioned that the development of geopark is governance geopark to realize the preservation of geological heritage (geoheritage), geological diversity (geodiversity), biodiversity (biodiversity), and cultural diversity (cultural diversity) conducted jointly between the central government, local governments, and stakeholders through conservation efforts, education, and sustainable community economic development. this presidential regulation aims to manage geopark development to realize the preservation of geological heritage ( geoheritage ), biodiversity ( biodiversity ), and cultural diversity ( cultural diversity ) which is carried out jointly between the central government, regional government, and stakeholders through 3 (three) three) pillars include conservation, education, and sustainable economic development for the community. geoparks are determined based on status levels consisting of national geoparks; and unesco global geopark(andriany et al., 2016; sujatna et al., 2021; wulandari et al., 2019). the ciletuh geopark which was declared to be the global geopark network (ggn) by unesco is a matter of pride for indonesia. various choices of destinations are available at geopark ciletuh, ranging from geological sites, flora, and fauna, to cultural tourism that complements all the destinations in it. sustainability tourism at the ciletuh geopark has presented with conservation activities on land and sea as well as the empowerment of local communities in the management of ciletuh geopark tourist destinations. this is what makes ciletuh geopark one of the most attractive destinations for tourists to visit. based on research on the role of the young generation in utilizing social media to promote ciletuh geopark(kadarisman, 2021) indicates that the role of the younger generation in the ciletuh geopark area helps in promoting tourism. the use of social media makes it easier to publicize ciletuh geopark tourism in audio-visual ways to attract tourists and also provide information on what needs are needed when visiting ciletuh geopark. the use of instagram is also carried out by the grobogan tourism community in promoting regional tourism (kurniawati, 2017) and is used by the millennial generation in promoting tourism in banyuwangi (arviani et al., journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 357 2019). tourism activities also cannot be separated from the promotion of commercially oriented msme products, such as the promotion of msme products at the coffee shop in sleman regency (prajarini & sayogo, 2021) and the promotion of e-commerce in research conducted by tanisang et al., (2019). in addition, instagram is also used as a means of promotion by managers of the creative fashion industry in the city of bandung (gumilar & kusmayadi, 2017). instagram social media is also used as a means of promotion in increasing consumer buying interest (indika & jovita, 2017). based on the results of studies in previous studies, it appears that instagram is one of the social networks that can be used as a direct marketing medium. through instagram, products and services are offered by posting photos or short videos so that potential consumers can see the types of goods or services offered. the increasing popularity of instagram as an application that is used to share photos makes many users who go into online business also promote their products through instagram (faradila & soesanto, 2016). instagram focuses on posting photos and videos from its users. the uniqueness that makes instagram different from social media in general. the features in instagram are followers, upload photos and videos, camera, caption, arroba, geotagging, social networking, like, comment, share, saved, explore, instagram stories, and shop(rofiq et al., 2009). instagram is used by tourism managers to promote new ideas, that tourism is not just to malls, abroad, artificial man-made tours, but tours in the earth park. in the theory of diffusion of innovation as proposed by everet m. rogers (anuwichanont et al., 2020) it is explained that diffusion is the process by which an innovation is communicated through certain channels over time among the members of a social system. innovation is an idea, practice, or object that is considered or perceived as new by an individual or group of people. the phrase is considered new, maybe only for some people, not for others. this depends on how the individual feels about the idea or practice. the key elements in the diffusion of innovation are innovation, communication channels, timeframe, and social system. geopark ciletuh has an instagram with the username @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi which has 7,351 followers, 96 users, and 683 posts. the content owned by the instagram account @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi tends to post and repost. content is a post made on an individual's or organization's social media to share information and moments with the public. the post content listed is in the form of photo and video information which is directly managed by the official instagram account of geopark ciletuh. while the reposted content is in the form of photos or videos that are reposted by the geopark ciletuh instagram account. based on the background of the problem, the formulation of the problem in this article is as follows: how is journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 358 the predisposition of post and repost content on the geopark ciletuh instagram account during the covid-19 pandemic? based on the formulation of the problem in this study, the purpose of this study is to describe the following 3 aspects: 1. differences in a post and repost content on the geopark ciletuh instagram account. 2. the tone of followers' comments on the ciletuh geopark instagram account in the period 3. the process of diffusion of tourist ideas to ciletuh geopark is recorded in the comment column on the ciletuh geopark instagram account. method this study used the descriptive qualitative method. qualitative research is research that can be used to investigate, describe, and explain the features of social influence that cannot be explained or described through other approaches (sugiono, 2017). the object in this study is the content on the instagram account @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi for the period january-may 2021. in this study, primary data was obtained from observations regarding posts and comments on instagram geopark ciletuh. secondary data was obtained from books, previous research, articles related to the problem being studied. result and discussion ciletuh geopark is a tourist attraction that can be visited by tourists today. ciletuh geopark or ciletuh old rock natural park tourism area is located in sukabumi district, west java province, in the pelabuhan ratu area, sukabumi, west java. the location of the ciletuh geopark is surrounded by a stretch of alluvial land with unique rocks and wrapped with beautiful views. to introduce tourist attractions, geopark ciletuh has switched to digital, one of which is using instagram to share content using instagram features, namely: captions, hashtags, photos, videos, likes, and comments, with the account name @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi. instagram account @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi has 730 posts to date. the content was available on the @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi instagram account, namely, post and repost. posts and repost content posts that are displayed in the form of photos and videos that have been posted by users present the top photos and videos with the number of likes and comments. researchers found that in the january-may 2021 period, during the covid-19 pandemic, there were 44 posts and 107 reposts. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 359 image 1. instagram view @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi post content on instagram geopark ciletuh in managing an instagram account, there needs to be consistency in creating content. instagram users create posts to get engagement from followers or other account users. posts that have more likes, comments, and shares in the fastest time will get views more often than those with minimal engagement. however, some posts on the instagram account @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi have a small number of likes and comments. image 2. content post instagram @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 360 considering that related to the covid-19 pandemic, which causes audiences to access social media more often than usual, it seems that instagram account owners pay less attention to setting the ideal time for uploading post content. the inaccuracy of posting times can cause at least likes or comments from followers because other information is overwritten. repost content on instagram geopark ciletuh reposting content on the @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi instagram account has more engagement in terms of the number of likes and comments. the author observes that reposting content carried out by instagram account owners has several criteria, namely displaying photos and videos with clearer edits so that it attracts followers to give likes and comments. figure 3. content repost instagram account @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi based on observations, the consistent content run by the @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi instagram account is reposting, by reposting. this reposts content sends or shares photos and videos of visiting tourists with interesting captions at geopark ciletuh and re-shared by the instagram account @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi with interesting hashtags that support the reposted content. in addition to the interaction between followers and the instagram account @geopark_ciletuh_sukabumi on repost content, the mentioned activity was also found in the comment column. the mentioned activity is to invite a visit to the ciletuh geopark or just to provide information on tourist attraction spots from a post or repost content by geopark ciletuh instagram. as found in the reposted content of the instagram account @nadiamaulida_, the comments column found journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 361 several interactions with followers: novitasary1209 “@azizkhadafie”, egganmegan “cuss yuk @ayamsisambelijeruk”, ahmad.kabayan “@sherllynovitasari i love you..kuy”. content tone in the comment column on instagram geopark ciletuh in the comments column on instagram geopark ciletuh, there is a tendency for positive comments to be grouped into five issues. the first is the issue of water conditions at the ciletuh geopark, which was uploaded by ambu_indri on january 2, 2021: "now the water is clear, huh...?". the second is the issue of the beauty of the ciletuh geopark which was uploaded in january 2021 by harikalhuda who wrote: "it feels refreshing." the dita.ms account wrote: "well this is a cool waterfall, right", the zlarief7 account wrote: "nice!". three other accounts wrote positive comments, such as: “amazing!”, “boh steady jon”, and “like a jurassic park”. likewise, on january 12, 2021, 4 accounts made positive comments, such as: “coool”, “waterfall charm”, “cool”, and “krenn uyyu”. meanwhile, in february 2021, 5 accounts also wrote positive comments on posts that describe the beauty of geopark ciletuh, such as: "it's very beautiful, min", "mntapp", "ajibbbbsss....", "beautiful", and "magnificent". in addition, the rpmisy18 account wrote comments up to two times, on april 3, 2021, namely: "so cool" and "beautiful". on april 12, 2021, the arr-rochim account wrote its assessment of the beauty of the ciletuh geopark: "cool". “the view is really beautiful and cool”, as written by sayheylovers on april 14, 2021. the third issue with a positive predisposition is regarding the desire to return to enjoying the beauty of geopark ciletuh, which can be seen from the nabilra account comments, which wrote: we will come back next time!” and “thanks ya i'll be back!” as kristianboskov's account wrote on april 30, 2021. positive comments were also written by 2 accounts in the comment column, there were issues regarding the ciletuh geopark road access. the cu2n.abhe876 account and the jejeryy account, wrote: "awang waterfall is getting more and more charming... the last time i went there down to this location was still holding the rope 😂 and " wow , i haven't been there for a long time, i used to go there when it first opened, the road was still land along with the rice fields, now it's good euy :'". these comments show the feelings of love and joy for account owners who travel to the ciletuh geopark which is considered to have changed the road access for the better. this trip is a wonderful experience for visitors. table 1. positive tone in the comment column on instagram geopark ciletuh no. issues with a positive tone in the comments kolom journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 362 1. water conditions in ciletuh geopark 2. desire to return to enjoy the beauty of geopark 3. testimonials after enjoying ciletuh geopark 4. ciletuh geopark road access geopark ciletuh instagram content can also be categorized in a neutral comment tone. first on the issue of the requirements and rules of tourism at the ciletuh geopark during the covid-19 pandemic. in january, eight accounts wrote neutral comments regarding the requirements and rules of tourism, namely: "min, is there any blocking for directions to the geopark", "min want to ask... do you have to show a rapid test letter or not if you go to the geopark for tourists from outside the area?", "min use rapid ga", "min..want to ask.. how much is the rapid test there per person", "do you have psbb g", "go to ciletuh now, do you have a quick rest? please provide the information", "min planning on the 9th, i want to go there, is there a rapid check there?", and "geopark is subject to psbb or not, min?". on february 3 accounts asked about the availability of geopark tourism, as written in the comments column asking for these conditions: "it's not closed, is it, min?", "ciletuh tourism is not closed, is it min?", and "info dong min, go to sukabumi on the moon is this mandatory antigen or not?". until may 4, 2021, there was still 1 account, namely rdalawi, who questioned the condition of tourism at the ciletuh geopark during the pandemic, as he wrote: "when traveling to sukabumi there is a checkpoint ga raid". interestingly, at the time of eid al-fitr, 3 accounts questioned the setting of opening or closing hours for the ciletuh geopark, as written in the comments column: “this eid. can you still travel at the ciletuh geopark, min?” and "info dong min.. to ciletuh, is there any blocking after lebaran dr bogor". this comment indicates that following the government's policy of opening tourist attractions during eid al-fitr, increasing their interest in tourism to the ciletuh geopark. the second issue in the comments on the geopark ciletuh instagram account, written by ambu_indri and m44d_fadie7, on january 22, 2021, regarding tourist spots in geopark ciletuh that followers want to know. as for the comments he wrote as follows: “min... what tourist spots are there on this island, tea...? but the name of the island is.. meni ararisin sucks na..", and "i want to fish here, min..". seeing this comment, followers have an interest in traveling to the ciletuh geopark, visiting the island, and fishing. followers need sufficient information about tourist spots at geopark ciletuh. information on road access to ciletuh geopark is an important aspect that followers want to know. from january to may 2021, 20 accounts wrote in the comments column asking for the way to the ciletuh geopark. some of the photos posted or journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 363 reposted by the ciletuh geopark account admin received comments asking about the location position. as written by the rizaloneng23 account: "this is the direction from which min", or the meyyfebryan account that writes; "where exactly is this?", as written by the aguss_saputro account: "where is the location, min?". if you look at the comments of one of the accounts, namely: "friday otw saturday night arrived in ciletuh. although there is insulation many roads to rome 😆 , indicating that the followers are eager to visit the geopark ciletuh so that there is an attempt to find a way to get to the location, although at the time of followers visit, are being made insulation for a pandemic situation. the fourth issue is related to the weather at geoopark ciletuh. followers who are interested in visiting tourist spots at geopark ciletuh, first ask about the weather conditions. in february 3 accounts commented, while in march, only 1 account commented. the followers' comments are as follows: it's raining in bekasi, is it raining there? i want to go there, i'm afraid of the rain", god willing, i'll be there tomorrow, hopefully, the weather is good :)", "min want to ask, how is it there? isn't it raining? do you want to plan to go there in a few days”, and “is it raining there??”. weather information is considered important by followers so that they are prepared if it rains or waits for clear weather to visit ciletuh geopark. table 2. neutral tone in the comment column on instagram geopark ciletuh no. issues with neutral tones in the comments 1. tourism requirements and rules at ciletuh geopark during the covid-19 pandemic 2. tourist spots in ciletuh geopark 3. access road to ciletuh geopark 4. weather in ciletuh geopark the management of the ciletuh geopark area is still in the process of developing and structuring. based on the results of observations of post and repost content, there are negative comments from followers. if it is categorized as a negative tone, it is related to eight issues. the first issue is related to the flood conditions at geopark ciletuh written by the fajaredo_28 account: "yesterday it rained for 3 days so it was flooded". second, issues related to illegal levies, as written by the azhar_saepul account: "there are many extortionists now". the third is regarding instagram content which is considered untidy by followers: "the editing is messy, min", as written by syahrullah.arul. similarly, what andriyana_raging_phoenix wrote: "the editing is excessive, the water color isn't like that" journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 364 the fourth issue relates to the conditions of access to the ciletuh geopark written in the comments column by three accounts, as follows: "improve the access.. the roads are all rocky, min", "when i got there the first psbb was implemented and it was also during the dry season . quite a track from the parking lot to the waterfall”, and “it used to be scary when i wanted to take a photo and my heart felt like it was going to fall out, because there was a word danger written on it”. comments related to the issue of cleanliness in the ciletuh geopark area were uploaded on february 4, 2021, by the mira_hazizah account , which wrote: " q just got back from there, all coming from my sister's house in ci waru immediately stopped by the ciletuh geopark but unfortunately the beach is full of pieces of garbage the tree has been installed, but it's still beautiful, i'm with the kids & family all day long... i hope i can go on a trip for lebaran and go there again to the end of the tile... so i can't wait... yuhuuuu ” however, the natural waste found on the shoreline did not discourage followers from returning to visit. this is different from the comments written by the shelyningtyaz account , on may 10, 2021, which expressed his disappointment with the garbage in tourist areas. as he wrote: there's a lot of trash.. sorry, min, if you can provide a public trash can.. i was far from jakarta on the way, i was fascinated by the scenery, but until the beach there was a lot of trash”. this unnatural garbage seems to annoy followers. in addition to the positive tone regarding the ciletuh geopark scenery, there are also negative comments, as written by followers in the comments column on march 17, 2021, which reads: "@ardiansyah.roehay woy why did we come here to get it, huh". the last is the issue of geopark travel rules during the pandemic. in may 2021, there were negative comments from two accounts, which read: "saturday night sunday departing from cileungsi at 8 pm, already imagining the road want know the geopark beach, uh when i got to the road (the one with the cleaver monument) around 2 pm i know blocked off. the officers there said the geopark was not open, but here the admin said it was open. wait until morning, at 4 o'clock the officers were chased away and ordered to turn back the struggle all the way is in vain." and "amen. yesterday, i arrived at the geopark, but i was told to turn around, it's a long way from seeul ". in addition, there are also issues related to the price of lodging which is considered expensive by followers. as written by mat_jebir, which reads: "it's very expensive... 550 rb per person... just join psbb." this disappointment is illustrated where followers choose not to visit ciletuh geopark tourism. table 3. negative tone in the comment column on instagram geopark ciletuh no. issues with a negative tone in the comments kolom journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 365 1. flood conditions at ciletuh geopark 2. extortion at ciletuh geopark 3. geopark ciletuh instagram content posts 4. geopark access condition 5. lodging conditions at geopark ciletuh 6. cleanliness of the ciletuh geopark area 7. disappointment at the view at ciletuh geopark 8. ciletuh geopark tourism rules during the covid-19 pandemic the process of diffusion of travel ideas to ciletuh geopark in the comment column of ciletuh geopark account innovation is an idea, practice, or object that is considered or perceived as new by an individual or group of people. the phrase is considered new, maybe only for some people, not for others. this depends on how the individual feels about the idea or practice. as stated by everet m. rogers (schiffman and wissenblit, 2015), that the main elements in the diffusion of innovation are: innovation, communication channels, time, and social system. in this study, the diffusion of innovation is the process of absorbing ciletuh geopark tourism ideas to change instagram followers continuously, from time to time regarding earth tourism to a group of members or followers of the social system. the innovation adoption process is always tied to the element of the diffusion of tourism ideas to the ciletuh geopark in the innovation adoption process, which is explained as follows: 1. innovation: the existence of the ciletuh geopark account provides information about earth park tourism, which is not as popular as other tours. ciletuh geopark tourism is a world-protected tourist destination. this can be seen from the achievement as an earth park that is included in the unesco list. its existence needs to be treated, but on the other hand, it also needs to be encouraged to be able to improve the economy of the community around the ciletuh geopark area. the spread of tourism ideas in the taman bumi area is considered to be new and breaks through the existing norms, which so far prefer to travel abroad or just go for a walk at the mall. with the pandemic conditions, spreading the idea of tourism to the open with beautiful views will provide new experiences, especially for generation z, to better understand the gift of natural wealth that indonesia has. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 366 2. communication channel: the existence of the ciletuh geopark instagram account is a good communication channel to provide information and persuade followers or viewers who see posts or repost content regarding the condition of ciletuh geopark. in addition to providing tourism information, it also describes conditions of concern such as waste and flooding, which can encourage tourists' awareness to jointly protect the environment. 3. timeframe: adoption of the idea of traveling to the ciletuh geopark requires a different time for each individual or group. groups that are accustomed to traveling to the outdoors, tend to adapt more quickly, by planning tours or intending to come back. while individuals who are not used to outdoor tourism, adoption of the idea will last a long time because individuals need to ensure safety and prepare themselves to travel to reach geopark tourist spots. 4. social system: if you observe the conversation in the comments column, you can see that several accounts make comments on a post or repost content. this behavior indicates that there are followers who do have the same network of friends. this condition can accelerate the adoption of ideas, for example, to visit one of the spots in the geopark. instagram which is one of the social media is an internet medium that allows users to represent themselves and interact, collaborate, share, communicate with other users, and form virtual social bonds (nasrullah (2015). comments on the ciletuh geopark account only show some individual behavior or behavior. groups, where followers are tied to one network or several networks of friends. conclusion in this article, the following conclusions are obtained: 1. the post content on the geopark ciletuh instagram account does not reach 100 likes in each post. interaction in this content is minimal. possibility of posting content that is not following the conditions of followers or viewers during a pandemic. 2. reposting content on the geopark ciletuh instagram account has more engagement in terms of the number of likes and comments. repost content displays photos and videos with clearer edits so that it attracts followers to give likes and comments. 3. tone content in the comment column on instagram geopark ciletuh is classified into 3, namely positive tone, neutral tone, and negative tone. the positive tone in instagram content relates to water conditions at the ciletuh geopark, the desire to return to enjoying the beauty of the geopark, testimonials after enjoying the geopark, and road access. a neutral tone 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(2019). animal utilization based on local knowledge in ciletuh geopark, ciemas subdistrict, sukabumi, west java, indonesia. biodiversitas. https://doi.org/10.13057/biodiv/d201001 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 396 an analysis of ict impact on ukraine and russia conflict sabaria catharin debora international relations study program, faculty of humanities, bina nusantara university sabaria.debora@binus.ac.id abstract : this research discusses the impact of information and communication technology (ict) on the conflict between ukraine and russia that led to the annexation of crimea by russia in 2014. this study uses qualitative approach to analyze the selected issue. the data were taken from case study articles and official websites. the analysis of the formulated problem is carried out by combining hegemony theory, agenda setting theory and securitization theory. the agenda setting theory of maxwell e. mccombs and donald l. shaw is used to analyze the use of ict, antonio gramsci’s hegemony theory is used to analyze the hegemony of ict in ukraine and russia, while barry buzan's theory of securitization is used to analyze the negative effects of the abuse of ict during the duration of the conflict. the research found that ict has significant impact and influence in ukraine and russia conflict and is a clear example of the use of ict abuse in eastern europe. the information war between russia and ukraine led to the annexation of crimea by russia. the success of russia in annexing crimea without armed contact and casualties is a clear evidence of how ict can be an effective and efficient weapon to achieve national interests. from the analysis, it can be concluded that the development of ict not only bring a positive impact on the society, but also negatively affect modern conflict, such as seen in the conflict between ukraine and russia. keyword: ict, conflict, ukraine, russia, information war submission : aug 11th 2021 revision : sept 18th 2021 publication : nov 28th 2021 introduction technological globalization has brought humanity into a new chapter of information and communication technology (ict), which has become one of the factors in shaping global governance. the advancement of ict has shifted the communication model from conventional to digital so that it can be done anytime and anywhere. advances in ict have also enabled humans to digitally access information and carry out activities in various fields digitally. the definition of ict in general is a broad term of information technology that refers to communication technologies such as the internet, wireless networks, cellular phones, computers, software, social networks, and other applications that enable users to access, retrieve, store, transmit and manipulate information in the form of digital (ict, 2021). another definition of ict is the various mailto:sabaria.debora@binus.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 397 types of technological devices and resources that are used as tools to transmit, store, create, share, or exchange information (ict, 2021). humans who are ict users are referred to as the information society. there is no standard definition of what is meant by the information society. abdul waheed khan, unesco's assistant director-general for communication and information said that “information society is the building block for knowledge societies”. however, in general, information society could be defined as a situation where every individual can use the internet. the purpose of the information society is to gain competitive advantage internationally using information technology in creative and productive ways. there are three main characteristics of the information society. first, information is used as an economic resource. an organization can maximize the use of information to increase efficiency and effectiveness, as well as innovate. second, to identify the main uses of information because people generally use information in their activities as consumers. third, development of the information industry which is usually related to technology infrastructure (moore, 2020). the information industry can develop if it is balanced with the development of technology infrastructure. in the end when the infrastructure is built, there will be a technology-based information society. therefore, technological innovation with economic dimension will always be implicit in the life of the information society. thus, it can also be said that information technology is a product or result of an information society. positively, the advancement of ict makes human life easier. however, advances in information and communication technology can also have various negative impacts because they are vulnerable to misuse. this study will analyze how the impact of ict application on the conflict between ukraine and russia that led to the annexation of crimea in 2014. the rift between ukraine and russia began at the end of 2013 under the leadership of viktor yanukovich. yanukovich's decision to withdraw from signing the association agreement (aa) and the deep and comprehensive free trade agreement (dcfta) with the european union sparked the anger of the ukrainian people (ukraine, 2020). russia is suspected to be influencing yanukovich's decision. a wave of massive protests led to the removal of yanukovich from the presidency by the ukrainian parliament verkhovna rada. tensions between the two countries reached the peak during russia's annexation of crimea. the dismissal of yanukovich raised concerns among crimean, the majority of whom speak russian and are supporters of the former president. on march 16, 2014, after undergoing a referendum, crimea joined russia (ukraine, 2021). the result of the referendum sees as many as 96.8% of crimean people said they wanted to join russia (ukraine, 2021). russia officially annexed crimea after president vladimir putin signed the decree “on the recognition of the republic of crimea” (ukraine, 2021). the annexation of crimea by russia surprised the international journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 398 community because russia did not use excessive military force and used more advances in ict. tensions between ukraine and russia back then led to conflicts that continues to this day. the conflict between the two countries does not only use military force but also concrete evidence of the misuse of ict to fulfill political agendas and ultimately has an impact on the life of the information society in ukraine and russia. russia's use of ict in its conflict with ukraine is known as an information war. aki-mauri huhtine defines information warfare as the use of technology in the midst of a crisis or conflict to achieve specific goals against an opponent or enemy (huhtinen, 2007). according to aki-mauri huhtine, there are two types of information warfare. the first type is more of a psychological warfare because it involves the media to have a psychological impact and influence people’s perception. the second type is war related to electronics and the internet (cyber warfare). this type can be done using a personal computer, sending viruses to damage information systems and a country's defense, disinformation, electronic warfare, hackers or using electromagnetic waves with the aim of damaging ict infrastructure. this study combines the hegemony theory of antonio gramsci, the agenda setting theory popularized by maxwell e. mccombs and donald l. shaw, and the securitization theory of barry buzan. hegemony theory holds that the foundation of society plays a role in shaping culture, values, and ideology. the ruling class is not only able to control the economic structure and institutions in society, but also to control ideology and politics (altheide , 1984). through research conducted by maxwell e. mccombs and donald l. shaw, it is proven that the media can contain certain agendas, especially political agendas with the aim of influencing the audience’s political stance. in general, the definition of agenda setting as quoted from mass media, mass culture by james r. wilson, and roy s. wilson, is the process of mass media determining what audiences should think and worry about (seeting, nd). on the other hand, according to barry buzan, the types of threats to a country consist of military, political, social, economic, and environmental (buzan , 1983). the application of hegemony theory to this research can be seen in the hegemony of ict in ukraine and russia. meanwhile, the agenda setting theory is used to analyze how ict can be used to convey certain purposes from parties who have political interests. securitization theory looks at how the misuse of ict can threaten the security of a country. literature review this research refers to several scientific articles. the first article is taken from the writings of keir giles who is an expert in information warfare and the russian military. in his article “the next phase of russia information warfare”, keir giles describes the information warfare methods used by russia in an effort to control crimea and confront journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 399 ukraine. the methods used include using social media to influence public opinion and carrying out personal attacks on military personnel as well as sabotaging telecommunications networks and internet infrastructure in ukraine and crimea (giles, 2016). the second literature that became a reference for this research is also written by keir giles. in handbook of russian information warfare, keir giles describes the concept of information warfare strategy, its objectives and history of development, implementation, and prospects in the future. keir giles wrote it because the information war that arose in the midst of the political crisis of ukraine and russia became a concern of western countries (giles, 2015). the third literature is taken from the writings of andrew s. weiss, "new tools, old tricks: emerging technologies and russia's global tool kit". in his writings, weiss explained that the decline of russian weapons technology was one of the backgrounds that changed western countries' perception of russia's military capabilities. western countries tend to no longer see russia as a threat because of the declining technological developments in the country. in the same article, weiss also tries to explain how cyber russia, in the midst of obstacles in innovation in research and development, is able to pose a threat and cause damage which is shown through the annexation of crimea and the election of donald trump as president of the united states (weiss , 2021). furthermore, this study also analyzes how russia has managed to take traditional cyber operations to a more modern level. in realizing its ambition to increase its influence in global level, russia is maximizing the use of propaganda, disinformation, high politics, high-level diplomacy, and intelligence tactics by involving all sectors, both private and state-owned. though imprudent at times, russia's use of information technology has tremendous destructive power. according to weiss, the reason is that the russian side has innovative and aggressive capabilities. in general, it can conclude from this scientific article that this tactic is not new to russia, as it used in the cold war era. the fourth literature is taken from the writings of bettina renz and hanna smith titled “russia and hybrid warfare going beyond the label”. in their writings, renz and smith describe how russia is fully aware of how behind they are in weapons technology. therefore, russia developed a strategy called hybrid war (gibridnaya voina). one strategy of hybrid war is to use media and social media as weapons with the aim of influencing public perception of russia (renz , 2016). by using this strategy, russia is considered by western countries to have succeeded in taking over crimea without resorting to violence or using military means. a russian figure who has an important role in developing the "hybrid war" strategy is valery gerasimov. he argues that changes in military strategy need to be made because of the increasing role of the economy and information in modern conflicts. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 400 method this research uses qualitative research method. in introduction to qualitative research; beverly hancock et al. wrote that “qualitative research focuses on reports of experience or on data which cannot be adequately expressed numerically” (hancock, et all, 2007). the method is used because the data sources come from the analysis of scientific articles and official websites. results & discussion russia's use of ict in the conflict with ukraine was motivated by the country's experience when it was involved in a conflict with georgia. russia realizes that its military equipment is far behind compared to western countries, especially the united states. therefore, russia has switched to a war strategy that does not only rely on military equipment, but also maximizes the use of ict. russia's success in annexing crimea without using armed force shows that the country has succeeded in utilizing ict measurers to achieve its political interests. it is proof that the advancement in ict can also have a negative impact. the international telecommunication union (itu), a specialized un agency operating in the field of information technology, regularly measures the ict index of a country. this measurement aims to determine the level and ict development in a country yearly; to find out the development of ict in developed and developing countries; to find out the digital divide in a country; and to uncover potential development in the field of ict. the measurement component of the ict index includes ict access, use and skills. some of the indicators included in the measurement are the use of cellular phones, internet bandwidth, computer and internet use, the percentage of individuals who use the internet and literacy rate (union, 2015). the last measurement of the ict index was in 2017. the measurement in the following year could not be carried out due to several obstacles. comparatively in terms of the ict index, ukraine, and russia both have weaknesses compared to other european countries. both countries have low rankings compared to eastern, western and scandinavian countries. the 2017 ict index data shows russia is ranked 45th and ukraine is ranked 79th (ict, 2017). in terms of internet penetration, statista data for 2020 shows that russia is still better than ukraine. internet penetration in russia reaches 76%, while ukraine is still around 57%. the data above is evidence of why when there was a conflict, russia was superior and dominant than ukraine(statistica, 2020). russia's superiority in internet penetration makes it easier for the country to u se ict as part of its information warfare strategy against ukraine. the higher percentage of internet penetration indicates that the information society in russia uses the internet more than in ukraine. the limitations of ukrainian people in accessing the internet have resulted in russia being relatively more advantaged in the use of information warfare strategies. in terms of skills in the field of ict, the difference in the percentage of russians journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 401 living in rural and urban areas is not much of a difference. from 2017 to 2020, the percentage of the russian information society living in urban areas is around 94 – 96%. meanwhile, the percentage of russian information society living in rural areas who have ict skills is around 86 – 88%. from these data it can be analyzed that thanks to high internet penetration, russia has superior ict skills than ukraine (ict, 2020). based on the data above, it can be seen how russia uses its advantages in terms of ict to deal with the conflict with ukraine. russia uses its widely accessible news site to spread propaganda related to the conflict with ukraine. ict also allows russia to limit the information that can be accessed by the people from crimea. another impact of ict related to the ukraine and russia conflict is the use of social media. the percentage of russian people who use social media as of 2020 reaches 72 million of the total population of 145 million (statistica, 2020). meanwhile, social media users in ukraine by 2021 will reach 25 million out of 44 million population (digital, 2021). the difference in the number of users who are not balanced, has an impact on russia's dominance in the information war by using social media platforms. one of the paradoxes of the information society is the condition in which information can be reproduced very easily which in turn leads to various problems, including violations of intellectual property rights. in a unesco publication related to the world summit on the information society, through the fifth international conference on adult education declaration on adult learning held in hamburg, germany on july 1997, it was stated that the development of information and communication technology (ict) brought new risks to social life both for individuals and even the business world. therefore, it is necessary to establish ethics in the life of the information society where piracy is included in the discussion. from the results of the 2014 world summit on the information society publication, there are 9 things that need to be considered in the ethics of the information society, namely: principles, participation, people, profession, privacy, piracy, protection, power, and policy (geneva, 2013). principles relate to ethical values in the information society. the point is that knowledge in society can continue to be sustainable, coherent, innovative, and integrative if they are not only based on practical opportunities or political or financial interests but are also based on ethical values. participation means that access to information, communication, education, and knowledge is open to all, both free of charge and at affordable prices for all economic groups. meanwhile, people relates to community, identity, gender, generation, and education. this means that people here are the key figures who act as senders and recipients in the process of transferring information, communication, and knowledge. therefore, it is emphasized how their role in carrying out their fu nction to filter the information given or received, and how to respect differences and uphold equality. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 402 profession means ethics in professions related to information. those who have professions in the field of information and communication have a special responsibility in implementing the basic values in the ethics of the information society. meanwhile, privacy is how to ensure the protection of the private life of the information society. on the other hand, piracy is an ethics that is often violated because it involves protection of copyright or intellectual property. piracy can also be categorized as cybercrime. the next ethics is protection or protection for children and adolescents. internet access that can be done through computers, smartphones, and tablets where young people are connected, make them vulnerable to dangers such as sexual exploitation. therefore, protection is a violation of ethics. next is power, which emphasizes economic and political power, they must not show power or control each other, but share and use them for the benefit of the wider community. lastly is the policy that emphasizes how the government in a country ensures that there are rules that support the life of the information society. the use of ict in the ukraine-russia conflict shows a violation of information society ethics related to power. under the leadership of vladimir putin, russia is known as a country that has freedom of expression that is limited by the government. the majority of media outlets are controlled by the government. this control makes it easier for russia to carry out its information warfare strategy in dealing with ukraine. russian news portals have changed from being a source of information to being a tool for government propaganda. in terms of the use of media outlets, russia can be said to be superior. the popularity of russian media outlets such as tass, sputnik international, ria novosti and interfax far exceeds that of ukrainian media outlets such as unian and ukrayinska pravda. the control of the russian government is not only limited to news portals, but also on social media. the conflict with ukraine, which is still ongoing today, also uses social media channels. the misuse of ict in the ukraine-russia conflict is one of the negative impacts related to the advancement of ict in the political field. another impact of ict, if it is related to the ethics of the information society, is related to policy. in this ethic, it is hoped that the government has clear rules to ensure the guarantee of freedom of expression, freedom of association in terms of ict, and freedom to seek, receive and provide information without any restrictions. in terms of freedom of expression, ukraine is slightly better off than russia. based on data from freedomhouse.org, freedom of speech and internet access in ukraine is half free. meanwhile, in russia freedom of speech is very limited (freedom, nd). although internet penetration and social media users are much higher than in ukraine, the government's supervision of the russian information society is still very tight. from the perspective of hegemony theory, an analysis can be made on how ict dominates various aspects of the ukrainian and russian information society. humans consciously and unconsciously become part of the influence of ict hegemony. from the perspective of agenda setting theory, it can be seen how ict becomes a tool or media to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 403 convey certain intentions from ukraine and russia with the aim of influencing public opinion. in the end, ukraine uses ict not only to defend its sovereignty, but also aims to attract the sympathy of the international community. russia uses ict in information warfare because it is fully aware that in defending its sovereignty, it cannot rely on conventional weapons. russia uses ict as a new weapon because it is relatively cheaper, has a wide range of utilities and has a greater impact. in terms of political interests, russia uses ict to gain international recognition for its existence. in terms of securitization theory, the hegemony of ict against humans, which is then used for political purposes, has the potential to threaten the security of a country, in this case ukraine and russia. conclusion from the analysis above, it can be concluded that the development of ict does not only have a positive impact on society, but it can also have a negative impact. regardless of the high or low ranking of the ict development index, it does not necessarily prove that a country cannot abuse ict. the conflict between ukraine and russia shows that there has been abuse of ict development. ict has become a hegemony tool in the information society of ukraine and russia. everyone can maximize the use of ict to convey personal, group and national agendas because the content of the media used can be arranged according to their wishes and interests. distortion of information can not only threaten the security and integrity of a country but also has the potential to lead to a prolonged modern conflict as happened between ukraine and russia. the conflict between the two eastern european countries shows that advances in information and communication technology have not only changed the pattern of human life, but also the conventional methods of war. the conflict between ukraine and russia is a concrete example of the information war that has occurred in the 21st century. the use of ict by russia in the midst of the conflict with ukraine shows how well an integrated and well-organized information warfare strategy is. therefore, ukraine tends to be unprepared to respond to russia's strategy. thus, it can be concluded that russia is more dominant in the conflict with ukraine. references agenda setting” (http://zimmer.csufresno.edu/~johnca/spch100/7-4-agenda.htm) altheide, david. l. 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(2021). new tools, old tricks: emerging technologies and russia’s global tool kit. carnegie endowment for international peace http://ukraine.csis.org/crimea.htm#29 http://ukraine.csis.org/kyiv.htm#1 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 1 industry 4.0 and the need for proper governance syarif hidayat universitas nasional jakarta syarif.hidayat@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: this paper attempts to fill the gap of that literature by fosussing more on the issu of what is the most industry 4.0 challenge for governing a nation state?. in so doing, the paper will begin with outlining briefly the origin and componets of industry 4.0, as well as its challenge for the governance. after that, the discussion will be directed to criticise the current good governance concept, then proceeded to propose the so called a proper governance concept which is belief more suitable to meet the challenge of industry 4.0. keyword : industry 4.0, proper governance, need introduction soon upon the germany introduced industry 4.0 at the hannover fair event in 2011, extensive efforts were undertaken by scholars, in general, and the european manufacturing researchers, in particular, to embrace it. their interest in this project or concept is due to the fact that under industry 4.0, production process will become more efficient and less costly (tay, s.i., lee, t.c., hamid, n.a., ahmad, a.n., 2018: 1389). numerous of literature then were produced as resulted from their work on the subject which is mostly focusing on the technological aspect, including the adoption and the implementation of that new emerging technology in the society and its promotion (manda and dhaou, 2019: 245). however a more important complexity aspects beyond the technology, such governance and its institutional setting seems to have received a little attention from scholars. although there have been some literatures directed to unfold the pivotal role of governance in response to the challenge of industry 4.0, they seem to have been emphasised more on a micro level perspectif, such as the task must be taken by government to make sure the manufacturing will be well prepared for the next generation of industry revolution. even narrower to a micro level point of view by just outlining the way in which a manufacturing ought to be governed in order to meet the challenge of industry 4.0. the same holds true, i would say, for the governance in a wider context, such the way in which a democratic governance oughts to be practiced as an istrument to achieve the wealth of the nation. therefore, to make sure the day-to-day governance in country will be well prepared for responding the challenge of industry 4.0, it is legitimate enough to “reweigh” the relevance of current well known good governance concept with a view to reach the so called a proper governance. mailto:syarif.hidayat@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 2 “reweighing” the relevance of the present good governance concept is remain crucial for academics discourse as it has been stated by manda and backhouse (2017) that the advent of the 4th industrial revolution also known as industry 4.0 has brought with it significant social and economic challenges which require that governments respond appropriately. this industrial revolution is characterized by a fusion of technologies that is “blurring the lines between the physical, digital, and biological spheres” (schwab, 2016:1). it is set to disrupt society, business, and government through its innovations (manda and dhaou, 2019: 244). various governments are taking advantage of this digital-driven industrial revolution to improve their social and economic inclusion through a transformation towards a smart society(manda and dhaou, 2019: 244). the failure of the developing country governments, including indonesia, to embrace the digital-driven 4th industrial revolution may result in being left behind discussion industri 4.0: the origin, definition and components. the term “industry 4.0” was initially coined by the german government which describes and encapsulates a set of technological changes in manufacturing and sets out priorities of a coherent policy framework with the purpose of maintaining the global competitiveness of german industry. industry 4.0 has brought many professions to change (tay, s.i., lee, t.c., hamid, n.a., ahmad, a.n., 2018: 1379). before industry 4.0, there were three prior industrial revolutions that have led to changes of paradigm in the domain of manufacturing: mechanization through water and steam power, mass production in assembly lines and automation using information technology (tay, s.i., lee, t.c., hamid, n.a., ahmad, a.n., 2018: 1379). the schematic diagram of overview for the industrial revolutions is illustrated in figure 1. source: (tay, s.i., lee, t.c., hamid, n.a., ahmad, a.n., 2018: 1389). jour of adv research in dynamical & control systems, vol. 10, 14-special issue, 2018 issn 1943-023x received: 20 october 2018/accepted: 15 november 2018 1389 ii. definition of industry 4.0 figure 1: the industrial revolution industry 4.0 enables the manufacturing sector to become digitalized with built-in sensing devices virtually in all manufacturing components, products and equipment. the analyzing of related data within a ubiquitous system with the fusion of digital data and physical objects has the ability to transform every industrial sector in the world to evolve much faster and with greater impact than any of the three previous industrial revolutions i.e. industry 1.0,2.0 and 3.0(mrugalka & wyrwicka, 2017). hence, industry 4.0 is a contemporary issue that concerns today’s industrial production as a whole and is meant to revolutionize it. in 2011, germany introduced industry 4.0 at the hannover fair event, symbolizing the advent of a brand new era of industrial revolution. when the idea was first mooted, extensive efforts were undertaken by the european manufacturing researchers and companies to embrace it. their interest in this project or concept is due to the fact that under industry 4.0, production will become more efficient and less costly. this is achieved by easy exchange of information and the integrated control of manufacturing products and machines acting simultaneously and smartly in interoperability (qin, liu &grosvenor, 2016). however, different researchers have different perceptions on the true meaning of industry 4.0. table 1 shows the different definitions of industry 4.0 by different authors. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 3 the question then, what exactly is the definition of industry 4.0. it is intriguing, meanwhile industry 4.0 has overwhelmed the academics discourse, there has no a singgle definition been agreed by scholars. different researchers have different perceptions on the true meaning of industry 4.0. kagermann , wahlster & johannes (2013), for instance, say that industry 4.0 utilizing the power of communications technology and innovative inventions to boost the development of the manufacturing industry. schumacher, erol & sihn, (2016) argue, industry 4.0 is surrounded by a huge network of advanced technologies across the value-chain. service, automation, artificial intelligence robotics, internet of things and additive manufacturing are bringing in a brand new era of manufacturing processes. the boundaries between the real world and virtual reality is getting blurrier and causing a phenomenon known as cyber-physical production systems (cpps). meanwhile, schwab (2016) points out industry 4.0 is differentiated by a few characteristics of new technologies, for example: physical, digital, and biological worlds. the improvement in technologies is bringing significant effects on industries, economies and governments’ development plans. schwab pointed out that industry 4.0 is one of the most important concept in the development of global industry and the world economy. by referring to the above diverse definition, in general it may be argued that industry 4.0 refers to the means of automation and data exchange in manufacturing technologies including cyber-physical systems, internet of things, big data and analytics, augmented reality, additive manufacturing, simulation, horizontal and vertical system integration, autonomous robots as well as cloud computing (tay, s.i., lee, t.c., hamid, n.a., ahmad, a.n., 2018: 1379). it is now quite clear that, eventhough the academics is also having difficulty to distinguish industry 4.0 components, there are at least four main components which have commonly been mentioned by scholaras, namely: cyber-physical system (cps); internet of things (iot); internet of services (ios); and big data and analytics (tay, s.i., lee, t.c., hamid, n.a., ahmad, a.n., 2018: 1383). industry 4.0 can be played as a cyber-physical system study where the advances and speed of development in communication and calculation form the cyber-physical system and industry 4.0. a cyber-physical system (cps) is a system of collaborating it elements, designed to control physical (mechanical, electronic) objects. communication takes place via a data infrastructure such as the internet (schoenthaler, f., augenstein, d., and karle, t., 2015: 1). due to cyber-physical system to be more common in society and occurs during interaction with humans, it must be ensured that cps behave stably and has a certain bearing when utilized with artificial intelligence (ai) (mosterman & zender, 2015). cps is also the foundation to create the internet of things (iot) which can be combined to become the internet of services (ios). hence, businesses will find it easier to establish journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 4 global networks which joins the warehousing systems, machinery and production facilities of cps in the future (he, 2016). big data is the utilization of digital technology to conduct analysis (tay, s.i., lee, t.c., hamid, n.a., ahmad, a.n., 2018: 1383). industri 4.0 challenge for government as mentioned earlier, amongst the important complexity aspects of industry 4.0 beyond the technology is its challenge for governance. manda and dhaou (2019: 246) argue strongly that the successful adoption of the 4th industrial revolution will rely on the ability of governments, business and citizens to commit in supporting the transformation of society into a modern and smart society driven by advanced technology, skills, innovation and responsive policy. due to this challenge, it is undoubted that an innovative policy and legislative reforms are important for supporting digital transformation. they allow governments to put in place measures and resources in response to the challenges and opportunities brought by the digital ear (lips, o’neil & eppel, 2011; fan, zheng & yen, 2014; scholl & scholl, 2014) in response to the above challenges, it was not surprising that some of the governments’ plans had been taken by both developed and developing countries (tay, s.i., lee, t.c., hamid, n.a., ahmad, a.n., 2018: 1384-1385). just to mention a fiew example, amongst others are: in 2011, usa president barack obama started a series of national-level actions, discussions and recommendations, titled ‘advanced manufacturing partnership (amp)’. in 2012, an action plan known as ‘high-tech strategy 2020’ was passed by the german government. in 2013, the french government launched ‘la nouvelle france industrielle’. this program prioritized 34 sector-based ways in france’s industrial policy. in 2013, a long term action plan for the manufacturing industry in the united kingdom (uk) called the ‘future of manufacturing’ was implemented. this program refocused and rebalanced the policies to support the resilience of uk manufacturing until 2050. in 2014, a plan launched by the south koreans which had emphasized four ways and tasks for improvement of korean manufacturing. in 2015, china’s government launched two actions simultaneously i.e. the ‘internet plus’ and ‘made in china 2025’ strategies. in 2016, the singapore government launched its rie 2020 plan (research, innovation and enterprise) with a budget of $19 billion. in malaysia, the government aggressively took action by undertaking various efforts in helping industry players to embrace industry 4.0 through the implementation of automation and smart manufacturing. the pivotal role of government in response the wave of industry 4.0 has, in fact, been highlighted by schoenthaler, f., augenstein, d., and karle, t. (2015). they argue that governance, risk and compliance issues (in short: grc) are at the top of the management's journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 5 agenda; and the same holds true for virtual enterprises as in industry 4.0. furthermore, it is depicted by schoenthaler, at.ll. (2015:6) that: 1. governance is running a business on the basis of clearly understood and formulated business objectives and instructions. important conditions are legal compliance and completeness. governance thus extends across all business units and levels. 2. risk management is the sum of all measures for dealing with known and unknown internal and external enterprise risks. these include the establishment of early warning systems to identify risks, as well as measures to eliminate potential risks, and for the treatment of incurred risks. 3. compliance denotes conforming to a rule, correspondence or conformity with a specification, policy, standard or law with (ethical and moral) principles and procedures, including standards (e.g. iso) and clearly defined conventions. compliance fulfillment can be both forced (e.g. by law) and voluntary (e.g. adherence to standards). it is now quite clear that the main task of governance, according to schoenthaler, at.ll. (2015), amongst others are to formulate appropriate instructions, to communicate and to monitor their compliance. even more, the directives should be complete, efficient and effective, therefore consistent in itself. it is also necessary to implement mechanisms that monitor and control the execution of the directives. in addition, reactive mechanisms are to be provided for, ensuring that the enterprise immediately takes proper measures, in the case of imminent or an actual violation of regulations, to limit damage to the periphery as well as the enterprise itself. in short, the typical structure of a grc approach, and how it works, can be dipicted in the figure 2 bellow. influencing factors and grc mechanisms journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 6 source: schoenthaler, f., augenstein, d., and karle, t., (2015: 6). from good to proper governance although the above discussion has unfolded the pivotal role of governance in response to the challege of industry 4.0, it has emphasised more on the task must be taken by government to make sure the manufacturing will be well prepared. even narrower to a micro level point of view, namely, outlining the way in which a manufacturing ought to be governed in order to meet the challenge of industry 4.0. the same holds true for the governance in a wider context, such the way in a democratic governance oughts to be practiced as an instrumnt for achieving the wealth of the nation. therefore, the subsequent discussion will be directed to criticise the current good governance concept, then proceeded to propose the so called a proper governance concept which is belief more suitable to meet the challenge of industry 4.0. governance is a complex concept, and therefore, the definitions used are also relatively varied, depend on the perspectives, and the disciplines used. however, in general, chhotray and stoker (2009: 3) defines governance as the rules of collective decision-making in settings where there are a plurality of actors or organisations and where no formal control system can dictate the terms of the relationship between these actors and organisations. this indicates that there are at least three main elements of governance, namely, rules, collectivity and decision making. these three elements of governance must deal with the demands of reality, which in turn, not only requires adaptation, but also revitalization in order to work in line with the context and time. in the context of nation-state, for intance, the efforts to adapt and revitalize the concepts and the practice of governance undoubtedly need to be carried out to deal with the complexity of social problems, increasing demands of interest groups, and widening impact of internationalization (benz & papadopoulos, 2006). while in the economic context, businesses need to adjust and actualize their governance concepts and implementation with a view to accommodate the emerging new demands from consumers, regulatory complexity, corporate social responsibility, and global markets (mallin, 2003), including the challenges bring with the wave of industry 4.0. among the complexities of the development of the governance concept, one of which has recently been used as a reference among developing countries is the well known concept of good governance. actually, this concept refers the development studies school, which in fact was introduced by the world bank in 1992. substantially, the concept of good governance emphasizes the importance of upholding the principles of accountability, transparency and clarity of legal framework in decision making, and policy implementation (chhotray & stoker, 2009). it is believed that these three principles can guarantee the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 7 realization of effective development. elsewhere, in a review of the new emerging way of thinking about government, pierre and peters (2000) pointed out that the essence of good governance concept lies on two major issues, namely: the government changing role in society and its changing capacity to pursue collective interest under severe external and internal constraints. the brief theoretical review above indicates that the locus of good governance includes two main aspects, that are the state and society. the first aspect is consist of two arenas, namely, bureaucracy and political institutions. whereas, the second aspect includes two arenas which are called civil society and economic society. hyden and court (2002), then have summarized the principle of good governance into six main issues, namely: a) participation: the degree of involvement and ownership of affecting stakeholders; b) decency: the degree to which the formation and stewardship of rules are undertaken without humiliation or harm of the people; c) fairness: the degree to which rules apply equally to everyone in society regardless of their stat us; d) accountability: the degree to which public officials, elected as well as appointed, are responsible for their actions and responsive to public demands; e) transparency: the degree to which decisions made by public officials are clear and open to s crutiny by citizens or their representatives; and f) efficiency: the degree to which rules facilitate speedy and timely decision making. despite the presence of good governance concept has inspired a number of developing countries in asia, south africa and latin america, there are continuing efforts to criticise the weaknesses of good governance cocept. as it tends to apply parameters the so called “one fits all”. grindle (2004), for instance, points out that the fundamental weakness of good governance concept in response to the challenge of democratic and development reforms in the developing countries, is due to it brings with parameters that tend to be one fits for all. as a result, at the implementation level, good governance parameters are relatively inoperative because of their vulnerability in explaining and sitting, amongst other things: a) what is essential and what is not; b) what should come first and what should follow; c) what can be achieved in short term and what can only be achieved over the longer term; and d) what is feasible and what is not. the same nuace of criticism is put forward by nanda (20016:269). he strongly argues that to succeed in conducting such reform is not enough to only put good governance into place, but also needs democratic support, ownership, commitment, and has to take into account the country's cultural and historycal context. in his article entitled good governance concept revisited, ved p. nanda (2006), not only has criticized ambiguity at the conception level, but has also dissected in more detail the derivation of the concept of good governance by the world bank, imf, and u.s. aid. in brief, nanda puts forward journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 8 his point of view as follow: in the 1980s and 1990s, donor countries and other international agencies, especially the world bank, imf, and u.s. aid, formulated conditionality for recipient countries to obtain loans. commitment to implement good governance, then, has been made as one of the conditions in providing assistance to recipient countries. with this scheme, donors not only demand recipient countries to seriously carry out economic reforms, but also have to show clearly the practice of good governance. elsewere, mkandawir (2007) explicitly stated that the current good governance approach is very different from the original concept as contributed by african academics. the essence of good governance concept pursued by african academics strongly opposes structural adjustment, while the concept developed by the world bank is just the opposite. for more details, mkandawire (2007: 681) puts forward his criticism as follow: the approach to good governance and economic policy that finally became dominant differed radically from that of the african contributors who were strongly opposed to adjustment policies because not only were they deflationary and thus not developmental, but also because they were externally imposed, weakened the state, and undermined many of the post-colonial 'social contracts' . for the african contributors, good governance related to the larger issues of state-society relations and not just to the technocratic transparency-accountability mode that it eventually assumed in the international financial institutions. the actual use of the concept of good governance sidestepped the central concerns of the africans and rendered the notion purely administrative. and all too often, it looked like a fallback position for failed policies due to a series of the above weaknesses, it is reasonable if some scholars have provoked what they call a new generation of thinking, which emphasizes the importance of understanding the context in which policy reforms, institutions and processes take place. it is further argued that the design and implementation of governance undoubtedly must not neglect time, space, historical experience, and capacity of such individual country (grindle, 2011). by relying on that of a new generation of thinking framework, hidayat (2016) has proposed an alternative concept called proper governance. according to hidayat (2016: 163), the concept of good governance has experienced a lot of refraction both at the concept and policy implementation levels. these deviations occur, especially when the concept of good governance is adopted by international agencies, such as wold bank, imf and usaid to be used as conditionality in channeling aid to recipient countries (developing countries), especially related to the demand to do a structural adjustment. in this case, the concept of good governance is directed more towards journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 9 guarding international development agendas, and tends to use parameters that fit for all country. furthermore, hidayat (2016) argues, among the conceptual biases in question is that the arena of good governance has been more emphasized in state, while the arena of society does not receive balanced attention. this happens because it is believed by international agencies, especially the world bank, that the poor performance of the state (government) in providing public services is the main factor that causes failure of most developing countries in utilizing foreign assistance for economic development. the series of arument delineated above is quite clear indicating the urgency of reweighing the relevance of current well known good governance concept and it s practice (hidayat, 2016: 164). among the revitalization steps must be taken is to criticize the relevance of the terminology of good governance itself. the word good which is attached to the concept of governance actually does not give much importance, or even tends to present an impression of ambiguity. the root of the problem is not in good or bad governance, but whether the concept of governance is properly applied. essentially, it may be argued that the success in managing state and society is determined by the ability to adapt the concept of governance in accordance with the social, cultural, economic and political characteristics owned by such individual country. based on these theoretical considerations, hidayat (2016: 164) initiated the proper governance concept that refers to an appropriate, and comfortable governance, in accordance with the characteristics of the state and society owned by each nation state community. in berief, the construction of the proper governance concept proposed by hida yat expressly defines governance as an effort to build state and society relations that can guarantee the realization of three main objectives, namely: 1) governance of healthy economic development in meaning, a development management that allows the integration of efforts to create high economic growth, structural change, and the use of resources responsibly and sustainably in a very tight condition of global competition; 2) democratic life and the respect for the rights of every citizen. the urgency to include democratic aspect here, because it is believed to be able to act as the most effective drug in overcoming the reality of poor governance practices as a result of abuse of authority by those who is in power; and 3) social inclusiveness, in a sense, guarantees every citizen to get a decent life and participate in every national affair (mkandawir, 2007: 680). therefore, hidayat (2016) states that the concept of proper governance must be based on four main principles, namely: developmental, democratic, socially inclusive, and cultural and historical context (local content ). briefly, the derivation of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 10 the arena, dimensions, principles and parameters of the proper governance concept can be seen in table 1 table. 1 arena, dimensions and principles of proper governance arena dimensions principles state bureaucracy  developmental: economic growth, even distribution of wealth, and responsible use of resources.  democratic: guarantees the right of citizens to participate in decision-making and in overseeing the administration of the government, law enforcement, accountability and public transparency.  social inclusion: the right of every citizen to get the same rights in accessing economic and political resources; the same legal treatment, without distinguishing status; and the establishment of trust, both among the community, state administrators, and between the community and state administrators.  local content: social, culture, economic and political characteristics which may enable the establishment of ownership and commitment in the implementation of governance. political office society civil society economic society souce: hidayat (2016: 162). it is important here to highlight the fourth principle of proper governance mentioned above, as it may be argeued that local content acts as a frame of the other principles. it is said so because, the three other principles of proper governance will only work effectively if it does not neglect the local social, cultural, economic and political characteristics. with this kind of treatment, it is believed that there will be a sense of ownership and commitment among the community (civil society and the economic community) towards the implementation of development governance and governance at each level. above all, the urgency of accommodating these local characteristics also aims to eliminate the skepticism of the parameters of good governance that have been applied so far. when a comparison is made, the similarities and differences between the concepts of good governance and proper governance can be seen in table 2. in terms of "arena", for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 11 example, both the concepts of good governance and proper governance put equal pressure on the state arena and society. these two arenas are of equal importance because: in the dimension of democracy, the main function of the state is as an organizer of government, and society is the owner of sovereignty. meanwhile, in the economic dimension, the state carries out supply functions, and society carries the demand function. table 2. the comparison between the concept of good governance and proper governance arena dimension/ aspects principles and parameter the concept of good governance  state  bureaucracy  public administration efficiency  rule of law  government effectiveness  voice  accountability  transparency  control of corruption  regulatory quality  ownership  capacity building  sustainability,  selectivity  partnership  flexibility source: nanda (2006: 274); u.s. aid (2005b); radelet, siddiqi, and dizolele (2005).  society  civil society the concept of proper governance  state  bureaucracy  political office  developmental: economic growth, even distribution of wealth, and responsible use of resources.  democratic: guarantees the right of citizens to participate in decision-making and in overseeing the administration of the government, law enforcement, accountability and public transparency.  social inclusion: the right of every citizen to get the same rights in accessing economic and political resources; the same legal treatment, without  society  civil society  economic society journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 12 arena dimension/ aspects principles and parameter distinguishing status; and the establishment of trust, both among the community, state administrators, and between the community and state administrators.  local content: social, culture, economic and political characteristics which may enable the establishment of ownership and commitment in the implementation of governance. the difference between the concept of good and proper governance then begins to be seen in the formulation of dimensions/ aspects of governance. the first concept tends to focus only on the bureaucratic dimension in the state arena, and the civil society dimension in the society arena. while the proper governance concept, laying two dimensions of the state namely bureaucracy and political office, as well as two dimensions of society, namely civil society and the economic society. the next fundamental difference can be seen in the formulation of governance parameters. more specifically, the concept of good governance offers a number of parameters which are derived from the bureaucratic and civil society business, including: public administration efficiency, rule of law, government effectiveness, voice, accountability, transparency, control of corruption, regulatory quality, ownership, capacity building , sustainability, selectivity, partnership, and flexibility. while the concept of proper governance, downgrading a number of parameter based on four principles proposed, namely: developmental, democratic, socially inclusive, cultural and historical context. finally, what about revitalization at the level of policy implementation? strictly speaking, the concept of proper governance is in line with grindle's conception (2004 and 2011), which states that to enable governance to work at the level of reality, then the parameters used must not be one size fits for all, also specifically reduce: a) what's the essential and what's not; b) what should come first and what should follow; c) what can be achieved in short term and what can only be achieved over the longer term; and d) what is feasible and what is not. conclusion the 4th industrial revolution also known as industry 4.0 has brought with it significant social and economic challenges which require that governments respond properly. this industrial revolution is characterized by a fusion of technologies that is “blurring the lines journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 13 between the physical, digital, and biological spheres”. it is set to disrupt society, business, and government through its innovations. eventhough the academics is having difficulty to distinguish industry 4.0 components, there are at least four main components which have commonly been mentioned by scholaras, namely: cyber-physical system (cps); internet of things (iot); internet of services (ios); and big data and analytics. the successful adoption of the 4th industrial revolution will rely on the ability of governments, business and citizens to commit in supporting the transformation of society into a modern and smart society driven by advanced technology, skills, innovation and responsive policy. therefore, governance, risk and compliance issues have became at the top of the management's agenda. although there have been some literatures directed to unfold the pivotal role of governance in response to the challenge of industry 4.0, they seem to have been emphasised more on, such as the task must be taken by government to make sure the manufacturing will be well prepared for the next generation of industry revolution. even narrower to a micro level point of view by just outlining the way in which a manufacturing ought to be governed in order to meet the challenge of industry 4.0. this paper argues that the same holds true for the governance in a wider context. particularly, in the case of which a democratic governance oughts to be practiced as an instrument to achieve the wealth of the nation. therefore, to make sure the day-to-day governance in country will be well prepared for responding the challenge of industry 4.0, it is crucial to 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(1992). governance and development. world bank; washington dc. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 140 revitalizing policy of pedestrian bridge without roof in sudirman jakarta: dilemma between function and aesthetics bhakti nur avianto, dwi nur utami department of public administration, faculty of social & political sciences, universitas nasional. jakarta, indonesia, email : bhakti.nur.avianto@civitas.unas.ac.id dwinurutami55@gmail.com abstract: purpose survey research is to answer for dilemma of public service facilities to assess how much benefits of revitalizing the pedestrian bridge without a roof in sudirman jakarta, given the problem for the pedestrian bridge cannot protect its users from the heat and rain. in addition, this building structure can be adjusted to the aesthetic advantages layout of the modern city. the quantitative survey method uses the analytical hierarchy process model approach, which is a decision-making method by comparing the selection criteria in pairs and the pairwise comparison between the available options. the results showed that respondents expected the pedestrian bridge to return to its function of safety and comfort to be the top priority. in addition, there are also advantages in improving the aesthetics of urban planning which is the attraction of public facilities. thus the decision as a reference that revitalization pedestrian bridge must prioritize its function to cross, not enjoy the city view, besides that, the pedestrian bridge without a roof needs to adjust to the season and weather in jakarta which has an impact on public concerns about the dangers of bridge conditions for its users. keywords: revitalzing, pedestrian bridge without-roof, public facilities. submission : feb, 11th 2020 revision : april 18th 2021 publication : may 28th 2021 introduction pedestrian movement includes movements along the road, cutting roads and intersections. as is common in various big cities, because of the demands of economic development, trade and easy reach of services for the community, public facilities such as hotels, shops and so on are usually grouped in a certain area, because the location of the building is spread from one building to another throughout the area, then one day pedestrians have to cross vehicle traffic to get to their destination. however, often the presence of these road crossers at a certain level will result in a sharp conflict with the flow of vehicles resulting in traffic delays and a high rate of accidents. pedestrian bridge (known as jpo) is a service facility to the community in supporting their daily activities (natalia, 2011). mailto:bhakti.nur.avianto@civitas.unas.ac.id mailto:dwinurutami55@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 141 term jpo is a facility for pedestrians to cross the highway or toll road using a bridge, so that people and vehicle traffic are physically separated (koswara, roestaman and waludjojati, 2014). availability of this jpo as a facility for public is expected to be able to help the community, especially pedestrians, to cross roads with high traffic density frequencies in order to minimize and avoid traffic accidents. but in reality, there are still people who are reluctant to use the jpo facilities when crossing the road. another reason for low number of jpo users not using these facilities is influenced by several factors, namely: comfort, safety, convenience, design, security and barriers (wijaya, lubis, & sari, 2015). since 2018, the provincial government of special capital territory of jakarta has continued to revitalize pedestrian bridge (jpo) in the capital, there are 11 jpos that will be revitalized in 2020 including the kyai caringin jpo (rsud tarakan busway), suryopranoto jpo (petojo busway), jpo pos (pasar baru busway), jpo daan magot (rumah duka abadi), jpo saharjo (menteng pulo), jpo warung jati barat (pejaten village), jpo jalan raya pasar minggu (tanjung barat), jpo lenteng agung, jpo fatmawati (rsup fatmawati), jpo sugiyono (masjid al abidin) (source: bina marga dki jakarta province, 2020). revitalization here is intended as an effort to revive something that was previously degraded or experienced setbacks (hakim et.al., 2020; laretna, 2012; antariksa, 2012). revitalization itself is directed with intention of improving a part of the city that is experiencing decline so that it needs restructuring to make it valuable (christiady and mussadun, 2014). revitalization requires community involvement. the involvement in question is not just participating in supporting aspects of formality that require public participation, besides that, they are involved is not only the community in that environment, but the public in a broad sense (laretna, 2012; christiady, and mussadun. 2014). revitalization or restructuring can also be interpreted as the maintenance of an asset. maintenance and repair of an asset is needed to maintain value of each of these assets. therefore, maintenance can be defined as maintaining, protecting from damage to an asset so that it can function and provide services according to its intended purpose. (laretna, 2012; pratama, 2016). so that the revitalization of the area aims to increase the vitality of the built area through urban interventions that are able to create local economic growth and stability, integrated with the city system, livable, social justice, with a cultural and environmental perspective. the rearrangement several pedestrian bridges (jpo) in provincial government of special capital territory of jakarta, one of which is the sudirman jpo, is intended in addition to improving physical condition of the jpo itself, this revitalization also encourages public interest, especially pedestrians, to use this jpo facility themselves. the condition of jpo sudirman itself has been rearranged with it already been painted from the floor to the fence. in addition, at the end of the bridge there is a warning sign for pedestrians not to sit or lean on the jpo fence. however, on the instruction of the governor act on november journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 142 5, 2019, specifically for jpo sudirman, a bridge without a roof was built. so it is very unfortunate that the revitalization of jpo sudirman has drawn various opinions. therefore, removing the roof from the jpo itself is considered illogical for some people, but there are also those who support removing the roof from the jpo itself (wijaya, lubis, & sari, 2015). the reason for removing the roof of the jpo itself is where the public can enjoy a wide view of the capital from the top of the jpo, background in skyscrapers town of central jakarta, it can be a selfie photo spot with an instagram able concept for users and also increase the aesthetic value of this jpo. this impacted that for some people do not agree with the removal of the jpo roof because there is nothing to protect users from the hot sun and bad weather such as rain (wijaya, lubis, and sari, 2015; purba, 2021; natalia, 2011). this jpo sudirman revitalization provides a new experience for users crossing this jpo without a roof. but in terms of comfort and safety, it is still a problem for some people who do not agree with the removal of the roof of this jpo. in terms of comfort, the public considers that without a roof it makes users unable to protect themselves from heat and rain, jpo should have the functions of safety, convenience, comfort and attractiveness for pedestrians in weather conditions. whatever (christiady, gantira, and mussadun. 2014; hakim et al., 2020). in addition, with removal roof from jpo, this has become one of the new instagram able photo spots which hinders bridge users from crossing the jpo because many residents want to take photos and try selfies on the bridge. meanwhile, in terms of security, this jpo fence is less secure because the height of this fence is lower than the user's height. the provincial government of special capital territory of jakarta decision to remove the roof of the jpo on jalan jenderal sudirman jakarta has indeed drawn pros and cons. all opinions of policy actors, whether for or against, have strong reasons. (h1): so that in this research a public opinion survey will be carried out on how important or agree with the provincial government of special capital territory of jakarta decision to revitalize the jpo without a roof on jalan jenderal sudirman jakarta? understanding the meaning of policy in general is implied in the big indonesian dictionary which is defined as a series of concepts and principles that form the outline and basis of plans for implementing leadership work, and ways of acting (regarding governance, organizations, etc.); statement of ideals, goals, principles, or intent as a guideline for management in achieving goals; bow line. (anonymous, 2002). the meaning of this policy can be said to be an action guide for executing thinking power (steiner and miner, 1997), where the policy is coordinated in achieving predetermined targets (dunn, 2005; steiner and miner, 1997; ewert, 2019) so that the target proposed in the policy refers more to a method of achieving goals by paying attention to the guidelines that must journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 143 be carried out and in the end is designed to ensure the consistency of a program and minimize errors in making decisions that are not right on target. thus, policies have a very important role as a guide for what actions to take and are obeyed consistently in order to achieve effective and efficient goals (dunn 2005; ewert, 2019). the policies in this paper direct us to the thought of a decision that has been determined by the existence of legal sanctions. so that in other words public policy implies a legal function, even as an important element of politics related to coordination between units within the government (ewert, 2019; capano and howlett, 2019). policy in this sense can also be defined as a decision-making process from several alternative decision choices including identification of program priorities and their impacts, so policies can be a form of oral or short written speech that can provide guidance to the general public regarding a person's authority in making and making decisions, it is even possible that policies can be interpreted as a series of concepts and principles that form the format for implementation of a job to be carried out by the leadership (ewert, 2019; capano and howlett, 2019; dunn, 2005; steiner and miner, 1997). the policy concept carried out by the leadership of the organization makes a lot of decision choices among alternative decisions, so this concept also distinguishes between policy choices and decision choices, (winarno, 2014). the decision should be understood as a series of activities that deal with the consequences of the decision. in other words, the term policy is basically a direction or pattern of organizational activities and not just a decision on certain activities. so that the purpose of the policy is an action that is deliberately not carried out by political officials, stakeholders or the government in which there is an element of decision in the form of an effort to choose among the various alternatives available to achieve certain goals and objectives. method quantitative survey research method (sugiyono, 2015:53) is a study that selects a sample from a certain population by utilizing a questionnaire as a tool to collect basic data. this research is a quantitative research that researchers use to examine phenomena in individual or group behavior by testing hypotheses, explaining causal relationships, predicting future policies, evaluating and developing social indicators. the research process consists of systematic and logical steps carried out in conducting the survey research method. survey quantitative research steps: this section contains the design of the research was conducted. the method section must be written short, solid, clear, but sufficient. this section explained that use of research methods, implementation procedures, tools, materials or instruments must be well explained, but not in theory. if deemed necessary, there is an attachment regarding the instrument grid or fragments of material used. if there are statistical formulas that are used as part of the method, the formula that is commonly used does not need to be journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 144 written. for example, there are specific provisions stipulated by researchers in order to collect and analyze data described in this part of the method. figure.1: steps for preparing a survey method (sugiyono, 2016) survey quantitative research starts from problems, which consist of introduction and identification problem, and gap formulation. the problem is then explained and answered with theory. the answer to the problem formulation is through a hypothesis function, so that the expected hypothesis can prove its truth in the field. therefore, in this study to determine a specific population if the population is large, the researcher uses the sample as a source of research data. if the researcher intends to make generalizations about the results of the sample study, the sample is taken randomly (sugiyono, 2015:11) as random sample slovin formula is used as follows: researchers in collecting this data developed instruments starting with the distribution of a questionnaire for a time period of 1 month, data processing 2-3 months in the beginning of 2021 with the target respondents as sudirman jpo users. in order for the data obtained to be valid and reliable, the research instrument before being used for data collection was tested for validity and reliability first. after sample is determined and the instrument has been tested for validity and reliability, the next step is to collect data on sample that has been determined. after data is collected and continued analyzed data used analytical hierarchy process (ahp) model (helms, 2011; thamrin, et.al., 2017) which is a decision-making method by comparing the selection criteria in pairs and the pairwise comparison between the available options. ahp decision-making problems are generally composed of criteria and alternative choices answer problem formulations hypotheses conclude by making conclusions (oetomo, and ardini, 2012) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 145 figure 02: analytical hierarchy process (ahp) for decision result and discussion a. responses about security aspect results survey that have been carried out, from the rapid survey data of 210 respondents who were randomly selected through google-form application tool, where the data found is related to characteristics, behavior, variable relationships taken from the presence of population representation (oetomo, and ardini, 2012). where the main data source and information are found from the representation of respondents as samples (primary data sources), male sex 38.10%; women 61.90%; average age 20-65 years as much 80% from jakarta area. and 1-2 times to used jpo sudirman 14.2%; 3-4 times 37.6% and more than <5 is 48.2%, this data search is used in the form of survey questions as a data collection instrument. starting from observation stage, researcher analyzes the safety aspects of jpo sudirman jakarta in a safer condition for pedestrians after being revitalized, maybe table 1. security aspect no. assessment indicators percent (%) 1. bridge roof to protect heat and rain 57,13 2 2. camera on cctv 8.65 3 3. bridge fence 23,77 4 4. civil service police unit 10.45 source: data survey, 2021 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 146 table 2. convenience aspect no. assessment indicators percent (%) 1. distance stairs 47,66 there is a change in the roofless shape of the sudirman jpo which is the focus of attention. structurally, the jpo is made of concrete, and the construction is very strong, even the foundation of the footrest is very safe from possible injuries. regarding the installation of cctv itself, for now on jpo sudirman, this is not yet a top priority, this is because the condition of the area is in a very low level of crime, even there are no accidents and this sudirman jpo is not equipped with an elevator because it is not a priority for users with disabilities and pregnant women. results interviews with informants indicated that at this time there were no plans to construct a better one, this was also related to the budget and during the covid-19 outbreak, the budget was focused on the health sector. in terms of security, it is seen from the robustness that this jpo is still sturdy and safe, but from a security aspect, the weather, according to respondents, is not safe because it is still safer to use a roof like other jpos. if it's like this, it doesn't seem friendly either for people with disabilities, the elderly and pregnant women. it should be a special priority because they have to go up the stairs first, so the small stairs are not safe. the implementation of safety in planning facilities for pedestrians at jpo sudirman is still not good. from the safety point of view of jpo sudirman, there are still users who feel that after the removal of the jpo roof, the safety level has decreased. b. responses about convenience aspect convenience is level where someone believes that the use of a system is something that is not difficult to understand and does not require hard effort from the wearer to be able to use it (jogiyanto, 2007: 129). in the aspect of convenience, some respondents stated that: the height of the jpo ladder affects the user besides the distance of the bridge that is far from the destination, making the respondent feel that it is time consuming and exhausting to get to the pedestrian bridge and lead to the destination, in the jpo itself there are sign in (other) so that it is easier to pass the stairs (see in table 2). the aspect of easiness for jpo users to cross to remain smooth does not have any effect, because currently the jpo is still functioning well for the people crossing jalan sudirman, it is still smooth and there are no obstacles. in addition, in this sudirman jpo, it can be seen that there are no beggars or traders selling at the jpo. so for the smoothness aspect, there are no obstacles. for the first time, it might be annoying, because at the time the roof was opened, many people were enthusiastic about visiting the jpo because it was viral. however, as time goes on, it becomes normal again so it doesn't interfere with the smooth running of jpo users who are disturbed but maybe at the start there are some people who are disturbed because many people visit the jpo sudirman to take pictures. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 147 table 3. comfort aspect no. assessment indicators percent (%) 1. the height of bridge 60,03 after the revitalization of jpo sudirman, the aspect of smoothness according to respondents was quite good, such as there were no traders selling on jpo because there was a civil service police unit (satpol pp) to supervise it. the aspect of smoothness apart from the absence of traders, now maybe because the jpo is viral so many people come to take pictures because it doesn't take long on the jpo. in this aspect, it is already optimal. jpo sudirman is fairly free from beggars and sellers that are usually found in jpo. constraints from this aspect of smoothness are the many jpo sudirman users who criticize because this jpo is a new tourist spot for self-photos and disturbs the smooth running of jpo sudirman users. c. responses about comfort aspect the comfort aspect of jpo sudirman plays an important role in realizing the right revitalization with the target audience, namely users. comfort is a vital value that should be enjoyed by the community or jpo sudirman users in carrying out their daily activities. this aspect of comfort is very influential on jpo sudirman users, moreover, jpo sudirman is a public facility whose function is to help the community in their daily activities. comfort jpo sudirman affects the weather, if the conditions are hot it is hot and when it rains it rains because there is no roof. so, it has little effect on comfort because if people cross it during the day in hot conditions and in conditions of heavy rain. however, if we cross it in the afternoon, evening or morning with shady weather it can be said to be still convenience. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 148 jpo is still used as a means and facility for pedestrians for some people. there are some people who walk using the jpo to cross. the jpo continues to function as its original function of crossing for pedestrians. the pedestrian community around the jpo also understands the advantages of having a jpo as a means of crossing. from various responses from respondents that the sudirman jpo without a canopy is very low in terms of comfort, cannot protect from the hot sun, rain and lightning, is widely used to cross the busway facilities (very risky if bad weather occurs), it can be said that it is dangerous for users however, there are those who do not have a problem with a pedestrian bridge that is not equipped with a roof, because it is considered to be walking on a sidewalk without a roof. indeed, in terms of beauty, it can be said to be sightseeing, aesthetic and memorable for a modern city. however, the responses of other users seemed that they could not see a jpo with the essence of the roof being opened or not, but the substance had to be accessed easily, comfortably and safely. another response was that from the start, jpo users felt uncomfortable using jpo sudirman because it was steep and dangerous, so the bridge's function should be adjusted to weather conditions. the function of the pedestrian bridge so that pedestrians are safe, comfortable and easy when crossing the road. if the goal is so that people can see the scenery, there are many other places that can be used for that. if jpo sudirman should be used for crossing, however, the government's efforts to repair and beautify the pedestrian bridge need to be appreciated. however, in order for the bridge to be repaired it should be classified based on the level of damage. for example: green classification for a bridge that is safe and suitable for use. furthermore, the yellow classification for bridges is still quite good but needs some improvement. then the red classification for bridges that are not suitable for use and must be repaired immediately. with this classification, it is hoped that the budget issued will be right on target. respondents' responses to jpo sudirman, which are without a roof, actually make users journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 149 uncomfortable. indeed (without a roof) can see the view, but many choose not to get too hot and not get caught in the rain. d. responses about attractiveness aspect based on this aspect of attractiveness, the researcher tries to raise how much the public is interested in this jpo without a roof, from the data of the respondents who enter, the statement is forced to use because there is no choice, the percentage is more dominant than the aesthetic value, and most even say that it is better to use a cover to make it safer and comfortable, if for photo spots it is usually in the afternoon or evening, so that for workers who often use jpo as a crossing instead of taking pictures. meanwhile, another thing related to the aesthetic value of the bridge does look more modern, however, it seems that the function of a jpo without or as a crossing does not provide much better benefits. aesthetics and modern or what we often hear about beauty has many meanings, everyone has a different meaning from one another regarding meaning of aesthetics. because, everyone has different ratings and criteria of beauty. but here we will try to give a little understanding for the aesthetics of jpo sudirman as seen from survey results more dominant appeal. one thing that was revealed by the respondent was that this jpo still uses the existing jpo, it's just that when the roof is dismantled or removed, it becomes more attractive for people to take pictures against the backdrop of tall buildings. actually, from the side of the jpo itself it is not very attractive, but the background is very interesting. however, sometimes people only come to take pictures in the afternoon and at night and even then rarely pay attention to the aspects of safety, security, and comfort. previously, the jpo was standard and made boring a new innovation. so when we build something, the safety aspect is definitely considered. the attractiveness of public facilities is important to apply considering that the sudirman jpo facility is a facility for the wider community that should have its own uniqueness so that the community or its users do not feel bored or bored. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 150 table 4. attractiveness aspect no. assessment indicators percent (%) 1. uniqueness facility 8,12 2 2. new phenomenon 22,19 3 3. city-seesighting 24,75 4 4. new experience 44,94 source: data survey, 2021 the attractiveness of this public facility can be in the form of a unique design that attracts users or the public (bustomi and avianto, 2021). the uniqueness of these public facilities can increase the interest of users or people who use these public facilities in their daily activities. rearrangement or revitalization carried out in public facilities is a wise step to increase the attractiveness of the community to use it. innovation in public facilities is a new breakthrough for services to the community in order to bring the area back to life. besides that, they are very important because the meaning of aesthetics itself which contains beauty can make us as humans feel the beauty of art, nature that creates a sense of comfort for the audience. beauty of aesthetics is able to change a person's mood from initially upset to cheerful. even when we see beauty often, our health will be maintained, even the body becomes healthy because the mind is comfortable with beauty which has a health effect on the body with suggestions of comfort in human psychology. but all respondents predominantly convey their designation or function, in the sense that they must be in accordance with their use, jpo sudirman should be used by road users as a means of crossing from one place to another not for traveling, taking picture and city-seesighting. e. revitalizing jpo sudirman: dilemma between function and aesthetics revitalization carried out at the pedestrian bridge (jpo) in sudirman aims to improve facilities for pedestrians by increasing vitality of area. the physical intervention carried out at the sudirman jpo was carried out in stages, including improvement and improvement of the quality and physical condition of the jpo. jpo sudirman is a facility for pedestrians who need special attention. this jpo sudirman revitalization provides a new experience for users crossing this jpo without a roof. but in terms of comfort and safety, it is still a problem for some people who do not agree with the removal of the roof of this jpo. in terms of comfort, people think that without a roof, users cannot protect journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 151 themselves from heat and rain. in addition, with removal roof from the jpo, this has become one of the new instagramable photo spots which hinders bridge users from crossing the jpo because many residents want to take photos and try selfies on the bridge. meanwhile, in terms of security, this jpo fence is less secure because the height of this fence is lower than the user's height. with this jpo revitalization it is hoped that the community, especially pedestrians, will use public facilities properly, besides that the use of jpo is intended to minimize the occurrence of traffic accidents. then researcher tries to make dilemma analysis about revitalization of jpo sudirman between designation of functions or for aesthetics city view, then a decision analysis (ahp) is carried out to take the most percentage value so that survey decision can give consideration to appropriate improvements. results were obtained starting from sudirman jpo from the aspect of the security function to protect from heat and rain, the percentage value was 57.13%. this means that the hope of users and pedestrians does not want them not to be protected from both of them, it is hoped that they will return to their function by replacing the bridge roof. besides that, it is also necessary to pay attention to the bridge fence in accordance with high level security standards, there must be cctv and satpol pp officers always supervising. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 152 reflecting on these factors, efforts to optimize the security aspects must be carried out optimally (green colour), considering that crossing facilities are a means of activity for many people in their daily activities besides that the crossing facilities must also provide benefits for users so that they feel the function of these facilities is useful. security is an important factor because it involves maintaining and protecting pedestrians when using public facilities. furthermore, from the comfort aspect, a value of 60.03% is obtained, meaning that the respondent thinks that the bridge looks very high so that users feel tired to climb onto the bridge, besides that the number of stairs is too many and there is no bridge roof causing laziness and feeling afraid to use the bridge crossing, especially children, elderly people and disabilities. the convenience of public facilities is an important factor to consider in planning public facilities. if a public facility is to be of interest to the public, careful planning is needed because it involves convenience for user or the community (sihombing, 2016). comfort itself is difficult to define but comfort becomes an individual responsive judgment. convenience aspect itself can be interpreted as satisfaction or enjoyment of the user. the convenience aspect of jpo sudirman plays an important role in realizing the right revitalization with the target users. convenience is a vital value that should be enjoyed by public or jpo sudirman users in carrying out their daily activities. this aspect of convenience is very influential on jpo sudirman users. moreover, the function of this jpo is a public facility to help the community in their daily activities. however, with the 60.03% process value, it can be assumed that the respondent stated that he was not comfortable using the jpo sudirman facility after the revitalization was carried out by removing the protective function or the bridge roof. furthermore, the results of the survey of respondents about jpo from the fun aspect are also part of the city's tourist attraction. however, the percentage value obtained is 47.66% which states that the responsiveness is worried about the height of the bridge and the steepness of the stairs, it will be very felt if there is a strong wind blowing with the bridge fence distance is not high. in the fun aspect, the researcher looks at how much the respondents are satisfied with the use of jpo sudirman, indicated by a percentage figure of 42.10% which states that the number of stairs is not ideal. the second reason is that the distance of the bridge is far from the destination so that the respondent states that the distance of the bridge that is far from the destination makes the respondent feel that it is time consuming and draining enough to get to the pedestrian bridge and lead to the destination, even only connecting between sidewalks (outdoor places) or not. connecting transjakarta bus stops. the third reason, respondents feel satisfied and happy is that they are free from beggars and traders (pkl) when the community uses the jpo facility. the pleasant aspect for pedestrians in question is the smoothness of pedestrians in using public facilities, namely: there are no obstacles in doing activities using public facilities. smooth running of this public facility will affect the interest in the use of the community. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 153 satisfaction at this public facility will affect the ease of users or the community in doing activities. the smooth running of this jpo is a service to the community that needs attention, because that's the fun aspect contained in the jpo will build a good image. this aspect that affects the public in their activities is the most important because public facilities are actually built to make it easier for its users (muksin and avianto, 2021). although some people consider this jpo as part of urban planning innovation. the aesthetic aspect of the researcher raises the percentage value shown at 47.09% which is expected by the respondents that the aesthetics of the bridge is not too important, rather the actual function is preferred. the aesthetic purpose of the roof demolition aims to present a new experience, where the jpo is not only used to cross, but also while enjoying the view of the city of jakarta. aesthetically it looks beautiful and good, although functionally a bit neglected. the opening of the jpo sudirman roof is certainly not only functioned for taking selfies, but is based on the sense of aesthetics and modern elements to adapt to the surrounding environment, so in addition to crossing and opening the roof of jpo sudirman, people can take selfies with the background of modern architectural buildings. the uniqueness removal roof for sudirman jpo adds to appeal community to try it out. revitalization carried out at sudirman jpo is another goal is to make a new selfie tourist spot in the capital city of jakarta because with their backdrop on sudirman skyscrapers it adds to its own charm. removal jpo roof (without-roof) will give a roomy impression and give potential users to observe the surroundings more instead of just focusing on the straight road in front of it. this atmosphere is expected to stimulate a sense of joy among the pressures of urban life. the impression of being open can also reduce the likelihood of crime occurring compared to closed places that are not visible. functionally, the jpo without a roof will remain in accordance with its function while it connects the outdoor area to the outdoor area as well. because main function is crossing, not to take shelter from the heat or rain which will actually hinder people who will pass due to the large number of people taking shelter. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 154 according to the author, the reasons and considerations presented by provincial government of special capital territory of jakarta are still quite reasonable, and from visible results also meet the aesthetic requirements. however, considering that jakarta road traffic is very dense and the jpo must prioritize its functionality rather than its aesthetic aspects. the function of the jpo is supposed to facilitate pedestrians to walk comfortably, not to enjoy the scenery and to be used for taking pictures. the main function of the jpo is to cross, not take a selfie (take picture). it is better if the jpo has a roof to match the season and weather in jakarta, when it comes to the rainy season, will anyone want to cross with the jpo without a roof. conclusion the decision of provincial government of special capital territory of jakarta to revitalize a roofless jpo on jalan jenderal sudirman-jakarta seems to be an important note in carrying out urban planning city innovations. where the survey results of respondents expect jpo sudirman in safety and comfort functions to be the top priority (=58%), in addition there is also an advantage in increasing the aesthetic values of urban planning seen from the pleasant and attractive aspects of public facilities (=47%). so that the end result in ahp's decision is that the jpo must prioritize its functionality more than its aesthetic aspects. the function of the jpo is supposed to facilitate pedestrians to cross, not to enjoy the city view, even to be used for taking pictures. the implication of the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 155 results of this survey analysis is expected to be an input for provincial government of special capital territory of jakarta so that it can overcome the dilemma that occurs in public as jpo users. of course, the results implication of this study can be used for other researchers to deepen aspects of public services concerning for needs many people. references antariksa, s. 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(2012), swot analysis in strategic management: a case study at purabaya bus station. journal of economics, business & accoutancy, ventura, 15(2), 171-186. winarno, b. (2014), public policy: theory, process and case study, yogyakarta: caps. wijaya, k., lubis, a., & sari, r. a. (2015), identification of low community interest using crossing bridge with fault tree analysis method. jurnal pendidikan teknologi dan kejuruan, 17(1), 1-9. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 342 synergy of multi-stakeholders in defending indonesia from cyber threats aththaariq rizki1, fauzia gustarina cempaka timur2 1student of asymmetric warfare study program, indonesia defense university, bogor 2lecturer in asymmetric warfare study program, indonesia defense university, bogor email: erikatorik@gmail.com, fg.cempaka@idu.ac.id abstract: this paper argues that currently the threat of cyber-attacks has become a real threat that has the potential to develop in indonesia. with the presence of these cyber-attacks, the government must take advantage of the synergy between state multi-stake holders to jointly face cyber threats that come to attack indonesia. the purpose of this research is to answer the existing problem formulations, namely first to find out which state multi-stake holders are in synergy in defending cyber-attacks in indonesia; and to analyze how the synergy of state multi-stake holders in dealing with cyber-attacks in indonesia. the writing of this article was conducted using a qualitative method with a literature review approach that focuses on the synergy between state multi-stake holders in dealing with cyber-attacks in indonesia. the theory used is the concept of synergy, state multi-stake holders, and the threat of cyber-attacks as a literature review. in this paper, the results show that the synergy concept consists of coordination; and communication, which is used by state multi-stake holders to face the threat of cyber-attacks. so that it can be concluded from this writing that state multi-stake holders who work together in defending cyber threats are: bssn, kominfo, puskom kemhan, pusinfolahta tni headquarters, and dittipidsiber polri. in addition, the synergy of state multi-stake holders in dealing with cyber-attacks in indonesia is carried out by applying the synergy aspect, namely coordination and communication, which is led by bssn as the leading sector in the cyber defense sector. keyword: synergy, stakeholder, cyber, attack, indonesia. submission : aug 7th 2021 revision : sept 18th 2021 publication : nov 28th 2021 introduction the development of technology in the world is currently growing very rapidly. starting from daily activities to professional activities utilizing technology in their activities. but in addition to providing benefits, technological developments can also have a negative impact on humans. one of the technology-based threats that is currently being carried out is cyber threats. cyber threats are a new challenge and problem that must be faced by the government. one of the major cyberattack cases that the indonesian people have ever faced is the wannacry ransomware cyberattack. in 2018, the world was shocked by the wannacry cyber-attack, no more than 150 countries were affected by this cyber-attack. indonesia was also one of the victims of this attack, mailto:syarif.hidayat@civitas.unas.ac.id mailto:erikatorik@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 343 one of the institutions that was attacked was the hospital. according to kertopati in cnn indonesia (2018), the ministry of communication and information of the republic of indonesia (kominfo) said that two hospitals in jakarta were victims of the wannacry ransomware cyberattack. these two hospitals are harapan kita hospital and dharmais hospital. malware attacks the victim's computer by locking the computer or encrypting all existing data so that it cannot be accessed again. to unlock and re-access the computer, the victim must pay a ransom to the sender of the virus. this is a big problem, considering the hospital is a critical infrastructure in a country. if the existing system in the hospital is paralyzed, the health services provided will also be hampered. the national cybersecurity operations center (pusopskamsinas) of the national cyber and crypto agency (bssn) noted that there were 88,414,296 cyberattacks that occurred from january 1 to april 12, 2020. when the work from home (wfh) policy was enacted, many cyber-attacks continued. attack. in january and february 2020, there was a cyber-attack using the background of the covid-19 pandemic, the attack was malicious email phishing. meanwhile, in march there were 22 cyber-attacks using the background of the covid-19 pandemic issue. (bssn, 2021) according to bssn (2021), the work from home mechanism can increase the potential risk of cyber attacks, because work that should be done conventionally must be turned into activities through a network. bssn noted that the covid-19 pandemic must be addressed by organizations as a momentum to fix information security policies to anticipate cyber incidents. in addition to attacking critical infrastructure, cyber attacks also cause significant losses. based on data made by norton symantec (2016), it was noted that during 2015 to february 2016. the results show that online crime in indonesia caused a total loss of rp. 194.6 billion. this condition should be anticipated and minimized the resulting impact. the government as a policy maker must be able to provide sovereignty and security for cyber systems in indonesia, especially in critical infrastructure. the government actually already has rules regarding cyber crimes starting in 2008, through law no. 11 of 2008 regarding information and electronic transactions. however, this rule still has many loopholes that have not regulated crimes in the cyber world. cyber threats will always develop in accordance with technological developments. seeing this, the government in 2014 through the ministry of defense has made cyber defense guidelines which are listed in the regulation of the minister of defense of the republic of indonesia number 82 of 2014. the guidelines indicate that the government is aware of the dangers of potential cyber attacks. based on this regulation, it is also explained that in realizing national cyber security, every effort is needed from the institution. so that synergy between state multi-stake holders is very important in dealing with cyber attacks that have a broad spectrum of battlefields. the government through presidential regulation number 53 of 2017 concerning the national cyber and crypto agency (bssn) and its amendment regulations presidential regulation number 133 of 2017 established a bssn which is tasked with journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 344 implementing cyber security effectively and efficiently by utilizing, developing and participating in consolidating all elements related to security. national cyber. (bssn, 2021) bssn in carrying out its duties does not move alone. how many agencies are intersecting each other in carrying out their obligations. the collaboration and integration of these agencies will create a national cyber defense. with the existence of a national cyber defense, the government hopes that cyber attacks that threaten national security can be minimized and prevented as well as possible. the government is aware that if cyber security is left weak, many parties are ready to make indonesia the target of cyber attacks. one of the toughest challenges is the breadth and massiveness of internet and gadget users in indonesia. this is one of the challenges that must be faced by state multi-stake holders in dealing with cyber attacks in indonesia. (bssn, 2021) according to firmansyah (2016) synergy can be interpreted as an activity to carry out joint operations. synergy or synergy is the same thing, the term synergy is defined as the activities of groups or individuals from different backgrounds to adjust performance in order to achieve goals. hampden-turner in firmansyah states that synergy activities are actions that involve all activities, these activities will go hand in hand together so as to create something new. furthermore, hampden-turner in firmansyah (2016) asserts that synergy is the result of a dialogic relationship between different sources of knowledge, and is a process that accumulates various kinds of knowledge. meanwhile, najiyati (2011) explains that synergy can be formed through two aspects, namely: 1. coordination, in this coordination it is necessary to determine the relationship between the relevant stakeholders, whether it is determining the relationship vertically, horizontally, command relationship, or partnership relationship. 2. communication, in the aspect of communication, there is a process of exchanging information between two or more parties, as well as individuals with other individuals, with the aim that the intended target can understand the information that has been given. on the other hand, according to bryson (2005), stakeholders can be interpreted as "any person, group, or organization that pays attention to and makes claims on resources, or organizational results, or what is affected by those results. freeman and mcvea (2001) also define a stakeholder as any individual or group who can influence or be influenced by the achievement of organizational goals. so it can be concluded that a stakeholder is a person or group who pays attention to and claims to resources, or organizational results, which can influence or be influenced by the achievement of organizational goals. in this research, the author chooses state multi-stake holders as the discussion. a state multi-stake holder is a person or group who pays attention to and claims on resources, or organizational results, which can influence or be influenced by the achievement of organizational goals, originating from government or state institutions. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 345 according to strickling (2017), there is currently no single conceptualization of what is meant by a 'multi-stakeholder approach'. instead, there are many models currently in use, each with its own unique contours. only a few models are currently in use, one of which is not always static; rather, they are constantly evolving to meet new and uncharted governance challenges. in this paper, we have tried to use the 'multi-stakeholder model', to see the synergies carried out by state multi-stake holders in dealing with cyber threats in indonesia. the term 'multistakeholder' is often misunderstood and misunderstood, it has become a bit of a buzzword in government circles. actors often mistakenly and sometimes manipulatively attach the label 'multi-stakeholder' to what is in practice a top-down, multilateral process. it is appropriate, therefore, to outline a definition that serves to reinforce the core values of the internet and to protect the term 'multi-stakeholder' from becoming more of a marketing meme for governance schemes. for that, i use the concept from strickling (2017), regarding the 'genuine' multistakeholder process, namely: 1. stakeholder driven: stakeholders define processes and decisions, from agenda setting to workflow, rather than simply fulfilling an advisory role; 2. open: every stakeholder can participate and the process includes and integrates the perspectives of multiple stakeholders, the most important of which is the perspective of stakeholders who have specific expertise that can be applied to the governance challenges faced; 3. transparent: all stakeholders and the public have access to deliberation, creating an environment of trust, legitimacy and accountability; 4. consensus-based: outcomes (when outcomes are desired) are based on consensus, reached by compromise, and are a win-win for the greatest number or diversity of stakeholders. from the background review above, two problem formulations are obtained, namely the state multi-stake holders who are synergizing in dealing with attacks in indonesia and know about the synergy between state multi-stake holders in dealing with cyber attacks in indonesia. based on the formulation of the problem above, the purpose of this study is to find out which state multi-stake holders are synergizing in dealing with cyber attacks in indonesia. as well as to analyze how the synergy of state multi-stake holders in dealing with cyber attacks in indonesia. method our study focuses on how the synergy between multi-stakeholders can be a force to defend indonesia from cyber threats by maximizing the use of information and communication technology. in writing this scientific paper, the author uses a qualitative research method with a literature review approach. according to creswell (2013), literature review is a research approach that is based on non-numeric data, which can be in the form of text and images, and filtered data to interpret the literature review. with this research method, the author can obtain journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 346 data collection through library sources such as journals, books, theses, research reports, and scientific articles with valid and reliable sources. in this case, the data obtained includes data released by the indonesian government on web pages and reports, newspapers, journals, books, websites, and other published materials that have certain credibility. result stakeholders of the state organizing the national cyber security system in indonesia according to siagian et al (2018), the stake holders of the national cyber security system organizers in indonesia are composed of four government agencies, namely bssn, kominfo, puskom kemhan, and pusinfolahta tni headquarters. meanwhile, according to subagyo (2015) adding the polri cyber agency as one of the organizers of the national security system. therefore, there are six state institutions that have a role in running the national cyber security system. 1. national cyber and crypto agency (bssn) bssn is one of the non-ministerial government agencies whose main objective is to implement cyber security effectively and efficiently by utilizing, developing and consolidating all elements related to national cyber security. based on the profile information on the bssn website (2021), bssn has the authority to formulate the indonesian cyber security strategy as a joint reference for all national cyber security stakeholders in order to formulate and develop cyber security policies in their respective agencies. in the preparation of cyber strategies, bssn must still be guided by the basic values of national and state life, namely: sovereignty, security, independence, adaptability, and also the value of togetherness. 2. ministry of communication and informatics ri quoted from the official website of the ministry of communication and information (2021), according to law number 39 of 2008 concerning state ministries, the ministry of communications and informatics is an agency and apparatus of the government of the republic of indonesia that is in charge of affairs with the scope area as stated in the constitution of the republic of indonesia year 1945, namely information and communication. the ministry of communication and information technology has the main task of carrying out government affairs in the field of communication and information technology in order to assist the president in administering the state government. the ministry of communication and informatics is led by a minister of communication and information (menkominfo). 3. the indonesian ministry of defense center based on the official page of puskom kemhan (2021), puskom kemhan is one of the state institutions with a supporting function in the ministry of defense in the field of communication and information. based on the regulation of the minister of defense of the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 347 republic of indonesia number 58 of 2014 the indonesian ministry of defense puskom or the center for public communication is a supporting element for implementing defense tasks and functions under and responsible to the minister. 4. pusinfolahta tni headquarters based on the history of pusinfolahta quoted from the pusinfolahta website (2021), it is explained that the tni information and data processing center (pusinfolahta tni) was established based on the decree of the tni commander number kep/7/xii/2006 dated december 5, 2006 as the central implementing body at the tni headquarters level. which is located directly under the tni commander with the main task of preparing information and data processing for the guidance and use of tni forces, carrying out the function of developing tni information systems for leaders and staff within the tni headquarters as well as developing computer systems and data communication in the context of carrying out the tni's main tasks. 5. dittipidsiber polri based on information through the official page of dittipidsiber (2021), it was found that the directorate of cyber crime (dittipidsiber) is a work unit under the criminal investigation unit of the national police and is tasked with enforcing the law against cybercrimes. in general, dittipidsiber handles two groups of crimes, namely computer crime and computer-related crime. computer crime is a group of cybercrimes that use computers as the main tool. the forms of crime are hacking of electronic systems, illegal interception, changing the appearance of websites (web defacement), system interference, and data manipulation. computer-related crime is a cybercrime that uses a computer as a tool, such as online pornography, online gambling, online defamation, online extortion, and online fraud. network (online fraud), hate speech, threats in the network (online threat), illegal access, and data theft. 6. lipi lipi is the first, largest and best research institute in indonesia. the establishment of lipi has a long history. after going through several phases of scientific activity from the 16th century to 1956, the indonesian government established the indonesian science council (mipi) through law (uu) no. 6 of 1956. its task is to guide the development of science and technology as well as give consideration to government in terms of scientific policy. lipi has a vision to become a world-class scientific institution in research, development and utilization of science to improve the nation's competitiveness. lipi itself is a representative body as an academic party in helping cyber defense. (lipi, 2021) discussion journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 348 synergy of state multi-stake holders in defending cyber attacks in indonesia. currently, every cybersecurity provider has their own duties and roles. even though they have different duties and responsibilities, each organizer must also be able to work together, synergize, and help each other. in order to realize good synergy in dealing with cyber-attacks. there needs to be a common view and purpose. at this time, since 2017, through presidential regulation of the republic of indonesia no. 53 of 2017 bssn has the task of implementing cyber security effectively and efficiently by utilizing, developing, and consolidating all elements related to cyber security. so, it can be analyzed that at this time bssn is the institution that regulates all the synergies and elements that exist in cyber security. if the level of cyber handling is made, then currently bssn is in charge of each other organizer. in order to support the cyber doctrine and bssn, the tni doctrine "tri dharma eka karma" also includes the cyber security doctrine under it. where at this time all parties must help each other in maintaining cyber security. in order to safeguard the country's security from cyber attacks, the government of indonesia can apply the strickling (2017) concept of a 'genuine' multi-stakeholder process. that way, the synergies that will be built later by state multi-stake holders will be able to better handle cyber threats. as for the things that must be done by the government of indonesia related to the strickling multistakeholder concept, among others: 1. stakeholder driven: indonesian stakeholders must be able to define processes and decisions to deal with existing cyber threats, from agenda setting to workflow, rather than simply fulfilling an advisory role. currently, indonesian stakeholders have been able to make decisions to deal with cyber threats, one example of which is the establishment of the cyber defense manual in 2014. 2. open: every stakeholder of the government of indonesia must be able to participate and integrate the perspectives of various other stakeholders, the most important of which is the perspective of stakeholders who have special expertise that can be applied to the governance challenges faced. for example, bssn as a leading sector in the field of cyber defense must be able to be open and accept the perspectives of other stakeholders in dealing with cyber threats. so that the handling of cyber threats is not seen from one side only. 3. transparent: all goi stakeholders and the public have access to deliberation, creating an environment of trust, legitimacy and accountability. the indonesian government must create a transparent government system to increase public trust. deliberations for consensus in dealing with cyber threats need to be used to receive input from various points of view. a trusted environment and clear legitimacy can also increase the effectiveness of handling existing cyber threats. this has been done by giving legitimacy to the bssn which has been legally appointed to become the leading sector in the field of cyber defense. 4. consensus-based: the government of indonesia should be able to determine outcomes that are based on consensus, reached by compromise, and are win-win for the greatest number journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 349 or diversity of stakeholders. so that to determine the results of the policies that will be developed later, the government of indonesia through the bssn must be able to reach compromises and agreements with other stakeholders to be able to make a result and decision. according to the head of bssn djoko setiadi in bssn (2021), it is explained that there are several steps that need to be taken so that it is expected to be able to prevent and minimize the impact of every cyber threat and attack. in this case, collaboration, coordination, and synergy efforts, as well as information sharing are the right steps. one form of collaboration, coordination, synergy, and information sharing is through the relationship between bssn as an institution that handles the field of indonesian cyber security, with stakeholders. in terms of collaboration, one of the things that bssn does is collaborate with lipi to form a cyber incident response team or computer security incident response team (csirt). the establishment of the csirt has been in line with the implementation of the electronic-based government system (spbe). in presidential regulation number 95 of 2018 concerning spbe it is stated that as an element of spbe security, namely guaranteeing the integrity and availability of data and information. (bssn, 2021). in terms of coordination, reported by kominfo (2017), coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs wiranto said that based on the results of the meeting, bssn would be directly under the command of the ministry of political, legal and security affairs, not under the coordination of president joko widodo. so that in order to coordinate upwards, bssn will coordinate directly with the kemenpolhukam to carry out its activities. in terms of synergy, bssn also carries out synergistic activities for several other stakeholders. one of the things to do is to synergize with kominfo. reported from kominfo (2021), the ministry of communication and information together with the national cyber and crypto agency (bssn) formed the kominfo-computer security incident response team (csirt). secretary general of the ministry of communication and informatics mirra tayyiba stated, kcsirt is intended to anticipate cyber security incidents within the ministry of communication and information. kcsirt has three main objectives, including realizing reliable and professional cyber resilience, coordinating and collaborating cyber security services, and building cyber security resource capacity. in addition, to conduct information sharing, bssn carries out several activities to share information with other stakeholders and the public. one of the activities carried out was organizing community building and information sharing which was attended by high officials from the bssn, bais tni, criminal investigation police, bainstranas kemhan, bin, and the cyber security community. (bssn, 2019) in accordance with subagyo's opinion (2015), cyber-attacks can be divided and escalated into: cyber threats, cybercrimes, and cyber wars. if the division of stakeholder tasks is divided into the cyber-attack escalation table, the organizers will be divided into: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 350 tabel 1. cyber attack escalation no threat type stakeholder 1 cyber threat kemhan, kominfo, bssn, lipi 2 cyber crime dittipidsiber polri, bssn, lipi 3 cyber war kemhan, tni, bssn source: research results, 2021 in table 1, it can be seen that the bssn plays a role in every escalation of existing threats, because the task of the bssn is to maintain the overall cyber security in indonesia. each organizer can also intersect with each other in terms of handling a case. the wide spectrum of the cyber world requires every organizer to always work together. this is where the role of bssn which should also be able to be every liaison and monitor how cyber security is running in indonesia. based on the synergy theory, najiyati (2011) explains that synergy can be formed through two aspects, namely coordination and communication. therefore, bssn in synergizing with stakeholders from other countries needs to focus on coordination and communication. the steps that must be taken by bssn to maintain indonesian cyber security in accordance with the synergy theory include: 1. bssn in terms of making policies that function to fend off, counteract, and prevent cyber threats that can harm communication networks, government agencies, and private institutions related to communication and informatics must establish coordination and communication with kominfo as related institutions in the formation of policies in the field of ict. 2. regarding the threat of cyber warfare, bssn must coordinate and communicate with the indonesian national armed forces headquarters pusinfolahta institution regarding the processing of information on tni resilience in order to maintain national cyber security. in the event of a cyber war, bssn, pusinfolahta tni headquarters, and puskom kemhan are the foremost organizers who carry out defense and resistance. it is very important to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 351 coordinate and communicate together regarding war strategies and plans that will be used in cyber warfare. 3. as for dealing with cybercrimes. bssn can coordinate and communicate with the dittipidsiber polri related to crime tracking, cybercrime handling, cybercrime anticipation, and cyber-crime prevention. the national police can also ask for assistance from the bssn in the context of asset security operations, or seeking information on suspected cybercriminals. 4. the bssn must also coordinate communication with the ministry of defense communications center regarding indonesia's cyber defense situation in terms of cyber warfare, both with domestic and foreign parties. bssn together with the ministry of defense must develop a cyber defense strategy that can be used to protect indonesia's cyber space, in the context of realizing national security in the cyber field. conclusion currently the threat is no longer limited to physical and military threats. cyber-attacks are considered a real threat that can happen at any time, and attack anyone. cyber-attacks also have a fairly broad and dynamic spectrum, so special handling strategies are needed to deal with them. for this reason, currently there are six state multi-stake holders who act as organizers of the national cyber security system in indonesia, including bssn, kominfo, puskom kemhan, pusinfolahta tni headquarters, lipi and dittipidsiber polri. currently, cyber-attacks can escalate into cyber threats, cybercrimes, and cyber wars. each of these attack areas is ready to be handled by the cybersecurity provider according to its capacity. cyber threats will be handled by the puskom kemhan, kominfo, and bssn. cybercrimes will be handled by the national police's dittipidsiber, bssn. meanwhile, cyber warfare will be handled by the communication center of the ministry of defense, pusinfolahta tni headquarters, bssn. in terms of cyber defense, bssn here plays the role of sector leader and cyber doctrine in indonesia, so that bssn has an important role in building a strong cyber defense for indonesia. the steps that must be taken by bssn to maintain indonesian cybersecurity in accordance with the synergy theory include: (1) coordinate and communicate with kominfo in making policies related to ict; (2) coordinate and communicate with the puskom kemhan and pusinfolahta tni headquarters in the event of cyber warfare; (3) coordinate and communicate with the national police's dittipidsiber regarding the handling of cybercrimes; and (4) coordinate and communicate with the ministry of defense and the ministry of defense communications center regarding the development of a cyber defense strategy in indonesia. seeing the number of cyber attacks that have occurred in indonesia, it is important for the government to take appropriate measures to deal with cyber threats. the steps journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 352 mentioned above are important for the indonesian government to establish necessary efforts to defend indonesia from the threat of cyber attacks. references ardiyanti, handrini. 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(2019). “perbedaan cyber attack, cybercrime, dan cyber warfare”. jurnal universitas airlangga. undang-undang nomor 39 tahun 2008 tentang kementerian negara. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 104 the impact of educational technology and frequency of usage: the case of saudi arabian universities safwaan zamakda allison university of the highlands and islands, stornoway, outer hebrides, scotland, uk 20009746@uhi.ac.uk abstract: this paper aims to research the various forms of technology integrated into saudi arabia’s educational system and to determine how they have been used to enhance learners’ achievements in schools. the study was conducted on 325 students studying political science in five different universities in saudi arabia’s capital riyadh. samples of students were taken from king saud university, prince sultan university, shaqra university, al yamamah university, and majmaah university. an online survey on the application of technology in education was sent to all the respondents of the study. to determine the frequency of technology usage and its impact on students’ achievements, the correlation rank coefficient, and descriptive statistics were used. in all five learning institutions, the study revealed a significant relationship between students’ use of technology and their achievements in class. according to the study, 58% of the students used laptops in their learning activities, 35% used mobile devices, 5% used tablets, and 0.5% used desktop computers. this paper details the results of the study to show how technology is used among political science students in the country, and the benefits associated with it. the use of technology in learning processes produces substantial benefits, compared to not utilizing assistive technologies. nonetheless, further research is required to determine the scale of success associated with educational technology. keywords: saudi arabia, educational technology, political science, learning, achievement submission : january, 17st 2022 revision : march 19th 2022 publication : may 28th 2022 introduction saudi arabia is a large arab/mena country whose economy is primarily driven by oil reserves. a significant part of the income generated from the oil reserves is channeled towards the country’s educational sector (mohammed, 2013). the use of technology in schools across the country is a relatively new initiative that has struggled to gain acceptance among educational stakeholders in the country (abouelnaga et al., 2019). the internet is the paramount technological tool used for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 105 educational purposes. research suggests that schoolteachers should engage learners in the more thorough application of technological ideas and dependencies that suit their learning capabilities and targeted achievements (abouelnaga et al., 2019) accordingly, educational technology can have a profoundly beneficial impact on students. educational technology has undergone significant changes and improvements over the last few decades. there is a need to be more innovative to determine the most appropriate technology usage for learning options in educational institutions, and between students. studies reveal that the future of technological applications is not entirely dependent on the tools but rather the restructuring of power relationships and school protocols (alqahtani, 2019). educational technology such as digital media has the potential to produce immeasurable success in learning institutions (ozdamli, 2017). the internet enables teachers and students to create content and communicate with their peers across the world. students can access information related to their studies from teachers and related experts from all over the world through various means such as news articles, websites, ebooks and peer-reviewed journals. ozdamli (2017) further suggests that the current educational environment requires students to be updated on the latest technological advancements that can be used in the learning process to achieve success. technology has allowed students to access large swathes of information, potentially enhancing their learning, and increasing their potential achievements. the application of technology in class has given students a tremendous advantage over their student counterparts who had no such privilege a in the not-too-distant past. the introduction of technology has improved students’ learning experiences and helped the students to develop a positive approach towards education. notwithstanding this, the real impact of technology such as digital media is yet to be realized in the education setting. it is, therefore, reasonable to assume that the growth of technology will only make the learning process easier and more comfortable in the coming years. all indications point to an inevitable inclusion of technology in the learning process, especially in a post-covid-19 word (lockee, 2021). technology has brought flexibility to the learning process. it has substantially changed the dynamics concerning education. instructors, lecturers, teachers and trainers need to devise ways of connecting with learners through the application of relevant educational technologies. according to al-hariri & al -hattami (2016), technology helps learners to explore their interests and dependencies. technology facilitates the exploration of new approaches to instruction and as such, it has a huge role to play in the transformation of education. it must be noted that it is not possible to accurately identify future technological advancements that may be critical to education owing to the fact that it is likely that key technologies are yet to be journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 106 invented., but the current technological trends reveal that the future of learning depends heavily on technology, as with almost every other facet of life. continued innovation in technology is projected to further increase the potential of future students in the kingdom of saudi arabia (ksa). literature review the educational technology has the potential to improve the value of education according to various research studies. nonetheless, the use of technology in classrooms has not been widely implemented in most universities in saudi arabia. most arab countries, including the ksa, still use traditional methods of instruction in institutions of higher learning (al-faleh, 2012). for this reason, al-faleh asserts that there is an extensive gap of information between these countries and developed countries (2012). other research indicates the need to adapt to educational technology to keep pace with the flow of information especially in sensitive and fastmoving disciplines such as political science (alqarni, 2015). studies reveal that the internet and smartphone applications have developed in recent times to become more effective and efficient within the educational context (abouelnaga et al., 2019). information on digital platforms can now be accessed, updated, distributed, and standardized with ease and a high degree of convenience (abouelnaga et al., 2019). according to abouelnaga et al. (2019), class instruction has become more personalized as than in the past (2019). moreover, there is the apprehension that increased usage of educational technology will improve learners’ understanding ability and enhancement of skills such as creative thinking, problem-solving, analytical reasoning, and information analysis (alqarni, 2015). the limited flow of information within and to most parts of the ksa can be attributed to a reluctance to embrace educational technology. various studies conducted in the country have shown that learners are more used to conventional methods of learning as opposed to educational technology (alqarni, 2015). a comprehensive adoption of technology would greatly improve the state of learning in the kingdom. adopting technology in education could meaningfully empower students to develop a better understanding of innovative principles, themes, and applications, unlike the conventional approach, which cares very little about learners’ pursuit of understanding, and prioritizes rotelearning and learning to simply meet examination requirements (alqarni, 2015). the use of technology encourages student’s active participation, which helps students to pursue learning objectives much more aggressively (alqarni, 2015). round the clock access to web services through laptops and mobile devices provides new learning opportunities for students, especially in the modern world of higher learning, there hyper-connectivity is present (mackinnon, 2018). wireless technologies normally use wireless access points connected to networks in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 107 buildings or public areas to provide access to various web services and communication options for various wireless technology users (al-hariri & alhattami, 2016). according to separate research conducted to determine the application of educational technology in saudi arabian educational institutions, it was established that the country has not taken full advantage of telecommunication technologies to introduce technological educational programs such as distance learning in its schools (alqahtani, 2019). educational institutions in the ksa have consistently resisted the need to apply educational technology in classrooms in recent years (alqahtani, 2019). the study revealed that the application of technology in education programs such as distance learning has helped to retain more students in colleges and universities and subsequently reduced the number of school drops across various institutions of higher learning (alqahtani, 2019). universities need to be at the forefront in applying technology in classroom settings (al-faleh, 2012). they need to incorporate computing and information technology in their schools to enhance collaborative learning and instruction. school administrators should realize that technology provides a new environment for instruction and learning, and that in the covid/ post-covid world, students and teachers will be relying heavily on technological advancements such as the web will be crucial in determining satisfaction in and outside learning premises, as well as to meet key performance indicators (zhao & watterson, 2021). an instructor’s effectiveness depends on the student’s ability to grasp and digest the concepts and ideas being relayed to them (alqarni, 2015). technology is already available to many students outside the classroom premise and therefore, its application in schools serves to ensure that students will have a better understanding of the content being taught in class (alqarni, 2015). most of the students are already familiar with technology since they have been using it in various applications such as telecommunications and social media (such as whatsapp, facebook, and instagram). it has been suggested that students learn better when they are empowered to exploit and achieve their potential via discovery approaches (abouelnaga et al., 2019). the use of educational technology allows students to achieve more compared to what they achieve without it. additionally, they achieve a much higher percentage of learning through the application of technology in the learning process. generally, technology catalyzes the teaching and learning process to produce better understanding and development of critical skills among students and therefore enhances the achievement of learning objectives. education needs to be fit for the digital age. many educational institutions have adopted the use of educational technology to replace conservative methods of instruction based on these analyses. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 108 most universities in various countries across the globe have realized the importance of incorporating technology in the instruction process. some of them have recognized and availed various methods of supplementing the traditional methods of instruction with advanced educational technology. many colleges and universities have utilized an array of technological tools and incorporated them into various web-based courses, apps and other innovative means, as opposed to solely relying on the traditional methods of class-based instruction and reading that can only take place within the confines of the library. having said that, it must be noted that according to research, students who are brought up in technologically sound environments are often misconstrued as having an excellent ability to use technology in an educational setting (abouelnaga et al., 2019). the study reveals that the students still need guidance and direction on how to incorporate technology into the educational realm, and not simply to use it as a social tool. with appropriate training, students can develop technologically and societally sound ideas and acquire the knowledge and skills to integrate technology into their learning processes (abouelnaga et al., 2019). the main reason why technology is so effective in education is its popularity. more than 80% of students on campus use social networking sites such as facebook and twitter (al-hariri & al-hattami, 2016). this means that students are already familiar with the technology to a degree, and therefore have the potential to adapt to its use in the education sector (prescott et al., 2015). further research suggests that the use of networking platforms and electronic telecommunications can be extremely important tools in the instruction process to enhance students’ improvement and satisfaction of teachers in the learning process (al-hariri & alhattami, 2016). there are many mediums available for the application of educational technology in institutions of higher learning. for instance, the use of moodle and blackboard throughout the academic world, along with other, similar, proprietary platforms, has enabled students to collaborate online through active participation (al-faleh, 2012). additional research suggests that this method allows students to learn in a manner that allows them to improve their understanding and develop their critical thinking skills (alqarni, 2015). furthermore, it allows instructors to avail a variety of instruction methods to relay lesson notes and even audio recordings of lectures so that they can be used on an asynchronous basis. also, this method of instruction allows students to learn in a manner that makes the learning process potentially more interesting and enjoyable. according to research conducted on the use of educational technology in the kingdom of saudi arabia, most instructors are fully aware of the importance of using technology in education (alqahtani, 2019). however, their response concerning the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 109 application of some technological advancement in the learning process leaves much to be desired. to address this problem, relevant educational bodies should provide training programs for instructors in the application of technology in education (alqahtani, 2019). there should also be policies set to standardize the use of technology, share best practice and to show that government supports the use of educational technologies. additionally, there are no adequate courses to train instructors on the effective and efficient use of technology in instruction (alqahtani, 2019). due to this, many teachers have endured problems in an attempt to apply technology in the learning process. anecdotal claims of technological issues arising owing to ‘going online’ during the covid-19 pandemic highlight the potential pitfalls of using technology, especially so abruptly. some of the difficulties encountered by teachers regarding the use of technology are reasons why some respondents provided a negative opinion on the impact of technology in education. this problem should be addressed to give instructors the capacity to use educational technologies more comfortably. nevertheless, students’ awareness of technology has increased considerably. thus, there is a need to provide educational technology and teaching aids for both teachers and students to allow them to benefit from it. technological advancements in education make it possible to integrate programs such as open and distance learning in institutions of higher learning. according to research, the provision of mobile learning in universities enhances the retention of students by reducing the number of school dropouts (abouelnaga et al., 2019). educational technology can be used anywhere, at any time, and as such, the learning process is not limited by time and place [on an asynchronous basis] (abouelnaga et al., 2019). they can study individually or collaboratively via online study provisions and evaluate themselves as well. generally, programs such as open and distance learning improve students’ communication abilities and enrich their learning experiences. the ict technology, for instance, has changed all forms of culture in the world today and looks to contribute immensely to education in the future (alqarni, 2015). ict has a telling impact on the most essential aspects of our lives, hence directly affects our culture, and as such, it has driven the transformation of culture in the last few decades from a modern stand to a postmodern one (abouelnaga et al., 2019). researchers have shown that effective use of technology increases learners’ achievements, increases their efficiency, builds interest and satisfaction, and builds a positive attitude towards education. interestingly, the arab open university has existed in the ksa since 2002, and that it receives substantial funding from the government owing to the ‘vision 2030’ agenda, as per the rector of the university, dr alshahrani (undated). the use of educational technology improves the scope of learning in class. the use of digital media for instance shifts instruction beyond textbooks and establishes journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 110 connections within the students’ environment (abouelnaga et al., 2019). students have the capacity to learn to apply what they read in textbooks within educational technology. integrating the right technology in education helps to engage the students and give them an understanding of difficult to grasp concepts. this enhances knowledge retention and allows them to achieve more from their studies. the learning process is much more improved when the right technology is used for instruction. students learn better and faster when they are actively engaged in the learning process (al-faleh, 2012). by way of an example, the use of digital media with classroom technology is a great way of building engagement in class and cementing a good rapport between participants (al-hariri & al hattami, 2016). learners acquire better learning experiences with regular use of educational technology such as digital media. this is something that they consume both socially and for academic purposes. a combination of online recordings and conventional methods of instruction could provide learners with explanations that could otherwise be complex or somewhat difficult to grasp if relayed only by text or powerpoint slides (al-hariri & al hattami, 2016). the use of educational technology together with available communication tools inspires and motivates students to work collaboratively to build success in their achievements (alqarni, 2015). it also builds interest in learners by allowing them to explore their potential through the implementation of hands-on learning, as opposed to the traditional methods of rotelearning and instruction. according to research findings, students can learn to their maximum potential if they are allowed to integrate educational technology into their learning processes (alqarni, 2015). the use of technology in educational institutions has grown immensely in the past few years. most learning institutions have had to identify various technological methods of instruction and learning that are cheap and convenient such as webinars and computer laboratories (alqahtani, 2019). the corresponding technology in education has grown tremendously (alqahtani, 2019). technology is easily accessible as it can be found in almost every home in most parts of the world. it comes in a variety of shapes and sizes with different levels of complexity; some sources of technology are easy to use while others have significant levels of difficulty and therefore require knowledge and skills to be applied effectively in the learning process. an analogy could potentially be drawn by comparing facebook or whatsapp with spss. according to a separate study, mobile phones, computers, digital cameras, the internet, and other electronic devices are relatively cheap and accessible, and as such, they can be integrated into multiple fields of study and research in many areas including the education sector (abouelnaga et al., 2019). most industrialized societies have realized the importance of technology to society and as a result, they have embarked on a mission to make journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 111 technology accessible to everyone including individuals who have no means of acquiring it. governments and well-wishers have distributed various forms of technology and established foundations and organizations with the sole purpose of enhanced the use of technological devices. other organizations have been set up to encourage early familiarity with technological equipment amongst children from poor backgrounds (al-faleh, 2012). this way, children can grow up knowing the importance of technology and how it can be applied effectively in a classroom context to enhance the achievement of academic results. the use of technology makes it easy for students to acquire knowledge and information related to a particular learning objective. they can easily access content that has been taught in class for independent revision or collaborative discussions (alqahtani, 2019). students can access everything ranging from college applications, picking textbooks and other online revision materials, conducting research, completing and submitting assignments, and accessing their results as well. this has been somewhat challenging due to the need to swiftly digitize due to covid-19. furthermore, students can engage their instructors via email and other online communication platforms to keep track of their performance (dhawan, 2020). technology has been shown to enhance human intelligence and to make tasks easier to complete. according to research, technology activates the brain to interpret and process information much more effectively, hence improving a person’s level of intelligence (abouelnaga et al., 2019). this study involves students pursuing a degree in political science across various universities in the capital, riyadh. across the five universities, classroom instruction uses presentations in form of powerpoint slides. the presentations are then uploaded on an online platform where they can be accessed by all students. the use of course websites and information sharing via email has made it easier to access learning material. this study aimed to ascertain the impact of educational technology on students’ achievements in political science across five universities in the ksa. the research aims to establish whether there is a relationship between learners' use of technology in education and to determine which technological device students mostly use across all the universities. method an online survey was transmitted by email to all 325 projected participants consisting of political science students across the five saudi universities. from the sample, 304 students responded to the study to produce a response rate of 94%. the survey had five questions regarding the impact of technology in the learning process, and the type of technology used by various learners. the questionnaires were structured on a ‘likert scale’ of 1-5, with the extremes being “strongly disagree’ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 112 and “strongly agree”. each student’s scores were tabulated and correlated with their respective general performance. students’ achievement in political sciences included the final examination (40%), mid-year examination (20%), quizzes (15%), tutorials (15%), and self-study (10%). the structure of the online survey was formulated with help from various political science professionals. there is a reliability coefficient of 0.8. the analysis of statistical data was conducted using minitab 18, which is not unusual. it was used to compute the rank correlation coefficient of the data as well as the descriptive statistics for the data. this information was used to determine the correlation between the use of educational technology and achievement of learning objectives, and to ascertain the frequency of usage of technology in education among university students studying political science.. result and discussion the study was conducted across five universities in riyadh, the capital of the ksa. the sample for the population consisted of 304 political science students. table 1 below represents the distribution of respondents across the five universities. the study aimed to establish if there was a relationship between learners’ usage of technology and their achievement of learning objectives and to determine the frequency of usage of different types of educational technology. respondents identified the most popular technological device, which also points to its association with the achievement of learning outcomes. according to the results, there is a significant relationship between students’ usage of educational technology and their achievement of learning objectives among political science students across the five universities. the correlation coefficient was found to be 0.52, with a confidence level of 95%, as indicated in table 2. as indicated in table 3, the most frequently used technological devices are laptops and mobile devices. the analysis reveals that 58% of the students’ used laptops in their learning activities, 35% used mobile devices, 5% used tablets, and 2% used desktop computers. table 1: the distribution of respondents in the five universities university frequency percent valid percent cumulative percent king saud 81 27 27 27 prince sultan 70 23 23 50 shaqra 46 15 15 65 al yamamah 60 20 20 85 majmaah 47 15 15 100 total 304 100 100 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 113 table 2: comparing the use of technology with students’ achievements average grade total survey average grade rank correlation 1 0.58 n 304 304 table 3: the frequency of device usage device frequency percent valid percent cumulative percent laptops 176 58 58 58 mobile phones 106 35 35 93 tablets 15 5 5 98 desktops 7 2 2 100 total 304 100 100 discussion the use of educational technology has been shown to improve the productivity of teachers and students in a classroom and therefore help to achieve learning objectives. the results reveal that the use of technology enables instructors/lecturers/teachers to maximize students’ potential by giving them the ability to develop their own analytical and critical thinking skills. the study aimed to determine the relationship between students’ use of technology and achievement of learning objectives among political science students in five universities across ksa. the statistics were conclusive, showing that there is a significant correlation between the application of educational technology and the achievement of learning objectives. the results obtained from this study are in agreement with previous studies on the same. a separate study revealed that the use of technology affected student’s performance of students enrolled in political science courses (abouelnaga et al., 2019). this is an interesting finding, especially for universities across the mena region, and in general. it is projected to produce more benefits for students studying various courses in the ksa. it will enable instructors to pursue a more project-based learning approach, and to apply educational technology in making observations, conducting research, and making graphical inferences to boost their understanding of the discipline being studies. the use of technology within classrooms enables learners to participate actively to make the teaching and learning process a much more enjoyable experience, and effective compared to a lack thereof. generally, research has revealed that there is a relatively higher degree of student journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 114 learning and achievement of learning objects associated with educational technology compared to the absence of it (al-faleh, 2012). students are becoming more than mere learners and are also ‘customers’ of the educational service sector. technology is essential in helping students to achieve learning objectives. it facilitates students’ learning through the enhancement of learning techniques such as independent learning, self-directed learning, and collaborative learning (alqahtani, 2015). technology can bring together people whose learning may be hindered by time and location constraints, and technology can have a profoundly beneficial impact on learning and meeting key performance indicators such as examinations (ghavifekr & rosdy, 2015). some people may never become involved in the learning process without the use of innovative educational technology such as distance learning and online proctored examinations. people from different parts of the world can easily share knowledge and discuss freely educational ideas in the comfort of their homes. educational technology also allows instructors and students to be involved more in instant assessment, and evaluation without which it would take a significantly larger amount of time to achieve the same (al-hariri & al-hattami, 2016). nonetheless, the application of educational technology is still limited to only a few instructors in institutions of higher learning, not just in the ksa but also in many countries across the globe. the challenge is therefore manifest. there is a need to enhance the use of educational technology to improve political science students’ understanding and enable them to achieve learning objectives. research also reveals that the absence of educational technology in instruction makes teachers strain in relaying concepts and applying them out of the classroom (alqahtani, 2019). conversely, instructors who rely heavily on the use of technology have been shown to achieve significantly higher satisfaction in learning through building understanding in their learners and assisting them to achieve their educational goals and objectives (alqarni, 2015). in a separate study conducted within the kingdom of saudi arabia, the findings revealed that there was a shortage of qualified personnel required to drive the agenda of educational technology in schools across the region (alqahtani, 2019). qualified personnel include individuals who possess instructional skills and knowledge to effectively apply technology in classrooms to develop learners’ critical thinking skills and enable them to achieve learning objectives (abouelnaga et al., 2019). most participants of this study revealed that they rely on technology to a high degree during their studies. they had a generally positive predisposition towards the use of educational technology. the students revealed the positive impacts associated with educational technology about their studies and projected that full implementation of technology in classrooms across the region could make the learning process much more effective than it is now. most students on campus use laptops to do their assignments and complete their projects. according to a study, the use of computing in education has journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 115 helped to enhance learners’ and instructors’ literacy in technology, improved students’ responsibility and independence, and increased student productivity as well (al-hariri & al-hattami, 2016). despite so many students acknowledging the importance of technology in education, a few of them still held conservative or less than favorable views on the subject. since the study was conducted anonymously, it is difficult to follow-up with such respondents to determine why they had reservations regarding the use of educational technology. it may be that these students preferred traditional methods of learning such as the use of hardcopy textbooks or attending lectures, or their natural learning ‘style’. these students may prefer to listen to instructions rather than read them. furthermore, the cost of electronic devices may have had an impact on the learners’ preferences. some students may find the cost of educational technology too much to afford and as such may not be aware of the benefits associated with technology in the learning process. since the affordability of educational technology was not part of the online survey, it is difficult to prove that this was the case. some segments of society may be prevented from fully accessing and availing educational technology due to cost or other considerations (keltner & ross, 1996). the bulk of respondents for this study were regular undergraduate students and as such, there was little fear of receiving wrong answers, but this cannot be discounted. also, the questionnaires were not graded, and this made the respondents answer the questions therein as truthfully as possible without any fear of contradiction or adverse effect. the survey was carried out only once and within a short period. for this reason, there was no threat of changes in students’ learning outcomes. the students were treated equally regardless of the answers provided on the online survey. for this reason, there was no threat of internal validity of data obtained from the respondents. nonetheless, some factors affected the study’s internal validity. for example, there was no consideration of gender in picking the participants of the research. therefore, the results may not be accurate as the number of male participants was not equal to the number of female participants in the study. moreover, the participants’ household income was not included in the study. as stated above, this may have had a bearing on some of the students’ responses to the questions demanding to know the frequency of usage of educational technology, and its subsequent impact on the learning process. nevertheless, these are somewhat minimal factors and as such, are pose only a nugatory threat to the credibility of data obtained from the respondents. investments in education are among the top priorities of the saudi government, especially owing to ‘vision 2030’. approximately 30% of the annual budget in the country goes towards education (al-faleh, 2012). nonetheless, this substantial allocation does not justify the quality of education in the ksa. according to various studies, the use of educational technology has not been implemented comprehensively journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 116 or uniformly through the country. there is a general lack of technological tools such as computers and other forms of technological equipment required to facilitate the learning process in some areas (al-faleh, 2012). most developing countries are largely incapable of implementing the use of educational technology in the learning process. notwithstanding this, they should still strive to achieve better social, economic, and education prospects of their students and wider citizenry (abouelnaga et al., 2019). to fully implement educational technology in saudi arabia, there is a need to have a change of government policies too. the primary focus of policies should serve to encourage students to utilize technology and implement it in their studies, as well as to become ‘global citizens’ in a digital age. the government ought to be active in the designing, assembling, and creating innovative strategies to keep pace with the changing requirements of education in relation to technology. instructors and trainers also have an important role in actualizing the policies set by the government and the desires of the wider public. the use of technology in education has gained considerable recognition in most parts of the world. laptops and mobile devices have enabled students to access course work and other learning material from anywhere inside or outside the campuses for students in various universities across the ksa (abouelnaga et al, 2019). nevertheless, it is important to determine the type of content that can be accessed by students through electronic devices to identify the information that can be relayed better via the traditional instruction process. instructors are required to be more flexible to determine the applicability of various educational technologies in classrooms, and complement with relevant traditional, face-to-face instruction methodology to enhance the achievement of learning outcomes, especially in a post-covid world. conclusion the findings of this study reveal that many students are relying on technology to pursue their respective learning objectives. this study and similar studies can form the basis of the establishment and implementation of appropriate technology across institutions of higher learning. the results presented in this case reveal the magnitude of benefits acquired from the use of technology in education and indicate the potential benefits that can be derived in the future. the literature review reveals that there are tremendous benefits for both instructors and students achieved from the use of technology in a learning environment. for instance, technology increases students’ interest in learning, it increases the ease of access and usage and the familiarity that most individuals have with technology before applying it in a classroom setting. despite these findings showing overwhelming evidence to support the impact of educational technology, some studies have maintained that the impact is minimal and therefore not significant. this is no longer likely to be true journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 117 during the covid-19 pandemic and in the post-covid world. nonetheless, the studies are far fewer and as such, the fact remains that technology has changed the face of education and with greater and more wide-reaching technological advancements; the learning process is expected to change for the better. in future, students should continue to apply educational technologies in their studies to enhance their understanding and develop critical thinking skills. being a global citizen in a digital world is important for individuals, their community, country and the world at large. it is also crucial to consider students who have no access to educational technology, despite efforts by respective institutions to incorporate it into their studies. there is a need to conduct further studies on the application of technology and to determine its contribution to students’ long-term preservation of knowledge and skills such as cognitive and psychomotor skills in different disciplines of higher learning. based on the findings of this study, the author has formed several recommendations. these are delineated as follows. it is imperative that all school, further and higher education instructors should enroll for potential in-service training in relation to the usage of educational technology within the classroom, or undertake courses such as moocs that equip educators with the ability to use technology comfortably and confidently both in the classroom and their offices. such training should involve the usage of digital media platforms to enhance learners’ experiences and build their efficiency. teachers and students should learn to use essential technological advancements in relevant contexts. instructors should be confident in learning the necessary skills, as this would enable them to relay these skills effectively to their students. this would develop creative learning and improve students’ potential to achieve better learning experiences. it can also allow instructors to educate themselves and keep abreast of the latest developments, and perhaps even become better researchers. education stakeholders should strive to encourage innovative learning processes. the application of innovative instruction and learning approaches such as the use of ict in education enables students to participate actively in class, therefore encourages them to discover more, and builds experiential learning as well as problem-solving skills. it also has wider, beneficial, implications on society and their ability to live, study and work in the digital age. notwithstanding the above, more research is required on the use of technology in education. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 118 references abouelnaga, h. m., metwally, a. b. aldhmour, m., shoshan, h., saleh, m., mazouz, l. a., abouelmagd, h., alsmadi, s., aljamaeen, r., eljawad, l., & hamad, l. 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(2015). educational technology in saudi arabia: a historical overview. international journal of education, learning, and development, 3(8), 62-69. https://www.eajournals.org/wp-content/uploads/educationaltechnology-in-saudi-arabia.pdf dhawan, s. (2020). online learning: a panacea in the time of covid-19 crisis. journal of educational technology systems, 49(1), 5–22. https://doi.org/10.1177/0047239520934018 ghavifekr, s. & rosdy, w.a.w. (2015). teaching and learning with technology: effectiveness of ict integration in schools. international journal of research in education and science (ijres), 1(2), 175-191. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ej1105224.pdf keltner, b., & ross, r. (1996). the cost of school-based educational technology programs. rand. https://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monograph_reports/200 7/mr634.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 2, may, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 119 lockee, b.b. (2021) online education in the post-covid era. nat electron 4, 5–6. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41928-020-00534-0 mackinnon, m. (2018). can a university lead a digital revolution? educating a workforce in a hyper-connected world. university of calgary. https://explore.ucalgary.ca/preparing-students-for-a-digital-world mohammed, i. (2013). kingdom tops world in education spending. arab news. https://www.arabnews.com/saudi-arabia/kingdom-tops-world-educationspending ozdamli, f. (2017). attitudes and opinions of special education candidate teachers regarding digital technology. world journal on educational technology: current issues. 9(4), 191-200. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ej1161616.pdf prescott, j., stodart, m., becket, g., & wilson, s. (2013). the experience of using facebook as an educational tool. health and social care education, https://doi.org/10.11120/hsce.2013.00033 zhao, y., watterston, j. (2021) the changes we need: education post covid-19. j educ change 22, 3–12. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10833-021-09417-3 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 176 the power of thai demonstrations against the royal family hendra maujana saragih1, suhayatmi1, muhammad zulham2 1department of international relations, faculty of social & political sciences universitas nasional pancasila jakarta indonesia 2department of defence manajement, faculty of defence management, universitas pertahanan email: hendra.maujana@civitas.unas.ac.id, suhayatmi@gmail.com, mzulham712@gmail.com abstract abstract : thailand has a long history of political riots and protests, but the prodemocracy actions that took place for most of 2020 and are continuing today are the biggest actions in thai history. the wave of actions bearing the 'three fingers' symbol began in february 2020 after the thai raksa chart, the most outspoken opposition political party, was suspended by the constitutional court. this freeze is considered by democracy activists to increasingly benefit the ruler of the military junta, prime minister prayuth chan ocha. there were at least 10 demands made by the demonstrators, among others, urging the ruling government to step down immediately, demanding amendments to the military product constitution which is not pro-people, immediately holding fair and fair elections, and pressing for reform of the monarchy that has ruled thailand for decades. the demonstrators were worried that thailand would again be trapped in an absolute monarchy system as it was before 1932, where the king held full power as head of state as well as head of government. in recent months, demonstrators have taken to the streets to resist resistance. although the pro-democracy activists were responded to, the demonstrators, who were mostly students, students, and youth ranks, fearlessly continued to embrace to pressure the royal family. actions against the monarchy like those of the country's demonstrators were both courageous and surprising. why not, since birth in the realm of the body, thai citizens have been instilled to love and obey the monarchy unconditionally and are instilled to be afraid to do things that are against or just talk about the royal family. however, the anger, disgust of the thai people towards the feudal behavior of the royal family who are busier with self-interest coupled with the military junta ruling regime that is not pro-people makes their patience limit is on the limit. keywords: pro-democracy, kingdom of thailand, monarchy, military junta submission : feb, 11th 2020 revision : april 18th 2021 publication : may 28th 2021 mailto:hendra.maujana@civitas.unas.ac.id mailto:suhayatmi@gmail.com mailto:mzulham712@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 177 introduction amid world concentration, including countries in southeast asia grappling with the covid-19 pandemic, thailand is facing a very serious domestic problem that has drawn the attention of the international community(tantrakarnapa, 2020). the democratic life of this country is again in turmoil, marked by a massive wave of actions that have continued since february 2020 until now(kitchanapaiboon, 2020). this action was a form of anger from the people over the political and government situation which was deemed not pro-people. since 2014, thailand has been controlled by the military junta led by prime minister prayuth chan ocha after forcibly overthrowing prime minister yingluck shinawatra who was then in power. the disappointment of the thai people has peaked with the government's efforts that are considered slow in handling covid-19, while king maha vajiralongkorn is considered by the thai people to have fun in other countries as a haven. the king of the chakri dynasty who has ruled for 238 years, is judged without thinking about the fate of his people by spending time at his residence in the bavarian alps with all his luxuries at a time when thailand is suffering from a serious economy. king maha varjilangkorn, who has the title rama x, just arrived in thailand on october 20, 2020, even after massive demonstrations took place over the last few months(chakraborty, 2020). indeed, during his reign, the king mostly lived in germany and handed over the management of the country to the military junta, which the thai people considered to be arbitrary. that is why, apart from challenging the monarchy reform, the ongoing wave of demonstrators was also aimed at opposing the government of prime minister prayut chan-o-cha as the leader of the military junta. the demonstrators urged prime minister prayuth to resign from his post. (tempo: 2020) initially, the demonstration was only held at university and college campuses in thailand and then spread to all parts of the country with a period of increased activity for all ages. except for the hardline supporters of the monarchy, known as royalists, most of the thai people agree with the demonstrators that the monarchy is the target of reforming thai institutions(. the demonstrators also demanded the annulment of the lese majeste law, a legacy of feudalism, which has been in effect until now, which prohibits insulting or simply criticizing the king's policies. the demonstrators demanded that the king immediately transfer the ownership of the property and wealth of the palace from private to the property of the people whose numbers are predicted to reach tens of billions of dollars, and several units of the army and other powers inherent in him as the ruling king. (cnbc: 2020) responding to the increasingly active pro-democracy movement, the thai military junta, as the regime in power, did not remain silent by immediately imposing an emergency decree which called for a ban on the action. under the pretext of "maintaining peace and order" and physical distancing during the covid-19 pandemic, the decree prohibits large journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 178 gatherings, limiting groups to a maximum of four people. this was done to suppress peaceful action with the monarchy as the target of the decree. the enactment of the emergency decree announced on local television media was triggered by demonstrators bravely confronting the royal entourage from which the decree was issued. (bbc: 2020) the crowd, who were forced to retreat by the officers on duty, showed a three-finger action as a sign of respect as well as a symbol of protest when the queen was in a group of vehicles that circled the city of bangkok. the decree will take effect from 04:00 a.m. local time on thursday, october 15, 2020. (bangkok post: 2020) however, the decree did not deter the demonstrators, although many of them were arrested. even today, the wave of demonstrators' actions continues, the spirit of prodemocracy continues to burn. (bangkok post: 2021) in thailand, criticizing the king with his monarchy is something that is considered taboo. people who violate it can be brought to court and charged under the lese majeste law with a sentence of 3-15 years imprisonment. prime minister prayuth has emphatically said the government allows demonstrators to rally but has occasionally criticized the monarchy because it is an act beyond borders. but in reality, the thai demonstrators' power continued to put pressure on the royal family. (cnbc, 2020) literature review discussing thailand's volatile political situation is incomplete if you don't know the history of one of the countries in southeast asia. thailand was originally known as a country known as siam. siam itself is the roman language of siyam, which is the name of the neighboring countries for about 40 centuries for this country in the form of a kingdom. after the arrival of the europeans, siam was then translated as thai, in a country known for its sunga chopraya, which is more commonly known as muang thai. (flegge 2007: 9). in 1939 the government of this country announced the use of the thai name as an official name internationally. thailand is a country with an ideology of liberalism that adheres to a constitutional monarchy government system with the king as the head of state while the government is led by the prime minister. (tyrell hebercon, 2018) since october 13, 2016, king maha vajiralonkorn was asked as the ruler of the thai monarchy to replace his father bhumibol adulyadej, who passed away. a constitutional monarchy is one of the systems applied in government in various countries in the world. in this system, the authority of the head of state originates from or is legally bound or limited by the constitution or legislature. that is why, in a country that adheres to a constitutional monarchy system, the government is led by a prime minister. on the other hand, absolute monarchy or absolutism as a doctrine is a form of monarchy in which the king holds the highest autocratic authority under heredity. the absolute journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 179 monarchy has the principle that the king's power can move freely without being bound or limited by written law, legislature, and even prevailing customs. however, the popularity of absolute monarchies declined substantially after the french revolution, which promoted a theory of democratic governance based on popular sovereignty. this departs from the many powers of the monarchy having legislative bodies and other government bodies that are weak or just symbolic so that, they can be changed or dissolved just like that by the king arbitrarily. in the historical records of mankind's centuries, we can see a portrait of the absolute monarchy in the kingdom of ancient egypt where the pharaoh dynasty held absolute power over the country and claimed to be a living god who was fully trusted by its people for 6 centuries. (nuraini, 2020: 11) in mesopotamia, many rulers of assyria, babylon, and sumeria were also absolute kings. in ancient and medieval india, the rulers of the kingdoms of mauraya, satavhana, gupta, chola, and chalukya, as well as other small and bedsar kingdoms were considered absolute kings. in the khamer empire, the kings were called 'devaraja' and 'chakravatin' (kings of the world), and exercise absolute power over the empire and its people. throughout the chinese empire, there were also many emperors and even one empress, or wu zetin who held absolute power through the direct mandate of the solar system. thus in the pre-columbian era in america, there was an inca empire ruled by sapa inca who was believed to be the core god, sun god, and absolute ruler. korea under the jeseon dynasty and the short-lived empire was also an absolute monarchy. in this modern era, countries that still maintain absolute monarchy with the king as the supreme ruler include brunei darussalam, eswatini, oman, saudi arabia, the vatican, and the united arab emirates while thailand has shifted from absolute monarchy to constitutional monarchy since 1932. however, today the fact that the constitutional monarchy power is considered by the thai people is experiencing a setback is why the wave of demonstrations taking to the streets continues. feudalism concept as a country that adheres to a constitutional monarchy system, apart from recognizing the king as the leader of the country, thailand is controlled by the prime minister as the executor of the government.(kemlu, 2020) king maha vajiralngkorn is the supreme ruler of thailand who is the heir to the throne from his late father king bhumibol who died in 2016. the nobility that flowed in king maha vajiralangkorn made him the heir to the throne who became a legacy for the practice of feudalism that was still maintained for hundreds of years. feudalism is a system of government in which the leader is usually a nobleman. according to kbbi, the meaning of feudalism is a social or political system that gives great power to the aristocratic group. still, according to kbbi, feudalism was journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 180 also a social system in europe in the middle ages which was marked by a great power in the hands of landlords. according to sigit djamiko (2013) in his book social philosophy (from feudalism to free markets, the term feudalism comes from the latin "feodom" which means fief. thus, the term feudalism is defined as a society that is governed by the fief system, with legal and political powers. which is widespread among people who have economic power. in this book also, it is explained that feudalism means that the aristocracy occupies an effective electoral position over land. (siti salmi; 2018) method to understand the phenomenon of what the research subjects experienced, in this case, the thai demonstrators' efforts to suppress the work-family as a socio-political dynamic that occurred in thailand, the writer used qualitative research methods. as mentioned in his book miles, mattew b and a. michael huberman. (2009) use descriptions through primary and secondary data collection and do not use data sources in the form of numbers. these data are arranged through sentences that come from words. (miles, mattew b dan a. michael huberman: 2009). in this digital era, there are so many reference sources available, but the author of course only chooses sources that are credible in maintaining validity. for this reason, the writing team chose sources in digital format from sources published by trusted sites including kemlu.go.id, bangkok post as a credible thai local media, and others. the data collected from various sources are then processed using language skills and observations so that this paper can be presented as a scientific work. result and discussion thailand a modern monarchical state under military junta control a. monarchical power hides behind the catchall article lese mejeste law the power of demonstrators against the royal thai family continues to be intensively carried out, they call for the power of king vajiralongkorn, who since he was a teenager prefers to live abroad rather than in his own country to be immediately limited. while thai citizens are struggling to live and materialize against the covid-19 pandemic, the king and his family are securing themselves in germany. the family could not be protested because they took refuge behind the lese majeste law. the lese majeste is an catchall article that effectively acts as a "king's shield" to silence anyone who crosses over as well as political opponents of the military regime in thailand. lese majeste will reward anyone who dares to insult the king, queen, and all his relatives with the threat of imprisonment of 3-15 years. even though they adhere to the ideology of liberalism, in reality, the values of feudalism in thailand are still very well preserved. this can be seen from the fact that the king journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 181 must be placed on an honorable throne that is lauded and upheld without blemish and holy disgrace from criticism, let alone being defiled. no one should be able to accuse or take action in protest against the king's policy. for example, a thai citizen was sentenced to 5 years in prison for commenting on a king who likes to marry and divorce because it is considered to damage the good name and insult the royal family. (tempo, 2021) in thailand, the lese majeste has become a very effective legal instrument in suppressing the 'voices' criticized by political opponents of the ruling military regime. every citizen who deals with lese majeste, is certain that he will not be able to escape the punishment based on the complaint offense against the unclear article "protector of the king". according to the un commission on human rights (ham), investigative cases against people suspected of engaging in “insulting the king” activities as stipulated in the lese majeste law have more than doubled in size in the past 12 years. of the increase, on ly four percent were released later. although the un opposes the lese majeste implementation which is considered excessive, the military junta does not flinch on the pretext that the lese majeste is a form of sincere respect for the thai people, as well as legal protection for the king and monarchy. the previous ruler of thailand, king bhumibol adulyadej, who reigned for 70 years, is known as a king who lives simply and is even promoted as a very frugal president, even in using toothpaste. that is why when thailand succeeded in becoming the economic engine in southeast asia, the investment value of the kingdom was doubled. even when countries in southeast asia experienced a crisis in 1997/1998, thailand remained strong. that is why “amazing thailand year” was celebrated with great fanfare at that time (penny van esterik; 2000) for the thai people, king bhumibol adulyadej is a popular, respected, and loved king figure because he is a wise figure. however, the situation changed when he passed away in october 2016 and was succeeded by his son. maha vajiralongkorn. (charles f keyes prologue: 2019) king maha vajiralongkorn was different from his late father. he grew up in a boarding environment at british schools and military academy in australia. as an adult, he was known as a king who had many wives and concubines. the 68-year-old king is now accompanied by his fourth wife and spends more of his days in germany. during his stay in germany, the king had two military units under his command and changed laws to allow him to control the government even when he was abroad. since the throne of power rests in the hands of king maha varjilankorn, leste majeste has been increasingly used against political opponents or those who oppose the military junta led by pm prayuth chan ocha. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 182 prime minister prayuth chan ocha came to power as leader of the thai military junta through a military coup in 2014. the coup action carried out by the thai military was successful after being colored by political turmoil that lasted for months. in a statement broadcast on television at the time, general prayuth chan-ocha, who at that time served as commander of the armed forces of thailand, stressed that he would restore public order and immediately carry out political reforms. a land of coup drama military coups in 2014, not the first to happen in thailand, have happened many times before. military coups, both bloody and bloodless, have become an inseparable part of the history of politics and government in this country. there have been at least 11 times the takeover of power by gun owners since the siamese revolution of 1932. the washington post records a list of coups from time to time that occurred in thailand on october 24, 2014, as follows; 1932 coup the siamese revolution is known to history as the bloody coup and became a turning point in thai history. the coup was carried out by the 'four musketeers', a group of military members who overthrew king prajadhipok. this coup also marked the end of the absolute monarchy and transformed into a constitutional monarchy, where the king is no longer the head of government and the appearance of the prime minister. 1933 coup again, the military carried out a coup action by overthrowing phraya manopakorn nititada, the first prime minister who was appointed after the bloody siam revolution coup in 1932. phraya manopakorn was later replaced by phraya phahon and remained as prime minister for five years. 1947 coup there was a coup action carried out by the military which overthrew the legitimate government. at that time the military force overthrew rear admiral thawan thamrongnawasawat, who was known to be often involved in many scandals and corruption. furthermore, the reins of government leadership were controlled by the founder of the thai democratic party, khuang aphaiwong. 1951 coup journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 183 unlike previous years, this coup was carried out in secret. at that time, king bhumibol adulyadej was in lausanne, switzerland. in smoothing the action, the military group appointed commander-in-chief phibunsongkhram as prime minister. 1957 coup the coup was triggered by accusations of fraud by phibunsongkhram, who was reelected as prime minister. a wave of actions occurred to protest against pibunsonkhram's victory in several regions. seeing the chaotic political constellation at that time, king bhumibol was furious and finally, a coup was orchestrated by commander sarit thanarat. finally, pote sarasin was chosen as the executive of government duties to replace the one previously carried out by phibunsongkhram. 1958 coup sharit thanarat, as thailand's military leader, returns to the coup. the coup is said to be a new authoritarian era in a country known as the white elephant country. 1971 coup unlike the previous coup actions, at that time, the coup was carried out by the internal government in power. top military commander thanom kittikachorn staged a coup against his own rule which was followed by the dissolution of parliament. this was done as a strategy to suppress the communist power, which was growing rapidly at that time. 1976 coup the military carried out a coup against prime minister seni pramoj which was carried out twice and had failed in the previous 8 months. after successfully overthrowing the legitimate prime minister, admiral sangad chaloryu in his press release declared himself the head of thailand's national reform agency in charge of regulating the applicable laws. 1977 coup the military-led by admiral sangad chalory staged a coup against prime minister thanin kraivichien. this coup claimed lives and as a result thanin kraivichine only served one year as prime minister. 1991 coup the coup was triggered by the move by prime minister chatichai choonhavan who wanted to appoint the minister of defense. tragically, the coup was carried out by the military when chatichai was on his way to meet the king for permission. prime minister chatichai is seen as having made moves that rival the military elite. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 184 2006 coup the coup at that time killed prime minister thaksin shinawatra who was attending an event in new york. on 19 september 2006. the military unilaterally dissolved the government, revoked the 1997 constitution, and declared a state of emergency in the city of bangkok. 2014 coup thai army chief of staff general prayuth chan-ocha led a coup against prime minister yingluck shinawatra on thursday, may 22, 2014. the previous coup was marred by turmoil between the two political camps in thailand for several months. after the coup, prayut chan-o-cha immediately appointed himself as the interim prime minister of thailand. at that time, a wave of action took place in the capital bangkok which urged prime minister yingluck shinawatra to resign because his government was accused of being just a puppet. meanwhile, the real ruler is his older brother, former prime minister thaksin shinawatra, who exiled himself abroad after a military coup in 2006.(washington post, 2014) now, after 4 years of prime minister prayuth as leader of the military junta, the demonstrators began to shake their power. they demanded prayuth immediately resign for a fair and transparent election. however, prayuth refused to back down. in fact, on the contrary, it responded strongly by carrying out a 'counterattack' by issuing an emergency decree on thursday, october 26, 2020, which contained a ban on demonstrations on the pretext of creating peace and justice and preventing the spread of covid-19. the regime he leads has also carried out repressive actions by detaining and forcibly arresting the leaders of the action. thai police then arrested more than 20 protesters, including a pro-democracy student leader.(okezone, 2020) the military junta led by prayuth ocha ordered the chancellors of universities to prevent students from taking to the streets demanding monarchical reform. the regime also warned sternly that their demands could lead to a massacre. it was not enough to stop there, the emergency decree was issued because the demonstrators dared to block the royal vehicle group. the power of the three-finger symbol the popular three-finger greeting colored the course of demonstrations that continued in thailand for months. the demonstrations used the three-finger greeting as a separate symbol as a form of resistance against the thai government. the demonstrators, who are students and various community groups in thailand, are often arrested by the military junta for waving three-finger greetings. prime minister prayuth's thai military regime has arrested and jailed several students, including a demonstrator who gave a three-finger greeting. the term and usage of the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 185 three-finger greeting are taken from the book and film the hunger games. the greetings thrown by thai protesters at the royal motorcade this week have become a major symbol of resistance in the kingdom in recent years. prime minister prayuth's thai military regime has arrested and jailed several students, including a demonstrator who gave a three-finger greeting. the term and usage of the three-finger greeting are taken from the book and film the hunger games. the greetings thrown by thai protesters at the royal motorcade this week have become a major symbol of resistance in the kingdom in recent years. the three-finger greeting from the film the hunger games was used by thai protesters as a symbol of protest. this symbol has been used by demonstrators since 2014. several demonstrators also neutralized this symbol on social media by using the hashtag #hungergames in 2014. from the stories in the film and book the hunger games, the people at that time protested against the authorities and wanted a revolution. this 3 finger greeting was later used as a symbol of revolution and opposing the ruler. this symbol has been used since 2014 in conjunction with the french revolution phrase 'freedom, brotherhood, and equality.(bbc, 2014) the public, especially the demonstrators, displayed this symbol to emphasize that thailand's military-led government had broken the law. this comes after the military junta government banned public protests across thailand. for citizens who resisted the coup, this movement has become an unofficial symbol of resistance to a military regime that suspended democracy and severely restricted freedom of expression. the three fingers of the hand have become a symbol for the call for political rights in a country led by one ostensibly as having the most sovereign power, namely general prayuth chan-ocha. the protesters who opposed the thai kingdom who were arrested included human rights activist anon nampa, activist prasit krutharot and student leader parit chiwarak. the arrests of these activists made the demonstration even stronger in which demonstrators chanted "free our friends" and called the police "slaves to the dictatorship". this is of course very ironic with the statement of king vajiralongkorn, on november 3, 2020, who said that he loved the thai people and stated that thailand was a country of compromise. it is not surprising then that the king's statement is considered by activists to be merely lip service and his policies so far have hurt the thai people's sense of justice. petition to pressure the king at a time when the thai people are betting their lives against the covid-19 pandemic which has caused the economic downturn, the king prefers to live in a land of people with all the facilities and luxuries. the thai people were angry at the king's behavior, so journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 186 without fear of the rubber article lese majeste which had been considered sacred, they held a demonstration demanding vajiralongkorn to step down from power. it is known that king vajiralongkorn, who reigned since 2016, since he was young, has mostly lived in germany. when he was still the crown prince, king vajiralongkorn was not well received by the thai people themselves. this is because when he became the crown prince, the man who served as the king of thailand was known to have a luxurious lifestyle, likes to marry and divorce, and has many concubines. violent protests against the king's behavior which the protesters deemed not praiseworthy realized it in the form of a petition. saturday, october 17, 2020, the petition urged germany to declare their persona non-grata status of king maha vajiralongkorn of thailand. the petition has nearly 130,000 signatures. in the petition, the king of thailand was criticized for staying more often in germany, with his wives and concubines, than in bangkok. this petition also appeared close to a wave of demonstrations by young people in bangkok demanding that the thai government be separated from the monarchy system. the petition was written in thai, english, and german, compiled by a thai student in france. even though it is blocked in thailand, the petition is still accessible abroad. the petition comes after the german foreign ministry stated that king vajiralongkorn should not be allowed to take care of politics in his country from the german sovereign territory. the protesters who are fighting on behalf of the people believe that the constitutional monarchy system, which was an absolute monarchy in 1932, has experienced a setback. the current constitutional government system is more influenced by the military, thus making democratic life in this country confined. apart from the petition, pressure on the royal family, in this case, the king, was also contained in various demands, among others; demanding the transparency of palace finances to be more accountable. the figure of king raja maha vajiralongkorn as the heir to the throne of the late king bhumibol adulyadej, who died in 2016, is considered less transparent. thai people think that king maha vajiralongkorn has a different style of leadership from his father. the late king bhumibol adulyadej was wiser and wiser so that the people respected him. meanwhile, king vajiralongkorn was known as a king who liked to live in luxury and extravagance. the total value of his wealth is estimated at the us $ 60 billion or equivalent to rp. 840 trillion. even at the end of march, german media reported that king maha vajiralangkorn spent his money traveling around germany using a private boeing 737 to circle hannover, leipzig, and dresden. rejected the king's decision to divert the ownership status of assets in the crown property bureau (cpb) from royal ownership to private ownership. why is that, because this diversion has made the king the richest man in thailand. such assets should be reserved for the interests of the people, not for the personal interests of the king. not only is the richest person in thailand, but king maja vajiralangkorn is also touted as the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 187 richest king in the world. this is because he has access to one of the world's largest centers of royal wealth, a secret holding company full of stakes in thai blue-chip companies and land in central bangkok.(cnbc indonesia.com, 2020) the transfer of wealth is predicted to make king maha vajiralangkorn more wealthy when compared to the combined wealth of the kings of saudi arabia, the sultan of brunei, and the british royal family. the assets are conservatively valued at the us $ 70 billion. (cnbcindonesia.com, 2020) demonstrators demanded that the royal budget be reduced and the king's funds separated from the assets of the crown for fear of being used inappropriately by the king. not enough, the thai people also demanded the abolition of the law that prohibited criticizing the kingdom until the ouster of vajiralongkorn and pm prayuth. the demonstrators are adamant that they will not back down, or run. they demand that thailand's constitution be changed, prime minister prayuth chan-ocha resigns, and elections are held. they are also worried that thailand will return to the system of absolute monarchy as before 1932. the demonstrators also called for a boycott of siam comercial bank, one of the largest banks in thailand in which the king owns 23.4 percent of shares. demand the transparency of thailand's 2020 national budget bill and an allocation of more than 29 billion baht (the us $ 929 million) set aside for the monarchy. that is why in large-scale demonstrations, apart from taking to the streets, closing their ranks, they also put up a placard as a form of resistance. a plaque was installed in the royal field adjacent to the grand palace or the king's palace. the content of the writing is something like this "this country belongs to the people and does not belong to the king." conclusion thailand is indeed one of the rare countries in the world that still applies the lese majeste legal system, where anyone who criticizes the king, queen, heir to the throne, or a regional leader such as a regent can be dragged to iron bars with a sentence of up to 15 years. activists and critics call this a limitation on freedom of speech. countless citizens have been imprisoned because of their views on the royal family, activists have been arrested and even thought to have ended with the loss of their lives, while others chose to flee abroad and ask for political asylum in other countries for fear of returning to thailand. however, the era has changed, the slow handling of covid-19 has become an anticlimax of thai people's dissatisfaction with the government's performance, which has long been deemed not pro-people. the youth ranks who previously only focused on studying academically in schools and campuses were courageously in the line calling for prodemocracy. efforts to suppress kajan families cannot be stopped, even the threat of violence does not dampen their heroic steps with the three-finger symbol as an identity journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 188 for their resistance to the chaos that has occurred in this country. demonstrations that began with demands to resign against prime minister prayuth developed into demands to limit royal power, the demonstrators continued to try to pressure the royal family. meanwhile, pm prayuth as head of the thai military junta in the extraordinary session of parliament on monday, october 26, 2020, said he refused to resign. the question then is whether this massive action has a significant impact in creating the expected constitutional reforms. the biggest mass action in thailand's history, spearheaded by youth ranks, is considered creative and technologically savvy with the use of social media, but the action, which is still ongoing, does not seem to have had a precise strategy because it did not have a main leadership while national reconciliation was initiated in parliament. the juntrugan is not clear. reference bangkok post, protester’s plan action after pm ignores deadline to quit, 25 oktober 2020 bbc thai demonstrators 'using hunger games protest sign’ sophia tran-thomson reports chakraborty, i., & maity, p. (2020). covid-19 outbreak: migration, effects on society, global environment and prevention. science of the total environment, 728, 138882. cnbc, tensions remain high in thailand, as protesters’ deadline for leader to step down nears, 24 oct 2020 kemlu.go.id monarchy and democracy of thailand, may 18, 2020 keyes, charles f. (2019). the thailand buddhist kingdom as modern nation-state, routledge, newyork. miles, mattew b and a. michael huberman. (2009). qualitative data analysis resource book about new methods. jakarta: ui press. nuraini (2020) mesopotamia and ancient egypt: the beginning of world civilization published by the journal ar-raniry.ac.id okezone.com challenges the government, tens of thousands participate in demonstrations in bangkok, october 16th, 2020 peleggi, maurizo (2007) thailand the worldy kingdom published by reaktion books. ltd, london. penny van esterik. (2000) materializing thailand published by berg publishers siti salmi (2018) feudalism of leadership (sociopolitical review of the community of komodo, west manggarai regency) srichan, p., apidechkul, t., tamornpark, r., yeemard, f., khunthason, s., kitchanapaiboon, s., ... & upala, p. (2020). knowledge, attitudes and preparedness to respond to covid-19 among the border population of northern thailand in the early period of the pandemic: a crosssectional study. who journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 189 south-east asia journal of public health, 9(2), 118-125. tantrakarnapa, k., bhopdhornangkul, b., & nakhaapakorn, k. (2020). influencing factors of covid-19 spreading: a case study of thailand. journal of public health, 1-7. tyrell haberkorn (2018) dictatorship, monarchy, and freedom of expression in thailand, the journal of asian studies washington post 2014 history of thailand coup journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 190 longing for kevin rudd and his legacy in improving australia-indonesia relations harry darmawan department of international relations, faculty of social & political sciences, universitas nasional. jakarta, indonesia. email : hdarmawan@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : indonesia misses kevin rudd's figure. the emergence and victory of kevin rudd in the 2007 australian elections seemed to be a speck of light in the improvement of bilateral relations between australia and indonesia at that time. he succeeded in turning australia's foreign policy into a more humanist and asiacentric direction. a thing that was previously very rare in the era of prime minister john howard. various policies were able to reconcile the romanticism of garuda and the kangaroo, which is the largest ruler in southeast asia and the oceania zone. this paper examines the dynamics of kevin rudd's victory in the 2007 australian election, as well as his golden legacy in fighting for harmonization of relations between australia and indonesia. keywords: kevin rudd, australian labor party, australia-indonesia relations submission : feb, 11th 2020 revision : april 18th 2021 publication : may 28th 2021 introduction the australian labor party's victory in the general elections in australia at the end of 2007 brought a change in the direction of australian foreign policy, in particular australia's orientation towards asia. it cannot be denied that the appointment of kevin rudd from the australian labor party as prime minister of australia replacing john howard, who is a representative of the liberal-national party coalition, gives a distinction which is also supported by the progress and career of kevin rudd, who has served as a diplomat in china and is fluent. in using mandarin (antaranews, 2007) , so that he can understand asia more wisely when compared to the previous prime minister, john howard. this at a certain point also gave rise to new hopes for the southeast asian region, especially indonesia, to improve the bilateral relations between australia and indonesia to be even better than in previous periods. this was fulfilled when indonesia hosted the international conference on climate change (unfccc) in december 2007 in bali. the conference forum was prime minister kevin rudd's mailto:hdarmawan@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 191 visit abroad which was also prime minister kevin rudd's first visit to indonesiai. indonesia's choice as the first country visited by prime minister kevin rudd signals the importance of australia-indonesia relations and reflects the strong desire of the australian side to improve existing relations. in a report released by radio australia in 2008 linked to abc australia media, prime minister kevin rudd said that indonesia's choice as the first country to be visited by australian leaders was a tradition for australian leaders like himself and his predecessor from the labor party, paul. keating and bob hawke (radioaustralia, 2007). therefore, it is very important and strategic to know the dynamics of the victory of kevin rudd and the australian labor party in the 2007 general elections, as well as its positive impact on the repertoire of bilateral relations between australia and indonesia. method in this study, the authors used a qualitative approach in the data search process, using archival sources, books, and interviews with the australian embassy in jakarta. the written writing uses a descriptive-analytical method that will be able to describe what is described in the above theme. result and discussion kevin rudd and his efforts in harmonizing australian relations the victory of the australian labor party and pm kevin rudd's direction of foreign policy towards indonesia the 2007 australian elections and kevin rudd's emergence 2007 was a very relaxing year for the australian labor party. this is because in that year the australian labor party won the general election after previously having had to recognize the superiority of the coalition of the liberal-national party led by john howard for eleven years. this victory then led kevin rudd as prime minister of australia to replace john howard who led australia in the period 1997-2006. according to information released by the australia electoral commission, which was later quoted by the australian broadcasting corporation, it was noted that in the 2007 general elections, the australian labor party was able to achieve a figure of 52.9% at the federal level while the liberal-national party coalition only won 47.1% votes (kompas, 2008). with a figure of 52.9% which indirectly shows the dominance of the australian labor party at the federal level, then the party gets at least 76 parliamentary seats, or more than the seats won by the liberal-national party of 48 out of the total 150 seats contested(kompas, 2008). this figure is more than enough for the australian labor party to be able to nominate candidates from its other parties for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 192 the position of the prime minister of australia. john howard, who carried the theme "the right leadership" in the 2007 elections, frankly acknowledged the victory achieved by kevin rudd and the australian labor party at that time. he quickly issued a congratulatory statement to his political opponent and one of them was revealed in his remarks: “i congratulate kevin rudd and the australian labor party (alp) on their victory, and i wish him well as australia's 26th prime minister and wish him success in carrying out his future duties.,". the defeat of the liberal-national party coalition in the general elections in australia in 2007 has been predicted by many political observers in the “kangaroo” country. this can be seen at least in the results of a survey conducted by acnielsen which was published by the sydney morning herald newspaper a few months before the general election, which illustrates a consistent increase in the election of the australian labor party and vice versa a decrease in the liberalnational party coalition. in the survey, data was obtained that out of 1,410 respondents surveyed by acnielsen, 46% said they would vote for the australian labor party and only about 38% would vote for the liberal-national party coalition. prime minister john howard also seemed to confirm existing predictions, especially regarding the fate of his party at that time. john howard's conviction is evident in the statement: “we are still lagging despite a slight improvement in the polls whose results were announced (monday) this morning. we are still big losers if the (result of) polls are repeated in the general election," (radio australia, 2019). although in the next few weeks when the survey was carried out there was a 3% increase in the figure for the liberal-national party coalition, it still did not exceed the target figure achieved by the australian labor party. this was then truly proven when the australian electoral commission finally issued an announcement certifying the victory of the australian labor party from the liberal-national party coalition in the 2007 general election. the prediction of the defeat suffered by the liberal-national party coalition is inseparable from the political developments and domestic issues that occurred in australia, especially towards 2007. according to the professor. david reeve, at least several things can then be used as indicators of the alleged defeat of the liberal-nationalist party in the 2007 general elections. among them are domestic issues that are correlated with foreign issues, the saturation of australian society, and the desire for change (radio australia, 2019). one of the growing issues in the country is the issue of employment, especially regarding the work choices adopted by the government of prime minister john howard and attitudes towards aboriginal people. the issue of work choices itself surfaced after the government journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 193 of prime minister john howard gave a regulation that freed companies to regulate working hours and imposed penalties or fines for their employees in 2005 at the suggestion of one of its ministers, kevin andrew. this is considered by workers in australia as a pro-business policy, resulting in a sense of displeasure with john howard. on the other hand, the australian labor party took advantage of this by promising to abolish the work choices policy as one of its campaign themes at that time(radio australia, 2019). apart from the issue of work choices, prime minister john howard's attitude towards aboriginal people is also a hot topic of its own. in the run-up to the 2007 general elections, there was a growing discourse on the need for an apology demanded by aboriginal people from the australian government. it seems that john howard has been slow in responding to this issue, so then kevin rudd and the australian labor party tried to take the theme by promising a direct apology and greater compensation if he succeeded in defeating the liberal-national party coalition. this was realized by kevin rudd in early 2008 after serving as prime minister of australia by delivering an official apology speech to the aborigines which later became a historic moment for the life of the australian people. the contents of the speech are excerpts: ...“that today we honor the indigenous peoples of this land, the oldest continuing cultures in human history...we reflect in particular on the mistreatment of those who were stolen generations this blemished chapter in our nation's history...we apologize for the laws and policies of successive parliaments and governments that have inflicted profound grief, suffering, and loss on our fellow australians...we apologize for the removal of aboriginal and torres strait islander children from their families, their communities, and their country...” (radio australia, 2019) apart from the issues regarding work choice’s and aboriginalism which brought a lot of sympathy to the australian labor party, prof. david reeve also believed that at that time the australian people had the perception that the leadership of prime minister john howard and the liberal-nationalist party coalition had taken too long, so it seemed stiff, out of touch, and out of ideas. the presence of kevin rudd at that time was considered by some in australia as a smart reformer and full of brilliant ideas that generated interest in the australian community. in addition, kevin rudd's long career as a diplomat in asia and mastering mandarin was deemed more suitable than john howard's character who was old and too dependent on the united states so that the impression of prime minister john howard was the deputy sheriff of the united states in asia(fnf, 2019). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 194 pm kevin rudd's foreign policy orientation towards indonesia after being elected prime minister of australia on 24 november 2007, kevin rudd immediately agreed to president susilo bambang yudhoyono's invitation to attend the climate change conference which took place in december 2007 in bali. this invitation was conveyed by president susilo bambang yudhoyono via a direct telephone line from indonesia as well as congratulating kevin rudd on the election of kevin rudd as the new prime minister of australia. the remarks expressed by president yudhoyono were the first talks prime minister kevin rudd had with fellow heads of state and marked a good start in building the direction of the australia-indonesia bilateral relationship. the rapid communication initiated by president susilo bambang yudhoyono by contacting prime minister kevin rudd found a place that was deep enough for the australian prime minister. through news published on the official website of the president of the republic of indonesia on december 11, 2007, it was explained that during his visit to the climate change conference in bali in december 2007, kevin rudd broadly outlined his plans to improve australia-indonesia relations in several sectors such as trade, law, and security. in the economic sector, he said he would increase the value of investment and trade with indonesia, while in the legal and security sector kevin rudd promised to immediately ratify the lombok agreement and enforce the law on the issue of illegal immigrants. this is inseparable from prime minister kevin rudd's impression of the indonesian leader which was reflected in the sentence: “president sby has started the pulse of australia-indonesia relations via his telephone one hour after the election took place a few months ago”(fnf, 2019). prime minister kevin rudd later proved this good impression by returning to indonesia in mid-2008. during his official visit, prime minister kevin rudd, and president susilo bambang yudhoyono agreed to sign a cooperation for climate change and forest conservation and carbon trading. in addition, as reported by bbc indonesia on june 13, 2008, the meeting between the australian and indonesian leaders also agreed to start talks on the discourse of forming the asiapacific bloc and countering terrorism. the discourse on the formation of the asiapacific bloc that was initiated by prime minister kevin rudd shows the orientation of his government which prioritizes strengthening regional stability both in the northern region of asia and also the south or the pacific and its surroundings which is based on the geographical location of australia which is within the scope of asia and the pacific. the implementation of policies that were oriented by prime minister kevin rudd towards indonesia, especially in 2008, has increased quite rapidly. at least this was obtained from the high intensity of visits by ministerial-level officials between journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 195 the two countries. the australian foreign minister at that time, stephen smith stated that in 2008 there were at least 29 visits by ministerial-level officials, both from australia and indonesia. this visit was coupled with the arrival of prime minister kevin rudd twice to indonesia, namely in june and on 9-10 december 2008 in a democracy forum which was also attended by the prime minister of timor leste, xanana gusmao, and sultan hasanal bolkiah from brunei darussalam. the presence of prime minister kevin rudd at the forum signaled the support given by australia to indonesia in its efforts to build a democratic situation in the region, one of which is indirectly correlated with the political stability and security of australia itself. regarding the orientation carried out by prime minister kevin rudd towards indonesia during the period 2007-2010, it can be categorized into several sectors that the prime minister who is fluent in mandarin often said. these sectors include the fields of politics-economy, law-security as well as environment and culture which are summarized in the "australia-indonesia development cooperation strategy 2008-2013" and indirectly reflect the importance of indonesia as a friend of australia-based policies issued by prime minister kevin rudd. in the cooperation strategy, there are at least four main pillars that are used as the basis for australian policy orientation towards indonesia, namely sustainable growth and economic management, investment for human development, democracy, justice, and good governance, and regional peace and security. the government of prime minister kevin rudd tried to lower these pillars in several agreements or collaborations that were not only initiated by the prime minister but also by his ministers. in 2008, at least several ministers from both sides visited each other to design various plans to improve australia-indonesia bilateral relations. from the australian side, there are at least minister of foreign affairs stephen smith, minister of trade simon crea,n and minister of defense joel fitzgibbon. meanwhile, from the indonesian side, there were several ministers such as foreign minister hasan wirajuda, minister of defense juwono sudarsono, trade minister marie pangestu, minister of agriculture anton apriantono, minister of maritime affairs freddy number, menkumham andi matalatta, and also minister of national education bambang sudibyo. the high volume of visits is expected to produce consistency in the intensity of bilateral relations which is then reflected in the following explanation: legal and security affairs journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 196 the leadership of prime minister kevin ruud and his australian labor party in the australian government, particularly concerning the orientation towards indonesia in the field of law, has resulted in several decisions and agreements that have been quite effective in increasing the intensity of australia-indonesia bilateral relations. ratification of the lombok treaty, which was previously agreed in the era of prime minister john howard's leadership, was able to be ratified by the australian and indonesian parties so that both parties could immediately implement it in 2008(david, 2013). the implementation of the lombok treaty itself takes at least two years since the agreement was made in 2006. each country takes two years to then be ratified and approved by elements of the competent institutions either in australia or indonesia. on february 7, 2008, through a meeting held in perth, australia, between australian foreign minister stephen smith and indonesian foreign minister hasan wirajuda, the two parties finally agreed to enforce the lombok treaty through an exchange of diplomatic notes on the australia-indonesia security agreement signed by the two the minister(david, 2013). there are at least 10 points of strengthening agreed upon by australia and indonesia regarding the implementation of the lombok treaty. these points are defense, law enforcement, counterterrorism, intelligence, maritime security, aviation safety and security, prevention of weapons of mass destruction, emergency cooperation, cooperation in world organizations on security issues, and cooperation between people. minister of foreign affairs stephen smith said that australia would, without a doubt, be happy to enforce this security agreement, especially as an appreciation of the efforts made by indonesia in eradicating acts of terrorism that have been rife since the 2000s. according to foreign minister stephen smith, australia is very pleased with what the indonesian government has done, which has arrested and sentenced no less than 400 people who have been indicated and proven to have committed acts of terrorism. therefore australia, according to foreign minister stephen smith, has an interest in creating a sense of security and safety for all citizens of the world, he said, the commitment of indonesia, australia, and the international community in eradicating the dangers of terrorism needs to be continued because this will help create safe conditions(david, 2013). the existence of ten points agreed upon by australia and indonesia regarding the implementation of the lombok treaty is a real orientation step taken by prime minister kevin rudd towards indonesia. this step is primarily a strengthening to stem two issues that are often a threat to the stability of the two countries, namely the issue of terrorism and illegal immigrants. as it is known that for decades australia has been a destination for illegal immigrants due to the promising journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 197 economic conditions of australia. in addition, the occurrence of the world trade center attack in america in 2001 indirectly gave birth to radical movements which at some point also targeted australians as targets of attack. this was at least seen in the bomb detonation in bali in 2002 and 2004 and the bombing at the australian embassy in jakarta in 2005. these incidents were a reflection for australia and indonesia to raise awareness, which was then realized during kevin rudd's leadership in the implementation of the lombok treaty. which indirectly aims to minimize the consequences caused by acts of terrorism itself. on the other hand, the presence of illegal immigrants, the majority of whom crossed indonesian territory before arriving in australia, made this problem often a stumbling block for the australia-indonesia bilateral relationship. australia itself is already bound by an agreement signed by its leader in the 1951 geneva convention which regulates the issue of refugees, therefore based on this agreement australia inevitably has to accept the arrival of refugees who come to their territory. this is different from indonesia which has not ratified the 1951 geneva convention so that indonesia does not yet have a strong legal umbrella from an international point of view in overcoming the problem of displacement(david, 2013). based on this experience, in 2007 prime minister kevin rudd offered indonesia to join the asia regional trafficking in people (artip) which is directly managed by aus aid to stop illegal immigrants or people smuggling in the asia pacific(david, 2013). in addition to the lombok treaty which is evidence of the seriousness of prime minister kevin rudd's government in improving the orientation of its bilateral relations with indonesia in law enforcement and security midwives, there is also a concept of agreement called the australia indonesia partnership for justice (aipj) or the australia indonesia partnership for justice which was agreed upon. since 2008. the existence of the australia indonesia partnership for justice (aipj) allows for cooperation between legal institutions in australia and indonesia. several legal institutions are listed as active partners in this agency including the indonesian supreme court, the indonesian ministry of law and human rights, the police, the judicial commission, the kpk, and several others. this agency in particular is part of a series of agreements agreed upon by australia and indonesia in the 'australia-indonesia development cooperation strategy 2008-2013' which was adopted in mid-2008 and continues to be evaluated and improved in 2009 or 2010. australia indonesia partnership for justice (aipj) mainly focuses on issues of providing information on legal matters. in addition, it also allows communication of legal aid to individuals from both countries, especially those who are experiencing legal problems. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 198 regarding the issue of law enforcement and security in the context of the australia-indonesia bilateral, the problem of illegal fishing is also one of the hot issues that the two governments are trying to solve. in the ministerial meeting between the ministers from australia and indonesia, the problem of illegal fishing is seen as a common problem that must get attention and joint action to avoid misunderstandings between the two countries regarding the handling of this issue. the two countries agree on a linkage in handling the issue referred to as transnational organized crimes, so it is necessary to explore ways and steps for handling it effectively and consistently through joint patrols between australian and indonesian officials. in addition, the two countries noted the need to develop innovative ways to advance all aspects of fisheries management as stated in the 1974 mou box by recognizing the interests of indonesian traditional fishermen and the sustainability of fishery resources which have become a commodity not only for australia or indonesia but has become a commodity. international commodity(david, 2013). mou box 1974 itself is an agreement between australiaindonesia which was approved by the parliaments of each country in 1974 after previously being initiated by prime minister gough whitlam and president soeharto. based on the agreement, australia recognizes the basic rights of indonesian fishermen to look for fish or marine commodities and allows indonesian fishermen who mainly come from eastern indonesia to stop or do activities in several islands that are included in the australian administration to refuel, freshwater, or search for sea commodity(david, 2013). some of the areas or islands that are allowed include the scott islands, oftenapatam, browse island, ashmore coral islands, cartier island, and the surrounding waters. the presence of mou box 1974 continues to be controlled by either the australian government or the indonesian government to this day. continuous control is intended to minimize illegal fishing of marine commodities and also maintain the safety of the crews who go to sea(david, 2013). economic affairs australia under the leadership of prime minister kevin rudd realizes indonesia's great potential in the economic sector, especially with the facts presented by the presence of a population of more than 230 million people. this figure is certainly potential in itself for australia about the marketing interests of australian economic products which are well known for producing livestock or mining commodities. in 2007, during the transition from the liberal-national coalition government to the labor party government, there was an important moment in the bilateral context of the australian economy, especially in the trade sector which was journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 199 attended by the minister of trade of the republic of indonesia marie elka pangestu and the australian minister of trade warren trust. in a press release issued by the indonesian embassy in canberra at the end of 2007, it was explained that the ministerial-level meeting which took place in jakarta had resulted in an agreement regarding the australia-indonesia free trade agreement joint feasibility study which allowed for the free trade agreement (fta) between australia and indonesia(arnold, 2014). with an agreement for an intensive exploration that will be carried out by both parties, it is hoped that there will be consistency in increasing trade and investment that is widespread. this exploratory study not only involves relevant officials from the ministry of trade, ministry of industry, or ministry of foreign affairs but also involves academics or experts as well as business people who have been active in australia or indonesia (presidenri, 2007). at the meeting, it was also agreed that six principles would be implemented by australia and indonesia in exploratory efforts towards free trade between the two countries. the six principles are: 1. the two sides should negotiate as equal partners; 2. negotiations should take into account that the two countries are at different stages of economic development and have different comparative advantages and adjustment costs; 3. negotiations should be comprehensive, covering liberalization and facilitation of goods and services trade across all sectors and liberalization and protection of investment. negotiations should seek to achieve a balanced outcome through a single undertaking; 4. an fta must be consistent with wto rules, apec’s principles and goals for trade and investment liberalization, and the respective commitments of both countries under the aanzfta; 5. an fta would need to include arrangements to facilitate dispute settlement mechanisms; and 6. an fta should deliver significant outcomes for both parties as soon as it enters into force (arnold, 2007). these six principles appear to be connected indirectly to the system recognized by the international community, such as in agreement with the values contained in the world trade organization agreement, following the principles of apec, and the potential for international liberalization so that it will become an integral part of world economic development. the australian side believes that if the exploration is seriously carried out, within a few years a free trade agreement between australia and indonesia will occur. this was reflected in the comments issued by the australian minister of trade at the time: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 200 “i welcome the report from the trade and investment framework expert group including recommendations that australia and indonesia undertake a feasibility study on a bilateral free trade agreement. these recommendations will be considered by our leaders” (arnold, 2007). although the agreement agreed in 2007 was still limited to an agreement to explore each other, this is a positive increase in the australia-indonesia bilateral realm, especially in increasing the volume of trade and investment between the two countries. prime minister kevin rudd who comes from the australian labor party has the idea to create an australian asia pacific community and the economy is one of the focuses in that community. when examined, prime minister kevin rudd's policy is the hallmark of a policy that seems to carry on what his predecessors worked on, such as the idea of the pacific economic cooperation conference (pecc) and in the late 1980s and the establishment of the asia pacific economic cooperation (apec) which formed in 1989. based on this concept, it can be assessed that indonesia is an important part of the design and this can be seen from the increase in the value of trade between australia and indonesia during the era of prime minister kevin rudd's leadership. trade between australia and indonesia can at least be divided into two groups, namely the oil and gas and non-oil and gas sectors. based on trade balance data obtained from the ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia, 2007-2010 has been good years in the context of the australia-indonesia bilateral. in 2007 alone, the period from january to december was 6,398,695.3 (in us's 000). this figure then increased to 8,108,503.6 in 2008. this figure is a combination of transactions in the oil and gas sector of 2,020,496 and the non-oil and gas sector of 6,088,007. in 2009 there was a decrease to 6,700,298.6 but this decrease was more due to the lower trade transactions resulting from the crisis at that time, and in 2010 this figure then rose again to the level of 8,343,349 resulting from the oil and gas sector transactions. amounting to 1,887,558 and the non-oil and gas sector contributed 6,456,276(presidenri, 2007). the oil and gas sector that dominates trade in australia and indonesia includes commodities such as gold, oxides of boron, boric acids, copper stranded wire, cables, plaited bands, not elect insulated, while outside the oil and gas sector there are at least commodities such as cattle, basic materials. cloth, milk, or also wheat. data from the ministry of trade of the republic of indonesia also explains that the trend of indonesian exports from 2007-2011 reached 10.81% which made australia one of fifteen countries as a destination for indonesian exports. meanwhile, based on data for the same year period, it was found that the figure journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 201 was 11.78% which made indonesia in the eighth position as a trading destination country for australian economic commodities. australia, in the era of prime minister kevin rudd's leadership, has consistently succeeded in increasing the number of australian investments in indonesia, which mainly spreads to several fields such as mining, animal husbandry, plantations, and education. in 2009, it was known that there were 69 australian investment projects in indonesia with a value of us $ 134.5 million. this figure increased in 2010 to the us $ 214.2 million with the expansion of the project points to 92 projects or an increase of 23 projects from the previous year(presidenri, 2007). the increase in trade value between australia and indonesia during the era of prime minister rudd's government shows the effectiveness of the approach taken to indonesia. through soft diplomacy and prioritizing the closeness of brotherhood australia can build a condition that is then correlated with the confidence of the business world to increase the value of trade and investment with indonesia. environment and social affairs environmental and social issues are issues that are also part of prime minister kevin rudd's attention. since being elected prime minister of australia kevin rudd has often shown his concern for environmental care and social welfare. this can be seen from the actions taken by prime minister kevin rudd by attending the climate conference in december 2007 in bali which was also his first overseas trip. in this visit, he also officially signed a document stating that australia has officially ratified the kyoto protocol and is ready to implement it. prime minister kevin rudd has also specifically assigned a minister in his cabinet who is in charge of dealing with climate change issues (bbc, 2008). the presence of prime minister kevin rudd in bali to participate in the conference on climate change on the other hand has its meaning in the realm of the australiaindonesia bilateral. the positive paradigm shown by prime minister kevin rudd by attending directly gave a good view of the indonesian government. australia's intensive attention to indonesia in the environmental and social sector is at least evident in the document "australia-indonesia development cooperation strategy 2008-2013". in this document, australia specifically gives priority to five provinces in indonesia, namely nanggroe aceh darussalam, papua, west papua, west nusa tenggara, and east nusa tenggara(bbc, 2008). australia also highlighted rampant illegal logging in the kalimantan region which is thought to harm the surrounding environment. australia, through its donor agency ausaid, has also consistently provided grants or assistance to indonesia to rehabilitate environmental quality caused by journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 202 intentional or natural disasters. prime minister kevin rudd has provided at least 2.5 billion australian dollars to help indonesia manage the environment and matters related to this sector. according to documents published by ausaid through the australian aid program in indonesia, since the reign of prime minister kevin rudd at least australia has carried out several assistance measures such as providing special training to 5000 health and environmental workers in east nusa tenggara, providing clean water facilities for 82,000 poor people. , as well as providing financial assistance to the victims of the mount merapi natural disaster, totaling 4800 people so that they can organize their homes and their environment(bbc, 2008). the assistance provided by australia in the environmental sector is trying to collaborate with things such as health or education which it considers to be strongly connected to creating healthy environmental governance. one of them was seen in 2008 when australia collaborated with the ministry of religion of the republic of indonesia to build 500 madrasahs at the tsanawiyah, ibtidaiyah, and aliyah levels to achieve the target of nine-year compulsory education. australia at least provides 35% of the funds needed for the construction of these madrasas. prime minister kevin rudd is well aware of the need for people-to-people contact between australia and indonesia, therefore in addition to the financial assistance provided by the australian government, he also took the initiative to design a bridge (building relationships through intercultural dialogue and growing engagement) program. this program is a knowledge enhancement and mutual understanding program between australia and indonesia through school-toschool partnerships that connect students in both countries through the use of internet technology. until now, this program has been running in at least 10 provinces: south sumatra, west kalimantan, dki jakarta, banten, central java, yogyakarta, east java, bali, west nusa tenggara, and south sulawesi (antara, 2008). entering 2010, the australian prime minister under the leadership of prime minister kevin rudd also showed his good faith in the context of enhancing bilateral relations between australia and indonesia by inviting president susilo bambang yudhoyono to attend australia and addressing the australian parliament on march 10, 2010. this is a policy that was greeted with high enthusiasm by indonesia because the opportunity to address directly in front of australian parliamentarians was a rare opportunity and president susilo bambang yudhoyono became the first president of the republic of indonesia to receive this honor. in his speech before members of the australian parliament, president susilo bambang yudhoyono expressed his intention to maintain good journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 203 australia-indonesia relations and increase cooperation related to extradition and people smuggling, cooperation in the fields of tourism, forestry, and education. through the news broadcast by the ministry of home affairs of the republic of indonesia, prime minister kevin rudd praised the contents of president susilo bambang yudhoyono's speech and the agreement reached by australia and indonesia to improve the existing closeness of relations. prime minister kevin rudd also praised president susilo bambang yudhoyono's leadership in maintaining the climate of democracy in indonesia and the speed and accuracy in combating terrorists and overcoming natural disasters(ausaid, 2008). conclusion several policies carried out by prime minister kevin rudd towards indonesia on the one hand have succeeded in restoring indonesia's confidence to return to a more intensive relationship, by emphasizing effective cooperation and involving the public or the wider community from these two countries. various improvements have occurred in this bilateral relationship, some of which are in the fields of security, economy, and humanity which should be a turning point in the harmony of the two countries. the next interesting thing that deserves attention, will this increase be effective and stable in the following periods ?? of course, it will be a very interesting follow-up study to be discussed sustainably and sustainably. however, it is important to always maintain the stability of australia and indonesia relations. the stability of this relationship has an indirect strategic meaning in the stability of the region, especially southeast asia and oceania. reference australia in the asian century white paper: australia roadmap for navigating the asian century, from www.pm.gov.au australia in the world: (1994)perceptions and possibilities, editor: don grant & graham seal, black swan press, perth,. australia-indonesia bilateral cooperation strategic plan 2007-2012,(2008) australian ministry of trade and foreign affairs, 2008. budiardjo, miriam, (2004)basics of political science, gramedia pustaka utama, jakarta,. corcoran, robert, and dickenson, (2007).jackie, a dictionary of australian politics, allen & unwin, australia. evans, gareth& bruce 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lee, david, (1995) search for security: the political economy of australia’s postwar foreign and defence policy, allen & unwin, sydney, australia. 1995. mar’iyah, chusnul, (2004) indonesia-australia: challenges and opportunities in bilateral political relations, granit, jakarta megalonies, george, (2008) the longest decade, scribe, melbourne, australia moon. jeremy, (2003)australian politics and government: the commonwealth, the states, and the territories, cambridge university press, united kingdom murphy, brian, (1983)dictionary of australian history, fontana & colins, sydney. newman. lawrence, (1991) social research methods: qualitative and quantitative approaches, third edition, allen & bacon, singapore sheridan, greg, (2009) asian values western dreams: understanding the new asia, allen & unwin, sydney, australia soesastro, hadi, (2001) indonesia & australia bilateral relations into the 21st century, csis, jakarta stuart, nicholas, (2010)rudd’s way: november 2007june 2010, scribe, melbourne, australia viottti, kauppi, (1993)international relations theory, fourth editions, pearson, kanada wesley, michael, (2007) the howard paradox, australian diplomacy in asia 1996 2004, abc book, sydney i. kompas daily, prime minister ruud will meet sby next week, friday, 6 juni 2008. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 70 ulamaa’ on the political stage ( study of the analyzing aceh party and the aceh sovereign party in southwest aceh district) firdaus syam1, munawar khalill2 1associate professor, school of post graduate studies, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 2 master in political science, school of post graduate studies, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia, 1 email: firdaus.syam@civitas.unas.ac.id 2 email: munawar.khalill@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : the participation of ulamaa’ in politics was seen as a reference point for determining the vote acquisition that would be obtained by political parties. the recruitment of ulamaa’ before the general election is strong evidence that the role of ulamaa’ in politics was very important, not only in the religious sphere but in the social and political sphere of society. the participation of ulamaa’ gave rise to pro and contra views in the midst of society. the pro view saw ulamaa’ as being able to cleaned up the political atmosphere, while the counter view sees politics as limited to power and tarnishes the ulamaa's image. this study aimed to explained the involvement of ulamaa’ in the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party in aceh barat daya, the involvement of ulamaa’ is abled to influenced policies in local parties and saw people's views on the involvement of ulamaa’ in politics. the data required in writing this thesis is obtained through library and field research. literature research was carried out by reading text books, statutory regulations, and other reading material related to this research, while field research was carried out by interviewing and observing. the results showed that the involvement of ulamaa’ in the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party in aceh barat daya was based on the recruitment of the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party to the ulamaa’ because they provided many benefits to the party. the desire of the ulamaa’ themselves and getting support from the community was also a factor in the involvement of ulamaa’ in politics. this happened because the ulamaa’ would to changed the existing government system into a better system. the involvement of the ulamaa’ had a big influence on the party, namely being abled to changed policies in the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party in aceh barat daya so that it was able to increased the number of votes obtained by the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party. some of the people of southwest aceh view the involvement of ulamaa’ in the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party as a natural thing, the involvement of the ulama was considered capable of providing a cleaner nuance in politics, while others think that when the ulamaa’ were involved in politics he would only gave priority to himself and abled to damaged his image as a cleric. involvement journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 71 of ulamaa’ in politics was expected to be more able to heard and conveyed the aspirations of the people, and to keeped the politics they lived in clean so that their image was maintained so that the public's view of ulamaa’ involvement remains good and supportive. keywords: ulamaa’ involvement, politics, local political parties. submission : nov, 20th 2020 revision : jan 30th 2021 publication : feb 28th 2021 introduction the victory of political parties in the legislative election has a very large role for the ulamaa’ in it, it can be said that the ulamaa’ are the mecca for determining the votes obtained by a political party. nowadays such things are very common in all regions in indonesia, especially the aceh area where the majority of the population is muslim. if these things are broken down, it is normal for an ulamaa’ to do this, but this can also have a negative impact on society because the participation of ulamaa’ in politics and general election campaigns can result in divisions that will occur in society. ulamaa’ are people who give instructions to the people about various aspects of life, including strengthening the existence of the people not only in the religious aspects, but also in the social, political and cultural aspects. ulamaa’ also become intermediaries in explaining or giving understanding of what is going on among their people, so that people will get the correct information. however, if a cleric gets involved in politics, it is suspected that the ulamaa’ will abandon his ulamaa’ because he must win over one side. ulamaa’ have become a benchmark for the success of a political party in winning the sympathy of the people to get what the political elites really want. in this case the ulama are considered to have behaved unnaturally, because the participation of ulamaa’ in politics is considered capable of creating divisions in society. the involvement of ulamaa’ in political parties is an issue that is considered pro and contra in the community, especially the participation of ulamaa’ in parties. according to a counter view, the participation of ulamaa’ in politics will be used by political parties so that the ulamaa’ can no longer play a role as a guide for the ummah in this life, but this is reversed because it has been influenced by most of the party's needs. this opinion is denied by (syerozi, 2009), that even though the ulamaa’ are involved in the "success team", there is absolutely no intention of dividing the ummah even though they differ in ijtihad. the division of the ummah will occur as a result of the actions of politicians through propaganda and provocation when they attack their political opponents. meanwhile, in the eyes of the community, ulama have a higher level of reputation than journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 72 politicians. for ulamaa’ who have been involved in politics, it will even lead to positive changes in society. furthermore, anwar added that ulamaa’ have never been asked to participate directly in politics. politics is an individual right, but what is hoped is that scholars can provide positive enlightenment in uncovering the current political conditions so that the creation of a peaceful regional election. the human soul is in a state of pure and clean. however, anwar syerozi's opinion is also an example of the involvement of the ulamaa’, where when they have become a successful team of scholars, they will try to lead their followers to one of the candidates while maturing them so as not to be confrontational with other candidates and supporters. this is so that their political behavior is not like non ulamaa’ politicians who do not have a moral responsibility towards the people. the involvement of the ulamaa’ personally is not in the name of the organization in politics by directly engaging or merely joining the success team in general elections. these various pro and contra views show how the phenomenon of recruiting ulamaa’ in the political sphere, especially during direct elections at both the local and national levels, is strong evidence of how important the role of ulama in political parties is not just in the scope of religious preaching. political power rarely (at least what happens today) only focuses on power alone, but politicians are more interested in what is behind power, namely money (suhendri, 2012). the stronger the public pressure, the more even the political power will change the political style of the regional rulers. changes in leadership style are the right choice of politicians to avoid prematurely terminating their power in the middle of the road. agus's view is reinforced by his opinion (tarmizi, 2005) that religion and its people cannot be separated from the environment. the history of humans and humanity as well as religion recognizes the graph of the ups and downs of life, humanity and civilization. nowadays, there are more and more heard that religious organizations, which seem not to want to be left behind with political parties and other social organizations, are competing to provide political support to their candidates. in addition, scholars also act as intermediaries in explaining or giving understanding of what is going on among their followers, so that people will receive correct information. his position as an intermediary between the underworld (the people) and the world outside, has made scholars known as cultural brokers. from these two views, it shows their charisma, the ulamaa’ occupy a high position in the eyes of the ummah. however, this high position also causes the ulamaa’ to become the struggle for various interests, including political parties. when scholars are tempted in political affairs, they can no longer be said to be cultural brokers, but change their function to become political brokers, political brokers (people who can influence people to choose the direction of certain clients, namely elected officials or referendums in exchange for political or journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 73 financial gain) in fact, there is no prohibition or appeal against the participation of ulamaa’ in politics, indonesia is a country that guarantees every freedom of its people, everyone is given the freedom to associate, assemble and have the right to participate (directly) in politics without the exception of scholars. currently aceh barat daya (abdya) is one of the regencies whose government is predominantly represented by members of local parties, the process of winning local parties in this area is also inseparable from the role played by the ulamaa’ as party advisors and as confirmation of leadership milestones. even today, the regional head of abdya district is an ustadz from one of the islamic boarding schools in south aceh district which is a factor in his success in the general elections he participated in. however, the involvement of ulamaa’ in politics in abdya is not new, although there is no openness regarding this matter, however the process of participation of the ulamaa’ in politics can be seen by the way political party figures approach the ulamaa’ or even the ulamaa’ themselves who are not reluctant to come to the local political party figures. theoretical framework party system overview definition of party system the party system is a mechanism for interaction between political parties in a running political system. that is, because the main objective of political parties is to seek and maintain power in order to realize programs that are structured based on certain ideologies (ahmad farhan hamid, 2008), then to realize programs the existing political parties interact with each other in a party system. classification of party systems classification of the party system based on the number of parties. according to maurice duverger the party system is divided into 3 systems, namely: a. single party system (one party system / monopartai). in this system there is only one dominant party. in the single party , there is no competition, because the people must accept the party leadership that has been determined. this system was chosen because if social and cultural diversity is allowed, upheavals will occur, will hinder development efforts. b. the bi-party system. this system recognizes the existence of two parties, namely the party (the party that won the election) and the opposition party (the party that loses). this system is usually supported by elections that use the district system. the dual-party system can run well if the following journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 74 conditions are met: a) homogeneous society, b) strong community consensus and c) the existence of historical continuity c. multi party system. this system is applied in plural countries which have various cultures and races. this will encourage the formation of ties that are primodial (limited), including in the parties. this system is not well implemented in countries that have parliamentary systems of government (agustino, 2007), because there are many parties, so there is no party with a majority in the parliament. classification of party systems based on ideological distance. geovani sartori stated that it is not only the number of parties that need to be in a party system but also the ideological distance between parties in the system itself is very important in understanding the behavior of political parties. therefore sartoro categorized the party system into: 1. predominant-party system predominant-party system is a party system that describes the lack of sharp ideological differences between the interacting parties, or it can even be said that there are no different ideological views, so that what is built is a political party that has a single (dominant) perspective. 2. moderate pluralism system. moderate pluralism system, is a party system that provides space for more than two parties to compete with each other in general elections. 3. polarized pluralism system. polarized pluralism system, is a party system that is polarized which usually manifests in countries that are very heterogeneous in terms of socio-culture). the number of parties that are not small and parties that are not that small has different ideologies and even contradicts each other as much as possible. therefore, the polarized pluralismsystem party system has a low consensus tendency (agustino, 2007), so that at an extreme point there may be splits in the political system. overview of local political parties definition of local political parties. a local political party (state party, regional party or local political party) is a party whose network is limited to a region (province or state) or several regions, but does not cover all provinces (national) (ahmad farhan hamid 2007: 33) aceh qanun number 3 of 2008 concerning local political parties participating in the general election members of the aceh people's representative council and the regency / city people's representative council means that a local political party is a political organization formed by a group of indonesian citizens domiciled in aceh and volunteering based on the same will and ideals to fight for the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 75 interests of members, the community, the nation and the state through the election for members of dpra / dprk, governor / deputy governor, regent / deputy regent, mayor / deputy mayor. history of local political parties in indonesia the existence of local political parties in indonesia is actually not a new thing. in the history of the party system in indonesia, it has been colored by local political parties, and these local political parties have also participated in the 1955 general elections. looking at the results of the 1955 general election, herbertfeith has divided 4 (four) groups of political parties that have succeeded in getting votes in the house of representatives and the constituent assembly, namely: large parties, medium-sized parties, small groups with national coverage, and small groups with regional coverage. according to feith, the latter group can be categorized as a party with regional and ethnic characteristics. several political parties are regional and tribal in nature, for example, the people's village party, the free indonesian people's party, the sundanese choice movement, the indonesian peasants' party, and the banteng movement in west java. in addition, there are also grinda in yogyakarta and the united daya party in west kalimantan. among several examples of political parties that can be considered as local political parties, there is even a political party that has become very popular in its home region. the party is partai persatuan daya in west kalimantan. the results of the general election for the people's representative council in 1955 showed that the persatuan daya party, for the west kalimantan constituency, managed to occupy second place behind masyumi who was in first place. functions of local political parties. as a political party, all functions known to be carried out by political parties also apply to local political parties. the difference is only in terms of level, if the national political party carries out interest aggregation at the national level and political recruitment for political positions elected at the national level, then local political parties only perform these functions at the local level (ahmad farhan hamid, 2008). goals of local political parties. different from political parties in general, local political parties have different objectives according to the characteristics and types of local political parties. seen from the point of view of objectives, in political practice in countries that recognize the existence of local political parties, this type of party has different goals (oka mahendra, 2004), which are generally categorized into three: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 76 1. local political parties that protect and promote the economic, social, cultural, linguistic and educational rights of certain minority groups. 2. local political parties that want autonomy for their regions or uphold and increase the autonomy rights that the regions already have. local political parties that explicitly fight for their territorial independence and form a new state. types of local political parties local political parties can be divided into two systems: 1. closed local political party system. this local political party may only participate in the general election to elect members of the regional legislature and regional heads. 2. the local political party system is open. these local political parties are given the right to participate in national general elections, such as for the election of central legislative members (muhammad jakfar aw, 2014). in this open political party system, local political parties can become coalition partners of national parties at the national level and can therefore place their figures in the cabinet as ministers. relations between local political parties and national parties. the basic idea of a local political party is the division of labor between political parties at the national level and political parties at the regional level, both of which have a functional relationship. the existing conflict is more structured, does not cause the accumulation of confusing aspirations at the national level. this party operates independently, controls policies, programs, strategies according to the limitations of the territorial authorities it has. approaches the implementation of national elections, local parties make their affiliation to the big parties that are already established, in the sense of having a national network, so that the locality is guaranteed without leaving the national frame. this affiliation is carried out freely (faisal akbar. mujibussalim, 2017). this means that one local political party may be affiliated with one national party in one general election, then change its affiliation to another party in the next general election. this functional relationship implies th e ability to bargain between local and national communities. in this way, the strengthening at the grassroots of politics will have an impact on strengthening political institutions nationally. the existence of local political parties is in line with the spirit of implementing government decentralization (ahmad farhan hamid, 2008). ulamaa’ and politics functionally, the preacher or mubaliq (preacher) carries out some of the functions of the ulamaa’ in islamic society. the term dai itself refers more to the function of ulamaa’ and even non-ulamaa’ circles who know more or less about the teachings of islam to preach practically journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 77 in the field, on the pulpit. the scholars in general can be said to be both dai and, on the other hand, not all of them can be said to be scholars. traditionally and conventionally, ulamaa’ are seen as people who have deep mastery of religious sciences and functional specializations in religious life; on the other hand, the function of dai is not only carried out by the ulamaa’, but also by people who are not specialists in the field of religion (azra, 2002). ulamaa’, a word that is derived from the arabic language, al-ulamaa’, the plural form of the word "alimun" means who knows or people who have deep knowledge, so profoundly ulamaa’ means people who have knowledge of religion. the koran explains based on the word of allah (qs, al-fathir: 28), which means; indeed, those who fear allah among his servants, are only scholars. the meaning of ulamaa’ in this verse refers to the meaning of people who know / know allah swt and their religion in depth. the old people feel afraid of allah, if the knowledge that has been passed down by the prophet is not fully practiced / wasted. giving knowledge that is useful and beneficial to the people only -eye sincerely and expect the pleasure of allah swt, not for expecting rewards and adulation from the crowd. ulamaa’ are people who practice religious knowledge and can sincerely convey (teach) to others (the community). in other words, it can provide a perfect introduction to the knowledge of religion in society, so that their hearts / people become calm in doubts and people's anxieties disappear. people who have been equipped with religious knowledge have faith and devotion to allah swt, carry out allah's orders and leave all his prohibitions (razali abdullah, 2009). in this case, scholars play a very important role in all areas of both the world and the hereafter. because scholars are the heirs of the prophet and there are scholars of the world and the hereafter. the ulamaa’ of the world are always looking for world life, pursuing rank and position, accumulating wealth either for themselves or for their families. . ulamaa’ like this are called "ulamaa’ al-su", but on the other hand, the life of the ulamaa’ in the hereafter is always in simplicity, is obedient in worship, trustworthy, honest, intelligent and always convey the prohibitions in religion sincerely. the character of this kind of ulamaa’ was demonstrated by the prophet muhammad saw in developing his apostolic mandate (razali abdullah, 2009: 15). in relation to politics, the knowledge possessed by ulamaa’ is a power that can potentially be used not only to gather mass support in order to realize a certain political action or process, but even to support a certain political system or political power as a whole, and often without reserve. thanks to the sacred aura they have, the presence of the ulamaa’ in a political meeting, a kind of election campaign, and especially if accompanied by the ulamaa's appeal to support certain political parties or forces, for the lay masses, let alone a floating mass is not just a political decision, but at the same time. is a religious "fatwa". and in this last context, voting in elections, for example, is seen by the common masses as no longer just a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 78 political act, but a religious act, or perhaps even worship, because it is the ulamaa’ who "order" (azra, 2002: 76). religion and politics in nurcholish madjid's thought can be traced to the writings of the "first period" of the 1970s, which emphasized more on broad political autonomy without being associated with "exclusivity", which seemed to belong to formal muslims only. who are in islamic religious organizations. for this reason, broad political autonomy includes little connection with "religious affairs". then, in the "second period" of the 1980-1990s, with a more positive emphasis on religious nuances that influenced politics, as well as diminishing the "enlightenment mindset ". the historical and sociological context of the early modernization of the new order and the "mindset" that grew in communities around the political system (including the party system) and political culture seemed to be the background for such pressures and nuances (zamharir, 2004: 105). recent developments in indonesian politics show that religion is one of the most important political institutions in the pancasila system. nurcholis madjid argues that there is an opportunity for religion to "become a strong positive force, and not negative like liberalism or secularism" (zamharir, 2004: 113) . in terms of the backgrounds that are followed, acehnese scholars can be divided into two, namely dayah scholars who take and receive non-formal education and school scholars who take and obtain formal education. based on qualifications like this, as a scholar, he is usually shown to have the depth of islamic religious knowledge and gain recognition from the surrounding community. thus to become a scholar, apart from being armed with scientific qualities and personal integrity, one must also gain collective legitimacy from the community. in other words, ulamaa’ must be capable, credible, also acceptable. in aceh, all of these requirements receive simple confirmation if someone already owns and leads a dayah institution, which in the above category is called ulamaa’ dayah. as for those who get formal education even though they are capable in the field of religion which is in the above category called school clerics it cannot be ascertained that they will get the label and recognition from the community as scholars (suyanta, 2008: 12-13). the existence of ulamaa’ in the modern world today cannot be avoided from the political world in the homeland, even long before now many scholars have been involved in the world of politics, during the new order era, ulamaa’ were one of the important elements in achieving the policies they wanted to implement, the concept of ulamaa’ and the current political concept is a concept that cannot be avoided in a discussion of the world of homeland politics. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 79 method this research uses a qualitative approach. qualitative research can be constructed as a research strategy that usually emphasizes words rather than quantification in data collection and analysis, emphasizes an inductive approach to the relationship between theory and research, which emphasizes the placement of theory creation (generation of theory). (faisal akbar. mujibussalim, 2017) to complete the required information, interviews with informants were also carried out. the informants who the authors mean here are those who provide information based on their knowledge. as for the informants in this study are: 1. chairman of the aceh barat daya party. 2. chairman of the nanggroe aceh ulama council (chairperson of the muna aceh barat daya). 3. local political observer. 4. chairman of the aceh sovereign party abdya. 5. chairman of the aceh dayah ulama association (huda abdya). this study uses two types of data sources. the data used are: 1. primary data sources. primary data source is an object or original document raw material from the perpetrator which is called “first-hand information”. data collected from the actual situation when the event occurs is called primary data. individuals, focus groups, and one group of respondents in particular are data sources. primary in research. 2. primary sources secondary data sources are data collected second-hand or from other sources that were available before the research was carried out. data collected through other available sources is called secondary data. secondary sources include comments, interpretations, or discussion of original material. data collection techniques used in this study were interviews and documentation. interviewing is a systematic and organized conversation carried out by the researcher as an interviewer with a number of people as respondents or interviewees to obtain a number of information related to the problem under study. as for documentation, it is looking for data about things or variables in the form of notes, transcripts, books, newspapers, magazines, inscriptions, meeting minutes, notes, agendas and so on. there are three data analysis techniques used in this study, namely data reduction, data presentation and conclusion / verification. data reduction is defined as the process of selecting, focusing attention on simplifying, abstracting, and transforming raw data that journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 80 emerge from written records in the field. data presentation in qualitative research can be carried out in various types of matrices, graphs, networks, and charts. everything is designed to combine information arranged in a unified form so that an analyzer can see what is going on and determine whether to draw conclusions or need further analysis (husaini usman, et al., 2009). meanwhile, the actual drawing of conclusions is only part of one activity from the complete confirmation. result and discussion scholarship recruitment in terms of political science, ulamaa’ were political actors who have charismatic and traditional-based political resources that allow ulamaa’ to form certain political attitudes or preferences in the social structure of the surrounding community. ulamaa’ are made into front-line groups by political parties as a pillar of power, ulamaa’ believed to be able to attract people's attention to the party because of their charisma, ulamaa’ are able to bring the party to a better direction, but currently the charisma possessed by the ulamaa’ is misinterpreted by some who only want to get benefits for their own party, and the ulamaa’ himself is not feel burdened, it is on this basis that political parties do not hesitate to hold ulamaa’ together to enter the world of politics. this was confirmed by the narrative by the chairman of the aceh barat daya district branch, namely: "the involvement of the ulamaa’ in the aceh party is a recruitment from the aceh party itself, which is the main task of the aceh party" (m. nazier, chairman of the aceh abdya party). the aceh party is one of the parties that takes advantage of the charisma possessed by the ulamaa’ to get a greater chance in the parliament, the aceh party is one of the local political parties in aceh whose basic leadership is very strong, the aceh party was formerly known as the free aceh movement party (gam). ) then changed to the aceh mandiri movement party in the 2009 elections. the aceh party is a party that is very close to the ulamaa’, a local party which is very dominant in aceh strengthening its power by involving the ulamaa’ as party advisors and as party members. in the early days before the formation of local political parties, former gam combatants had earlier formed the dayah ulamaa’ group to continue the line of struggle after the mou-helsinki, these ulama groups were gathered in the nanggroe aceh ulamaa’ council (muna) which was formed on february 15, 2006 (one year before the formation of the aceh party itself), the ulamaa’ group was then functioned to answer all forms of social unrest that existed in society due to the conflict and after the tsunami disaster. the state of society that is mentally traumatized certainly requires religious spiritual treatment from the scholars for peace of mind. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 81 “it is undeniable that the existence of ulamaa’ in the middle of a party has a huge impact on parties, both in terms of imaging in the midst of society in order to obtain maximum votes. the politicization of ulamaa’ itself has indeed occurred long before this modern world was formed, even at the time friends, too, the politicization of the ulamaa’ already exists and is not something strange that happens in society”(tgk fakhrizal, chairman of the aceh peace party abdya). ulama are also people who in the struggle for independence in aceh have a very big share, it is not wrong if the acehnese people highly praise the existence of ulamaa’ because in addition to their deep knowledge in the field of religion, these ulamaa’ are also fighters in independence, and there is no doubt that the party takes a more towards ulamaa’, as the chairman of the democratic national party said: the wishes of the ulamaa’ himself on the basis of wanting to continue the aceh struggle which encourages the ulamaa’ to participate in politics, not all ulamaa’ are indeed involved directly or indirectly in politics, depending on the individuals of each ulamaa’, sometimes there are those who wish to be involved in politics because of encouragement from the community, but there is also on the personal wish of the cleric. as said by tgk. tarmizi, namely: "we want to get involved in politics with the aceh party to further improve the welfare of the pesantren within the muna forum because muna is what the acehnese really expect" (tgk. tarmizi, chairman of the nanggroe abdya ulama council) ulamaa’ have an important and strategic position in the midst of society. ulamaa’ are part of society whose position is higher than the leader. this important position is because the advice, suggestions and input of the ulamaa’ will always be needed by the leader, because this position is what makes the ulamaa’ more motivated to enter the realm of politics. before the pda was formed, a number of ulamaa’, santri, national party politicians and ordinary citizens joined a community study institution called the aceh daulat forum (fda). this forum held discussions about islam and held training. in this case the ulamaa's desire to enter the world of politics because the ulamaa’ see a gap in the sharia in aceh, besides wanting to continue the struggle of aceh which is better known to the outside as an area that is very thick with islamic law, the ulamaa’ also want to strengthen and rebuild sharia codes that have been destroyed. in addition, he is also engaged in the study of national political parties. the results of the study helped push the fda to transform itself into a party. the aceh peace party itself was founded by scholars as the first milestone to become a local political party in aceh. there are those who think that the involvement of the ulamaa’ will make the party cleaner from corruption and put the people first. the reluctance of some ulamaa’ to enter the existing political system is not a picture that they are not involved in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 82 politics or consider islam as separate from politics. all ulamaa’ remain political by not entering the practical political arena. this kind of politics maintains the neutrality of the scholars so that every word, speech and deed is only to uphold the truth (sentence al-haqq) wherever and whenever it is, every human being has his own thoughts on what to do and not do. in recent decades there have been circles of muslims who claim to be "modernists", who try to separate the two sides, namely islam and politics, but the whole idea of islamic thought is actually built on the foundation that the two sides are harmoniously holding each other together and cannot. separated from each other. the idea of separating islam and politics is developing which in the end continues to use islam as a symbol of political movements. many political parties make ulamaa’ as party advisors, which are used as a basis for determining policies within the party, both policies in terms of the benefit of the people and policies regarding winning strategy in general elections. as said by erwanto kasyah, namely: "indonesian society in general as a muslim community, especially in aceh, the influence of islam is dominant in voting, but whether the ulamaa’ play an important role in collecting votes is still a question, there is a phenomenon, for example the islamic party in indonesia has never been big. , meaning that the indonesian people prefer islam rather than identity (not secular), the aceh case might also be like that ”(erwanto kasyah). according to muslim scholars, the basis of islamic siyasah, at least is to protect religion and regulate world life, a policy approach that rests on the principle that government policy on its people is based on the benefit of the people. the benefit of the people which is the government's obligation is in the form of protection of basic rights. on the one hand, the involvement of ulamaa’ in politics is considered capable of changing the image of the ulamaa’ itself into a bad image, but on the other hand, the involvement of ulamaa’ in politics, both as party advisors and participating in politics, is practically able to provide better policies for the progress of the party in the future . in aceh, there are still many problems of the ummah that must be resolved. the problems of the ummah are not always in the form of violations of positive law (qanun) alone, but also other problems, especially issues of morality and behavior of the ummah. this means that concentration on problems of implementing positive law is not sufficient to raise aceh's glory, without the support of passive da'wah activities . da'wah which is carried out continuously, god willing, will open the understanding of the acehnese people, so that the wishes of the acehnese people are truly understood by the regional government without having to force symbolic qanuns, such as symbols and flags, this is done by improving existing policies in the local political party first, by prioritizing the ulamaa’ in the policy process what should be the main priority to become a leading political party in the midst of society. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 83 the effectiveness of ulamaa’ in gaining votes for the party the involvement of ulamaa’ in politics, especially the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party, is not new in the political world. just as ulamaa’ enter into political parties, the role of ulamaa’ in politics is not something new, since the new order of ulamaa’ has been the target of political actors. in affirming his basic leadership. recent developments in indonesian politics show that religion is one of the most important political institutions in the pancasila system. nurcholish madjid (2004: 113-114) argues that there is an opportunity for religion to "become a strong positive force, and not negative like liberalism or secularism". on the other hand, for a good discussion, it is necessary to have a critical view of religion and secularism. for example, it is necessary to throw away the tradition for abstract generalizations about religion and secularism. "for example, christianity is generally described as a religion that separates the church from the state, and islam as a religion that separates (between) the two", because empirical history is more complex. from the generalization above. the reluctance of the ulamaa’ to enter the existing political system is not a picture that they are not involved in politics or think that islam is separate from politics. all ulamaa’ remain political by not entering the practical political arena. this kind of politics maintains the neutrality of the ulamaa’ so that every word, speech and deed is only to uphold the truth wherever and whenever they are. the involvement of the ulamaa’ in the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party always provides advice and advice to the leader, the ulamaa’ actively participate in the improvement of the wider community through education. educating the public at large means participating with the community in their life. they are close to the community because people always yearn for their presence, because of this, it makes ulamaa’ the main thing that is the desire of political parties to recruit ulamaa’ together with political parties. by playing an active role in improving society, ulamaa’ have taken an important and strategic position in politics within a country. this activeness can be a powerful weapon for the ulamaa’ to change the course of the government, which still has many shortcomings and irregularities. the involvement of ulamaa’ in politics which is based on their own desires and has the support of the community, both in the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party is based on the opinion that it is indeed the ulamaa’ who must enter the political sphere to provide a concrete example of how to do politics in islam and then turn the rats with ties into humans who understand the suffering of the people. if the ulamaa’ only function as an intermediary axis in the arena of political contestation, then the political situation will dry up because it is filled with the same mainstream political tendencies without any distinction. if the ulamaa’ are in the political arena, then they will become their own color, and at least can prevent excessive munkar by the leaders or representatives of the people. do not these ulamaa’ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 84 reflect the face of islam so that the peace and calm they emit can provide a more beautiful atmosphere for people who really need attention from the government. it is on this basis that ulamaa’ are the main thing that people want to enter the political sphere so that the achievement of people's aspirations is more true. rightly prioritized rather than just concerned with personal needs. the existence of ulamaa’ in the modern world today cannot be avoided from the political world in the homeland, even long before now many scholars have been involved in the world of politics, during the new order era, ulamaa’ were one of the important elements in achieving the policies they wanted to implement, the concept of ulamaa’ and the current political concept is a concept that cannot be avoided in a discussion of the world of homeland politics. the involvement of the ulamaa’ in the aceh party was based on the desire of the ulamaa’ as well as the recruitment by the aceh party, on the grounds that the ulamaa’ wanted to continue the aceh line of struggle that had been carried out in the past so that the struggle is still maintained today. whereas the aceh sovereign party is a local party founded by ulamaa’, it is clear that the involvement of ulamaa’ in this local party has occurred since the first time this party was founded, with the aim of the ulamaa’ wanting to change the existing system into a more because the ulamaa’ within the aceh peace party think that if you want to change the system you must first enter the system. “the islamic political party, which was previously founded by various national clerical figures with the aim of saving indonesia from evil politics, has now become a place to earn money for cadres and even seek popularity through ulamaa’ to win their party in elections. this fenemone also had a bad impact on the ulama who were indeed in the islamic political party, so that their prestige was dimmed when they were proposed by the party to run as legislative candidates to represent the party.” (t. haji abdullah badar, leader of the mpu abdya). in fact, ulamaa’ who advance to become legislative candidates at the district, provincial and national levels are ulamaa’ who really pay attention to the side of their general interests and they also do not try to fuse the foundation of the indonesian state as an islamic state, although there are a few who aim for practical politics only. politics is actually politics that must be characterized as human efforts to achieve perfection and benefit. politics has noble, sacred values and does not conflict with religion. not as justification that scholars are blind to politics, because their work is only lecturing and teaching the yellow book and the preacher in the mosque is not in charge of the state. “the existence of ulamaa’ who always accompany local parties in formulating various policies that are needed so that local political parties have really taken into account various aspects of these policies in order to take care of the affairs of the muslim community as the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 85 majority people in this country which should be prioritized according to the principle of proportionality. ulamaa’ in the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party have always been prioritized in policy making, ulamaa’ have become the frontline group in terms of policies within the party both for the benefit of the party and for the community. thus the role and contribution of ulamaa’ in strengthening harmony between ulamaa’, political parties and the government will naturally neutralize any movement that is radical in a negative and anarchist sense” (chairman of the aceh dayah ulama association, abdya). in relation to politics, the knowledge possessed by ulamaa’ is a power that can potentially be used not only to gather mass support in order to realize a certain political action or process, but even to support a certain political system or political power as a whole, and often without reserve. thanks to its sacred aura, the presence of ulamaa’ in a political meeting, a kind of election campaign, and especially if accompanied by ulama's appeal to support certain political parties or forces, for the lay masses a "floating mass" is not just a political decision, but also a religious "fatwa". and in this last context, voting in elections, for example, is seen as no longer just a political act for the common people (azra, 2002: 76). politics is an effort or a way to get something that is desired. however, many also think that politics does not only revolve around the sphere of state power or actions carried out by state authorities. in several aspects of life, humans often carry out political actions, both trade politics, culture, social, and in other aspects of life. politics always concerns the goals of the whole society (public goals) and not one's personal goals (private goals). politics involves the activities of various groups, including political parties and individual activities (individuals). the involvement of ulamaa’ in politics, especially the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party, has had a major influence on the party, the involvement of ulamaa’ in local political parties is able to help political parties to achieve higher vote results. although not all political parties are successful in gaining votes despite the involvement of ulama in the party, in contrast to the aceh party, this local political party is considered very successful in terms of achieving high votes in general elections both the legislative and regional heads in various areas in aceh province. ulamaa’ are considered to have a very big share in every moment of the democratic party held in each region, this is evident from the existence of every legislative candidate or regional head candidate who comes to clerical figures just to ask for blessing or even to get good advice for the future. how the position and role of ulamaa’ in politics has always been a constant discussion both among the ulamaa’ themselves and those involved in the political arena. like other discussions, this issue has resulted in two groups; those who allow the ulamaa’ to enter into a practical political environment in order to give a good color, and groups who argue that the ulama should not be directly involved in politics so that their neutrality can be maintained. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 86 each opinion must have reasons and evidence that they think can be important backing of that opinion. the involvement of the ulamaa’ in politics, both the involvement of the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party resulted in two opposing views so that the community was divided into two groups seeing the involvement of the ulamaa’ in politics, namely the faction that agreed with the involvement of the ulamaa’ in politics because they thought that the involvement of the ulamaa’ in politics was able to clean up. the existing political atmosphere. meanwhile, the second camp has the view that it does not agree with the involvement of the ulamaa’ because it considers that the involvement of the ulamaa’ in politics is capable of tarnishing the image of the ulamaa’ who is considered good in the midst of society. there are even those who argue that scholars are advised to prioritize religious matters more. the existence of ulamaa’ in politics is not a naïve or abnormal act because they have the right to become people's representatives according to applicable requirements. indonesia is a country that grants all its citizens the right to politics without the exception of scholars. basically, the ulamaa’ who become politicians are ulamaa’ who have high capabilities in divine law, because scholars like this are proficient in the application of fiqh science which is not only studied without the same intelligence. once. it is they who are willing to run the wheels of indonesian government and are not indifferent to the products of indonesian law. however, what really needs to be paid attention to and underline is that the legal skills and abilities of ulamaa’ must be fulfilled first so that they avoid using ulamaa’ as party puppets and magnets. panners of popular votes which can have an impact on the neglect of their primary activities and be more preoccupied with their politics. ulamaa’d, who are the sole heirs of the prophets in teaching islamic syari'at, are ironic if they are blind to the political dynamics of the nation. the track record of the world of indonesian politics is always colored by the reliable hands of scholars / kyai. it is not surprising that indonesian islamic politics reached its peak in the gus dur regime which he managed to occupy the seat of the state palace after defeating his tough rivals. not only that, there were still many competent ulamaa’ who took shelter under the umbrella of the national institutions and ministries as well as the director general who always played a reliable role on a national scale. there needs to be an effort to make the public aware of the steps and attitudes of the ulamaa’ who are advancing and plunging into the world of politics. because islam really pays attention to politics, the public can distinguish which scholars are struggling to advance the nation's political morals and scholars who are only the party's money machines and people's magnets. because of popularity, but the nation's political skills are empty. the assumption is not quite right if you look at the modern-day political system that has deviated far from islamic values. is it appropriate for an ulamaa’ to enter the system on the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 87 pretext of wanting to improve the system or people in the system, if the ulamaa’ are required or at least allowed to do politics in a practical way, then it is likely that a stigma will emerge in society that everything conveyed by the ulamaa’ has a certain political ideological content. this negative stigma naturally arises because political constellations do not recognize winwin solutions, only win, win and win. every person who enters the world of politics will think about how to win the votes of the people, even if he tries his best to get himself elected and then campaigns everywhere that it is himself or his party that deserves to win, not other parties even though other parties are based on islam. so this is where the phenomenon of selling religion for politics emerges. ulamaa’ like this certainly cannot give enlightenment to society to choose a good leader, on the contrary, he deliberately makes a fool of himself because he only says that he is worthy and seems to 'turn a blind eye to the kindness of other potential leaders. it is on this basis that some people do not want ulamaa’ to become involved in politics. the ups and downs of ulamaa’ running for legislative elections have resulted in the emergence of pro and cotra attitudes towards their steps. by smoothing national politics in the stronghold of islamic-based political parties, they do not hesitate to propose to ulamaa’ who have credibility, loyalty, accountability and the most important thing is popularity. and the result is that the general public perceives that the ulamaa's identity, which is always seen by a soothing person, seems to be a power-hungry person. moreover, the ulamaa’ who are embraced by politicians, while he himself does not have skills in the political arena, here the interests of politicians will be able to drive the sincerity of the ulamaa’, and the position of the ulamaa’ is nothing more than a magnet for attracting no clear benefit to the ummah. especially if the condition of the ulamaa’ is not one word from a political perspective, and this is what often happens in society. then the result is confusion arises in tune with the war of nerves between different ulamaa’ in political ijtihad. indonesia needs political experts from scholars of quality and quantity. popularity is not used for the sake of party votes. that is, the ulamaa’ who have the right to run or become candidates for legislative members. conclusion the involvement of ulamaa’ in the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party was an effort and recruitment from the party itself, this happened because it provided many benefits to political parties, the involvement of ulamaa’ in politics is also based on the desire of the ulamaa’ itself, that was because they want to improve islamic law. in the midst of society in kaffah, because according to the acehnese scholars it is very far from the shari'a which is actually already regulated in the al-quran and hadits, some argued that to get back this kaffah shari'a must first improve the system already exist, and to improve the system he journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 1, feb, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 88 must first entered into the system, this is also based on the support of the people who want to see a new, cleaner political world. the involvement of the ulamaa’ in the local party was abled to changed policies within the local party, the aceh party and the aceh sovereign party still heavily used the ulamaa’ as a milestone in determining policies based on islam which was driven by the ulamaa’ to determine good and correct policies within the party, the ulamaa’ are considered as a figure who is able to provide better advice in determining policies both for the benefit of the people and for the benefits that local political parties could achieve as well as in gaining votes that would be obtained by local political parties. suggestion when ulamaa’ entered the realm of politics to practice practical politics, they should be able to bring and channel the aspirations of the people and bring politics to a cleaner direction, so that their image as ulamaa’ is still maintained. local political parties are expected to be able to produce useful policies. for the community. references agus.2005.dakwah parlemen di era otonomi daerah. hamid, ahmad farhan. 2008. partai politik lokal di aceh. jakarta : kemitraan. azra, azyumardi.2005. reposisi hubungan agama dan negara. jakarta: kompas. usman, husaini and partners. 2009. metodologi penelitian sosial. jakarta: bumi aksara. agustino, leo. 2007. perihal ilmu politik. bandung : graha ilmu zamhari, muhammad hari. agama dan negara, 2004.( analisis kritis pemikiran politik nurcholish madjid). jakarta: rajagrafindo persada. suhendri. 2012. peran ualma dayah dalam partai politik lokal pada pemilu 2009. banda aceh: fisip unsyiah. taher, tarmizi. 2005.muhammadiyah sebagai tenda bangsa. tangerang: lp3m. faisal akbar, mujibussalim. 2017. eksistensi partai politik lokal di aceh (suatu kajian terhadap partai daulat aceh pada tahun 2009). jim.unsyiah, aceh: 6. muhammad jakfar aw. 2014. asas demokrasi dan politik lokal di provindi aceh. jurnal ilmiah niagara: 3. teuku haji ibrahim alfian, 1999. aceh dalam bingkai negara kesatuan republik indonesia.jurnal ketahanan nasional.page: 10. m. rifqiniamy karyayuda. 2010. partai politik lokal di negara kesatuan: upaya mewujudkan otonomi daerah di bidang politik. jurnal hukum: 8-14. muhammad nur, irwan afwadi. 2018. dinamika politik partai lokal dan nasional pada pemilukada di aceh ahun 2007. journal humaniora: 18-22. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 29 human approach in the implementing health protocols for workers safety in the engineering of oil and gas industry during the pandemic covid 19 ichmi yani arinda rohmah, diva delinda cahyani department of sociology, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia email : ichmi@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract; the safety of workers in the oil and gas industry during the covid-19 pandemic has become a serious public concern. it is known, the oil and gas industry is one of the sectors with a large number of workers who are positively infected with the covid 19 virus. this has led to the implementation of several pillars of work safety for oil and gas industry workers. one of these pillars is the human approach. the human approach in implementing health protocols has a fairly effective role, especially for the safety of workers in operational systems or industrial engineering. a literature review that focuses on several important points, namely: (1) how is the safety of workers in the oil and gas industry engineering sector during the covid 19 pandemic? (2) what is the function of the human approach pillar in the application of worker safety health protocols in the oil and gas industry engineering sector during the covid-19 pandemic? several aspects must be considered in the engineering section of the oil and gas industry by identifying installations and equipment, safe work practices, change management, integrated management, environmental management, industrial health and hygiene, contractor management, operations management, and others. while the pillars of the human approach that are of concern in implementing the health protocol are coaching and training, work competence, supervision, ergonomics, building awareness and interaction in the fields of health, work safety, building a safety culture, and building safe behavior at work. keywords: human approach, worker, industry, covid-19. submission : des, 11st 2021 revision : jan 18th 2022 publication : feb 28th 2022 introduction the development of the oil and gas industry in indonesia during the covid-19 pandemic underwent many significant changes. the spread of the covid-19 pandemic which was increasingly widespread in early 2020, prompted the government to make various efforts to break the chain of the spread of covid 19. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 30 government regulation (pp) number 21 of 2020 concerning large-scale social restrictions (psbb) in the context of accelerating handling of the corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19). ) has been set on march 31, 2020 (bpk ri,18/07/2020). the government regulation (pp) was then used as a reference for regional governments in implementing psbb regulations in their respective regions, although before the government regulation was issued several regions had implemented psbb (hakim,18/07/2020). in addition to referring to government regulation number 21 of 2020, each regional government also implements psbb based on the development of the situation of the spread of covid-19 in the regions, so that the implementation of psbb in each region has a different validity period. the psbb regulations that have an impact on limiting community activities and the use of public transportation services then have an impact on the demand and supply of fuel oil (bbm), this then results in a decrease in profits obtained by the oil and gas industry the impact of covid 19 on the oil and gas industry can be identified in the average price of crude oil in indonesia. based on the calculation of the indonesia crude price (icp) formula, it shows that in march 2020 the icp experienced a price suppression per barrel which was us$ 34.23. this figure shows a decrease of us$ 22.38 per barrel from us$ 56.61 in february 2020 (jenderal et al., 2020). icp formula shows crude oil prices fell after large-scale social restrictions. although the covid-19 pandemic has impacted the oil and gas industry sector, investment in this sector is still considered quite attractive. the indonesian government is also committed to maintaining investment in the energy and mineral resources sector. the number of investment opportunities in the oil and gas sector is also still large in value, which is around us$ 117 billion for the next four years or 2024. the optimism of the oil and gas industry to continue to exist and maintain investment with a sufficiently large value also considers the amount of investment in 2019 which is us$ 12 .5 billion, of which it then increased in the following years, especially in the upstream sector of the oil and gas industry. in addition, the downstream sector of the oil and gas industry also has a relatively large investment value of us$ 3,223.39 million. based on the records of the global competitiveness index from 2017 to 2018, investment in the oil and gas industry sector in indonesia is ranked 36 out of 173 countries (jenderal et al., 2020). this indicates that operational activities in the oil and gas industry will continue and production will continue to be optimized during the covid-19 pandemic. the oil and gas industry is a sector that provides the energy needed by various other sectors so that the operational activities of the oil and gas industry get permission to continue operating. although the operations of the oil and gas journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 31 industry continue, the oil and gas industry is still required to comply with new rules as a form of adaptation to the covid-19 pandemic situation, one of which is the regulation of the application of health protocols in the oil and gas industry. this is done as an effort to prevent the transmission of the covid-19 virus and as a form of guarantee for the safety of workers or workers in the oil and gas industry. the directorate general of oil and gas as one of the government agencies carries out several activities that are internal and external to prevent the spread of covid 19. one of these internal activities is to provide socialization about the risk of transmission of covid 19. in addition, the ministry of energy and mineral resources has also formed a task force for the acceleration of handling covid 19. the task force team consists of employees within the ministry of energy and mineral resources (kesdm) and the special task force for oil and gas (skk migas). teams carry out tasks quickly, carefully, and in an integrated manner. the covid 19 task force team also collaborates with organizational units within the ministry of energy and mineral resources and the special task force for oil and gas. (jenderal et al., 2020). several forms of efforts to prevent the spread and transmission of covid-19 infections carried out by the ministry of energy and mineral resources and the special task force for oil and gas are also expected to be applied to oil and gas industry companies. this then requires supervision from the ministry of energy and mineral resources on the application of health protocol regulations in every oil and gas industry company. oil and gas industry workers are one of the parties most at risk for the transmission of covid 19. it was recorded that until july 2021 the number of workers in the upstream oil and gas industry infected with covid 19 was 21,456 workers, this information was informed directly by the special implementing task force. upstream oil and gas business activities. of the total cases, there were 20,833 cases of covid 19 transmission among employees of cooperation contract contractors (kkks) and 623 employees of the special task force for oil and gas (skk migas). based on the total case data, it is known that 18,324 workers or 85.4% of cases recovered, consisting of 17,844 employees of cooperation contract contractors (kkks) and 480 employees of the oil and gas special task force (skk migas). while the employees who are still being treated are 3,035 people or 14.1%, this number consists of 2,898 kkks employees and 137 skk migas employees (umah,19/07/2021). the high number of cases of covid-19 transmission in the oil and gas industry needs to be a major concern for the oil and gas industry to maintain the safety of its workers. in this case, the concern for worker safety is not only technical issues, operational activities of machine tools or industrial technology, but also work safety against the threat of the spread and transmission of covid-19 in the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 32 company's internal and external environment. oil and gas industry. . based on data on workers infected with covid-19, it is dominated by cooperation contract contractors (kkks). many kkks workers are engaged in oil and gas exploration and exploitation, in this case, the kkks workers mostly handle engineering in the oil and gas industry. based on the background of the problem, the authors are interested in identifying "the human approach in the implementation of worker safety health protocols in oil and gas industrial engineering during the covid 19 pandemic". method the author also as a researcher researches cases in the oil and gas industry operating in indonesia during the covid 19 pandemic. the researcher uses a qualitative descriptive research method with the type of library research. researchers in collecting research data use secondary data obtained from several publications of information and data published by the directorate general of oil and gas, then there are publications from the special task force for oil and gas (skk migas). these publications are in the form of journals and bulletins published during the covid-19 pandemic. the information data published by the two institutions is considered to represent information related to the operational conditions of the oil and gas industry during the covid-19 pandemic. in addition, researchers also collect information from several sources. sources of mass media and the results of previous research that can be accounted for the validity of the data. qualitative research methods have characteristics that are quite different from quantitative research methods. in principle, qualitative research methods prioritize the interpretation or meaning of social phenomena or cases being studied (norman k. denzin dan yvonna s. lincoln, 2009). in the focus of this research, researchers are more likely to interpret phenomena that occur in the operational activities of the oil and gas industry. researchers limit this phenomenon to the work safety of the industry that is most easily infected by covid-19 when carrying out operational activities in the internal and external environment of the oil and gas industry. the subject of this research is more focused on workers who operate in the engineering field of the oil and gas industry, the reason is that the number of workers who are most infected with covid 19 is workers who handle the field of operational engineering of the oil and gas industry to explore and exploit oil and gas resources. the technique of checking the validity of the research data is done by using the source triangulation technique. as for the analysis of research data, researchers used data analysis techniques from miles and huberman (1984). the steps of data journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 33 analysis are (1) data collection, (2) data reduction, (3) data presentation, (4) conclusion: drawing/verifying (sugiyono, 2013). researchers conducted data analysis during data mining research took place. in this case, the researcher analyzes the information data obtained from secondary data information sources, namely journals, bulletins, research results that have been in seminars, and mass media that present the latest information. result and discussion oil and gas industry operation and price fluctuations commodities during covid 19 operational activities of the oil and gas industry in indonesia during the covid-19 pandemic continued, despite a decline in industrial operational activities. the decline in oil and gas industry operational activities during the covid-19 period was caused by several inhibiting factors, namely: first, changes in the number of personnel or industrial workers who tend to be less active, this is a result of the barriers to mobilization experienced by workers to come to industrial locations. which is getting harder. industrial workers must meet the licensing requirements to be able to come to industrial locations and pay attention to the quarantine time that has been set in each region. second, industrial equipment used for operational activities tends to experience delays in delivery, this is due to the longer travel time of material transportation, especially materials imported from abroad. third, related to regulatory changes that must be applied in the industry which have an impact on equipment/facility performance inspections that are taking longer due to the policy of implementing work from home (wfh), then bringing in workers from outside the region and even from abroad will be increasingly difficult to obtain because permits business trips are also getting more difficult. the obstacles faced by the oil and gas industry also have an impact on the decline in oil prices (skk migas, 2020). the performance of the upstream oil and gas industry since 2020 during the covid-19 pandemic has seen some operational activities experiencing delays. these include: (1) the postponement of the planned closure of the banyu urip and tangguh fields, (2) the postponement of drilling, rework, and well maintenance activities in the malacca strait emp; single mont'dor; medco rimau, natuna, and south sumatra; seagull resources, petrochina; pod arung nowra; etc. then the covid-19 pandemic has the potential to delay the merakes project which is onstream until 2021, and several projects that will be onstream in 2020, a reduction in the 2020 lifting outlook from 755,000 bopd (state budget target) to 714,000 bopd for oil and 6,670 mmscfd (state budget target) to 5,556 mmscfd for gas. in addition, the impact of the decline in oil and gas industry operations on journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 34 state revenues & rec: outlook gross revenue decreased from us$ 32 billion to us$ 17.8 billion (skk migas, 2020). the existence of operational delays in industrial activities and several performance programs seems to have a major impact on industrial production results, this can be seen from the internal side of the industry. on the external side, the industry also has a significant impact on the amount of supply and demand for oil and gas, including restrictions on the operating hours of public transportation, and restrictions on community activities in the economic field. the impact of the covid-19 pandemic situation on the decline in oil prices and the resulting profits has become a problem that has received the attention of many parties, both from the government and oil and gas industry companies. in the analysis of the surplus-value experienced by the oil and gas industry during the pandemic, it can be seen from two aspects, namely the value of commodities and prices. using the theoretical perspective of karl marx states that the value of commodities is the total amount of labor time used to produce goods, in this context is producing oil and natural gas. while the price is the proportion between the demand and supply of commodities produced by the industry, the price is usually in the nominal form attached to the commodity, while the price of the commodity itself is related to the amount of demand and supply (syukur, 2018). the price of oil and gas commodities produced by the industry is also determined based on the proportion of demand and supply. oil and gas prices which naturally can be formed based on the proportion of demand and supply become the main focus in fluctuations or fluctuations in commodity prices in the market. this fact is currently happening to oil and gas commodities circulating in the market. conditions during the covid-19 pandemic, oil prices fell from normal prices, the decline in prices was caused by the decline in consumer demand in the market, while oil production was still in optimal quantities. regarding the profits obtained by the industry, there is also a link between the value and price of the commodities produced by the industry. in karl marx's view, it is stated that the commodities that have been produced by industry are sold based on their original value, while the profits derived from the sale of commodities are based on their value or it can be said that the sale of commodities also takes into account the amount of labor time used. (syukur, 2018). if you identify the profits obtained from the oil and gas sector, it can be seen from the sale of oil and gas then reduced by the amount of capital used for production, the capital is also related to the working time used in producing goods. while working time is directly related to the wages the company must pay to workers. adopting karl marx's thinking about production and consumption activities, karl marx explained that production is the starting point of economic reality, while journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 35 consumption is the starting point of its realization. thus it can be concluded that value is determined from the level of production and is not suddenly determined through consumption activities. while related to the accumulation of capital, karl marx explained that commodities are a means to get money or big profits, in this case, the formula for capital accumulation is formed, namely “money – commodity – money” (syukur, 2018). in the context of the oil and gas industry, to obtain commodities there must be capital, namely capital generated from investors. when it has sufficient capital, it can be used to produce commodities, from exploration exploitation – production – to distribution. then from the sale of commodities, the owners of the oil and gas industry get high profits. surplus value is the profit obtained by the owner of capital in the process of production and reproduction so that in this case the owner of capital can multiply his capital. karl marx also divided two types of capital, namely constant capital (tools and materials of production that do not change in value in production) and variable capital (labor which can experience changes in value in production). karl marx also distinguished between labor and labor force. labor is a work activity for the owner of capital, while labor is the work capacity purchased by the owner of capital because he has worked and has given results for the work done (syukur, 2018). in the context of the oil and gas industry, the workforce in question is workers or contractors who work for the owners of capital, while the workforce is workers who are ready to be contracted and workers who are passive temporarily and can then be re-contracted. . must be applied by the oil and gas industry during covid 19. several efforts have been made by the oil and gas industry to deal with difficult times during the covid-19 pandemic, including: (1) coordination with cooperation contract contractors (kkks) regarding the review of the agreed work plan for 2020, (2) conducting a thorough assessment comprehensive review of various oil price options to maintain economic conditions on the ground, (3) evaluate the postponement of the shutdown plan, (4) coordinate with relevant stakeholders (ministry of law and human rights, ministry of foreign affairs). ministries and regional governments) to be able to exclude the mobilization of goods and personnel in the upstream oil and gas industry during the covid 19 pandemic, (5) ensure that there are no layoffs in the oil and gas industry (skk migas, 2020). in principle, to survive in the covid-19 pandemic situation, it is necessary to cooperate with the oil and gas industry with various parties. the risk of working in the engineering of oil and gas industry and work values during covid 19 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 36 workers in the engineering sector of the oil and gas industry have a significant vulnerability to being infected with covid 19. the work environment both in the internal industry and in the external environment of the oil and gas industry has a high enough vulnerability to the spread and transmission of covid 19. this is when you look at the operational field of the oil and gas industry, both the environment internal and external are interconnected and cannot be separated, starting from exploration, exploitation, production, to distribution, all these elements are interconnected. in addition, every operational activity must be carried out by several workers in one team. oil and gas industry workers on average work in industrial locations and it are very difficult if the operational work is carried out in a work from home (wfh) manner. what work from home (wfh) can do is work that is administrative and operational in the field of information technology that works using the internet network. workers who work in industrial engineering who master heavy technology for oil and gas production will certainly be more relevant to work in industrial locations directly, so workers seek to obtain travel permits to work in the workplace. facing the covid-19 pandemic situation which is quite risky to cause the spread and transmission of covid 19 to workers, it is necessary to have an agreement from the commitment making officer (ppk) with the labor provider. the agreement includes an agreement to continue working, but with the addition of equipment that functions to support health and prevent the spread of covid 19. in addition, employers are also entitled to receive payments according to the contract and receive appropriate compensation when working in dangerous situations during the covid-19 pandemic (dirjen migas, et al., 2020). the agreement is a form of responsibility of oil and gas industry companies to workers employed in covid-19 emergencies. if the covid-19 pandemic situation has more of a major negative impact on the workers of the oil and gas industry and considering the regulations that have been imposed by the regional government which cannot be rejected, the work must be stopped, in addition, the contractors are required to obtain appropriate replacement costs. and appropriate for the demobilization of industrial workers (dirjen migas, et al., 2020). this step was taken to ensure the safety of oil and gas industry workers during the covid-19 pandemic. the dispensation given to workers for demobilization is also very important to note, it also concerns the economic welfare of workers who are directly or indirectly affected by the covid19 pandemic situation. it is not only industrial companies that experience a decline in profits, but workers will also definitely get an impact in terms of their economic welfare so the nominal dispensation given to workers must also be appropriate and by the efforts of industrial workers. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 37 dalam konteks masyarakat pekerja di industri minyak dan gas selama pandemi covid-19, memiliki relevansi dengan teori nilai kerja karl marx yang dikutip oleh turner (1998) dan kemudian dikutip dalam buku yang ditulis oleh m. syukur (2018), explained that the theory of work value can be divided into five main points, namely: a. the exchange rate of commodities can be affected by the quantity of labor, in this case, such as the hours worked by the workers, another term marx calls simple average labor. b. work skills generated by workers are accumulated as jobs multiplied. c. the value of a commodity may differ based on the availability of technology. marx saw that the value of commodities is largely determined by the labor time used to produce commodities under normal production time. d. in the capitalist understanding, labor is a commodity that has an exchange value. labor time is used to produce goods, and from it has the consequence of reproducing goods. e. commodity fetishism can occur because public trust in the products it produces has attributes from a social aspect, so it can encourage interaction between people. in the context of workers in the oil and gas industry during the covid-19 pandemic, workers' working hours are under regulatory control from the industry and the central and local governments, the situation and conditions of the covid19 pandemic which is feared to pose a high risk for workers receive high attention in determining agreement to hire workers. in this case, it can be said that the working hours during the pandemic are uncertain, but the industry has determined the number of working hours for its workers not only by taking into account the production needs of goods, but also many things into consideration. especially about worker safety. the work skills of contractors in the context of the oil and gas industry during the covid-19 pandemic were also found to have accumulated as double jobs. new innovative strategies to optimize industrial operational activities and as an effort to reduce the impact of covid 19 are the work skills of workers (contractors). as for the availability of technology used for oil and gas production during the covid19 pandemic, many arrived late and even delayed arrivals, especially technology imported from abroad, this then had an impact on the number of working hours of workers (contractors) which increased. , then it affects the value of the commodity (oil and gas) itself. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 38 labor in the oil and gas industry sector can also be assessed as a commodity that has an exchange value. labor providers (contractors) who are tied to industry owners also have an exchange rate, where the oil and gas industry can buy contractor services to work in the oil and gas industry. even when there is a high risk that contractors have to face in carrying out industrial activities in the field, they must also be given appropriate dispensation or replacement costs. in addition, although oil and gas commodities have a significant impact on market demand, they are still in demand by consumers. because consumers still have a high dependence on these two commodities and there is no other alternative energy. human approach in the implementing health protocols for workers safety worker safety is one of the things that need to be considered by the organizers of the oil and gas industry. in principle, work safety has three main pillars, namely engineering work safety, work safety according to procedures, and work safety from human intervention. in the first pillar, namely engineering or operational safety, the safety of workers this first pillar focuses on safety during operational activities. the operational safety applied must be risk-based in operation. several aspects that need to be implemented in operational safety are (1) installation and equipment, (2) safe work practices, (3) change management, (4) mechanical integration (design, construction, and maintenance), (5) environmental management, including industrial health and hygiene management, (6) contractor management, (7) operational safety management and others (ramli, 2011). based on several aspects that need to be implemented in operational safety, efforts to prevent the spread and transmission of covid-19 in the oil and gas industry are integrated into all these aspects. the second pillar in efforts to maintain worker safety is the management system. in this election, the management system has a very important role in supporting the success of occupational safety and health (k3) for industrial workers. in principle, the management system includes several elements, including policies, documentation, and controls. then on the third pillar, namely the pillar of the human approach. this pillar of the human approach is most widely used to realize occupational safety and health (k3) for workers in the industry (ramli, 2011). there are several aspects of using the pillars of the human approach, including:: a. coaching and training b. job competence c. supervision (occupational safety and health through controlling) d. ergonomics (human relations with work tools) e. give attention and involvement in occupational health and safety journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 39 f. building a safety culture g. build safe behavior at work (ramli, 2011). regarding the work safety of oil and gas industry workers, the director of oil and gas planning and development urged contractors to form a covid-19 prevention task force that can coordinate with the directorate general of oil and gas. , and other parties. the task forces are also encouraged to coordinate with local governments to the lowest level before the implementation of oil and gas industry operational activities in the field, such as when a natural gas distribution network for households is built (jargas). in addition, it is necessary to use health monitoring cards for industrial workers, check body temperature regularly, maintain distance between workers, disinfect site offices, workplaces in the field, and include rest areas for workers. workers have responsibility for their respective health conditions and must report to the covid-19 prevention task force team if symptoms of covid-19 transmission are found (dirjen migas, et al., 2020). the health protocol rules that have been set by the government are then used in the work culture of the oil and gas industry. the industry must socialize and control the implementation of health protocol regulations for workers. under normal conditions before the covid 19 pandemic, the management of occupational safety and health and environmental protection (k3ll) in the oil and gas industry refers to the provisions of the work procedures guidelines (ptk) 005/2018 regarding the management of k3ll in the upstream activities of the oil and gas industry. the work procedure guidelines (car) divide the handling into three categories of conditions, namely: normal, urgent, emergency, and crises. specifically, in handling covid 19, the special oil and gas task force (skk migas) follows and adjusts to the health protocols that have been set by the government and the ministry of energy and mineral resources (esdm) as an effort to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. covid 19 to workers (skk migas, 2020). when information that the covid-19 pandemic had spread in indonesian territory, the screening of the oil and gas industry's operational activities was tightened with a circular issued to all workers in the industry. the circular contains restrictions on several things, such as work from home (wfh), social restrictions, reduction of face-to-face meetings, and repatriation of workers who have symptoms of being infected with covid-19, such as fever and cough. as an effort to break the chain of the spread of covid-19, the work from home (wfh) policy was implemented for all employees in the special task force for oil and gas (skk migas). as for the upstream operational activities of the oil and gas industry, there are still employees who are directly employed in the field every day according to the picket schedule. this is given the need for optimization and supervision of upstream oil and gas operations. in addition, the health working group consisting of doctors journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 40 and health experts in the upstream oil and gas industry maintains intense communication with cooperation contract contractors (kkks) who employ foreigners in the upstream oil and gas industry, this is done to prevent the spread and spread of covid 19 (skk migas, 2020). conclusion the covid-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on the operational activities of the oil and gas industry, both upstream and downstream. this impact can be seen in several ways, including the decline in oil prices, restrictions on operating hours, to the occupational safety and health (k3) of workers in the oil and gas industry. the existence of a fairly large impact on the oil and gas industry sector, the parties who oversee industrial operations carry out various strategic ways, including to continue to optimize oil and gas production, it is necessary to have investors and contractors who are willing to continue to work together in optimizing production. oil and gas, including the existence of a new strategy in the distribution of oil and gas production. regarding occupational safety and health (k3) for oil and gas industry workers, policymakers formed a task force (satgas) for the oil and gas industry to handle the prevention of the spread and transmission of covid 19. in addition, several new regulations integrated with the implementation of health protocols have been implemented. in the work environment of the oil and gas industry during the covid 19 pandemic. references bpk ri. (2020). pembatasan sosial berskala besar dalam rangka percepatan penanganan corona virus disease 2019 (covid 19). bpk ri. https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/home/details/135059/pp-no-21-tahun-2020 hakim, r. n. (2020). ksp: pembatasan sosial skala besar sudah dijalankan sejumlah pemda. kompas.com. https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2020/04/05/13381711/ksppembatasan-sosial-skala-besar-sudah-dijalankan-sejumlah-pemda jenderal, d., dan, m., & bumi, g. a. s. (2020). jurnal migas. 05. migas, b. s. k. k. (2020). strategi bertahan di masa. norman k. denzin dan yvonna s. lincoln. (2009). handbook of qualitative research. pustaka pelajar. ramli, s. (2011). ppsdm cepu peran budaya k3 untuk peningkatan keselamatan migas. skk migas. (2020). covid 19 dan budaya k3 industri hulu migas. sugiyono. (2013). metode penelitian kuantitatif, kualitatif, dan r&d. alfabeta. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 41 syukur, m. (2018). dasar-dasar teori sosiologi (p. 147). http://eprints.unm.ac.id/11794/1/dasar-dasar teori sosiologi %281%29.pdf umah, a. (2021). 21.456 pekerja hulu migas terpapar covid-19. cnbc indonesia. https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/news/20210716150804-4-261504/21456pekerja-hulu-migas-terpapar-covid-19 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 29 khalifatullah panatagama : continuity & change in the practice of political islam in modern indonesia hari zamharir1, mohammad noer2, sahruddin lubis3 1assoc. prof., the faculty of social & political sciences, universitas nasional. 2assoc. prof., the graduate school of political science,universitas nasional 3faculty of social & political sciences, universitas nasional hari.zamharir@civitas.unas.ac.id, mohdmoer@yahoo.com, sahruddinlbs@gmail.com abstract : as the culminating point of long history of penetracion de pacifique of islam across the archipelago of indonesia (nusantara), several kingdoms of islam emerged in the early 19th century of modern indonesia. the kings not only perform the functions in political domain but also in religious matters; with the rulers being the guidance of islamic law (syari’ah). gaining the independence of the country in mid 20th century ( 1945), this historical legacy continues to be tackled by the post-monarchy state of republic indonesia under the ministry of religious affairs—but its legal basis was a controversy when the indonesian constitution,uud 1945, was agreed upon, without explicit mention of the duties to be performed by muslims to implement the islamic law. now that power politics in 2019 poses heated debate over the khilafah ideology and political system vis-a-vis pancasila, it is interesting to look into deeper insights of the legacy of khalitullah panatagama. from the duality of nomocracy and democracy, the legacy could be re-interpreted to gain proper understanding of religion—politics relationship. the conceptual basis of the study is habermasian’s claim of post-secular social science with its notion of the old-fashioned axioms of secularism under which modern politics has been in practice. key words: legacy, nusantara, khalifatullah, post-secularism introduction religion and politics, though separated in the reasoning of the 16th century enlightenment and the philosophy of secularism, in reality have always been interwoven. the following account by kristianto (2018) on the problem terror and religious or theological response is worth mentioning: instead of being defensive, theology needs to be more constructive for coping with acts of terror. to do this there should be a partial link between religion and politics. using the concept “spirituality of politics”, the christian perspective is used. the term “politics” is referred to the church document whose meaning “mencakup hal khusus yakni keterlibatan langsung dalam politik praktis demi tercapainya kebaikan umum (bonum comune ). keterlibatan langsung dilakukan oleh mereka yang secara aktif berperan dalam mailto:hari.zamharir@civitas.unas.ac.id mailto:mohdmoer@yahoo.com mailto:sahruddinlbs@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 30 bidang legislatif, eksekutif , yudikatif di tingkat nasional maupun daerah” (“covering specialized conditions, i.e. involvement in real politics for the purpose of attaining public goodness. direct involvement is carried out by those actively playing the role in the fields of legislation, government and judicial functions either in national or regional levels”)( kristianto, 2018). though compatibility of islamic ideas on social and political life with modernity is widely known and accepted, indonesia’s experience has proved to pose problematic as if islamic ideas in socio-political aspects were incompatible with the nation’s move towards modernity and consolidated democracy. continuity of the practice of political islam may be hindered by several factors. what has mostly hindered are the orthodoxy of belief system in sunni society that does not give rooms for re-interpretation of islamic doctrines; and sociological contexts of a given muslim societies—in this regards lack of development of social sciences in indonesia that eventually gives negative impacts among others on the political thought emanating from islamic doctrines. the seemingly discontinuity in the practice of political islam in indonesia is to a greater extent the consequences of moderate modernists-muslims (khan, 2005) stance to moderation that significantly suffice adoption of western political ideas (such as “secularlibertarian” democracy) at the expense of undermining the legacy of what suryo (2000) described as the indonesia’s santri-based great tradition that is based on the santri (islamic values centering around pesantren communities across the country) of the indonesian society (suryo, 2000). areas of the death toll of the practice of political islam include misunderstanding the history of stages of changes in government system: similar to the western experience of stages of colonized nation, (and then was developed to) decolonized with two typology—independence and the nation under protection or negara protektorat by former ruler(s), and on—in “british empire” case to member of commonwealth. similar changes should also have taken place in the practice of political islam: from khilafah, and on to political system that is based on fully muslim-dominated society (with the coining of such category of territory as darul islam and darul harb in the middle ages, and to empire of utsmani until the early 20th century. of the lattest, in some kingdoms in nusantara, several kingdoms became under protection of the utsman empire. however, it is observed that no longer development of concepts or theories resulted by social sciences to cultivate the practice of political islam when nation-state countries are adopted. how should progress of political theories be made? what does the practice in java islamic kingdoms mean to such a call for developing political theory? why did the agenda for debate over the search for philosophical grounds of the newly proclaimed state of 1945 the republic of indonesia present the discourse on this by discussing other nation’s history— journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 31 kemalism model of religion-political relationship? why not benefiting from our own history of 18th century nusantara when political islam—symbolized in khalifatullah panatagama (kp)—was practiced. the dynamic symbolizing in the term kp may be considered java model of politics and religion relationship. as is explained in the literature, changes in government system evolve from monarchy to monarchy along with the constitution, and on to rule of law or democracy or government system of republic. the gradual shift of kingdoms across java from hindu-based values or doctrines to that of islam-based did reflect the gradual changes from traditional monarchy to monarchy with the syari’ah (islamic law) influence constitution, along with the introduction and practice of deliberation (democracy) among elite religious scholars to put legitimacy on the respected kings. all these should be a few significant institutions coming from the santri based great tradition that contribute to the flourishing of modern indonesian civic culture entering the nation-state of indonesia. literature review first of all it is appropriate to give emphasis that in history of muslim world since the citystate of madinah in the 7th century, system of government changes, reflecting the stages of development of a given society. from monarchy to gradual change in this traditional political system. from monarchy with constitution to rule of law. from city-state to large empire. second, the ceo of government though originally takes the name “khalifah”, it has taken various terms such as amiir, sultan, and khalifah. the word khalifah or caliph was used in the beginning of muslim world in the 7th century, denoting to those ruling a given political system. this was especially true with regards to the four consecutive leaders (popularly called the four khulafaaurrasyiduun) who act as the successors of leadership of the prophet muhammad (p b h). ceo was elected by ummah, meaning through syuro or musyawarah or “democracy” (zaman, et. al. 2017). the question may be: is musyawarah purely instituted by islam? the answer is as follows: the universality of conducting session to discuss issues seems obvious in the arab culture. long before muhammad rasulullah, it was the tradition of the arabs to conduct deliberation under the local institution of majlis, mala and nadi—the practices that, according to maarif (1985), are then adopted by muslim society in the era of khalifah abu bakar (replacing leadership of muhammad rasulullah). the practice of consulting and deliberation among the elites was done during the periods of the four (4) consecutive administrations. it is such a deliberation by senior followers, called tabi’in) of rasul muhammad that later on the muslim ummah instituted and developed ahl hall wa al-aqd (darban. 2004), or only those of highly competent and wise can be in the session of deliberation(hidayat, 2015). such journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 32 practices of elite deliberation (sani &hara, 2007) can now days be found in contemporary deliberative theory of democracy (dtd). in middle ages and entering to the modern world, it was the empire of utsmany—with huge territory across asia, some parts of europe and some parts of africa—existed as the dominant global political system and was known as turkey-based caliph of ustmany. and it is written in history that the well-known secularist leader of turkey, kemal attaturk (later on kemal’s political practice and thought was then known as kemalism) seized the power and along with the mushrooming of adoption of nation-state system, turkey was made nation-state and the khilafah system was abolished in the early 20th century. throughout this study the hypothesis guiding it is that kp in islamic kingdoms across nusantara does not have connection with what is termed as khilaafah system; the islamization in nusantara provide ample rooms for promoting civility and deliberation practices and the crucial role of ulama in politics has been significant in modern indonesia. the emergence of theory related to the word khalifah or caliph was a modern phenomenon: one prominent theory or political thought was that of abu a’la almawdudy’s theory—khilaafah ‘alaa manhajj al’nubuwwah. al–bagir in hidayat (2015) mentions one of conception in al-mawdudi’s political thought that people’s sovereignty is excluded in his thought. conceptual & theoretical basis first, a civic culture as defined by almond & verba (in kawmura, 2011), “citizens in stable democracies possess a relatively common set of understanding about the appropriate boundaries of government, the sanctity of political rights, and the duties of citizens to preserve them….” (kawamura, 2011). though indonesian society has not yet achieved stable democratic political system, the definition is likely relevant to appreciating the legacy of santri-based great tradition like the practices of deliberation among the elites and provide fertile land for mushrooming democratic culture. the interesting legacy of santri-based great tradition in indonesia is the significant impact on civic culture amongst vast people to implement the duality of monocracy & democracy. results & discussion the concept the universality of “god save the king’ is shown in almost all culture across the globe (before secularism then replaced it), as is the case of ancient rome in europe, there were une roi, une loi, une foi (one king, one law, and one religion). (riyadi in heriyanto, 2018 ). modern political theory introduces the term legitimacy. of the four (4) kinds of legitimacy, there is one based on religion—one legitimacy that is considered no longer valid in modern journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 33 era—the era of secularism. the era when theology was replaced by purely the study of human phenomena, anthropology. but now days the belief in worldly reality and not believing other world has been eroding as is indicated in the writing of notable figures, jurgen habermas and former british prime minister, tony blair’s; their article is, “secularism crisis of faith” (blair &debray, 2008) (the use “faith” is interesting, replacing philosophy, exactly making equal status of faith in religion terminology. before the 20th century islamization among the actors spreading islam is sunan giri of gresik in east java under the hindubuddha kingdom of majapahit in the 16th century. its penetration included the spreading in southern part of central java, example in banjarnegara region, where two children of sunan giri—prince giri wasiyat & prince giri pit—shared the role. and later it is written in local history that a few “rulers” in particular local regions or adipati were the descendents of the two prince (marwah, 2019). in terms of sub-culture of santri sub-culture, one variety of the legacy of santri-based great tradition is gresik-based mataraman culture. chalik (2015) explains that the varian quite probably emerged and has developed as a result of influence of regimes in the kingdom of mataram along with other localities in java where local people adopt some typical norms and customs during the kingdom once became dominant. this sub-culture takes the period “yang secara historis mencakup masa islam sampai dengan masa indonesia modern” (chalik. 2015). seen from economic perspective, mataram kingdom, established after the fall of majapahit kingdom in the 15th century, was one new emerging economic forces in the inland of java economy, with the competing kingdoms in negeri-negeri pantai—where the dynamic in pesisir was also viewed suspiciously by portuguese, the colonial rule in malacca (singgih & rochwulaningsih, 2013). along with those kingdoms across java, long before hand, there were in sumatera the following kindoms: samudera pasai in the 13th century, kingdom of aceh in 15th century, kingdom of minangkabau in the 16th century (auliahadi & nofra, nd). concerning theories of the early time when islam was spread in nusantara, one theory is the one that islam first came from china. kasdi (2017) wrote that raden patah, the king of islamic kingdom demak “is a chinese descent. his mother came from campa, southern china(kasdi, 2017). though already well-known of walisongo’s central role of islamization across nusantara, little was realized the fact that these elites of ulama took initiative to institute trustees (note that in political science, two varieties of political representations are made— representatives as a mandate, and the other one as trustees). trustees of the wali-s or wilayaat. as kasdi explained, there were periods of walisongo trustee-ship: during the fourth period, beginning 1466, there were successors of trustee-ship, namely raden patah journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 34 and fathullah khan. “raden patah was sunan ampel’s student, he was the son of king brawijaya of majapahit. he was appointed duke of demak bintoro in 1462”. concerning the emphasis of syari’ah or islamic law vis-à-vis sufism (spirituality of islam) there are indications that indonesian islam was originally more of sufism: “it is based on sunan bonang primbon, primbon i and ii representatively represent walisongo’s teachings. …there are several paragraphs quoted from the book of al-bidayah and ihya ulumu al-diin written by al-ghazali…..they (walisongo—hz) combine sufism with the fiqih (parts of the science of syari’ah—hz) in a harmonious blend. the reason is that, …, if studying sufism without the starting with fiqih, it is likely someone will be zindiq (atheists—hz). conversely, if studied fiqih with no regard to sufism, the brain is only met by a case study of halal-haram, while the soul is empty and hollow. thus, in their struggle, tried to end the dispute that occurred between the great sufi scholars and scholars of fiqih”. after the 20th century indonesia first it is about the crowning “sultan”. safitri (2019) noted that it was the 3rd king mataran, sending messenger to the credible ulama of makkah, saudi arabia, to obtain the crown “sultan” (safitri, 2019). second, the description of kahalifatullah panatagama & related crowning. quoting de graaf, in hariyanto (2018) finds that in exchange of sharing mutual support, the third king of mataram (the then sultan agung) and one of his smaller kings under protection gave title to each other. one proposal (and then was accepted by sultan agung) was the tittle susuhunan ing ngalaga (mataram warlord) in exchange of the title raden arya wira nata given to the small king that proposed. the occasion took place in august 1924—in modern history of nusantara. in addition, the prince of cirebon—who was also invited at the ceremony of gerebek puasa or the ceremony welcoming ramadhan month, the ninth month in hegira calendar—awarded the title panembahan to sultan agung. in the words of power politics, initially this new kingdom (mataram) had its king coming from lay people (lower class); such a king coming from a low class was unprecedented in the history of hindu-budha kingdoms in java. as the kingdom of mataram expanded and experienced high pressure coming from various forces (cultural, political, and other interests), it was the third king of mataram taking the initiative to do some politics of crowning the king to gain more powerful authority & legitimacy. this radical measure was taken in the early 17th century (in1624). with the title “sultan” itself mataram king (and now days sultan yogya), the king remains in relation to the influence of political islam: referring to sindung haryanto’s book dunia simbol orang jawa (2013), sindung hariyanto in hariyanto (2018) describes the concepts as follows. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 35 title description/definition sultan the word is mentioned in the quran 33 times, many is also mentioned by the prophet frequently (no description is made) ngabdurrahman being the ruler, raja remains the man with submission to god. all his deeds are but oriented towards submission to him) sayyidin the honorable of the noble yang dipertuan agung panatagama the patron responsible to the execution of religious doctrines by the people (who are muslims – hz) khalifatullah mandate from god, his ruling is in essence “god save the king” (hariyanto, 2018: the chart is modified & translated, p.140) woodward (in hariyanto, 2018) points out that among the problems of legitimacy that are encountered by the king of mataram were (1) resistance coming from java rooted spirituality and (2) javanese elites who were opposing the massive influence of islam and political islam. the king’s politics of crowning himself (sole authority, islamic symbol, etc) was one of his strategies to cope with rivalries of other powers across java. the establishment of the then islamic kingdoms of demak (coastal, more business center regions) and then the kingdom of mataram (more rural areas) was just one dimension of penetration of islam across java/indonesia society, and reflected more of political sphere. the other multi faced dimension was economic, cultural, and social phenomena that is of significant influence and when the concept political force is used this social capital provide elan vital of potential political islam as well. in this regard, kp was more of elites, formal arena of social change whether or not the little is no longer used, the dynamic of influence of political islam is likely to take place. one many make a distinction of influence : one influence has been taking within (real) political realms centering around political sphere or formal structure under such terms as super structure as well as infrastructure. abolition of the crowning kp about omission of the crowning kp in the 20th century. hadi (in pradikti & tur 2017), wrote that the title kp as one legacy of santri-based great tradition was marginalized by the 10th descendant of sri sultan, herjuno darpito, in contemporary java, exactly in 2015, i.e. the time of the era of political reform in indonesia. brm herjuno darpito “was mandated to be next king of yogyakarta sultanate on march 7, 1989”. darpito “chose a noble title ... sayidin panatagama kalifatullah……… however, on april 30th, 2015 (meaning 17 years after the fall of suharto and beginning of political reform) through sabda raja, …. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 36 deleting two non javanese words which were khalifatullah and sayidin”. it seems that darpito’s determination to abolish these islamic symbols of influence is meant for efforts to stay away from “political islam”. wave of indonesia’s political reform seems to provide room to think it over again, and derpito’s account is that the social setting is no longer justify the use of these two titles. after the independence early independence of 1945 until 1959 when the parliament had a session to finalize drafting the constitution as a consequence of the fact that—as soekarno formally mention of ad hoc status of th 1945 constitution. with compromise of ideology of the new state, pancasila, the practice of political islam had no longer benefited the legacy of ideas of instituting khalifatullah in the new nation-state; as consonant to the acceptance of nationstate system, we note that from muslim groups political forces, prominent leaders and notable ulama accepted democracy and democratic procedure whereby some function of controlling the execution of islamic law was not formally linked to the responsibilities of the “khalifah” or president, but rather rested on the accommodation at the state ideology of pancasila, and further within judicial body of government. such diffusion of authority, it seems, is a continuity of the role of ulama in the field of religion when kingdom mataram existed. still, under the constitution and state ideology, a president is to be responsible to god—implying the vicegerent status of his temporal power. so far as the impulse of legacy the santri-based great tradition, the above political culture and orientation among muslim leaders and ulama reflected the fruitful transformation of the indonesian society to be capable to perform democratic politics—having deliberation, develop discourse on social and political issues, and respecting democratic procedure and decision. one astonishing point during the debate over the draft of the constitution and the ideological basis for the nation-state of indonesia in 1959 was the fact that no intention coming from muslims group to some form of developing the idea or the practice of islam kingdoms of mataram (with the adoption of the term kp); instead, muslim groups had intended to pursue the religion of islam being the ideology or bases of nation-state of indonesia (that did not gain majoritarian votes). astonishing because muslim groups (either political forces or political parties) could have pursued the nusantara’s own history of the past—kp—of early 19th century by way of developing concepts and theory. during soekarno’s rule notably from 1958 to 1966, when the political system had no longer practice democratic politics, modernists wings of muslims during —along with other political parties pursuing democracy—were determined to demand for more democratic politics that soekarno should have done. this fact again reflected the fruitful journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 37 transformation that the santri-based great tradition contributed to the nation’s efforts to democratize us. similar spirit was also shown by several political groups 32 years rule of suharto—both political parties and civil society had demanded better practices of democratic politics. in terms of khalifatullah panatagama, muslim groups no longer dream about making islam the state ideology of nkri; in the words of afan gaffar(1993), the ideal pursued is achieve more proportionate portion of political gains in real politics. in contemporary politics after the fall of suharto (1998) until now days, though not united, political forces coming from muslims groups generally welcome democratic politics. coalition of “nasionalis-netral-agama” party of gerindra party and a muslim-based political party, partai keadilan & sejahtera (pks) enjoyed a democratic contestation in 2019 presidential election. the election that present only two candidates of joko widodo vs. prabowo results in the winning of joko widodo—meaning that the coalition of gerindra and pks becomes the loser. but again, democratic politics becomes the political system that is accepted by main stream muslims group. it is again astonishing that during the campaign and debate by the respective candidates, a claim was made that muslims group had an agenda to replace pancasila with khilafah. the ideology of khilafah so far is promoted by small faction of muslims group, i.e. by hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti) (atabik, 2014). as far as formal debate and discourse no idea of khilafah was mentioned by main stream muslim groups or muslim-based political parties. in the mean time, the islamic influence politically has also been obvious when the contestation of presidency in 2019. in conjunction to the great tradition, the prospect of democratic politics may be facilitated by the fact that monarchy and aristocratic regimes in java are thought to be more or less fragmented and less institutionalized—thus giving freer maneuver of dynamic of civil society to promote democracy (dardias, 2016). conclusion one of the lessons learned is that developing concepts and perspective of political islam indonesia will not mean that we look backward with the past “god save the king”. but rather we further develop civic culture and politics with incorporating—borrowing from kristianto’s term—political spirituality into the body of our future political culture and system. and among the values in great tradition’s civic culture is (elite) deliberation and the institution of trustee-ship; in a monarchy, the kings are the sole individuals in power; in ulama’s elite segments, trustee-ship along with its practice of deliberation is introduced, challenging the status quo. again about “political spirituality” it may be a misfortune for muslim groups in indonesia that in principle in islam politics is inherent or imbedded but the supreme institution l ike mui does not have a clear disposition on the matter. this seems in contrast to what kristianto indicates that the church of (vatican) has had clearer journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 38 stance to this matter—that there is a partial link between religion and politics, and that politics in the eye of church includes real politics. what seems to be demanded is that studies on kp as the legacy of the indonesian society be conducted. without serious researches or studies by amongst academics in related fields, the legacy of kp may not be fruitful for us—in the future, the legacy should not be understood as if muslims groups would be willing to replace pancasila with the so-called an ideology of khilafah. because of the fact that mainstream most muslims groups in indonesia have accepted pancasila since our independence, we can infer that the concept khilafah and its practice by several ceos of kings of islamic kingdoms is more about best practices of what in contemporary world is termed good & corporate governance. the practice of political islam is not about an ideology. the legacy of kp as part of santri-based great tradition may mean that elites in power had made use of the islamic term of khilafah first for his own political interest—especially to gain centralized authority and develop legitimacy. second, the role of ceo of government include the assurance that religious doctrines be implemented by the citizens. in our nation-state system of nkri, basically the ideas remain effective; only the term khalifah has no longer in use. the 1945 constitution mandated rulers’ responsibilities to perform accountability within the framework of believing in one god or ketuhanan yang maha esa, and the division of authority in the area of religion regulated in the laws. such legacy as ahl al-hall wa al-‘aqd could be translated as a political institution whose members are of highly trusted individuals with main responsibility of providing guidance to the country’s chief executive officer (ceo). such a modification would mean that it is no longer the possession of muslim groups, but the possession of across social groups. this legacy of trustee-ship along with capability and capacity to deliberate (a concept that is promoted in deliberative democratic theory) is likely a crucial asset amidst the current turbulence of political life in the country—when trust is very hard to find and when dialog and negotiations across elites are difficult to do. the abolition of kp has been done in kesultanan yogyakarta. however the abolition would not mean the omission of religious legitimacy in the older format. within the framework of habermas’s post-secularism, religious legitimacy is imbedded in the sociological legitimacy across the society. this continuity by way of imbedded-ness also applies in some other kesultanans of islam across the nusantara, meaning that “political islam” both in the levels of high politics and low politics remain influential sociologically. therefore, it would be better to think that abolition of crowning kp is not abolition the influence of political islam. what is termed as “cultural islam” and “political islam” does prevail in many of the indonesian society. the ruler’s decision to omit or abolish the title kp and sultan, or sayyidin, however, does not reflect the sociological phenomenon of social political influence of political islam in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 39 contemporary indonesia. one gigantic political event did prove the above proposition : the winning of the governor anies baswedan in jakarta in its full support of the mass & islambased political party (partai keadilan sejahtera) in collaboration with gerindra party. in addition, kp was a power play phenomenon and was elite stratum of the society; though abolished, political influence among the vast people in the society remain strong. political islam under such terms as kp and sultan was abolished but it only in formal structure. in informal structure and in domain of society, the santri-great tradition and political islam remains alive. there has been discontinuity in state system where political symbol of islamic influence has no longer in use; hoever, there has been changes in the islamic influence is forged according to the rule of the game in nation-state system of democractic politics in the framework of state ideology of pancasila.*** (god or allah the competent of knowledge) reference darban,ahmad adaby. 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(2014). “kontribusi nomokrasi islam (rule of islamic law) terhadap negara hukum pancasila”. al-adalah. vol xii (1) june file:///c:/users/asus/downloads/islamic_democracy_and_moderate_muslims_t.pdf http://www.sttintheos.ac.id/e-journal/index.php/dunamis http://jati.um.edu.my/iconsea2007/download/paper/azizuddin.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 1 indonesia’s contribution of dispatch the national police as a peacekeeping operations in the central african republic in 2019 tasya faudina, robi nurhadi international relations department, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas national email: tasyafaudina@gmail.com abstract; this study expects to depict and dissect the job of indonesia's investment in minusca in the 2019 period. where, indonesia is in the main ten as a shipper of peacekeeping soldiers and police. thus, in this study there is a research question in the form of "why is indonesia involved in the effort to send the indonesian national police as a peacekeeping force in the central african republic for the 2019 period?". as the main organization, the united nations carries out its task of ending the divisions that occur in the central african republic by establishing a special peacekeeping mission. as one of its member countries, indonesia contributes fully and actively in carrying out world peace missions as one of the sending countries for peacekeeping troops. in this study uses a descriptive qualitative method which aims to describe the phenomena regarding the role of the united nations and indonesia's contribution to the mission in the central african republic. by using literature-based and internet-based methods with regard to linking the problems studied. the results of this study indicate the relationship with the role of indonesia as a sending country for peacekeepers analyzed with the concept of humanitarian intervention, as well as indonesia's interests in its participation. keywords : united nations, indonesia, central african republic, minusca, polri. submission : des, 17st 2021 revision : jan 19th 2022 publication : feb 28th 2022 mailto:%20tasyafaudina@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 62 introduction the internal conflict in car, involving two religious camps became the background of the civil war. in this conflict also involved economic factors, which for a long time the muslim religion has controlled the diamond and gold trade in car, while the christian religion is only a miner. this also caused the fall of victims who came from both religious parties and indirectly led to ethnic cleansing with victims who fell. clashes also occurred between anti-balaka and former seleka who took place in the capital bangui. the anti-balaka forces carried out sporadic attacks targeting not only the opposing side but also muslim civilians. seeing the attack from the opposing side, finally there was bloodshed in bangui. thousands of victims fell both from antibalaka parties, former seleka troops to muslim civilians. the conflict lasted until early 2014, when djotodia went into exile and a government vacuum occurred in rat, the position of the car government at that time was controlled by catherin samba panza who became the first woman to occupy the highest position in the car government. when the car was led by panza, the strength of the rebel groups diminished. not long serving as the leader of car, panza was finally replaced by faustin-archange touadera as the new leader who is expected to restore the situation of car in 2016. the internal conflict that occurred in the central african republic regarding ethnopolitics has made the conflict more complex. since its independence, the central african republic has experienced instability in political as well as other aspects. the existence of violence against women, poverty, gender inequality must be faced by the people of the central african republic. this protracted conflict that has been going on for decades, initially over the issue of government opposition turned into a conflict over the religious basis. this conflict has become one of the focuses in world peace and has become the attention of the international community. the united nations with the un security council turned their attention and paid attention to the cases that occurred at rat, with the evidence that there were many forums discussing the conflicts that occurred. thus, as stated in the charter of the united nations, chapter i, article i which explains that: “to maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace” journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 63 which explains to maintain peace and international security, collective and effective actions are taken as prevention and also to realize by peaceful means. this applies to all member states of the united nations to comply as a form of supporting world peace and also the main goal as a resolution in consolidating and protecting human rights. seeing the ongoing conflict in central africa, the un security council established a multidimensional stabilization mission for the central african republic named minusca or in english called "united nations multidimensional integrated stabilization mission in the central african republic". established on april 10, 2014. the newly created un mission aims to take over the responsibilities of the international support mission. in this regard, as stated in the charter of united nations, chapter vii: action with respect to threats to peace, breaths of the peace and acts of aggression, article 43: “all members of the united nations, in order to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security, undertake to make available to the security council, on its call and in accordance with a special agreement or agreements, armed forces, assistance, and facilities , including rights of passage, necessary for the purpose of maintaining international peace and security.” it is the same with the 1945 constitution of the republic of indonesia, that participates in carrying out world order based on independence, eternal peace, and social justice, and also plays an active role in realizing world peace. with this, indonesia in order to achieve the vision of 4000 (four thousand) personnel on the united nations peacekeeping mission and also in line with the formation of minusca and the united nations security council sent a note verbale number dpko/orolsi/2018/74 dated 23 may 2018 concerning a request to the government of the republic of indonesia to be able to send the formed police unit on a peace mission. in this way, indonesia sent polri for the first time to the central african republic called fpu 1 on 27 june 2019. it is known that indonesia's contribution to the un peacekeeping mission is not widely known by the people. therefore, this research focuses on the role of the indonesia's involvement by sending the national police forces to maintain security stability in the central african republic in the 2019 as a peacekeeping and peacebuilding based on indonesia’s 1945 constitution. with these limitations this research is directed the author determines the research question in this study, namely "why is indonesia involved in the effort to send the indonesian national police as a peacekeeping force in the central african republic for the 2019 period?" literature review journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 64 theory and concepts this section describes the theories and concepts that will be used in this article which will later produce an analysis based on the research questions that have been set. in addition, this section also describes the research methods used in finding data sources to produce a study. furthermore, would explain the concept of humanitarian intervention and the definition of national interest, both of which analyze the actions taken by indonesia in the peace mission for the central african republic in 2019. therefore, humanitarian intervention is defined as intervention in a country without the consent of that country, with the aim that if there is a threat of disaster to humanity and is carried out in the interests of humanity, especially in large-scale crimes against human rights. therefore, humanitarian intervention is only carried out with the approval of the un security council. it is also used to designate missions that can report violations of international law and at the same time provide early warnings to heads of state about humanitarian crises, without disrupting a country's politics. it is also the same as in international law, that all national laws prohibit their citizens from resorting to harsh measures against governments or other enforcement agencies. the actions given are only aimed at restoring the situation. in article 2 paragraph 4 of the united nations charter which explains that a state in a relationship may not use violence against a territorial integrity, then further in paragraph 7 which states that every state cannot intervene in the internal affairs of other countries, apart from the state, the united nations is also prohibited. to intervene in this matter, leaving countries in conflict to mind their own business because the united nations has a recommended mandate for the conflict to be resolved peacefully. therefore, humanitarian intervention is only carried out with the approval of the un security council. it is also used to designate a mission that can report violations of international law and also warn heads of state about a humanitarian crisis that is occurring, without disturbing a country's politics. harshly against the government or other enforcement agencies.the actions given are only aimed at restoring the situation. as explained earlier, that in this section will also describe the meaning of national interest. which is, national interest is a popular concept used in the study of international relations to analyze an eventin the concept of the national interest, it has a fundamental goal and the final determining factor that directs a country to make and decide on its foreign policy decisions. national interest is also a form of establishing good relations between countries, as well as protecting diplomatic assets of a country. in other words, the national interest is the interest of the state. which when running there is only one that is the main priority.the concept of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 65 national interest according to hans j. morgenthau is a state's minimum ability to protect and maintain the physical, political and cultural identity of other countries. according to morgenthau, the national interest of every state is the pursuit of power that can establish and maintain control of one state over another. methods in this research, the autor conducting a research requires a design contains the formulation of an object to be studied, the author uses qualitative research methods. qualitative research is an approach to explore and understand the meaning by a number of individuals or groups of people ascribed to social and humanitarian problems.the researcher uses this method because the researcher wants to gain deeper knowledge about the research being studied regarding the participation of the indonesian national police in carrying out the united nations world peace mission in the central african conflict. referring to the research that will be appointed, the researcher conducts data analysis based on data and information issued by official websites such as the international relations division of the national police, peecekeeping un, and books that provide related problems, hereby can be applied with theoriestheory in the study of international relations studies. in international relations the type of research used is descriptive. in the descriptive type, it is a type of research which describes as well as explains the phenomena, symptoms or events that occur result and discussion peacekeeping operations is a form of intervention by another country or other party against a country experiencing conflict. this activity is carried out under the supervision of the un security council through military operations carried out by sending peacekeepers. the military operations carried out also have certain limitations, in which those who intervene are only to reconcile the situation from the conflict caused by the warring parties, and reduce armed contact activities except as personal protective equipment. since 1989, indonesia has sent the national police of the republic of indonesia to take part as a united nations peacekeeping force, both in missions to maintain peace in conflicted and post-conflict countries. indonesia's involvement in the un mpp has been stated in the 1945 constitution of the republic of indonesia, this mandate is then explained in the indonesian government's foreign policy which is free and active in article 3 of law no. 37 of 1999 on foreign relations, and based on the results of the un security council resolution no 2499 (2019) regarding peace missions in the central african republic. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 66 in the un mission carried out by indonesia in 2019, indonesia played an active role in sending polri personnel to minusca 2019. the decision to assign polri personnel to the un peacekeeping mission, apart from having another goal, namely to strengthen multilateral cooperation for resolving conflicts with other countries, and demonstrate the commitment of the indonesian state in maintaining world peace. this is based on the mandates submitted by the un security council to its member states. the decision was made by the un secretariat general in 2019, namely antónio guterres. by joining indonesia in the united nations, indonesia must follow the procedures made by the security council. the dispatch of the indonesian national police to minusca is described in article 41 paragraph 3 of law no. 2 of 2002 concerning the indonesian national police which states that "the indonesian national police actively assists in the task of maintaining world peace under the united nations". that way, every year indonesia sends the national police of their choice in the form of units containing 140 personnel. this police unit is called the formed police unit (fpu) multidimensional integrated stabilization mission. the role of police as indonesian peace forces in the central african republic deployment of the police forces as personnel for the un peacekeeping mission has been carried out since the time they joined abri or now known as the tni. for the first time polri was involved in a un peacekeeping mission in 1989 in namibia. this activity continued to get the government's attention, until finally issuing the vision of the president of the republic of indonesia who wished to achieve 4000 indonesian peacekeepers so as to be able to make indonesia place in the top 10 positions in sending military forces. the national police has sent its personnel when indonesia was declared a member state of the united nations and participated in contributing to peace operations at the united nations. before the members of the indonesian national police are dispatched, personnel are given 2 stages of selection, the first is the selection stage from the internal polri itself, and the second is from the united nations or commonly called the united nations selection assistant team. this selection is held within the police itself. members of the national police, both police and women who are members of minusca, must be trained for this program for eight years before leaving for a mission country. and for the members of the national police who are elected, they must prepare the language, the languages used in the mission at car are english and french, because the mission area this time is "francophone" which states "assignment of polri members outside the polri organizational structure is the transfer of duties and positions of polri members to places of duty journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 67 and positions outside the polri organizational structure domiciled at home or abroad." -nation through the permanent representative of the republic of indonesia to the united nations in new york to the indonesian government and send it to the national police chief. this assignment is also described in article 41 paragraph 3 of law number 2 of 2002 concerning the national police of the republic of indonesia which states that "the state police of the republic of indonesia actively assists in the task of maintaining world peace under the banner of the united nations". in every mission including minusca, the national police plays an active role in carrying out its mission, humanity and peace. thus, the national police themselves are grouped into 3 sections, police advisor, individual police offer, and formed police unit. from these 3 categories, each personnel has their own duties, for example, the formed police unit (fpu) which is to protect united nations personnel and facilities, manage public order, and support police operations in the mission area as well. the fpu in the central african republic mission itself contains 280 personnel who have been trained and are also equipped with the equipment that has been provided, and the fpu has also been trained and can operate in a "risky" environment. in the peace mission of the central african republic, indonesia sent the national police for the first time on 27 june 2019. every year, the period alternates by sending selected troops in the form of a contingent. in accordance with the mandate given by the united nations, the national police carry out its duties such as; 1. provide protection for civilians 2. support the operations of national or domestic security forces 3. increasing the capacity of the domestic police then, every day polri / unpol conduct patrols and also carry out other tasks, such as support for criminal investigations and providing support for a law enforcement service at rat. as a police officer under the auspices of the united nations, the national police provides regulations in order to improve the performance of the local security apparatus. in addition, it can recruit a new generation of police officers as police representatives for the central african community, and also ensures the continued development of trusting relationships between law enforcement officials and the communities they serve.[2] in its agenda, unpol including polri supports 500 police officers in the central african republic including 23% women. not only that, unpol also provides training, especially training that provides knowledge related to criminals and increases capacity in forensics. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 68 (source: https://minusca.unmissions.org/en/%c2%ab-jaga-malam-%c2%bbnight-patrol-indonesian-formed-police-unit ) discussion with all the explanations that have been described above, the author sees that maintaining global harmony and security is an obligation, all countries have equal responsibilities, and are responsible for assisting other countries in realizing this. a military intervention will only be carried out to stop violence that has resulted in many victims and is carried out with the approval of the security council. the central african republic peace mission was conducted to provide early notification of the emergency of human rights violations that occurred and subsequently to negotiate with state officials in the area where the emergency occurred. in the case in the central african republic, what happened was an ethnic conflict between the ex-seleka group and the anti balaka group. then the un played an important role which sent neutral international troops, including indonesia in it. under un security council resolution 2454 (2019) and arrangements from un secretary-general ban-ki moon, which underlined 3 points in realizing humanitarian intervention as one of them is "the obligation of every individual of the united nations to react together, immediately also definitive when a state fails to provide such guarantees under the authority of the united nations, by using peaceful means to assist other states through their obligations to secure if the peace strategy fails it is appropriate to involve strong measures as directed in chapter vii of the united nations charter". the indonesian national police (polri) troops sent by indonesia are tasked with supervising and assisting in implementing the mandates in minusca for 1 period within 12 months, and will be replaced annually. the national police as a peacekeeping force in bangui can at least help to bring order to the situation and https://minusca.unmissions.org/en/%c2%ab-jaga-malam-%c2%bb-night-patrol-indonesian-formed-police-unit https://minusca.unmissions.org/en/%c2%ab-jaga-malam-%c2%bb-night-patrol-indonesian-formed-police-unit journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 69 reduce friction that could allow conflict to re-occur. because indonesia's goal in the peacekeeping mission as a dispatcher of polri troops is to minimize the violence that occurs and try to maintain peace and national security in car. from all the indonesian actions by sending police forces to conflict areas, so that indonesia can easily fulfill their national interests, where this point of view is not only in military or security but also as a satisfaction of the indonesian economy. as stated in the 1945 constitution explaining that the unitary state of the republic of indonesia will be committed to and participate in the maintenance of world peace based on freedom, eternal peace and social justice which is the mandate of paragraph iv of the 1945 constitution. this commitment is also a commitment of indonesia to be active in the un mpp. this contribution is a significant and substantial sign of the task of a country in increasing world peace and security seen in the international world. while in the national view, this association is a way to develop extraordinary skills in everyone and the association is directly involved with the organization of global activities. establishment of un peacekeeping makes it a priority for un member states and one of indonesia's priorities as a non-permanent member state in the un security council, with this indonesia seeks to contribute to strengthening both ecosystems and geopolitics in international peace and security. with the entry of indonesia as a non-permanent member of the unsc, indonesia pays great attention to issues of peace and also safety and security for personnel by increasing the role of women. indonesia is also committed to continuing to increase the delivery peacekeepers , in order to support un targets. in addition, indonesia also improves the safety of its personnel by improving the quality of equipment and equipment that will be used by personnel. indonesia's international strategy is regularly linked to the "free and active" rule enshrined in the constitution of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia. freedom means that indonesia does not take sides with certain parties and is dynamic as a country with a great interest in world security efforts. by doing this, indonesia got a the existences during the administration of president susilo bambang yudhoyono in 2004, then, at that time, with indonesia's efficiency in this peacekeeping mission, indonesia found a way to involve itself in the non-permanent state in the un security council and won the title again in 2019-2020. indonesia's participation in the un peacekeeping mission, especially for minusca, is very helpful for indonesia because it can advance indonesian-made military equipment. furthermore, with indonesia being dynamic in this mission, indonesia can improve the quality of each indonesian peacekeeping force. with indonesia sending the national police as a peacekeeping force, it is part of indonesia's national journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 70 interest to build the capacity and quality of each member and can build networks with police from various countries, so that indonesia can build good relations in various fields. conclusion the conflict that has occurred in the central african republic has occurred since 1960 which has always been carried out by armed groups in order to overthrow the government led by opposition groups. this happens continuously until there are human rights violations to violence and various other crimes. thus, this country needs attention and intervention from the international community.with the existence of inter-ethnic conflicts and human rights violations in the central african republic, a special mission named minusca was formed. this mission is a mission that focuses on efforts to stabilize the situation and control conflicts to help restore authority in the central african republic, with the assistance of the united nations and other member states. by using the theory of humanitarian intervention in this research, it proves that it is not only the military that can mobilize its power in conflict areas. under un security council resolution 2454 (2019), indonesia can send police forces with the task of maintaining and stabilizing the situation in the african republic. in order to prevent unwanted things from happening and carry out the orders of the un security council in which external forces were deployed to stop the existing friction. therefore, with indonesia sending police forces to the central african republic, indonesia can achieve the vision and mission of the indonesian state and get its existence and be well regarded by the international community indonesia is involved in being one of the countries that sends peacekeepers this is because indonesia wants to realize its national interests both in terms of politics and the economy. indonesia's contribution and active role as one of the sending countries for peacekeeping troops for minusca is unforgettable. with this, indonesia can get its existence from the world's view that indonesia will also become a country that is seen as good and democratic. references ananda p.b.s, rizky (2021). penanganan konflik di republik afrika tengah oleh pbb pada tahun 2013 .universitas riau. accessed may 13, 2021. https://jom.unri.ac.id/index.php/jomfsip/article/view/4964/4846 aliya amani, nadhifa, (2022) infiltrasi kepentingan nasional indonesia dalam partisipasi aktif pasukan penjaga perdamaian pbb. 2019. accessed 23 https://jom.unri.ac.id/index.php/jomfsip/article/view/4964/4846 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 71 january, 2022. https://www.hubunganinternasional.id/main/blog/34?title=infiltrasi+ke pentingan+nasional+indonesia+dalam+partisipasi+aktif+pasukan+penjag a+perdamaian+pbb ikome, fn. (2021) africa’s international borders as potential sources of conflict and future threats to peace and security. institute for security studies. 2012. accessed 8 november, 2021. https://issafrica.org/research/papers/africas-international-borders-aspotential-sources-of-conflict-and-future-threats-to-peace-and-security minusca, police, accessed 18 january, 2022. https://minusca.unmissions.org/en/print/unpolice kementrian luar negeri, indonesia and the united nations peacekeepingmission, accessed 18 january, 2022. https://kemlu.go.id/portal/en/read/91/halaman_list_lainnya/indonesiaand-the-united-nations-peacekeeping-mission united nations. (2021)mission minusca. peacekeepingunited nations. accessed may 13, 2021. https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/mission/minusca https://www.hubunganinternasional.id/main/blog/34?title=infiltrasi+kepentingan+nasional+indonesia+dalam+partisipasi+aktif+pasukan+penjaga+perdamaian+pbb https://www.hubunganinternasional.id/main/blog/34?title=infiltrasi+kepentingan+nasional+indonesia+dalam+partisipasi+aktif+pasukan+penjaga+perdamaian+pbb https://www.hubunganinternasional.id/main/blog/34?title=infiltrasi+kepentingan+nasional+indonesia+dalam+partisipasi+aktif+pasukan+penjaga+perdamaian+pbb https://issafrica.org/research/papers/africas-international-borders-as-potential-sources-of-conflict-and-future-threats-to-peace-and-security https://issafrica.org/research/papers/africas-international-borders-as-potential-sources-of-conflict-and-future-threats-to-peace-and-security https://minusca.unmissions.org/en/print/unpolice https://kemlu.go.id/portal/en/read/91/halaman_list_lainnya/indonesia-and-the-united-nations-peacekeeping-mission https://kemlu.go.id/portal/en/read/91/halaman_list_lainnya/indonesia-and-the-united-nations-peacekeeping-mission https://peacekeeping.un.org/en/mission/minusca journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 225 the impact of the green march on modern moroccan society safwaan zamakda allison university of the highlands and islands stornoway, outer hebrides, scotland, uk 20009746@uhi.ac.uk abstract; this research aims to examine (a) the historical context of the moroccan green march and (b) the impact of this profound social, political, economic, military, and religious event on modern day moroccan society and culture. this research adopted a mixedmethods approach, with the qualitative approach being substantially dominant, so that the authentic and unfettered views of moroccan citizens can be presented. in respect of statecraft, the kingdom of morocco has performed admirably. as per the us department of state, “the kingdom of morocco claims the territory of western sahara and administers the territory that it controls”. this shows that the green march has led to concrete steps, on the ground action, and the development of the region. it is further stated that “moroccan law and practice apply [in western sahara]. the impetus for this action came from within society, not from the monarch of government. the green march has a substantial effect on moroccan society to this day, and songs are sung about it (such as ‘sawt el hassan’) and postage stamps are issued to commemorate the momentous event. keywords: morocco, western sahara, king hassan ii, king mohammed vi, culture submission : feb, 11th 2020 revision : june 18th 2021 publication : august 28th 2021 introduction morocco between 1884 and 1975, spain had occupied the territory now known as ‘western sahara’ and ‘moroccan sahara’. morocco took control of the region from the 6th of november 1975, and the last spanish soldier left the territory on the 26th of february 1976. this brought an end to the policy of spanish decolonisation, and the spanish empire. the moroccan reclamation of western sahara, by 350,000 volunteers is celebrated as the “green march” in morocco. on the evening of the 16th of october 1975, owing to an advisory opinion of the international court of justice, sitting at the hague, affirming moroccan link to the territory, and accepting that historical moroccan monarchs had appointed judges and raised taxes in western sahara, as well as visited the territory in the capacity as the reigning monarch mailto:20009746@uhi.ac.uk journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 226 (and been received as such), king hassan ii addressed the wider moroccan public on the issue of the territory. there had long been social and political angst in relation to the territory, and the moroccan people felt aggrieved that territory that had historically been moroccan had been alienated from its people. after the solemn sounding of the national anthem, his majesty king hassan ii directly reached into the home and business of every moroccan via the air waves and television. due to the enormous pressure from moroccan civil society, his majesty bowed to public pressure and suggested that he would support a large volunteer group of 350,000 moroccan civilians march into western sahara to affirm moroccan sovereigntynot simply the sovereignty of the reigning monarch of morocco, but the sovereignty of the moroccan people as a whole (weiner, 1979). his majesty started off his public discourse by praising allah [god], the prophet mohamed and bringing the islamic faith of the moroccan people into the equation. he then addressed the issue of the ‘moroccanness’ of western sahara, and accepted that his people had an unwavering commitment to the entirety of moroccan territory, including and especially western sahara. then, spontaneously, civil society took it upon themselves to organise and reclaim western sahara, an integral moroccan territory. this narrative has been affirmed by the moroccan people time and again. it is manifestly the case that this was not a war, but the moroccan civilian population themselves claiming what they believe to be rightfully their collective birth right. more recently, on the 45th anniversary of the green march (in 2020), this narrative was reiterated and laboured by the reigning moroccan monarch, hm king mohammed vi. he stated that “moroccans responded spontaneously and with a keen sense of sincere patriotism…” and that the “peaceful march, which enabled our country to recover its southern provinces” [western sahara]. his majesty further stated “dear citizens, my commitment to reaffirming the ‘moroccanness’ of the sahara is as steadfast as my endeavours to make the sahara an engine of development at the regional and continental levels” (king mohammed vi, 2020). the social, economic, political and religious nature of his speech are profound, and are telling of how relevant the green march and status of western sahara is to the moroccan people. after the spontaneous collectivisation, the volunteers rallied together and travelled from various parts of morocco to tarfaya, a settlement close to the border that existed between morocco and the territory colonised by spain. they then passed the artificially fabricated border, chanting religious slogans, holding the quran aloft, and raising the moroccan flag and images of king hassan ii (davis, 2020). this forced spanish troops to flee from the unarmed civilian population, for fear of a terrible bloodbath and the impending condemnation for clinging on to a colonised land in the modern era. moreover, king hassan journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 227 ii had also reached out politically to the spanish occupiers to do his utmost to ensure the safety of the civilians marching (hodges, 1984). the green march was evidently a monumental success for the kingdom of morocco, king hassan ii, and the moroccan people in general. not only did it lead to the reclamation of western sahara for the moroccan people, it served several key social functions. at the time, morocco was suffering from social problems and political uncertainty. the green march showed hassan ii as a strong monarch who was acting for the moroccan people and was not a merciless dictator as some of his detractors had labelled him. it also united moroccan society behind an admirable goal and gave a sense of purpose to the country in general. as time has passed, the profound implications of the green march have beco me amplified. every year, the reigning monarch celebrates the “green march remembrance day” on the 6th of november with the people, and often makes a speech to the nation (bazza, 2018). in this regard, upon the state visit of his majesty king filipe vi of spain to morocco on the 13th of february 2019, the religious/nationalistic song “sawt el hassan” which is so lely about allah and western sahara was played whilst the king of morocco and king of spain shook hands with dignitaries from both parties. in 2004, a moroccan study highlighted that despite strong public opinion on the matter of western sahara, it was politically stagnant and little progress had been made. it stated that the issue “of western sahara, is still unresolved and is beginning to create a m ajor problem in terms of morocco's foreign policy” (zoubir & benabdallah-gambier, 2004). recent developments show that substantial progress has been made in the intervening period, and that a recent flurry of activity shows that the issue of western sahara, an exceedingly minor issue on the world stage, is of crucial importance to both the kingdom of morocco and the moroccan people. at present, the overwhelming majority of individuals living in the area known as western sahara identify themselves as moroccan and are moroccan citizens. on the 10th of december 2020, the usa recognised full moroccan sovereignty of the entire territory. this has been heralded by substantial efforts by the kingdom of morocco to obtain the affirmation and recognition from the international community to recognise western sahara as an integral part of morocco. it must be mentioned that in recent times, jordan has opened a consulate in western sahara, showing that it too recognises moroccan sovereignty over the territory, and that even during the covid-19 pandemic, it was of utmost importance in the bilateral relationship. it has been stated that “jordan is an influential partner of morocco in securing a paradigm shift in favour of the international community recognising moroccan sovereignty over western sahara” and is accordingly genuinely embracing this role. recently, the usa, swaziland, the uae, zambia and numerous other countries have recently journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 228 inaugurated consulates in laayoune and dakhla in western sahara (allison, 2021). a paradigm shift is evidently taking place. it is apparent that the green march took place on the ground starting in november 1975. however, under the leadership of his majesty king mohammed vi, a renewed political green march has been taking place since the year 2020. the same goals, ideology and beliefs that carried the original green march have been inculcated in the youth of modern morocco and are as relevant today as they ever have been, perhaps even to a greater degree. very few articles exist in respect of this issue, which appears to be neglected by the academic community. this research will have a beneficial impact for several reasons, including the fact that it can inform governments, ngos, the wider public and other groups about the reality of the implications of the green march on modern moroccan society, as well as the sentiments of the moroccan people. additionally, it will contribute to the body of literature available on this topic, which is extremely important for morocco, the mena region, and also (to a lesser extent) the global realm of politics and socioeconomics. moreover, the voices of the moroccan people deserve to be amplified and granted the credence required, as opposed to being marginalised and western (or orientalist) perceptions being forced into the academic void that exists in this area. it would be beneficial to have been able to cite from a wider array of academic resources, but incredibly few exist in this regard, especially when compared to other issues such as tourism within morocco, or conflicts such as the first and second gulf wars. methods this research seeks to ascertain two research questions that the author wishes to enquire into. these are to examine (a) the historical context of the moroccan green march [which has been broached within the introduction and throughout this article] and (b) the impact of the green march on modern day moroccan society and culture. this is of importance owing to the central nature of this event in relation to modern moroccan culture, the view of the author that there is a modern-day political green march taking place, and the fact that a greater understanding of the issues being brought before the world stage in relation to the western sahara question can be obtained by understanding both the historical context and the impact thereof on modern day moroccan society and culture. the ultimate goal is to give the genuine and authentic voices of moroccan people an opportunity to be ventilated on a public platform. this has the ability to inform the wider public, contribute to the bodily of literature available, and can potentially be of use to various governments, ngos and other bodies. accordingly, it was necessary for this research article to draw heavily upon existing scholarly and news sources to provide a historical background to the issue. by examining journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 229 empirical research, one can gain an insight into the history of the situation, from which one may then view through a uniquely moroccan lens. this research envisioned giving the international community a unique perspective of how the situation is viewed on the ground, as opposed to through the lens of the mainstream media, which can often be seriously biased or given a precarious lilt so as to promote the perspective of a third party such as a government or the ownership. accordingly, a benchmark can be provided so that the authentic position of the moroccan people, as well as that of the moroccan government, can be understood, so that it can be taken into account when attempting to address challenging situations that may arise locally or internationally. furthermore, the main aim and objective of this research is to highlight the impact that the green march has on contemporary moroccan societysocially, economically, politically, religiously, and culturally. it is clear that the green march has had a profound implication in all of these realms both internally, and on an international footing (in diplomatic circles, in cultural exchanges and even reverberating within the world of music and popular culture). thusly, this research adopted a mixed-methods approach, with the qualitative approach being substantially dominant, so that the authentic and unfettered views of moroccan citizens can be presented. the quantitative element was primarily a short questionnaire, asking for biographical data (name, gender, age, place of birth, place of residence), as well as five simple questions on a likert scale regarding their perspectives on the green march, how much they believe they know about it, how important they feel it is to moroccan society, and how important they feel that it is to them and their lives, if the green march was more relevant in their lives now compared to as it was ten years ago, and if they feel that the issues relating to western sahara are as relevant today as it was ten years ago. this questionnaire was supplied electronically to 45 moroccan citizens, who consensually and freely agreed to take part. 38 of them actually completed it and returned it to the researcher. it is believed that a response rate of approximately 84% is generally very good, notwithstanding the small sample size. there are several benefits of using surveys. the foremost consideration was the ease and swiftness of use, as well as financial considerations. when used on an electronic platform, ranging from email to facebook or even whatsapp, the costs can be negligible. given tha t no funding was received for this research, this was certainly not an inconsequential consideration. additionally, in this regard, questionnaires are convenient, cheap and there is no direct observational bias, as they can be completed in the privacy of one’s own home, in a coffee shop, or even on the bus whilst one travels to or from work. furthermore, they are standardised, all participants receive exactly the same stimulus (questionnaire). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 230 therefore, the subjective element that may be at play when asking face to face questions is removed. conversely, they are far from flawless. they are inflexible and not well-suited to potentially controversial topics, as a pre-set response such as a likert scale is inflexible, overly rigid, and does not allow for an expansive answer or a justification. if a blank box to fill-in is given, this also has problems in that it is difficult, time-consuming and problematic to quantify and analyse. accordingly, they may be simply inappropriate to use, or to place substantial emphasis on (sincero, 2012). thusly, a mixed-methods approach has been used for this research. the author feels as if this struck a suitable balance between the rigid, inflexible, and standardised nature of questionnaires, and the data-rich information that can be obtained from qualitative modes of enquiry. mathematical and statistical calculations can only provide a rudimentary footing upon which this research may be based. the qualitative element was felt to be the most important part of the study, for the reasons given above. it was felt that a qualitative analysis of the impact of the green march on modern moroccan society was the sine qua non of the study. whilst using a questionnaire was beneficial and could go some way in achieving the aim of the research, such as on a likert scale, it could not portray the emotions of respondents sufficiently well. the intent of the research was to identify the impact of the green march on contemporary moroccan society. it is difficult to accurately and justifiably pre-empt how participants will respond, therefore, a qualitative narrative inquiry was most appropriate (kyngäs, 2020). the qualitative approach that the researcher uses is appropriate as it elicits the fundamental feelings, considerations, values, beliefs, and perceptions of the sample participants regarding how they feel that the green march has impacted modern moroccan society, which this research seeks to examine (neuman & robson, 2020). therefore, 25 participants engaged in a qualitative narrative enquiry in the form of an unstructured online interview/discussion, to ascertain how participants felt that the green march had affected modern moroccan society. this provides an “insider view” and allows for the presentation of real-life stories, events, experiences, and feelings (wang & geale, 2015). results and discussion quantitative results the results of the quantitative element were not overly surprising. it is well-noted that the green march has had a profound impact on the foundations of moroccan society and appears to play a key role in fermenting nationalistic fervour and evidently is a bedrock of moroccan patriotism. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 231 the questionnaire was supplied electronically to 45 moroccan citizens, who consensually and freely agreed to take part. 38 of them completed it and returned it to the researcher. the sample population consisted of 16 males and 22 females. a response rate of approximately 84% is generally very good, notwithstanding the small sample size. the results of the questionnaire (with biographical data not included) are as follows: strongly agree agree neutral disagree strongly disagree total i know a lot about the green march 19 10 6 3 0 38 the green march is important to moroccan society 17 12 4 3 2 38 the green march is important and relevant to me 14 12 8 2 2 38 the green march is more relevant today than it was 10 years ago 19 8 9 0 2 38 western sahara is more important to moroccans today than it was 10 years ago 20 9 1 5 3 38 (figure 1) the author believes that the following data ought to be individually highlighted, so as to demonstrate how the participants felt that the green march is important to moroccan society: (figure 2) number of responses to the statement “the green march is important to moroccan society. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 232 figure 2 shows a substantial number of sample participants either “strongly agree” or “agree” that the green march is of importance to moroccan society. compared to the low score for those who stated that they tended to “disagree” or “strongly disagree”, it is apparent that there is a substantial majority that agree with the idea that the green march is important to moroccan society. further to this, it is helpful to isolate and further present the responses to the question that the green march is more relevant today than it was 10 years ago: figure 3. number of responses to the question “the green march is more relevant today than it was 10 years ago.” accordingly, it is manifest that there is the belief that the majority believe that the green march is even more relevant and important in modern-day morocco than it was 10 years ago, albeit with a not insignificant minority indicating that they were neutral in response to this statement. there were very few responses indicating a dissenting opinion. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 233 qualitative results as mentioned above, the qualitative element (in the form of a qualitative narrative inquiry) was felt to be the most important part of the study. the quantitative results are entirely useful and bring a strong and useful grounding/framework upon this this research and rely, however, the qualitative data obtained is evidently the most important part of the study. this study examined 25 participants, who engaged in a qualitative narrative enquiry by way of an unstructured online interview/discussion, to ascertain how they felt that the green march had affected modern moroccan society. one of the most profound and common comments was in relation to the religiousnationalistic song “sawt al hassan”. every participant mentioned it and said that they knew the words to this song. the most commonly used word in the song is “allah” and the modal phrase being “allahu akbar” [allah is the greatest], which is sung repetitively, along with lyrics relating to the moroccan nature of western/moroccan sahara. the researcher was informed that this song is sung by schoolchildren, along with the national anthem of morocco. also, it is commonly played by military bands and on tv on days of national importance and significance. it must also be mentioned that this song has many millions of views on youtube, including one video of six million, 5.4 million and even one sponsored by coca cola, in collaboration with the state-owned tc channel 2m, which has approximately 3.3 million views (coke studio marco, 2017). this shows that the religiousbased nationalism which fuels the narrative that moroccans understand in relation to western sahara is deeply rooted and ingrained within morocco society. another important issue raised was that several participants had seen or used the barid al maghrib/poste maroc (moroccan post office) western sahara stamps. these are issued by the moroccan post office at regular intervals, to commemorate specific anniversaries and the inauguration of social, political, economic, infrastructural projects. a 2020 stamp shows the map of morocco, with the national flag superimposed, showing the entirety of morocco (western/moroccan sahara included), and a 2019 version celebrates the recovery of the territory for the moroccan people. however, in 2010, an extremely unusual stamp was issued by the moroccan post office, using ground-breaking technology in that the stamp incorporated authentic sand from western sahara into the stamp itself. this was the first time that a middle east or african national had availed this technique. the moroccan post office commented that “the green march: event of the century, march of peace, is indeed the conscience of an entire people, refusing domination and alienation, who mobilized and rose up in order to recover part of their territory” (poste maroc, 2010). this sums up the prevailing mood understood through the narrative inquiry. the pride of the recovery of the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 234 territory was succinctly expressed in that one participant earnestly provided the author with four of the 2020 stamps, amounting to approximately $4usd. the overwhelming majority expressed that they felt that western sahara was an integral part of the kingdom of morocco, and great emphasis was placed on labouring the fact that although the king reigns, the territory is the inalienable right of all moroccan citizens, and that this issue transcends transitory politics. most participants also felt the urge to express their pride in that they green march and recovery of the western sahara and reincorporation into morocco was not a diktat from above, but a spontaneous unification of the country to achieve what they see to be an admirable and noteworthy goal. conversely, an extremely small minority felt that at the present moment, in 2021, during the covid-19 pandemic, other issues were more pressing, such as fixing the economy, resolving unemployment, vaccinating the public and fix other day-to-day problems like dealing with the teacher’s union in a fair and equitable manner. whilst others did feel that these issues ought to be dealt with on a priority basis, there was no contradiction in pressing for great recognition of western sahara as a moroccan territory and also dealing with the covid-19 pandemic and other day-to-day and party-political issues. in fact, one of the key goals of the national government is to ensure the territorial sovereignty and integrity of the country, and that this too is a pressing and worthy cause. in essence, most participants expressed that they understood the issue very well, owing to the fact that it was frequently discussed in the media and on tv, as well as having been frequently covered in the compulsory and tertiary education system. it is therefore an extremely important topic to moroccan society at large, as well as to the individuals that make up the society. due to a recent and prominent flurry of political activity, such as the usa, jordan and other countries agreeing with the moroccan position, it is manifest that an international political green march is taking place (allison, 2021). moroccans feel as though each and every one of them is a standard bearer of the renewed green march. thusly, it is even more important now than it was several years ago. this does not detract from the fact that it was also hugely important in previous years. discussion from this study, it is apparent that there is a generally hegemonic attitude within morocco in respect of western sahara. moroccans believe that it is as moroccan as marrakech, casablanca, or rabat. there is little scope for disagreement and the paradigm within morocco is clear. due to the fact various countries have recently acknowledge that western sahara is an integral moroccan territory has had a profound impact on moroccan society in general. it is understood that morocco has catered not only for the other provinces, but also for food journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 235 security, employment, housing, social security, education and the other needs of the population of western sahara. not only is it a highly regarded region of morocco, but it is also a beloved region, and is treasured by the moroccan people in general. taxes are raised from the region, judges appointed by the king of morocco sit in courts in western sahara, and moroccan laws prevail. in fact, the court of appeal for the territory sit in laayoune, in a majestic palace of justice, with the moroccan flag flying above the building, and the royal arms of the moroccan monarch and also the official portrait of his majesty behind the judge in each courtroom and chamber (moroccan ministry of justice and liberty, 2020). moreover, there are numerous consulates in western sahara, accredited to the kingdom of morocco. therefore, the diplomatic clout of the region cannot be underestimated. from the narrative inquiry, it was apparent that there was a strong sentiment that the participants felt that the western sahara was a moroccan territory. this appeared to be the unequivocal belief of those who participated, and also the prevailing opinion held by the moroccan people. this may be due to a number of complex factors, including the education system, an emphasis on drawing the map of morocco with the “correct” borders, propaganda and information on tv, historical links to the entirety of the kingdom and the land of morocco, and the strongly held belief that the land of western sahara is equally as moroccan as marrakech, casablanca or rabat. moroccan schoolchildren are taught about the territorial integrity of morocco, and the sovereignty of the moroccan people and monarch over the entire landmass. accordingly, during the formative years of children, they are taught that the region is an integral part of the country. moreover, patriotic songs are taught to children. therefore, there is little scope for dissenting opinion. however, the status of western sahara as a moroccan territory is considered to be an issue of substantial personal and national pride. additionally, the moroccan state has engaged in substantial statecraft in western sahara. whilst some respondents felt that the region had benefitted disproportionately from government assistance, respondents would have liked for the same (high) level of support to be received by all people, not just those in moroccan western sahara. moreover, development and infrastructure projects are rapidly taking place in western sahara. a prime example of this includes the highly esteemed flagship project, the dakhla port, which was celebrated on the moroccan postage stamps (morocco world news, 2021). another such project is the tiznit-dakhla highway (hatim, 2021), the laayoune bridge (mulyungi, 2021), construction to increase the electricity production and distribution within western sahara (bourchouk, 2021), as well as a regional football centre for the royal moroccan football association (morocco world news, 2021). all of these are branches, emanating from the planting of the seed of the green march. keeping in line with the emphasis of moroccan sovereignty, and ensuring the rights of all are safeguarded, new courts have been journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 236 created in western sahara such as the court of first instance of dakhla, the renovation of the laayoune court of appeal and court of first instance of laayoune, and the creation of the judicial archival centre (hatim, 2020). thusly, it is manifest that there are substantial and wide-reaching effects even in the modern day. the impact of the green march ranges across the spectrum, from education, transport, trade (especially in relation to natural resources such as phosphate), diplomacy and even in terms of the military and policing. this is widely understood by moroccan people, as is the terrorist nature of the tiny number of saharawi separatists, that certainly do not represent the overwhelming majority of those who live in the region. there is a small terrorist outfit (polisario front), but their activities have been largely constrained in recent years, much to the contentment of the participants and wider public both within morocco and internationally (taibi, 2021). therefore, the situation is now far from this being a “forgotten conflict”, as characterised by peter pham in 2010 (peter pham, 2010). the seeds of the green march appear to have grown into a key issue within the mena region, and a global hot topic, which has had profound ramifications such as morocco recalling its ambassador to berlin (reuters, 2021). however, peter pham is certainly correct in his assertion that the people of western sahara are “virtually indistinguishable” from other moroccan citizens, and that perhaps regional autonomy can be helpful not just for the regions in western sahara, but other moroccan regions such as marrakech-safi and oriental. it is clear that the input of all moroccan citizens is important, especially in relation to issues of tremendous gravity, such as the status of western sahara and the effects of the green march. conclusion the research conducted in the form of qualitative and quantitative analysis obtained from the sample group, along with relying on other sources, indicate that there green march still has a substantial impact on moroccan society. it is evident that the impact of the green march ranges far more widely than a nationalist cause, supported by the overwhelming majority of the population. it appears as if this is a uniting factor for moroccan society, and transcends age, occupation, ethnic group, background and social status. the impact of the green march has had wide-reaching and substantial reverberations, ranging from education, transport, trade (especially in relation to natural resources such as phosphate), diplomacy and even in terms of the military, policing and the judiciary. the renewed green march has even been praised by the european union for its beneficial implications of western sahara and morocco in general. in respect of statecraft, the kingdom of morocco has performed admirably. as per the us department of state, “the kingdom of morocco claims the territory of western sahara and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 237 administers the territory that it controls”. this shows that the green march has led to concrete steps, on the ground action, and the development of the region. it is further stated that “moroccan law and practice apply [in western sahara]. the moroccan constitution and moroccan law generally provide for freedom of expression, including for the press…”. the us department of state also cites that the region sends parliamentarians to the moroccan parliament, and that “parties and local observers considered the elections free, fair, and transparent. international observers considered the elections credible, noting voters were able to choose freely, and deemed the process relatively free of irregularities.” this is a stellar endorsement of how morocco has administered region. from the green marcha large group of unarmed civilians, marching into territory colonised and held by the spanish military, to a functioning democracy, with a generally free and fair judiciary, credible democratic credentials and swift development, it must be concluded that the green march has profound implication on modern day moroccan society, both within western sahara and outside the territory. it also has a profound regional implication, and also has implications on a global scale. the historical context is certainly important, but the renewed, modern day green march demonstrates the magnitude of the event even upon moroccan society in the present day. accordingly, the impact of the green march on moroccan society is significant in every respect, and certainly cannot be understated. references allison, s. z. 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(2019). 2019 country reports on human rights practices: western sahara. us department of state. https://www.state.gov/reports/2019country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/western-sahara/ wang, c., geale, s.k. (2015). the power of story: narrative inquiry as a methodology in nursing research. international journal of nursing sciences, 2, 195-198. weiner, j. (1979). the green march in historical perspective. middle east journal, 33(1), 20-33. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4325817 youtube. (2019) الجاللة صاحب من كريمة بدعوة للمغرب رسمية زيارة في ٕاسبانيا مملكة عاهال , [13:33mins]. [video] youtube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nxqlug_7478 youtube. (2012) صوت الحسن ينادي بلسانك يا صحراء. [video]. youtube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tbiiwhhtymg youtube. (2014) اكاديمي ستار من 9 البرايم في تسكت ابتسام بصوت ينادي الحسن صوت sawt el hassan ibtissam tiskat. [video] youtube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2yn8hanr_yw zamakda allison, s. 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(2004) morocco, western sahara and the future of the maghrib, the journal of north african studies, 9:1, 49-77. doi: http://doi/org/10.1080/1362938042000292306 https://www.state.gov/reports/2019-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/western-sahara/ https://www.state.gov/reports/2019-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/western-sahara/ http://www.jstor.org/stable/4325817 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nxqlug_7478 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tbiiwhhtymg https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2yn8hanr_yw https://doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v2i2.47 http://doi/org/10.1080/1362938042000292306 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 18 security dynamics of southeast asia: the role of the uk and its implications on regional security chika kirana budi pratita paramadina graduate school of diplomacy, universitas paramadina chikakiranabudipratita@gmail.com abstract: post-brexit, the uk completely overhauled its foreign policy framework by adopting the 'global britain' strategy to demonstrate global leadership. the uk said that there had been geopolitical and geoeconomics shifts, including the rise of china's power and the increasing importance of the indo-pacific for global prosperity and security as well as the potential for new markets to emerge and the growth of the global middle class. in realizing the uk's existence in the world, especially in the indo-pacific region, the uk considers the strategic position of the southeast asia region which is included as part of the four pillars of british foreign policy. southeast asia has become an arena for the struggle for the influence of global powers, especially china and the united states. changes in british foreign policy, which focuses on the southeast asian region, will certainly have strategic consequences in the region, especially regional security, especially the south china sea dispute which involves most of the asean member countries. the problem raised in this study is how the dynamics of security in the southeast asia region after the change in the focus of british foreign policy to southeast asia and its impact on regional security. the writing of this article uses qualitative research methods to write to describe the complexity of regional security through patterns of relations between countries in the region and countries outside the region, as well as the role of global powers. keywords: uk, foreign policy, geopolitics, regional security, southeast asia. submission : des, 15th 2021 revision : jan 08th 2022 publication : feb 28th 2022 introduction southeast asia is one of the most strategic and economically important regions in the world. geographically, southeast asia is flanked by two oceans, namely the indian ocean and the pacific ocean. this strategic position is very advantageous because it is right at the intersection between the concentration of industry, technology, and military power. with a total population of 681 million people and abundant natural resources, southeast asia certainly has a bargaining position in a world that is economically a large market and a destination for foreign investment. the global and regional political constellation has undergone major changes as a result of the end of the cold war and the spread of globalization. the direction of geostrategy and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 19 geopolitics is considered to have changed to the asia pacific region. this causes the asian region, especially southeast asia, to have an important role, making southeast asia not escape the interests of global powers. the loss of polarity in the international system also makes regional security dynamics more important. post-brexit, the uk completely overhauled its foreign policy framework by adopting the 'global britain' strategy to demonstrate global leadership. the uk's national interest at this time is to show its role in changing the world, especially in national security and the international environment. the uk said that there had been a geopolitical and geoeconomics shift towards the southeast asia region, marked by the rise of china's power and the potential for the emergence of new markets and the growth of the global middle class in the region (hm.government, 2021). on this basis, the uk intends to play an important role in the southeast asian region and join as asean's 11th dialogue partner. in addition, southeast asia has become an arena for the struggle for the influence of global powers, especially the united states and china. britain's entry into the region will have strategic consequences, especially on regional security. moreover, the uk previously had quite close relations with two asean member countries, namely malaysia and singapore as well as two other asean dialogue partner countries, namely australia and new zealand within the framework of the five power defense arrangements (fpda) collective security institution which initially aimed to provide protection for malaysia and singapore against security and military threats and develop into cooperation in the field of defense and security. southeast asia is also a fairly dynamic region with various security conflicts, one of which is the south china sea dispute which involves most of the asean member countries and has not yet found a bright spot. so, this raises the question of how the dynamics of security in the southeast asia region after the change in focus and intention of britain's active role in the southeast asian region? then, what is the impact on asean and the security of the southeast asian region? this paper answers these questions by dividing the paper into three parts. the first part describes the background of the research and the research methods used to understand the security dynamics of the southeast asian region after britain decided to focus its foreign policy on the region. the second part discusses the security dynamics of the southeast asia region, including the uk's role in the region and relations between countries in the southeast asia region after the change in the focus of british foreign policy to the asia pacific region by using the complex theory of regional security to show the pattern of relations between countries in the region. and countries outside the southeast asian region. this is followed by discussing the possible implications of britain's involvement in the southeast asia region for asean and regional security. the final section of this paper will briefly discuss the security journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 20 dynamics of the southeast asia region as a conclusion from the answers to the questions in this paper. method in this study, the author uses an explanatory descriptive research method that aims to explain the dynamics of security in the southeast asian region, especially after the change in british foreign policy to asia and britain's intention to play an important role in the southeast asian region. the type of data used in this research is secondary data with data collection techniques through library research and internet research, namely based on books, other recent scientific works, and trusted internet media. then, the data analysis technique used by the author is qualitative by analyzing relevant information and reviewing previous documents to explain and describe the data based on existing written sources. result and discussion foreign policy and britain's role in southeast asia post-brexit, the uk completely changed its policy framework by adopting the 'global britain' strategy to show its global existence and leadership again. based on the policy documents listed on the official uk government website (hm.government, 2021), four main policies are currently the focus of the uk, including (1) maintaining strategic advantage through science and technology, (2) shaping an open future international order, (3) strengthening security and defense at home and abroad, (4) build resilience at home and abroad. specifically, the uk stated that in its policy of establishing an open future international order, the indo-pacific region would be its main focus. the uk explained that the indo-pacific region is very important where the region may grow very rapidly in the economic aspect. the indo-pacific region is also the center of geopolitical competition with various international disputes that have not been resolved so that it becomes a focal point for negotiations on international laws, rules, and norms to be able to enforce international rules and norms for security stability and demonstrate the uk's global leadership. to achieve this, the uk declared its action to establish intensive cooperation, especially in the southeast asia region by applying to become an asean dialogue partner as the only international organization in the region in facing global challenges and supporting asean's role in realizing regional stability and prosperity by taking steps its first substantive mission in 2019 was to establish a special mission for asean led by an ambassador (storey, 2019). in a move to expand bilateral ties with all countries in southeast asia, the uk and singapore stepped forward in a bilateral partnership in january 2019 covering the areas of the digital economy, business and sustainable innovation, security and defense, as well as education, youth and culture which was then continued. with the signing of trade cooperation with vietnam (mishra, 2021). in addition, the uk is also continuing to strengthen defense and security cooperation, building military bases and increasing engagement and training with fpda partners. in this case, britain journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 21 has maintained its military force in brunei darussalam through the framework of the commonwealth of nations. then to support the fpda, the uk maintains a naval logistics facility in singapore. in addition, china's dominance and rise in the region have also attracted britain's attention to make china a strategic partner that is mutually beneficial in economic, political, and security aspects as long as china does not violate international regulations. in the context of the south china sea, the uk has also increased the presence of the royal navy in the region by exercising its freedom of navigation and overflight rights in 2018-2019. it will be followed up in 2021 with the presence of the aircraft carrier hms queen elizabeth, which will lead a fleet of naval vessels through asian waters to east asia to carry out joint exercises with the united states and its allies. this is done by the uk based on freedom of navigation and overflight as one of the main pillars of a rules-based international order. this action was also called by the united states and its allies to support freedom of navigation in the south china sea which is a major dispute in the southeast asian region. southeast asia regional security dynamics security issues have long been an important issue for countries in the region, especially southeast asia, both traditional and non-traditional security issues. after the end of the cold war, most of the southeast asian countries experienced a period of colonization, except thailand. this has resulted in the southeast asia region having the potential to become an area prone to various kinds of conflicts, both among countries in the region and outside the region. in addition, the role of global powers such as the united states and china, and britain, which have recently started to play a role again in the region, has also resulted in quite complex regional security. it is also inseparable from the south china sea conflict, which until now has not found a bright spot adding to the complexity of regional security. regional security has become one of the main security focuses after the end of bipolarity in international politics. the international community ultimately shifted the focus of global security to regional security. in this case, barry buzan and ole waever explain the dynamics of regional security through the regional security complex theory. in this theory, a region is defined as a sub-system in a separate and significant relationship, which exists among a group of countries related by geographical proximity to one another. regional security complex is a regional security theory that allows a country to understand and explain the development of countries in a region. this theory emerged as a concept to understand the dynamics of international security structures and patterns of relations between countries before the cold war, during the cold war, and after the cold war. regional security complex theory is a theory that combines constructivism and neo-realism approaches to observe the complexity of regional security. the constructivism approach is used to observe and identify the amity and enmity patterns that make up the complexity of security in the region. while the neo-realism approach is the role of power distribution and geographical factors in the region (buzan & waever, 2003). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 22 in identifying the security dynamics of the southeast asia region and the inclusion of the uk's role in the region, the regional security complex theory is explained based on the complexity of regional security that describes the region's internal security conditions; the complexity of regional security with regional neighbors that describes the pattern of regional relations with the surrounding area, as well as the complexity of regional security along with the influence of global powers in the region (buzan, the southeast asian security complex, 1998). all three are explained through complex regional security variables consisting of boundaries in the regional security structure; social construction as well as amity and enmity patterns of countries in the region; anarchic structure in the regional system; and the polarity or distribution of forces within the region (buzan & waever, 2003). southeast asia regional security complexity the internal structure of the security complex in the southeast asia region can be said to be quite complex. where the structure is determined by the pattern of relations among middle power countries in the region. the eleven southeast asian countries have different characteristics in terms of economy, politics, culture, religion, and history. the differences that exist in the southeast asian region provide a relevant reason for the existence of asean which until now continues to transform following changes that occur in the international system. in the regional security complex theory, it says that insecurity is created by threats that don't come from countries that are far apart but instead come from countries that are close together, in other words within the same region. the existence of asean so far has been sufficient to reduce conflicts between countries that have arisen as a result of these differences. southeast asia consists of ten countries that experienced a period of colonization and gained their independence at the end of the second world war including indonesia, malaysia, singapore, the philippines, myanmar, cambodia, laos, vietnam, brunei darussalam, timor leste, and one country that did not experience the colonial period, namely thailand. post-cold war, the countries of the southeast asian region have a major concentration related to domestic policies in terms of economic growth and development. although the course of economic growth is not the same, countries in this region have succeeded in increasing their economic growth (alagappa, 1991). entering the 21st century where globalization and information technology are expanding, security issues in the region are increasingly complex. countries in the southeast asia region have experienced many security problems due to various threats such as separatism, radicalism, terrorism, and domestic political instability due to internal problems that occurred. almost all countries in southeast asia face the threat of terrorism, as well as a transnational crime. southeast asian countries have similar domestic security conditions. indonesia is facing separatism carried out by the free papua organization. malaysia faces radicalism by the transnational movement hizbut tahrir malaysia. then myanmar, the philippines, thailand, and vietnam are being hit by a human rights crisis that has resulted in domestic political instability. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 23 in myanmar, there have been human rights violations against the rohingya, followed by a military coup against the government of aung san suu kyi. the philippines is facing a political crisis due to public discontent with the duterte administration, which is accused of violating human rights due to its mission to fight drugs. furthermore, thailand and vietnam experienced a human rights crisis over the demands of democracy to the government. observing the dynamics of regional security in southeast asia, of course, it cannot be separated from the institutions that accommodate the region. asean is the only international organization that has an important role in southeast asia in terms of economy, politics, as well as defense, and security. the establishment of asean is a testament to the pattern of cooperative relations among southeast asian countries. as mentioned by buzan, the issue of national security cannot be separated from regional security. asean cooperation is formed based on the awareness of countries in the southeast asia region that the region is prone to conflict growth, as can be seen from the various problems and domestic security conditions that occur. and this cooperation is important to maintain regional stability. under the framework of the asean international organization cooperation which was originally formed to stem the communist ideology in the region, now the amity pattern continues to develop, especially the cooperation formed in overcoming regional security problems in this modern era. then, under almost the same political conditions and problems, at least no one country in the region can easily dominate and threaten the security of the internal region. the multipolar power structure in the region is the easiest to adapt to any existing developments so that a single rigid relationship pattern does not exist in the region as happened during the cold war. meanwhile, post-brexit, britain is trying to play an active role again since its last active role in the post-world war two and cold war regions. britain tried to open a pattern of amity with asean which was welcomed by becoming the 11th dialogue partner. this was followed by visits to countries in the region, especially singapore, malaysia, thailand, and indonesia to strengthen bilateral cooperation in the economic and defense sectors. (dunst, 2021). however, so far this has not resulted in a change in the security structure of the region. the complexity of security in southeast asia with neighboring regions the southeast asian security complex borders the south asia, east asia, and south pacific regions. the south asian complex is dominated by india, which has the largest population and great power in the region. india has been transformed quite significantly by having the potential for strong economic, political and military power in the region, marked by becoming the fourth country in the world with the largest military budget behind the united states, russia, and china in 2021. (global firepower, 2021). the pattern that occurs in these two regions is more of a pattern of cooperative relations. india as the dominant country in the south asian region is one of the asean dialogue partners. through the act east policy, india also sees southeast asian countries as very important partners. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 24 in contrast to the complex in the east asia region, which is not dominated by one power alone, but by several major powers such as japan, south korea, and china. as a result, this region has a complex regional security complex where political and economic frictions often occur between countries in the region. japan and south korea are often seen as seeing china as their regional rival. as a result, the pattern of relations between southeast asia and east asia forms a complex regional security complex. the pattern of relationships that occur changes according to the development of the situation. in terms of economy, these two regions form an amity pattern in which many cooperative interactions occur. in this regard, the three countries are asean dialogue partners. japan itself is playing a role in the southeast asian region by sending diplomatic activists and the free and open indo pacific policy (koshino, 2020), as well as south korea through the new southern policy (nsp). furthermore, china, which until now has been aggressively implementing infrastructure development and development through the belt and road initiative (bri) together with southeast asian countries. however, it is undeniable that these two regions also have a pattern of enmity that can threaten regional security stability. especially in the biggest border conflict that has occurred in the region which until now has not found a bright spot, namely the south china sea conflict. china's aggressiveness in defending and expanding its territorial claims forms a strong pattern of engagement with countries involved, especially with the philippines, vietnam, and malaysia. this will certainly threaten regional security stability if the conflict escalates and does not find a bright spot. especially in this conflict, china does not care about international rules and even rejected the decision of the arbitration court in the 2016 south china sea conflict. meanwhile, what happened in the south pacific region, the regional security complex is dominated by australia and new zealand, where there are rarely significant frictions between regions that form community relations. however, when reviewing the history and dynamics of regional security, what is happening today can lead to security dilemmas and divisions within the region. countries in the south pacific region already have amity relations with two southeast asian countries, namely malaysia and singapore and the uk in the form of a collective security institution called the five power defense arrangements (fpda). initially, fpda was formed to provide protection for malaysia and singapore against security and military threats after the independence of the two countries. but now fpda has transformed into a security institution that pays attention to regional security stability, especially in the field of unconventional security such as maritime and terrorism. the complexity of security in the southeast asia region with global powers the southeast asia region has become a very important region in the world with its various potentials. the existence of a very strategic southeast asia region can never be separated from other regions. as a region that has strong links with other regions, as well as a dynamic region that has a strategic geopolitical and geo-economic position, the southeast asia region is not spared from the interests of global powers. southeast asia has become an arena for the struggle journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 25 for the influence of global powers vying for dominance within the region. the rivalry between the superpower united states and the rise of new global power from china is very visible in this region. this is evidenced by the significant presence of the united states and china in the region from the economic, political, and security aspects. the united states and china are present as very important asean dialogue partners, where the united states is the main partner in terms of the economy, especially foreign investment, both bilaterally and multilaterally. china occupies the position of the largest trading partner in the southeast asia region and is also rapidly developing towards investment in infrastructure development through the belt and road initiative policy. the rivalry between the united states and china has also sharpened the south china sea conflict. as the country with the largest territorial claim in the conflict, china continues to show an aggressive attitude that triggers regional tensions and attracts the attention of the united states and other major powers. britain's entry into the southeast asian region, which is explicitly stated in its post-brexit foreign policy, reaffirms that many global powers' interests are centered in this region. the rise of china in asia also caught the attention of britain and provided an opportunity for britain to strengthen its post-brexit position on the international stage. in 2021, the uk officially becomes asean's 11th dialogue partner and also specifically appoints an ambassador to asean based in jakarta (parker, 2021). then post-brexit, the uk is committed to increasing its role in the fpda through increasing military capacity with the implementation of joint annual military exercises. in 2019, the fpda held the lima joint exercise in malaysia involving around 3000 military personnel, more than 12 ships, and 100 aircraft from five countries. then continued in april 2021 holding the shield joint exercise which was held in a virtual format due to covid-19 (abke, 2021). when the rivalry tensions between the united states and china occur, britain has been in a strong position by demonstrating the military capabilities it has to offer to its partners, especially the united states and its allies. this was followed by the sailing of the royal navy's main ship hms queen elizabeth to indo-pacific waters in june 2021 through the disputed waters of the south china sea and in october 2021 anchored in singapore. (dunst, 2021). not only that, the formation of a new trilateral defense pact agreed by australia, britain, and the united states (aukus) has the potential to pose a threat to stability, security, and peace in the region, especially in the southeast asia region. the main agenda of this defense pact is to strengthen military cooperation between the three countries to maintain stability, security, and peace in the indo-pacific region, which focuses on the development of nuclear power submarines. this defense pact agreement is assumed to be a response to china's aggressive attitude in the region, especially in the disputed south china sea which has become a threat to the united states as a superpower that also has strategic interests in the region. post-brexit and changes in foreign policy as well as the increasingly active role of britain in the southeast asia region, it seems that this region is entering a new chapter in the struggle for the influence of global powers. in the end, the rivalry between the united states and china as well as the inclusion of britain in playing journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 26 an active role in the region will certainly lead to the increasing complexity of security in the southeast asia region. asean's response and implications for regional security seeing the situation in southeast asia, which is surrounded by the struggle for the influence of these global powers, makes regional security conditions more complex and can have implications for the threat of regional security stability. the rivalry between the united states and china and the increasing role of britain in southeast asia has implications for narrowing the choice of security strategies in southeast asia. the region is faced with a choice between western or chinese support. where the united states is a security partner and foreign investment partner in southeast asia. while china has a position as the largest trading partner of southeast asia. meanwhile, britain's presence in the region that provides a neutral offer seems only to be britain's strategy to get the attention of southeast asian countries. the emergence of the aukus agreement and the increasingly active role in the fpda has shown britain's attitude also regards china as a threat and a rival in the region. so far, asean has played a significant role in maintaining regional stability, especially in overcoming regional security threats through various forums and frameworks for political and security cooperation. to create political stability and security in the southeast asian region, asean has established the treaty of amity and cooperation in southeast asia (tac) which has so far been signed by 43 countries, with the last 3 countries, namely colombia, cuba, and south africa, whose signing was carried out in november 2020. furthermore, the asean defense ministers meeting (admm) which is the highest consultative mechanism and defense cooperation in asean was formed to strengthen defense cooperation in the region to increase transparency, openness, and mutual trust between asean member countries. then, the asean regional forum (arf) is a dialogue forum related to political and security issues in the asia pacific region which was formed to support the process of integration and development of the asean political-security community (apsc). (asean-indonesia, 2017) in addition, asean can do things in the security dynamics of the southeast asia region, among others, asean must strengthen its centrality. one of them is by managing the areas that are in the spotlight in regional conflicts, especially the disputed areas of the south china sea. awareness of the importance of security stability in one country will affect the security stability of other countries in the region, and the dominance of global powers in the region that will threaten regional defense and security that can trigger tensions and conflicts in the region, are two things that form the basis for asean to strengthen its centrality. then asean seeks to improve relations with middle powers such as japan, india, and others to merge the influence of polarity in the region. followed by the role of southeast asian countries that emphasize and prioritize the importance of a rules-based international system. the countries of the southeast asian region must view the regional rivalry between the united states and china, not as two options, one of which must be chosen, but also in another frame, in which the principle is one journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 27 with the rule-based world. this can suppress the escalation of the conflict to involve military forces. according to the regional security complex theory, three possibilities occur based on the variables that make up the structure of the regional security complex from time to time. among them, the first is the persistence of the status quo in which there is no significant change in the regional security structure. second, the occurrence of internal transformations or changes within the region, such as changes in polarity, changes in relationship patterns, or changes in the anarchic structure within the region. third, the occurrence of external transformations such as changes due to regional mergers or regional divisions (buzan & waever, 2003). the pattern of relations in the dynamics of security in the southeast asia region occurs quite dynamically depending on the situation that occurred at that time. the pattern of relations between countries in the region shows a pattern of amity, especially through asean in various strategic fields, especially the economy, but it cannot be denied that there can be changes in the pattern of relations due to the polarity of global powers and alignments if there is an increase in conflict tensions in the region. the possibility that occurs after examining the existing variables so far is still in the persistence of the status quo where there is no significant change in the regional security structure. asean still stands firmly in its role in maintaining regional security stability. in addition, the polarity of global powers in the region has not shown a significant change where in terms of rivalry between the united states and china, britain tends to show support for the united states, and both show competition with china. conclusion the security dynamics of the southeast asian region after the change in british foreign policy to the southeast asian region did not experience significant changes. where asean still has an important position in maintaining regional security stability. however, the regional security situation has become more complex with the many roles of global powers in the region, including the united states, china, and britain. this can have implications for the threat of regional security stability, especially regional conflicts in the region involving these global powers. in this case, asean is expected to continue to maintain neutrality and strengthen synergies between member countries to continue to be committed to maintaining regional security stability. references abke, t. (2021, may 24). bersama shield memamerkan kemitraan regional. indo-pacific defense forum. retrieved july 7, 2021, from https://ipdefenseforum.com/id/2021/05/bersama-shield-memamerkan-kemitraanregional/ journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 28 alagappa, m. (1991). the dynamics of international security in southeast asia: change and continuity. australian journal of international affairs, 45(1), 1-37. doi:10.1080/10357719108445046 asean-indonesia, s. n. (2017). pilar politik dan keamanan. retrieved july 7, 2021, from sekretariat nasional asean indonesia: http://setnas-asean.id/pilar-politik-dankeamanan buzan, b. (1998, june). the southeast asian security complex. contemporary southeast asia, 10(1), 1-16. retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/25797984 buzan, b., & waever, o. (2003). regions and powers: the structure of international security. united kingdom: cambridge university press. dunst, c. (2021, december 16). analysis: the uk's south east asian opportunity. retrieved from china research group: https://chinaresearchgroup.org/research/the-ukssouth-east-asian-opportunity global firepower. (2021). 2021 military strength ranking. retrieved from gfp annual ranking: https://www.globalfirepower.com/countries-listing.php hm.government. (2021). global britain in a competitive age: the integrated review of security, defence, development and foreign policy. london: open government licence. koshino, y. (2020, september 2020). southeast asia's evolving security dynamics. retrieved from international institute for strategic studies (iiss): https://www.iiss.org/events/2020/09/southeast-asia-security mishra, r. (2021, july 2). playing catch-up: britain re-engagement with southeast asia. (lowy institute) retrieved july 7, 2021, from the interpreter: https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/playing-catch-britain-s-reengagement-southeast-asia parker, e. (2021, july 2021). global britain: why the united kingdom needs asean. retrieved from the diplomat: https://thediplomat.com/2021/07/global-britain-why-theunited-kingdom-needs-asean/ storey, i. (2019). the united kingdom and southeast asia after brexit. iseas yusof ishak institute, 1-9. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 381 the role of counter-patriarchy media mubadalah.id in supporting the elimination of sexual violence bill ratification irma khairani1, siti sadiyatunnimah1, t.b. massa djafar2 1departement of political science, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia 2graduate school of political science, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia irmakhairanilubis@gmail.com; sadiyatunnimah@civitas.unas.ac.id; tbmassadjafard@yahoo.com abstract: the draft on the elimination of sexual violence law is one of the bills that has been discussed for a long time in indonesia. various views of the relevant parties were discussed quite a lot in media, both for and againts the bill. mubadalah.id is a counter-patriarchal media which is one of the instruments and strategies used by women’s movement in indonesia expressing the importance of ratifying the bill. this study examines the role of mubadalah.id as a counter-patriarchal media which express the urgency of this ratification. in order to explain the problems, this research has used a descriptive qualitative research method that relies on in-depth interviews with key resources related to the ratification of this bill. literatur reviews have been carried out to obtain supporting data that will confirm the data from previous interviews. the findings show that mubadalah.id has a role as a political communication tool for the women’s movement in indonesia in supporting the ratification of the bill through several strategies: channeling messages regarding the urgency of the passage of the bill; countering the narratives that reject the ratification of the bill; encourage the ratification of the bill by forming opinions supporting the ratification. keywords: draft on the elimination of sexual violence law, mubadalah.id, movement strategy, political communication, opinion. submission : aug 11th 2021 revision : sept 18th 2021 publication : nov 28th 2021 introduction the number of cases of sexual violance in indonesia has increased every year, both in number and types. based on national commision on violence against women’s (komnas perempuan) 2020 end-year note (catahu 2020), there are 78%-80% increase of sexual violence within 12 years (2008-2019) (komnas perempuan, 2020). from the same source, it can be seen that women and children service unit (uppa) of indonesian police departement accepted 4,124 cases of sexual violence reports, but only 940 cases were processed in the courts. the increasing number of reports of sexual violence from the public indicates that the community is now mailto:irmakhairanilubis@gmail.com mailto:sadiyatunnimah@civitas.unas.ac.id mailto:tbmassadjafard@yahoo.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 382 having the courage to speak out against cases of sexual violence that occur. however, from the number of cases processed, we can see that there are still problems so that cases of sexual violence cannot be accommodated to the fullest. this is the proof that it is very important to have a law that can be a legal umbrella for the elimination of sexual violence in indonesia. in fact, the draft on the elimination of sexual violence law was initiated in 2010 and began to be drafted by komnas perempuan, lbh apik jakarta, and the service provider forum in 2014. in 2016 the academic script and draft on the elimination of sexual violence bill were submitted to the chairman of committee iii of indonesian regional representatives council (dpd ri) then been included in the list of additions of 2017’s national legislation program (prolegnas). in 2017 the bill has become an initiative bill from the indonesian house of representatives (dpr ri). it started to be discussed by the legislative body (baleg) of the dpr ri, commission viii of the dpr ri and relevant ministries (komnas perempuan, 2017). however, in 2020 the bill was removed from the 2020 prolegnas and become raw again. support for the bill draft came from various parties, one of which is alliance of the women's anti-violence movement (gerak perempuan), which is a combination of several organizations and communities working on the issue of gender equality and justice. this alliance supporting acceleration of the bill’s ratification considering the increasing cases of sexual violence and the urgency of having a legal umbrella in handling cases of sexual violence. when the draft was removed from the 2020 prolegnas, gerak perempuan was one of several alliances that were quite active in speaking out against that decision (prayogi, 2020). in addition to gerak perempuan, there are several groups that support the ratification of the bill’s draft, such as: the indonesian women's ulema congress; the coalition of women with disabilities; cherbon feminists; and others who have the same opinion that this law needs to be ratified as an effort to prevent and eliminate sexual violence not only because the law is comprehensive enough as a legal basis but also can be a step to implement gender equality and justice. among the groups that rejected the bill, there are the indonesian alliance for family love (aila). aila refused draft on the elimination of sexual violence law due to the point of view that the law was a form of campaigning for sexual freedom, and the support given to the ratification of the draft did not have philosophical, normative, and sociological reasons (rahadi, 2019). apart from aila, there are also many alliances, institutions, and community organizations that also refuse to pass the bill, such as the national assembly of the hmi-wati alumni forum (forhati) and the alliance for enlightening the country with various views and reasons. these groups argue that this bill is against religious values; there are indications of a campaign for sexual freedom in the content of bill; legalization of lgbt; and are considered to have unclear and unmeasurable objections. table 1.2 the views of several institutions/organizations about the ratification of the draft on the elimination of sexual violence law journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 383 no fraction support/ not support descriptions 1 kongres ulama perempuan indonesia support 2 koalisi perempuan disabilitas support 3 swara parampuang sulut support 4 aisyiyahmuhammadiyah support 5 koalisi perempuan indonesia support 6 aila not support there are indication of campaign for sexual freedom, and the support given to the ratification of the draft did not have philosophical, normative, and sociological reasons 7 majelis nasional forum alumni hmi-wati (forhati) not support violating religious norms and loaded with feminism content. 8 aliansi cerahkan negeri not support the bill is considered not to have clear benchmarks, biased meanings such as sexual orientation which has multiple interpretations. source: self-processed from republika.co.id various strategies have been implemented by the two groups. one of the actions taken by the support group for the bill is by submitting a petition through change.org which was initiated by lentera indonesia. based on data on october 19, 2020, there have been 341,000 people who signed the petition to support the hastening of the signing of the bill and continues to grow untill now. a counter-petition was also created by a group against the bill initiated by friends of youth aila indonesia. as of october 19, 2020, 48,600 people have signed and rejected the ratification of the bill. these petitions use information and communication technology to gather support from the public with a broader range without space and time limitation. another way to convey the pros and cons is through media because it has become an easiest instrument to use to convey various arguments to people. this instrument was used by both groups, the support groups and those who opposed the ratification of the bill. one of the media that voiced the issue of the importance of the ratification of the bill and countered the narrative of rejection of the law was mubadalah.id. this study discusses how mubadalah.id plays a role in the political system as a political communication tool which functions to spread political messages to every unit in the structure (as a subjects or actors) and how mubadalah.id acts as a medium for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 384 channeling political messages and is involved in the process of political communication (as an object). this study also analyzes how the response of several groups who were the targets of conveying political messages by mubadalah.id regarding the content of the ratification of the draft on the elimination of sexual violence law and mubadalah.id as a movement strategy. literature review as a policy that is needed by the community in the midst of cases of sexual violence which is increasing all the time, the struggle to voice the ratification of the draft on the elimination of sexual violence law is important. a political communication process through media, can be carried out which aims to give influence to both the public and policy makers to be able to immediately continue the process of formulating and ratifying law regarding elimination of sexual violence. communication comes from the latin "communicatio" which means notification or exchange of thoughts. according to (suprapto, 2009), there must be elements in the communication process which have common meaning in order to exchange thoughts and understanding between the communicator (messenger) and the communicant (message recipient). referring to laswell, communication is a process that describes who says what in what way, to whom, and with what effect (laswell, 1958). (rauf & narsun, 1993) describes political communication as an object of political science study because the message conveyed in the communication process have political elements, it is related to: government; political power; state; and the activities of communicators in their positions as actors in political activities. according to rauf, political communication can be seen from two dimensions. first, communication as a political activity, a process to convey messages characterized by politics by political actors to other parties. second, communication as a scientific activity, an activity in the political system. supporting the definition of political communication from rauf, (rush & althoff, 1997) said that political communication as a process in which relevant political informations are passed from one part of the political system to another between social systems and political systems. this political communication process occurs continuously and includes patterns of information exchange among individuals and groups at all levels (pureklolon, 2016). political communication in the process of delivering political messages requires the media as a means of delivering political messages to the communicant and as an effort to carry out the functions of political communication. (laswell, 1958) said that there are four functions of mass media: to inform; to educate; to entertain; and social control of the behavior of the public and authorities. (mcquail, 2005) said that "the media operates in the public sphere according to the interests of users, the main activities are producing, distributing symbolic content, and participation, it is professional, directed and free of interest values”. it means that media can not be influenced by various social, economic and political forces and prioritizes information transparency for the public (susanto, 2017). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 385 the concept of public space was popularized by jurgen habermas through his work in 1989, entitled “the structural transformation of the public sphere: an inquiry into a category of bourgeois society”. it was his enlightenment project by reconstructing a democratic public space. habermas said that the best democracy is represented with critical reasons (achsa, 2018). in explaining about public sphere, (habermas, 1989) focuses on the political sphere as a space that allows citizens to freely express their attitude, sphere is created for conditions that allow citizens to use the power of argument. the political public sphere as the conditions of communication, is neither an institution nor an organization with binding membership and rules. however, public space is a space that is lived by civil society which functions as an intermediary between the state and private individuals (hardiman, 2009). public policies can be produced through a political process based on requests from people who felt a problem. in gabriel almond's political system, input from the community can be mobilized by the political superstructure and political infrastructure. the political superstructure is the government and the political infrastructure is the institutions or groups outside the government. (almond & coleman, 1960) classified political infrastructure into five groups: political parties; interest groups; pressure groups; and political communication tools. the five of them have an influence on the situation and dynamics of political life (shahreza, 2018). it would be interesting to see how the mass media as a political communication tool plays a role in the public sphere as a channel for political messages, seeing how the political messages in the mass media are responded by groups who support or do not support the ratification of the law on the elimination of sexual violence, as well as the views of the groups about that mass media which was used as a movement strategy to encourage the ratification of the draft on the elimination of sexual violence law. the groups can be categorized into interest groups or pressure groups. (suwadji, 2005) explained that according to gabriel almond, interest groups are any organization that tries to influence government policy without wanting to get public office. interest groups convey issues that are only related to the interests of the group. this is different from pressure groups which in conveying their voices or bringing up an issue are not only related to the interests of the group, but also to the interests of other groups who cannot represent their own group due to many factors that can endanger their existence if the group pressures the government (suwadji, 2005). method to achieve the objectives of this study, the most suitable method used is descriptive qualitative method with two stages of data collection techniques. the first stage is to collect primary data using in-depth interview techniques to several key informants who are considered to be able to explain the phenomenon. other relevant informants are obtained according to the instructions from the key journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 386 informants from the interview. the second stage is the collection of secondary data that will support the results of the interviews that have been conducted. secondary data is obtained through a literature study related to the issue about the process of ratification of draft on elimination on sexual violence law in the mass media, journals, books, and so on. the data that has been collected was then reduced, simplified and classified. after being reduced, the data was arranged systematically so that it is easy to understand and can provide meaning by looking for relationships, similarities, or differences to answer the existing problems. result and discussion mubadalah.id as a counter-patriarchal media media is a political communication tool that can be used to convey and disseminate messages quickly and widely. the development of information and comunication technology (ict) has improved media to be unlimited in space and time so it can be accessed easily. internet has changed media from conventional form such as magazines, television, radio, and others to online platform. instruction to use media as an instrument for campaigning for gender equality were conveyed by the united nations (un) at the fourth conference in 1955. quoted from the book gender sensitivity indicators for media which was translated and republished by the indonesian journalists alliance (aji), it was stated that the results of the conference emphasized that the role of the media in campaigning for gender equality in all fields is very important. each stakeholder is directed to participate in fighting stereotypes and inequality for women in gaining access, as well as participation in various fields, especially in the media (aji, 2015). by using media as an instrument in fighting for gender equality and justice, the women's movement finds new spaces to struggle. before the development of ict as it is today which has a great impact on the development of the media, the delivery of information can only be done directly by the public such as public discussions; seminars; direct consolidation of organizations or institutions; and demonstrations. whereas the public space which is a space where everyone is free to enter and participate, speak and express their thoughts without any pressure is very much in accordance with democratic principles which guarantee the right of citizens to freedom of opinion and expression, so that they will be able to intervene in the policies of the government. currently, these activities have been carried out by utilizing the development of existing technology and information. not only through petitions, these discourse activities also utilize other media that have undergone digitization, such as mass media in the network (online) or can also be called online media. mass media has its own point of view in spreading its messages. this study classifies mass media into two categories, which are pro-patriarchal media and counterpatriarchal media. in this study, the concept of patriarchy is used because the author wants to see how the mass media convey their messages about women's issues that journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 387 discuss the oppression felt by women as a result of a system or culture that causes women's oppression, called patriarchy. based on the book gender sensitivity indicators for media, it is explained that the differences in the media as previously stated occur because of the various interests of the media which are influenced by the owners of capital; actors behind the media such as journalists, editors and others; and business interests that are very influential in providing the direction of media coverage (aji, 2015). pro-patriarchal mass media is a media that in delivering messages or contents does not use the perspective of gender equality and justice and is not loaded with messages that seek to undermine patriarchal culture or can be said to be genderinsensitive mass media. pro-patriarchal mass media can be detected through messages or contents. for example, it can be seen from the news headlines that are displayed tend to be clickbait to attract the attention of readers as communication targets (communicants). the headlines are often tend to objectify women, such as the news from madiunpos.com with the headline “forced with alcohol, the girl in probolinggo was raped and found helpless in the pine forest”. from the headline, women are described as helpless objects. moreover, the content of the news does not discuss the perpetrators of the rape, but clearly describes the identity of the victim and the condition of the victim, the facts of which cannot be proven (anandita marwa aulia, 2020). not only on madiunpost.com, the mass media of suara.com also spreads news that tends to objectify and stigmatize women. this can be seen from the news with headlines such as "forced to surrender, two girls in nganjuk raped by four drunk youths" and "towards maghrib, smk girl in nganjuk raped in the forest". (suara.com, 2020). another type of media is the counter-patriarchal mass media. this media is a media that has a point of view in delivering messages and content using the perspective of gender equality and justice. from the messages conveyed in the media, they have aspirations to create a gender-equal and gender-just life. they also voiced an agenda to destroy the patriarchal culture that causes women's oppression such as subordination, marginalization, and discrimination against women which also has an impact on the many cases of sexual violence. one example of a counter-patriarchal mass media that can be seen from the message or content is mubadalah.id. it makes writings that have a gender justice perspective, like siti rofiah's writing with the headline "this is the argument why the pks bill must be immediate ratification". as a human being, freedom from torture is guaranteed in the 1945 constitution of the republic of indonesia in article 28g paragraphs (1) and (2), and this is in accordance with the law on the elimination of sexual violence which aims to protect victims of sexual violence cases, provide sanctions against perpetrators of sexual violence cases and suppress cases of sexual violence that occurred (rofiah, 2019). kyai faqihudin abdul qadir, the founder of mubadalah.id said that mubadalah.id was originally a personal blog to express his thoughts on the relationship between men and women in islamic perspective. in 2017, the blog which was originally called journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 388 resiprocity –the english language of mubadalahwas taken seriously and eventually changed its name to mubadalah.com. then, mubadalah.com was inaugurated at the indonesian women's ulema congress (kupi) in april at kebon jambu islamic boarding school, babakan, ciwaringin. over time, mubadalah.com changed to mubadalahnews.com, then mubadalah.id. mubadalah.id was used as the main public media by the indonesian women's ulema congress (kupi) to spread its ideas about islam and gender relations, gender-just islam, the rahmatan lil 'alamin relationship, and so on. mubadalah.id is also the only media that openly declares itself to carry out the mandate as a media partner of kupi to spread its ideas and the results of the congress or can be called a “congress fatwa” which is the issue of sexual violence; the issue of preventing child marriage; and environmental issues. the messages conveyed through mubadalah.id have an agenda to embody a genderequal and fair life and express an agenda to destroy patriarchal culture that causes oppression of women such as subordination, marginalization, and discrimination against women which also has an impact on sexual violence cases. kamla bhasin in her book claiming the patriarchy said that at first patriarchy was used to refer to a type of family controlled by men, a large patriarchal household consisting of women, young men, children, slaves, and domestic servants which is under the dominion of male rulers. however, nowadays the term is used generally to refer to male power; power relations in which men are more powerful than women; and to refer to systems where women are controlled in various ways (kamla bhasin, 1996). based on this explanation, mubadalah.id can be categorized as a counter-patriarchal mass media because it seeks to undermine all oppression felt by women. anisa rizkina delivered an article whose message was trying to overthrow patriarchy with the title "women and patriarchy". rizkina said: "patriarchal culture does not only take away women's rights, but also influences the thoughts of many people who grew up in this patriarchal culture. when someone is already affected, that person will find it difficult to let go." rizkina also said that in the midst of patriarchal shackles, women should not give up giving up their thoughts to be shaped by a patriarchal environment. women, as independent individuals, must be aware from the start that they have the right to be independent, to choose the right one for themselves according to their wishes (rizkina, 2020). raising the issue of the importance of passing the draft law on the elimination of sexual violence as one of the political elements, mubadalah.id as a medium of political communication has an important role in the process of delivering political messages, especially in spreading a political agenda to the public so that their opinions can be heard by more people. moreover, in today's digital era, mass media has a very wide reach, without any space and time limitation, and can be accessed easily by anyone because it is available on the internet. in a democratic country like indonesia where the right to freedom of expression is guaranteed in the constitution, media become an instrument that can be used to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 389 convey people's aspirations. media as a medium that can be used to articulate the needs of the community and the state that participates in conveying political messages in the public sphere, has an important role. moreover, media which has metamorphosed into digital mass media have become more widely distributed and are quite easy to be accessed by anyone. zahra amin, who is the chief editor of mubadalah.id, responded that the metamorphosis of media that has undergone digitalization is a necessity. changes that occur in the media must be accepted as a reality, especially for us, people who have a moderate islamic perspective. as adherents of moderate islam, we must be able to keep up with changes and from there the reason for the presence of mubadalah.id which is trying to counter hoax and hate speech narratives. mubadalah.id is concerned with the issue of identity politics, which has dominated media and even produced a movement that might diminish the concept of rahmatan lil 'alamin or mercy for all nature. as moderate muslims, mubadalah.id answer this challenge as a strategy to show a friendly face of islam. according to her, media is one of the important things to strengthen the islamic narrative that is rahmatan lil 'alamin. kyai faqihudin abdul qadir, as the founder of the mass media mubadalah.id also said that the media is a pillar of democracy, apart from civil society and political parties. it has a very central position related to formulation policies including products of law. thus, the media is very important to educate the public as well as to exercise control over the government so that the substance of democracy runs for the benefit of the people. realizing the importance of the role of the media, mubadalah.id was present. as a counter-patriarchal media that participates in voicing out justice and gender equality from an islamic perspective, mubadalah.id also voices out the importance of ratifying the law on the elimination of sexual violence draft. moreover, the issue of sexual violence is one of the fatwas of the indonesian women's ulema congress (kupi) which was held on 25-27 april 2017 (wardah, 2017). by utilizing digital technology, mubadalah.id carries out its movement using cultural movements which are carried out by producing knowledge through writing and distributing it on media platforms that can be accessed by friends from the network as material for their movement. moreover, mubadalah.id has a strategic position due to its religious authority that other feminist movement groups do not have. that is what distinguishes mubadalah.id from other movement groups. in practice, kyai faqih also explained that mubadalah.id is more used by the indonesian women's ulema congress network for da'wah, writing, and advocacy work. kyai faqih also added that the content on mubadalah.id is focused on the needs of kupi network; communities affiliated with mubadalah.id; writing training alumni organized by mubadalah.id; and other institutions such as aman indonesia which has a similar perspective as a reference for arguments, and advocacy. however, the distribution of mubadalah.id content is also intended for those outside the network, such as researchers or academics as a provision when teaching, entering the community, even hearings at the dpr. refers to laswell's communication model which states that messages conveyed by communicators through a medium and delivery are focused on a specific audience (pureklolon, 2016). in this case, mubadalah.id as an actor as well as a message journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 390 channeling media that focuses on its content to be delivered to certain networks as previously mentioned, even though in fact the content can also be accessed by anyone. the focused dissemination of messages does not reduce the function of the media to convey information; to educate people; and to control social system as presented by laswell. the focused parties who are getting access to messages or content in mubadalah.id will later use it as their provision in preaching and educating the public. in addition, these contents can still be accessed by the wider community. furthermore, mubadalah.id also voiced out the issue of the ratification of the law on the elimination of sexual violence which was conveyed and communicated through its articles. these articles contain counter narratives from statements or views of individuals and groups who reject the ratification of that law as a legal umbrella in handling cases of sexual violence using an islamic perspective and gender justice. the messages contained in the articles are delivered with a peaceful narrative to show islam as rahmatan lil 'alamin, not islam which is full of violence, anger, and hatred. zahra amin, who is the editor-in-chief of mubadalah.id, explained that mubadalah.id had counter-narrated the narratives that refused to ratify the law draft and narratives to answer the doubts of those who refused because this law is considered too difficult, considered pro-lgbt, and so on. for example, an article written by nurdiani latifah with the title "ruu pks: legalization of adultery and a number of misguided other allegations". in this article, latifah counters the narratives that say that the existence of the law on the elimination of sexual violence means the legalization of adultery and various other misguided narratives. there was a criticism submitted by the mayor of padang mahyeldi who said in article 7 paragraphs 1 and 2 it was to protect lgbt and give the green light to adultery, latifah replied in her writing (latifah, 2020b): “…there is no such statement either explicitly or implicitly in the draft or in the academic paper of the pks bill. article 7 paragraphs 1 and 2 talk about the forms of prevention and implementation of prevention carried out by the police and the government. i think mahyeldi is criticizing this to evade the government's duty in implementing deterrence." as a strategy to communicate and voice out its message, especially regarding the issue of the law on the elimination of sexual violence draft, mubadalah.id took several steps. first, mubadalah.id focuses on distributing content to its networks such as the indonesian women's ulema congress (kupi); the women writer conference organized by aman indonesia; puan menulis; and writing training alumni from mubadalah.id which will later be used as a provision for preach. second, mubadalah.id cooperates with other media such as alif.id; islami.co; bincangmuslimah; and other media with a syndicated cooperation pattern, in which each media can quote one another's writings (aman indonesia, 2020). this strategy is carried out so that the messages contained in mubadalah.id can be spread more widely. third, at this time mubadalah.id is trying to expand the distribution of its journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 391 content so that it can be accessed by more parties. on this basis, mubadalah.id began to integrate media with social media as another strategy in spreading its messages. social media such as instagram can display infographics with content taken or quoted from the writings contained on mubadalah.id. the content is modified in such a way to be more interesting, concise, and easily understood by the public. if the public or readers want to see the complete article, they will be referred to the article on mubadalah.id. zahra amin, who is the editor-in-chief of mubadalah.id, said that this strategy was quite successful in increasing the number of readers on mubadalah.id. mass media as a strategy for the women's movement the women's movement or feminism was born due to the oppression experienced by women such as subordination, discrimination, marginalization, which occurred massively, systematically, and structured. these oppressions exist due to various factors such as patriarchy; the development of capitalism; women's bodies; and others. feminism is a new social movement. the new social movements emphasize the distinctive features of social movements in post-industrial society movements in north america and western europe. this new social movement theory is an approach as a response to the weakness of classical marxism in analyzing collective action (sukmana, 2016). in the new social movement, where people are in postindustrial social life, society as an autonomous individual, receives and produces information. this is a supposition conveyed by melucci who is quoted again in the book social media and democracy (i gusti agung ayu kade galuh, 2017). according to singh quoted from the book social media and democracy, new social movements have four characteristics. first, the new social movement puts an ideological assumption that civil society is at its lowest point because of state control and the market that penetrates into all aspects of people's lives. second, movements are non-class and non-materialistic such as the anti-racism movement, feminism movement, and the environmental movement. third, the movement involves grassroots politics; the existence of horizontal democratic associations organized in loose federations at the level of national and global issues. fourth, the structure of the movement is defined by the plurality of ideals, goals, and desires from the heterogeneity of the social base. there is no segmentation on actions, strategies, and ways of mobilization. every actor involved is for humanitarian reasons (i gusti agung ayu kade galuh, 2017). feminism, which is a social movement and was born from the awareness of existence of oppression of women, demands the state to be present as an authority that has the responsibility to protect its citizens, both women and men, in order to avoid all existing oppression and guarantee the rights of its citizens as human beings. who have the right to live safely and comfortably. one of the responsibility of a state is to protect its citizens from of sexual violence. the state needs to implement educational programs so that people understand their individual rights, sexuality, justice and gender equality, so that they can respect each journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 392 other. indonesia as a state of law must ensure the security of its citizens with the existence of a legal umbrella that applies to anyone who commits injustice, disturbs the security of fellow citizens such as committing sexual violence. in fact, until now, in the midst of increasing cases of sexual violence, the government has not yet been present to carry out its obligations to protect its citizens by producing a policy that can guarantee that its citizens rights can be protected and fulfilled, and impose sanctions on those who disturb and violate the rights of freedom of others as individuals and citizens. actually the government has tried to produce a legal umbrella to accommodate cases of sexual violence; take action against the perpetrators; and treat their victims. however, the political process in making these policies is very difficult. the draft law on the elimination of sexual violence which was submitted by komnas perempuan in 2016 to dpr ri, has not yet been ratified until 2021. the process stagnates with various existing problems. there are a lot of social movements involved to support the ratification of this bill using various means including the use of online media such as mubadalah.id. it has attempted to communicate the urgency of the ratification of the draft law on the elimination of sexual violence by disseminating its messages to the public. since 2019, there have been 48 articles that specifically discuss matters relating to the bill. these messages were initially addressed to certain parties who are part of the mubadalah.id network. recently the message was finally able to be spread with a wider reach using several publication strategies. mubadalah.id realized that as a part of new social movement, they do not represent a certain class of society because anyone can become a victim, so anyone will need the law. therefore, mubidah.id began to spread its messages to a larger audience. according to chandler, strategy is the direction of action and the allocation of resources to achieve the goals and objectives that have been set (i gusti agung ayu kade galuh, 2017). by utilizing the mass media, it is hoped that the public will better understand the importance of the law in reducing sexual violence that occurs in their environment. and then can help support the acceleration of the ratification of the law. communicant's response to mubadalah.id as a movement strategy the use of mubadalah.id as one of the movement's strategies in supporting the ratification of the law was quite successful. the messages conveyed through mubadalah.id is able to form the communicant's opinion to believe that the draft law needs to be ratified immediately. this is due to several factors: first, in conveying its message, mubadalah.id embraces the audience and does not give the impression of anger and hatred, especially when countering narratives that reject the ratification of the bill with the perspective of gender justice and islam. these messages provide awareness by attaching data and representing concerns and experiences from the point of view of women and victims. messages like that are able to provide awareness and understanding that the draft law on the elimination of sexual violence needs to be ratified immediately. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 393 one of the articles written by marzuki wahid “is it true that the p-ks bill is against islam?” can describe how interesting the explanation given by mubadalah.id is. wahid said: “imam al-ghazali in his book al-mustashfa min 'ilmi al-ushul explained that the benefits in question are 5 basic protections which are: adl-dlaruriyat alkhams, the protection of religion – including the guarantee of freedom of belief – (hifdh ad-din); protection of the soul (hifdh an-nafs); protection of the mind – including the guarantee of freedom of opinion – (hifdh al-'aql); protection of dignity and descent (hifdh al-'irdl wa an-nasl); and protection of property (hifdh al-mal). imam al-ghazali said: preventing and rejecting evil is benefit. well, the p-ks bill is the state's effort to prevent sexual violence (dar'u al-mafasid wa nahy al-munkar) which currently occurs 3-4 cases of sexual violence in indonesia every hour” (wahid, 2019). second, the messages conveyed through the mass media mubadalah.id were delivered with a clear focus on discussion. as an article discussing abortion by nurdiani latifah as a counter narrative to the statement that the law on the elimination of sexual violence legalized abortion. nurdiani latifah in her article said: “in the pks bill it is explained that forced abortion is a form of sexual violence. so, if someone forces another person to have an abortion, they will be punished. this point is then interpreted if making the pks bill is considered to legalize abortion. this is a wrong understanding for those who reject the pks bill. by regulating abortion cases in detail, it does not mean that the pks bill allows abortion” (latifah, 2020a). with focused writing, you will be able to counter false narratives, especially if they are also presented with supporting data. the messages are informative and insightful quite well. third, the message dissemination strategy that integrates mubadalah.id with mubadalah social media such as instagram can actually have a significant effect. this strategy is able to reproduce writing into interesting and short infographics and make it easier to understand spread. mubadalah.id also has message dissemination strategy with a syndicated pattern of cooperation, where mubadalah.id cooperates with other media so that these media can quote or reproduce the messages conveyed by mubindah.id conclusion mubadalah.id have important roles in the movement to support the ratification of the bill on the elimination of sexual violence in indonesia. as a media that is widely accessed by muslims, mubadalah.id has a role in conveying messages related to the bill. it express its support for the draft of the elimination of sexual violence bill by communicating its messages to counter false narratives from groups that reject the ratification of the bill. mubadalah.id seeks to counter these narratives because it is one of the factors that obstruct the ratification. mubadalah.id conveys informative messages that include reliable data in non-provocative language. this can actually journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 394 break conservative thoughts on the draft law on the elimination of sexual violence with the perspective of gender justice and islam. mubadalah.id has several strategies in disseminating the news. firstly, mubadalah.id uses a special network in delivering its messages, including the indonesian women's ulema congress (kupi) and training communities and alumni organized by mubadalah.id, with the hope that the messages will be redistributed as preaching material. secondly, in order to broaden the target of spreading the messages, mubadalah.id start collaborating with several media in a syndicated cooperation pattern. each media can quote each other's writings and redistribute them. thirdly, mubadalah.id integrates with social media. it reproduced the news in mubadalah.id into infographics and short writings which are then distributed on social media such as instagram. the infographic is made as attractive as possible and easy to interpret. readers who are interested in reading the full article will be referred directly to the page on mubadalah.id. in today's digital era, utilizing digital media is the right step because it can be more easily and quickly reached by wider audience without any space and time limitation. the efforts to use mubadalah.id as a movement strategy have a significant impact. it is proven to be able to influence the opinions of communicants so that the public also considers that the draft law on the elimination of sexual violence needs to be ratified immediately. however, there are still some improvements needed, especially related to integration between media in order to broaden the scope of readers and commitment to be able to continue to express support for other gender issues in addition to the ratification of this bill on the elimination of sexual violence. references achsa, h. p. (2018). penggunaan internet sebagai public sphere dalam demokrasi deliberatif. universitas muhammadiyah malang. aji. (2015). indikator sensitif gender untuk media. almond, g., & coleman, j. s. (1960). the politics of the developing areas. princeton university press. aman indonesia. (2020). penyebaran nilai-nilai islam progresif. aman indonesia. anandita marwa aulia. (2020). dicekoki miras, gadis di probolinggo diperkosa dan ditemukan tak berdaya di hutan pinus. madiunpos.com. habermas, j. (1989). the structural transformation of public sphere: an inquiry into category of bourgeois society, thomas burger. polity press. hardiman, f. b. (2009). demokrasi deliberatif. pt kanisius. i gusti agung ayu kade galuh. (2017). media sosial dan demokrasi. penerbit polgov. kamla bhasin. (1996). menggugat patriarki. yayasan bentang budaya. komnas perempuan. (2017). naskah akademik rancangan undang-undang republik indonesia tentang penghapusan kekerasan seksual. komnas perempuan. (2020). kekerasan meningkat: kebijakan penghapusan kekerasan seksual untuk membangun ruang aman bagi perempuan dan anak journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 395 perempuan. catahu: catatan tahunan tentang kekerasan terhadap perempuan, 1–109. laswell, h. d. (1958). who gets what, when, how. world publishing. latifah, n. (2020a). menjawab tudingan ruu pks yang melegalkan aborsi. mubadalah.id. latifah, n. (2020b). ruu pks: legalisasi zina dan sejumlah tuduhan lain yang salah kaprah. mubadalah.id. mcquail, d. (2005). mcquail’s mass communication theory (fifth edit). sage publications. prayogi. (2020). aksi dukung ruu penghapusan kekerasan seksual di prolegnas. republika.co.id. pureklolon, t. t. (2016). komunikasi politik. pt. gramedia pustaka utama. rahadi, f. (2019). sikapi demo mahasiswa, aila tegaskan tolak ruu pks. republika.co.id. rauf, m., & narsun, m. (1993). indonesia dan komunikasi politik. gramedia pustaka utama. rizkina, a. (2020). perempuan dan patriarki. mubadalah.id. rofiah, s. (2019). inilah argumen kenapa ruu pks harus segera disahkan. mubadalah.id. rush, m., & althoff, p. (1997). pengantar sosiologi politik. pt raja grafindo persada. shahreza, m. (2018). sistem politik dan proses komunikasi politik. 1–34. https://doi.org/10.31227/osf.io/d9rk4 suara.com. (2020). kumpulan berita kasus pemerkosaan terbaru hari ini. suara.com. sukmana, o. (2016). konsep dan teori gerakan sosial. intrans publishing. suprapto, t. (2009). pengantar teori dan manajemen komunikasi. medpress. susanto, e. h. (2017). media massa, pemerintah dan pemilik modal. jurnal aspikom, 1(6), 477. https://doi.org/10.24329/aspikom.v1i6.53 suwadji, j. (2005). kajian tentang kelompok penekan/kelompok kepentingan. in sosiologika (issue 4, pp. 19–34). wahid, m. (2019). apa benar ruu p-ks bertentangan dengan islam? mubadalah.id. wardah, f. (2017). kongres ulama perempuan indonesia hasilkan tiga fatwa. voaindonesia.com. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 157 indonesian coal export to japan: international political economic review period 2010 2015 hilmi rahman ibrahim, darul fikri fadillah international relations department, faculty of social & political sciences, universitas nasional. jakarta, indonesia, email : hilmi.rahman@civitas.unas.ac.id, darul.fikri@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : indonesia is one of the largest coal-producing countries in the world but is weak in the utilization, technology, and management of coal. meanwhile, japan is a developed industrial country with the largest energy consumption in the world, but its resources are limited, so it relies on imports from other countries such as indonesia. so that there is a coal export-import trade cooperation with the formation of the ijepa and ijcpd cooperation as bilateral cooperation between indonesia and japan which carries the basic concept of the epa. the purpose of this research is to find out that indonesian coal exports to japan can provide benefits for both countries and meet their respective interests. countries viewed in an international political economy review. this research uses the library research method. japan in fulfilling its energy consumption cannot be separated from trading with other countries such as importing coal from indonesia which is manifested in the ijcpd cooperation which is one of the cooperation frameworks in ijepa, providing great opportunities for indonesia to maximize management, technology, utilization of coal and bring in investors in indonesia. . indonesia and japan in fulfilling their political economy interests under the auspices of the ijepa cooperation, in which japan has established itself as a guarantor country for economic and political stability in the east to southeast asia region. meanwhile, indonesia had the opportunity to equalize its position and compete with other competing countries that had established cooperation with japan in the japanese market. keywords: cooperation, trade, import-export, coal, ijepa, ijcpd, submission : feb, 11th 2020 revision : april 18th 2021 publication : may 28th 2021 introduction within the basic framework, life is related to economics and politics. to be able to survive requires food, drink, clothing, and other things, so we need a market to meet most of our needs, especially in modern times. the modern market is needed in addition to fulfilling needs, it must also be based on political rules to prevent the black market from using threats, bribery, and force. that is why political rules and regulations are needed as a framework in mailto:hilmi.rahman@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 158 the functioning of the market. at the same time, economic power is also an important basis for political power. in international trade activities, export and import are two important things that never escape any study of international trade discussions. countries carry out export activities to meet demand from other countries, of course for the sake of increasing their economic growth. these export activities will provide benefits, especially for countries that export certain commodities to other countries in need, and the results of this trade will later become a source of state income in the form of foreign exchange income for the country. indonesia as a developing country needs improvement in its economic performance so that indonesia can compete in industrial progress with modern industrial countries. in realizing this, by conducting cooperation and trade with industrialized countries such as japan, which is one of the important factors needed for the economic development of a country. coal is known as alternative energy to replace oil which is very popular and affordable, which is used as a fuel for industry and electricity generation. based on data obtained from the 2015 statistical review of world energy, indonesia is ranked in the top 5 as a coal-producing country, china is in the first place, followed by america in second, then australia in third, and india in fourth place, and five by indonesia. (bp, 2015. statistical review of world energy) indonesia is also a country contributing to the second-largest export, with indonesia's position as the second-largest exporter, it can create enormous opportunities and benefits for indonesia in international trade relations with countries that need coal supplies as their domestic energy consumption, for example, japan. (bps, 2018. eksport and import)r japan and indonesia have a complex and long-standing relationship based on historical values that have been going on for more than 50 years. then japan thought of creating a new form of cooperation with other countries, namely free trade cooperation called the economic partnership agreement or epa. then the indonesia-japan economic partnership agreement or ijepa was formed as a form of bilateral cooperation between indonesia and japan. in japan's foreign policy agenda, energy demand and security will always be the main agenda for the japanese state. because this is needed to support the progress of industrialization and the japanese economy. japan is also one of the developed industrial countries which are classified as the largest coal energy consumption level in the world. industrial development is growing fast, but the existing resources in japan are depleted and almost depleted, not in proportion to the country's energy consumption needs. in overcoming this problem, japan made cooperation efforts with other countries and imported energy raw materials such as coal from other countries, such as indonesia. to create a tighter, more harmonious, and mutually beneficial cooperation relationship with the coal trade for the two countries, indonesia and japan have created a new form of cooperation in the coal energy sector called the indonesia japan coal policy dialogue or journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 159 known as ijcpd which is one of the frameworks in the agreement. ijepa. in general, the ijepa cooperation agreement contains the agreed agreements between the two countries in the economic sector in the form of trade in goods and services, investment, intellectual property rights, and fulfillment of energy and minerals. in particular, the agreement covers eleven kinds of negotiations, namely, trade in goods, rules of origin, customs procedures, trade in services, investment, movement of natural persons, government procurement, intellectual property rights, competition policy, energy and mineral resources, and cooperation. (fidel katsro, 2020) japan in meeting its coal energy needs is by choosing indonesia as a partner country in coal imports. the reason japan chose indonesia as the main cooperation partner, to be able to meet its energy needs, also the import of coal from indonesia to japan is far more profitable when viewed from the point of view of sea transportation routes compared to other producing countries such as from australia, india. in addition, japan is also bound and has an agreement to increase coal demand as stated in the ijepa agreement with indonesia. if we look back at that indonesian coal also contains more coal or medium and low quality which contains high water content which can be processed into quality coal, besides that the price of indonesian coal production is cheaper than the cost of producing petroleum. the development of the indonesian coal industry has become a major foundation for several developments in indonesia. exports in the coal sector have supported national development, especially in the economic sector both regionally and nationally. several contributions from coal exports, one of which is in state revenue, such as increasing the country's foreign exchange from coal export activities, supporting electrification and national energy security, providing a significant amount to the economy for the domestic economy such as gdp, then job opportunities from regional and national levels, and household income. the coal industry also plays a role in state revenue in the form of royalties, taxes, and levies. as a trading partner of indonesia, japan is also known as an investor who plays a major role in indonesia's economic development. the foreign investment that has been carried out by japan in 2010 has covered as much as 712.6 million us dollars. this amount includes the 323 projects developed in indonesia. so that japan plays an important role in helping indonesia to increase its economic development and growth, in the form of investments made in indonesia by the japanese as well as demand for non-oil and gas products that indonesia has such as coal. (bkpm, 2011) in this regard, japan is a major trade partner as well as an important partner for economic cooperation and investors for indonesia, especially in enhancing indonesia's economic growth. japan, which has a role as indonesia's main trading partner, also has a significant role and contribution to indonesia's trade balance. although not always trade between indonesia and japan has increased from year to year, sometimes it has also decreased. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 160 bilateral relations that are more than fifty years have created many cooperative relationships that have been built between the two, such as the formation of the ijepa cooperation which contains many beneficial cooperation matters for the two countries such as ijcpd, manufacturing industrial development cente,r or midec, which generally consists of cooperation in fulfillment. national energy security, provision of technological knowledge, exemption from import duties, providing several assistance covering various activities such as basics, studies, trainees and trainers, technology¸ a large investment by japan to build the indonesian economy which generates a large number of jobs, and various fulfillment of interests economic and political national interests of the two countries. (achdiat atmawinata, 2009) bilateral cooperation relations between the two of them is like a symbiosis of mutually beneficial mutualism and allows it to be continuously updated to face the challenges in today's globalization. the purpose of this research is to find out "how indonesian coal exports to japan can benefit both countries and meet the interests of each country as seen in the international political economy review.” literature review the concept of international political economy the concept of international political economy, according to the thought of walter s. jones expressed his opinion on the concept of international political economy which is defined as a global interaction between politics and economics. walter then quotes from the viewpoint of the character robert gilpin regarding the concept of the relationship between economic and political relations, namely; on the one hand, politics can also determine the framework for economic activity and then direct it to serve the interests of the dominant group in the use of power in its various forms which largely determine the nature of an economic system. on the other hand, the occurrence of the economic process tends to redistribute power and wealth, where the economy overhauls power relations between groups. in turn, it also overhauled the political system, and also contributed to the structure of new economic relations. therefore, the dynamics of international relations in modern times are generally a function of the reciprocal interaction between economy and politics. (walter s. jones, 1993:223-224) thus, international political economy is a dynamic reciprocal interaction between the pursuit of power and wealth in international relations. so this view implies that international political economy theory is not a purely economic theory, which means that this theory also discusses economic issues through technicalities and is also not a pure political theory, which sees the continued economic dimension and is political. in this view, the international political economy theory is nothing more than functioning to explain the various linkages or interrelations journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 161 between economic and political factors, markets and countries, in an international scope or setting.(jeffry a frieden and david a lake, 1991:4) liberal international trade theory liberal international trade theory, according to adam smith, a pioneer of this classical school, states his ideas about absolute advantage or known as an absolute advantage, where the main source of the value of a country's strength and wealth comes from economic growth and the means to make it happen by international trade. his idea is that international trade requires a division of labor or excellence, in which each country in creating its production must be adjusted to its capabilities. in this sense of division of labor or specialization, so that countries that produce a certain number of products can create opportunities for achieving economic growth and national income that are higher than other competing countries that have only a few products and this is what is meant by absolute advantage.(robert gilpin, 1987:41-42) in addition, according to david ricardo's view, a balanced and fair international trade can be realized if each country emphasizes the dimensions of comparative advantage. in other words, countries that can produce a certain product at a relatively low cost will have an advantage over that product in international trade. in this way, it will create efficiency in which each country will participate in international trade activities following the best ability they have in creating their unique products. then, david also expressed his opinion that countries specialize in their distinctive products, mainly because of the consideration of the lowest comparative cost, and not only because of the absolute advantage over other countries. (christ brown, 2001:154-156) method the article uses a qualitative approach. for data collection techniques using literature study where the main emphasis is on various literary media such as print media and online media. the author uses data sourced from the literature that shows the author's reference. for writing techniques and data analysis, the writer does this with analytic descriptions, which is a study that creates systematic, factual, and accurate descriptions and paintings based on facts, characteristics, and also the relationship between the phenomena that the writer is studying. this descriptive research can produce a detailed picture of situations and conditions as well as social relationships. its main purpose is intended as an information tool that can later explain events that synergize with each other, after which the data will be searched as a step in the research process in order to obtain a generalization and can be used as a basis for research that is more extensive and in-depth. meanwhile, the authors use secondary data sources in the form of books, journals, articles, and documents from various institutions, and annual official reports on indonesia's cooperation with japan in the field of coal exports in the 2010 2015 period. use, namely library research o journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 162 library research by collecting some relevant literature related to the author's research which afterward will be analyzed. the importance of a concept and theory to analyze and dissect the content in a study. the use of these concepts and theories is very necessary to be able to see from the author's point of view in compiling or compiling the content of the writing to reach to what extent and how the research. in this thesis, the theories that have been used by the writer are adjusted in analyzing the research data. result and discussion international cooperation has close relations based on the national interests of the countries concerned. because it is only natural that if a country cooperates with other countries, of course, each country concerned has its national interest behind the cooperative relationship that exists. quoted from jemadu, according to miroslav ninic, there are three basic assumptions to be able to identify national interests. the first basic assumption is that its interests must be vital so that its attainment becomes the top priority of the government and society. the second assumption, these interests must be related to the international environment situation, and to achieve national interests must be influenced by the situation in the international environment. the third assumption, national interests must exceed the particularistic interests of individuals, groups, or government agencies, and must focus on the interests and concerns of society.(aleksius jemadu, 2008:67) indonesia is also known as a country with abundant natural resource wealth, especially in the oil and gas sector, metal minerals, non-metals, various types of rocks, and coal, which are scattered in almost all parts of indonesia. abundant resources must be managed wisely and optimized based on the principles of justice, benefits, balance,e and siding with indonesia's national interests. (ministry of trade, 2020) resource-rich indonesia, of course, also has an abundant supply of coal resources. the supply of coal resources and coal reserves in indonesia exists in almost all parts of indonesia, but most of them are spread across the islands of kalimantan and sumatra, and a small number of others are scattered in the islands of java, sulawesi, and papua. based on data from the geological agency in 2015, the total coal resources owned by indonesia in 2015 were in the range of 126.609 billion tons, while for coal reserves it was around 32.263 billion tons. (ministry of development plan, 2009) countries in the asian region are the main export destinations for indonesian coal with export value (75.71%) of indonesia's total coal production, countries in the european region of 11.34%, and others (12.95%). countries that are the main destinations for indonesia's coal exports in asia are japan, china, taiwan, india, south korea. as for the european region, namely switzerland, spain, and italy. in 2015, indonesia's total coal production, especially in the coal export sector, was as much as over 75% for export and the rest was marketed domestically. so journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 163 that indonesian coal production is still predominantly aimed at exporting coal abroad and causes the absorption of domestic use of coal to be relatively small compared to its production.(journal of mineral and coal technology, 2013) in 2015 indonesia as one of the largest coal exporters in the world, played a major role as a coal supplier in the international market by 24%. indonesia's coal exports are shown in china, south korea, india, and japan. seeing the promising prospect of coal which has made a major contribution to the indonesian economy, the peak of indonesia's coal export prosperity contributed around 85% of total state revenue from the mining sector in 2015. one of the factors that increased demand for coal imports from abroad was the demand from the japanese. (bps, 2015) this is because japan is one of the modern countries which is also one of the modern countries that consume the largest energy in the world. industrial development in japan is growing very fast, so the need for raw materials for power plants is very high. however, japan has limited resources and is not proportional to the country's energy consumption needs. in overcoming this problem, japan imports energy raw materials such as coal, petroleum, from countries that have a lot of resources such as indonesia which is rich in coal resources. for the required coal demand, japan usually imports coal from indonesia low-quality types (below 5100cal / gr) usually have a moisture content of 30-45%, and coal with medium quality has a value (5100 6000 cal/gr) with moisture content 10-25%.(minstry bumn, 2017) bilateral cooperation between indonesia and japan, which has been established for a long time from historical factors, has been more than 50 years after the second world war and has created many cooperative relationships that were built between the two, such as the formation of ijepa cooperation which contains many other cooperation frameworks that are beneficial for the two countries such as indonesia japan coal policy dialogue or ijcpd, manufacturing industrial development center or midec. the framework of the cooperation agreement contained in the ijepa generally consists of cooperation in fulfilling national energy security, providing technological knowledge, exempting import duties, providing several assistance covering various activities such as basic, study, trainees and trainers, technology, large investments by japan for building an indonesian economy that generates a large number of jobs, sending workers, because the ijepa cooperation is comprehensive, which does not only discuss trade and service liberalization but also concerns the increased need for labor migration or movement of natural persons which is manifested in the form of fulfillment and delivery of labor work of nurse and careworker in japan, and various fulfillment of the national economic and political interests of the other two countries.( achdiat atmawinata, 2009) the development of the indonesian coal industry has provided a substantial foundation for national development. the coal sector has succeeded in supporting national development in various economic sectors, both regionally and nationally. the results of the coal export, provide several contributions to state revenue, such as increasing the country's foreign exchange from journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 164 coal exports, providing benefits to the domestic economy in the form of gdp, household income, and job opportunities both at regional and national levels, increasing state revenue in the form of taxes, royalties, and user charges, and provide a multiplier effect on the indonesian economy. from these mining and export activities, it can grow and develop many sectors of economic activity units in the country. (cdmi, 2020) the motivation of japan to fulfill the economic and political interests of its country in cooperative relations with indonesia under the auspices of the ijepa cooperation because the development of global trade is increasingly experiencing difficulties in conducting multilateral negotiations which have only resulted in little progress, so japan took the initiative to create its regional trade cooperation as a complement to the mechanism. wto, in the form of an economic partnership agreement. the cooperative relationship between japan and indonesia in ijepa is to enable japan to maintain its important position in indonesia. japan as a strong developed industrial country has formulated various policies to maintain world economic stability which can be realized from regional economic stability in the east asian region. japan hopes that the formation of the epa can play an effective role in increasing economic integration in the east asian region to contribute to economic, political, and social, stability which can also have an impact on japa so that japan can establish itself as a guarantor country of stability both economically and politically. in the east and southeast asia region. indonesia in fulfilling the economic and political interests of its country in cooperation relations with japan or ijepa, is considered profitable and consistent. with various domestic reform programs caused by this cooperation agreement, indonesia is used as an offensive strategy that is to achieve a position in the international market for highly competitive indonesian products and also to increase foreign investment in the country. then, it is also used as a defensive strategy that is to protect unprepared industrial commodities. indonesia's economic interests, which are to be achieved from the cooperation of ijepa, can be seen from 3 main indicators, namely to improve market access for indonesia's flagship export products in the japanese market, increased japanese investment in indonesia, and the development of technology and technology knowledge transfer process. as for aspects of its political interests, it is expected to provide opportunities for indonesia to equalize its position with other competing countries that have also been involved in epa cooperation with japan, so that indonesia can face its competitor countries such as malaysia, thailand, filiphina, and other asean countries in the japanese market.. discussion journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 165 indonesia is an island nation, as well as a country that is rich in natural resources, especially in the mineral and coal sector which is one of the natural resource wealth that indonesia has so far which is non-renewable and has an important role in the wheel. activator to fulfill national interests. because indonesia is abundant in various types of coal mines and other types of mining, this is due to several driving factors that are expressed according to scientific opinion. the driving factor is the geographical factor where the islands in indonesia are located between two major world plates, namely the pacific plate in the north and the australian plate in the south. based on data from the national geological agency in 2010, the results of the total calculation of balance data in 2010 show that indonesia's coal resources reached a total of 105,187.44 million tons. as for coal reserves, according to balance data in 2010, it was not much different from the previous year, which was around 21,131.84 million tons. (kesdm, 2010) the total calculation from the 2011 balance data shows that there was an increase in coal resources from 2010 up by 15,151.16 million tons so that it reached a total value of 120,338.60 million tons. meanwhile, coal reserves also increased from 2010 with a total amount of 28,017.46 million tons.(geological agency, 2011) the total calculation from the 2012 balance sheet data from the geological agency data shows that there is a decrease in coal resources compared to 2011 however, coal reserves are increasing every year. the decline in coal resources reached a figure of 892.24 million tonnes and the total amount to 119,446.36 million tonnes. meanwhile, coal reserves in 2012 increased compared to the previous year by 961.15 million tons, bringing the total to 28,978.61 million tons. the factor causing the decline in the calculation of coal resources is because some of the coal resources have changed to become a reserve calculation.(geologycal agency, 2012) the total calculation from coal energy balance data in 2013 according to the calculation results of the geological agency shows an increase in coal resources from the previous year of 1,079.06 million tons and the total to 120,525.42 million tons. on the other hand, data on the status of coal reserves in 2013 has increased from the previous year amounting to 2,378.54 million tons and the overall total to 31,357.15 million tons. (kesdm, 2012) meanwhile, the total calculation from coal energy balance data in 2014 is very different from previous years. because in 2014 the increase that occurred was very high where the total coal resources in that year increased by 4,271.32 million tons and the overall total became 124,796.74 million tons. data on the status of coal reserves in 2014 increased by 1,027.59 million tons and the total was 32,384.74 million tons. (ksedm, 2014) the total calculation from coal energy balance data in 2015 according to the results of the calculation of the geological agency shows an increase in coal resources from 2014 of 1,812.06 million tons and the overall total to 126,609.34 million tons. whereas the resource reserves in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 166 2015 decreased compared to 2014 with a total of 85.06 million tonnes and the total of coal resource reserves to 32,263.68 million tonnes. (director general of mineral and coal, 2015) figure 4.1 source: data based on strategic planning esdm 2015 – 2019 and bps it can be seen in figure 4.1 above, the data is taken from the 2015-2019 strategic plan of the ministry of energy and mineral resources, which shows that indonesia's total coal production for 5 years from 2010 to 2014 has increased by 158% starting from total production in 2010 which reached 275 million tons which increased every year until 2014 reached a total production of 435 million tons. the size of indonesia's production from year to year has shown that indonesia has an abundant supply of coal resources and reserves so that each year it will increase the supply of energy in the future. however, it can be seen in the figure that coal production is mostly used for export needs than for consumption for the country itself, both in power generation and for other industries. because almost more than half of coal production is exported to various countries that need this energy supply, one of which is japan. furthermore, according to the 2020-2024 kesdm strategic plan data, in 2015 indonesia succeeded in increasing the total coal production again by 27 million tons so that the total indonesian production reached 462 million tons. the increase was divided into the realization of dmo (domestic market obligation) of 86.81 million tons. then the export for other countries reached a total of 328.387 million tons, one of which is japan. (strategic planning esdm, 2015) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 167 figure 4.2 source: data based on strategic planning esdm 2015 – 2019 and bps if seen in figure 4.2 above, data published from the central statistics agency has shown the value of indonesia's coal exports from 2010 to 2015. based on these data, in 2010 indonesia exported 35.30 million tons of coal to japan, then in 2011 experienced an increase in the number of exports to 35.40 million tons. in 2012 there was also an increase in exports to japan and reached as much as 35.68 million tons, then in 2013 it increased quite a lot and reached 37.71 million tons. after continuing to experience an increase in exports for 4 years, in 2014 it had experienced a decline again and became 35.57 million tons, until 2015 it also declined quite a lot and reached 32.50 million tons. indonesia exports coal to various countries small and large countries such as india, china, and also japan. most of indonesia's coal exports are aimed at these three major countries, in which japan occupies the top third position in export destinations, followed by china with second place, and first position as the destination for coal exports to india. for japan itself, indonesia is the second main importer of coal for japan after australia, which is in the first position. the export value is high enough to be able to meet the domestic demand for japanese coal which each year consumes the amount of coal energy around 123 million tons and will continue to increase every year because japan is one of the largest energy-consuming countries in the world and japan is also very dependent on imports of coal energy. for industrial needs and power plants. (bps, 2012) meanwhile, the amount of japanese coal consumption from 2010 2015 has increased quite a bit. every year the use of japanese coal energy for industrial purposes or electricity generation is very high, exceeding the fair figure for other countries. as a modern country, in 2010 japan's consumption of coal energy reached 123.7 million tons. then in 2011, japan's consumption of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 168 coal energy had decreased to a total of 117.7 million tons. in 2012, japan's coal energy consumption increased again and reached a total of 124.4 million tons. in 2013, japanese coal energy consumption experienced quite a high increase compared to previous years and reached a total of 124.4 million tons. in the following year, namely 2014, japan's coal energy consumption experienced a decline again, but the figure is still quite large and reaches 126.5 million tons. and in 2015, japanese coal energy consumption also experienced a significant decline but was still within the scope of a large amount of consumption, which reached a total of 119.3 million tons. (bp, 2015) the aims and objectives of the establishment of the indonesia japan coal policy dialogue or ijcpd agreement under the auspices of the ijepa, namely: to become a means of exchanging various information for the two countries in terms of policies and opportunities for cooperation in the coal sector; then to be able to encourage and create more investment and trade opportunities in the coal sector as a mutual benefit; to enhance cooperation between the two countries in research and development activities; in addition, to increase cooperation in education and training in the coal sector to encourage participation in the private sector between the two countries to play a role in the scope of trade or the development of technology that is more efficient in the use of coal. (kesdm, 2009) the contribution that indonesia gets from the formation of various bilateral collaborations with japan in terms of exploration and exploitation of mines in indonesia, especially in coal mining, to toe development in an area and also improve, advance the economy for indonesia which can be seen from 4 aspects , among others. the first aspect is the provision for employment. the second aspect is supporting economic growth. activity will create an impact on annual revenue for the government, be it the central, provincial, or district governments as wherever the coal mining operations are located. thanks to the activities in the coal mining sector, it can contribute to the government from taxes or non-tax state revenue (pnbp). the third aspect is the supporting aspect in sustainable development and national energy needs. the easy picture is that the mining sector can contribute to the activities of regional economic movements. the coal mining sector is a primary business sector whose activities are to process or extract non-renewable natural resources so that to carry out mining activities requires a variety of assistance from other sectors such as other primary sectors and the service sector. (arief irwndi, 2014) the fourth aspect is the contribution of coal mining to social conditions. the existence of the company for the benefit of stakeholders, namely employees of suppliers, shareholders, customers and, the community around the company. the community around the mining company can contribute to the success of the mining company or can also share the impact of mining operational activities. in the ijepa agreement, the scope of cooperation is not only on cutting import duties, but also concerning human outflows, investment regulations, economic cooperation, trade, and so on. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 169 for japan, the existence of an epa is the most comprehensive cooperation agreement by considering the advantages and disadvantages of the sustainability of each other's economic resources. because the free trade cooperation program promoted by japan, when viewed in terms of bilateral relations, is based on the motivation to fulfill economic and political interests. this motivation is to avoid isolation from major trading partner countries that are actively working on free trade agreements, besides that japan also strives to be able to drive its domestic economic activities and increase its economic and political influence in the asian region. (trixsaningtiyas gayatri, 2014) the benefits that japan gets from this ijepa cooperation are in the form of security in terms of investment, providing expansion of market access for japanese products in the southeast asia region, and indonesia in particular. the purpose of investment security in the sense that japan succeeded in making indonesia implement a deregulation package of investment, and also japan succeeded in expanding market access for japanese products in the region, even though the current era of globalization made japanese products compete with products from other countries. (ministry of trade, 2017) japan to continue to maintain its important position in indonesia, the ijepa cooperation relationship is an important factor in making this happen. japan, as a strong and advanced industrial country, has made strong efforts to formulate its various policies to maintain world economic stability, which is realized from the stability of the regional economy, namely the east asia region. therefore, indonesia is one of the main partners which is very important for japan in the ijepa cooperation and is also one of the ways for japan to continue to maintain indonesia as its trading partner under the auspices of the epa.(ministry of finance, 2017) one of the ijepa cooperation frameworks in which japan also provides several compensations to indonesia in the form of a manufacturing industrial development center or midec. this compensation is obtained from the time of market opening which is also included in the exemption of import duty through a special scheme known as the user specific duty-free scheme or usdfs. midec has a function and function as a driving force for capacity building development where the japanese should provide several assistances covering various activities such as basic, study, trainee and trainer, technology¸ to indonesia.(achdiat atmawinata, 2009:4) midec, which is one of the cooperation frameworks from ijepa, also has a goal that japan wants to achieve from midec, namely to increase or increase industrial capacity in indonesia. this is because usdfs in midec has a scheme that will target and focus on three sector drivers, namely, energy conservation, automotive, electronics, and heavy equipment. so that it is hoped that it can encourage japanese investment in indonesia in these sectors.(ministry of trade, 2017) as for the interests and objectives that can be obtained from midec for japan and indonesia, namely: increasing the competitiveness of indonesia's manufacturing industry, indonesia is expected to become an important base in the production of japanese manufactured products, to journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 170 increase the ability of human resources in the industrial sector through industrial training, increase purchasing power the indonesian people through the prosperity development program, to establish a network between the manufacturing industry development actors through the midec "virtual network organization", so that indonesia can play a role as a strategic partner of japan in the international market, especially in the asean market, and can establish long-term continued cooperation. between indonesia and japan in the development of the manufacturing industry with japan under the midec-ijepa umbrella. (achdiat atmawinata, 2009:1-3) japan is a developed and interesting country, japan in fulfilling the political interests of its country with indonesia as its main partner involved in the auspices of the epa or ijepa cooperation agreement, one of which is to establish itself as a guarantor country of economic and political stability in the east to southeast asia region. from the formation of the epa by the japanese, japan hopes that the epa can play a role effectively in increasing economic integration in the east asia region, to contribute to economic, political, social stability which can also have an impact on japan, so that japan can establish itself as guarantor of economic and political stability in the east and southeast asia region. (trixaningtyas gayatri, 2014) fulfilling indonesia's political interests under the auspices of cooperation with japan or ijepa can provide an opportunity for indonesia to equalize its position with other competing countries that have also been involved in epa cooperation with japan, so that indonesia can face competing countries such as malaysia, thailand, the philippines, and other asean countries in the japanese market. for example, in the competition in the japanese automotive industry, the struggle for investment in japanese automotive factories in the southeast asian region is inevitable, especially between thailand and indonesia. it is hoped that with this ijepa agreement, investment in japanese automotive factories in indonesia can increase and can increase state income. if indonesia becomes the main basis for the development of japanese automotive products, the profits will increase. apart from obtaining investment and creating jobs, indonesia can also gain knowledge from japanese automotive experts for the indonesian people and that is only part of the benefits that are gained from cooperation with japan under the auspices of ijepa. another advantage that can be obtained by indonesia from cooperation with japan is the opening of doors for the indonesian component industry to penetrate the japanese automotive market because the japanese market will have great prospects in the future. therefore, the local component industry must also prepare itself to capture the prospect of this opportunity to take advantage of its potential in the japanese market.(trixaningtyas gayatri, 2014) the establishment of bilateral relations with japan, of course, makes indonesia also have its interests which are the background for cooperation with japan in ijepa. indonesia's interest in the epa is to increase indonesia's competitiveness capacity in general in certain sectors journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 171 including capacity building especially in the area of product standardization and hygiene testing and health standards for food and beverage products, skills training, and technology in the manufacturing sector that will improve product quality indonesia in the domestic and international market, the creation of capacity building programs in the fields of energy, industry, agriculture, export promotion, and investment as well as sme development. furthermore, indonesia also received several other benefits from cooperation with japan in the ijepa including capacity building program in the industrial sector in the form of midec, food and beverage center of excellence, which is expected to increase the capacity and skills of indonesian human resources in the metalworking field mold and die, welding and it is hoped that it can also improve standards and quality for specific industry and cross sectors, the automatic sector, electronics, steel, textiles, petrochemicals, metals, and food & beverage, various collaborations will also be carried out in the fields of agriculture, fisheries, forestry, and energy. the existence of a user-specific duty-free scheme program aimed at raw materials that have not been produced in indonesia for the automotive, electrical, heavy equipment, and oil and gas industries, and is expected to be a trigger to encourage japanese investment in indonesia in these sectors. (reza pahlevi chairul, 2010:8) in addition, the cooperation in sending labor experts in the form of nurses and careworkers from indonesia to japan also provides benefits for indonesia in a comprehensive ijepa collaboration, which does not only discuss trade and service liberalization but also concerns increasing the need for labor migration or movement of workers. natural person in the form of fulfillment and delivery of nurse and careworker workers to japan. due to the problem of the japanese population, the number of elderly people continues to increase while the population growth is unproductive and a shortage of labor.(reni k arianti, 2013:122) conclusion indonesia as a developing country adheres to an open economic system so that it is inseparable from cooperation and trade relations with other countries including the exportimport of product. products that are favored by indonesia in its export activities are more dominated by the non-oil and gas sector, one of which is coal. as the fifth-largest coalproducing country in the world, indonesia is also the second-largest coal exporter after australia. so that with indonesia's position as the second-largest exporter, it can create enormous opportunities and benefits for indonesia in international trade relations with countries that need coal supplies as their domestic energy consumption, for example, japan. japan as a modern industrial country is also one of the developed industrial countries which are reclassified as the largest coal energy consumption level in the world. japan reeds energy to carry out industrial activities and the country's economy, but coal energy resources in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 172 japan are classified as almost depleted. japan is dependent on meeting the supply of coal energy from coal-producing countries such as indonesia. the formation of free trade cooperation, namely epa by japan, has japanese interests in indonesia under the framework of bilateral cooperation ijepa are: first, utilizing indonesia's resources in the form of energy such as coal to meet japan's energy needs. second, using indonesian workers who are engaged in nurses and careworkers to solve the growing problem of elderly people in japan, which is expected to continue to increase. third, increasing investment in indonesia with the consideration of cheap workers so that it has implications for lower production costs. fourth, take advantage of the import duty exemption scheme aimed at developing the driver sector (usdfs) as compensation for the manufacture industries development center (midec). politically, japan has succeeded in fulfilling its political interests as a guarantor country for economic and political stability, especially in the east asia region with various strategies including this partnership economic cooperation. this partnership cooperation, apart from offering a reduction in trade barriers, also offers capacity-building cooperation which can be interpreted as an extension of the interdependence pattern between japan and partner countries. this will strengthen japan's position in the east asia region so that japan can establish itself as a guarantor of stability both economically and politically in the east and southeast asia region. indonesia, in fulfilling the economic and political interests of its country in cooperative relations with japan or ijepa, is considered favorable and consistent. ijepa also means that the positive side for indonesia is the existence of a special partnership with a developed country so that it can get special treatment to enter the japanese market, which is known as a market with high standards as well as expanding market access to the wider region. the benefits of ij-epa for indonesia are increased market access for goods, increased access to service markets, increased japanese investment in indonesia, increased competitiveness, and increased purchasing power of indonesians. japan's selection as indonesia's first epa partner is inseparable from the experience of longstanding mutually beneficial relations and a high degree of complementarity between the economies of the two countries, and that japan is indonesia's largest trading partner, the largest source of investment, and the largest source of bilateral foreign assistance. . to fulfill its political interests, it is hoped that it can provide opportunities for indonesia to equalize its position with other competing countries that have also been involved in epa cooperation with japan, so that indonesia can face competing countries such as malaysia, thailand, the philippines, and other asean countries in the japanese market. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 2, may, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 173 recommendations based on the author's research which is in line with the data and theories that the author has previously conveyed, sometimes in the cooperation between indonesia and japan in the field of coal exports from an international political economy perspective, indonesia must be able and able to develop, manage coal, so that it is expected to be able to export is not just raw material products that are still rough, but can be finished goods, which can be used as a further step towards becoming indonesia as a modern industrial country like japan. in addition, trade relations with japan must be continuously improved, but in products that do not rely solely on the country's natural resources. it is hoped that indonesia will be more selective in considering various decisions that may have good and bad implications for indonesia in the ijepa. the two countries are expected to be able to maximize the opportunities opened up through ijepa and get equal benefits. japan is expected to be more flexible and sure in implementing the agreements and all agreements that have been agreed by both parties. to fulfill national interests, indonesia must be able to re-learn the cooperation that has been established for so long with japan, so that indonesia, which is a country rich in natural resources, is also able to imitate japan in developing its advantages so that it can become an independent and modern country. in addition, indonesia must also be able to realize for itself that in international cooperation with major partner countries, it does not have to always use its natural resources as a driving force for trade, indonesia must be able to create its incentive finished goods products that are needed by other countries. references achdiat atmawinata (2009) "the depth of industrial structure with competitiveness in the global market: the effect of midec implementation on strengthening industrial structure" ministry of industry, republic of indonesia, jakarta, arif irwandi, (2014), indonesia coal, jakarta, pt gramedia pustaka utama badan geologi, (2010-2015) balance of energy resources, in the executive summary of updating data and 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(2001). molecular cloning: a laboratory manual (3rd ed.). cold spring harbor, ny: cshl press. trixsaningtiyas gayatri, (2008) thesis, "analysis of the political economy interests of indonesia and japan in the 2007 indonesia-japan economic partnership agreement (ijepa)",jakarta, https://www.tesla.com/blog/secret-tesla-motors-master-plan-just-between-you-and-me https://www.tesla.com/blog/secret-tesla-motors-master-plan-just-between-you-and-me https://www.esdm.go.id/assets/media/content/renstra_kesdm.pdf https://www.esdm.go.id/assets/media/content/content-rencana-strategis-kesdm-2020-2024.pdf https://www.esdm.go.id/assets/media/content/content-rencana-strategis-kesdm-2020-2024.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 241 myanmar conflict resolution in asean perspective hendra maujana saragih, dimas aldi rianto department of international relations, faculty of social & political sciences national university of jakarta indonesia hendramaujana@gmail.com, dimasalderando@gmail.com abstract: asean hopes to resolve myanmar's current internal conflict because the military tends to be open to outsiders. therefore, this paper tries to examine the state of military domination in myanmar and how effective the attitude of asean intervention is to its internal conflicts. s current internal conflict because the military tends to be open to outsiders. this study used a qualitative method. the method can be used to understand and explain how myanmar's conflict resolution is from an asean perspective. the result showed that signs of democratic life in this country are sinking further with the strong will of the military to maintain and strengthen its power in the country. therefore, it takes a big role from the international community to give spirit to every democratic movement that occurs. simultaneous pressure must be continued on the ruling regime to develop democratic values and abandon the authoritarian character which has proven increasingly unpopular in this era of globalization keywords: political system of myanmar, military coup and asean intervention. submission : feb, 11th 2020 revision : june 18th 2021 publication : august 28th 2021 introduction myanmar has always been known as a country ruled by the military. because some important positions in the country are dominated by the military. so it is only natural that this hegemony has an impact on the political system in myanmar itself which can be said to be an authoritarian and totalitarian regime. as a result of this system, it is undeniable that a coup will occur and the coup case will never be resolved independently. in fact, throughout myanmar's history, the government has never lasted long because there has always been an overthrow of power by the civilian regime with the replacement of a militaristic system of government. according to information, in 1962, approximately 149,000 of the 20,457,000 inhabitants served as soldiers, on the other hand, there were close to 5000 people. the expenditure allocation for the military is also quite large, at 31%. this is an interesting phenomenon. maybe the activity in the military field decreased, with the number of soldiers, so that the conclusion was that the army was involved in politics. mailto:hendramaujana@gmail.com mailto:dimasalderando@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 242 if traced further, since myanmar's independence in 1948-1958 and 1960-1962 apart from that decade, myanmar has always been under the control of the military stronghold. at the beginning of world war ii, aung san travelled to japan in 1939, which at that time was japan as a pioneer of liberation in the southeast asian region. thanks to the assistance of colonel suzuki through the establishment of the burma independence army (bia) which aims to provide military training from japan to myanmar, thailand at that time was quite supportive of japanese forces in myanmar. the establishment of bia was initially well-received so that the development of contacts with local thakins in rural areas could be realized into a solid and popular force in the community in a short time. however, due to the strengthening of bia, japan felt threatened because of the increasing popularity of bia and carried out attacks on bia. so in 1942, japan military administration ordered the disbandment of bia. the establishment of bia was initially wellreceived so that the development of contacts with local thakins in rural areas could be realized into a solid and popular force in the community in a short time. however, due to the strengthening of bia, japan felt threatened because of the increasing popularity of bia and carried out attacks on bia. so in 1942, japan military administration ordered the disbandment of bia. the establishment of bia was initially well-received so that the development of contacts with local thakins in rural areas could be realized into a solid and popular force in the community in a short time. however, due to the strengthening of bia, japan felt threatened because of the increasing popularity of bia and carried out attacks on bia. so in 1942, japan military administration ordered the disbandment of bia. the dissolution of the bia was not an excuse for myanmar to remain silent, they continued with repressive actions against the japanese military so those antijapanese movements emerged throughout the region. by the time of its independence on january 4, 1948, prime minister u nu had served as the main government. then in 1958, general ne win strongly dominated the military group to carry out a coup to seize power in the government. therefore, the political crisis escalated drastically due to the split within the anti-fascist people's freedom league (afpl) party. general ne win held elections in 1960 to establish democracy and restore government to civilians. after the election was won by the united party led by u nu so that he was re-elected as prime minister but unfortunately u nu on march 2, 1962, was a coup again with a power struggle between civilian politicians and the military. this led to military intervention into the dominating politics. the causes of military intervention have several main causes, namely: first, the inability of civilian politicians to create a politics healthy and stable. second, the security dangers that always threaten burma are insurmountable well by u nu. like a rebellion carried out by a group ethnic karen and shan and the rest of the guo min journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 243 dang army that seeped there post world war ii. third, u nu's self as a leader and politician. even though u nu looks charismatic, but less firm in making decisions. though the decision sometimes it must be taken quickly when the situation is urgent. after the coup, the government was running with a socialist concept called the burmese way to socialism whose objectives were: a. economic reform b. restrictions on the foreign influence of various sizes, whether economic, political or social. c. changes in people's values and attitudes, so that the new leadership can bring about a revolution. d. the unification of the multi-ethnic burmese people into one nation. in practice, in manifesting these goals the military regime has run aground in carrying out the government or making policies that have good results for the people. the proof is that rice production continued to decrease by 5.3% in 19651966 compared to the previous year. rebellion is still often found everywhere. not only that, crime and crime continue to increase. so that the myth of the failure of civilian politicians on people's lives is also reduced. so military politicians make people's lives continue to deteriorate. the military's role in burmese politics can also be seen from the existence of the state development and peace council (sdpc), which was established in 1997. previously, the sdpc was called the state law and order restoration council (slorc). slorc was originally founded to correct the political situation in burma. in whatever terms, the institution which is an accomplice to the military regime has not yet presented a great opportunity to lead a democratic regime such as the issue of the nld's victory in the 1990 election which was simply ignored. this means that the military will always maintain its hegemony. the military involvement in political life or government above is indeed by the theory that the intervention was caused by several aspects: 1. the assumption that the military carries out a sacred duty, to save the country. indeed, burma needs to be saved because of the various threats that exist, but whether these threats can be resolved with a more dominant military approach to its violent actions. 2. sectoral or group interests. burma has a view of national interest which is caused by 3 things, namely non-disintegration of the union, nondisintegration of national solidarity, and perpetuation of national sovereignty. the national interest is whether it is really for the national interest or a way to launch the interests of military groups. 3. soldiers feel more meaningful (self-important motive). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 244 4. strong military self-esteem related to defence issues. 5. the feeling of military superiority over civilians. so far, civilians are considered inefficient and effective in carrying out the government, while the civilian regime has not been in government long enough. so that the military itself felt that the civilians did not know anything before there were good facts. literature review political crisis since the 1 february military coup, the death toll from myanmar military anti-coup protesters as of 19 march 2021 has reached 231 (kompas.com., 20 march 2021). the number of victims of the pro-democracy masses who oppose the military junta is estimated to increase and exceed that number, because the security forces are still carrying out acts of violence, including shooting, against anti-coup mobs. the political crisis that occurred in myanmar, and especially the actions of 7 vol. xiii, no. 6/ii/puslit/march/2021 the violence perpetrated by the security forces against the pro-democracy masses has sparked international condemnation. several western countries then imposed sanctions, because the military junta's actions against the pro-democracy masses were considered to have exceeded human boundaries and were contrary to universal human rights principles. the european union will impose sanctions on 11 myanmar military officials who were involved in the violence against the anti-coup mob (cnbcindonesia.com, 23 march 2021). the political crisis that occurred in myanmar is of course also a concern for asean, at least this was reflected in the informal meeting of asean foreign ministers in early march. at that time, indonesian foreign minister retno marsudi said that all asean members were obliged to carry out the principles and values stated in the asean charter as a whole, such as non-interference. however, at the same time, respecting and implementing other principles and values in the asean charter, including democracy, respect for human rights, good governance, rule of law, and constitutional government are equally important. myanmar student activists led massive protests in 1988 in response to economic mismanagement by the military junta and demanding reforms towards democracy. the action on august 8, 1988, known as the 8888 resistance, was later recorded as one of the most brutal acts of violence by the security forces. around 5,000 people are reported to have died as a result of military violence. that same year suu kyi founded the nld and began pressuring the military government to hold democratic elections. the myanmar military said the coup was a response to fraud in the 2020 general election. the leader of the coup, general min aung hlaing, in his speech promised journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 245 free and fair new elections. he also claims his government will be different from the military regime that previously ruled for 49 years and brutalized protesters in 1988 and 2007. but if you look at the military's repeated steps to maintain its influence, at least this coup can be seen as the military's desperation for a landslide victory. what the nld achieved from the 2020 election. the nld won 396 of the 476 seats in parliament. the dominance of the nld in parliament could bring about significant changes that could lead to constitutional changes that undermine the military's role in politics. the coup this time was also followed by the imposition of a curfew, cutting off the internet, limiting crowds, deploying armoured vehicles and using violence to suppress protests. despite a series of abuses of power, up to more than two weeks of the military in power, there have been no reports of significant casualties on the part of the demonstrators. violence during the protests has indeed decreased compared to the previous military junta rule. un special envoy christine schraner burgener has warned the deputy head of myanmar's military junta that any use of force against demonstrators will have severe consequences, and the international community is watching. this warning is very important to protect the people of myanmar, especially since the warning was delivered through a very rare communication channel between the junta and the outside world. this can be a hope that mediation is still possible as long as the junta is willing to open communication with the outside world. indonesia and asean must take advantage of this opportunity to restore myanmar's condition to its original state. asean intervention the coup in myanmar has sparked calls for asean to play a more active role. brunei darussalam as chairman of asean asked myanmar to seek dialogue, reconciliation and normalization. by referring to the asean charter, brunei calls on myanmar to adhere to the principles of democracy, the rule of law and good governance, respect for and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and reminds that political stability in asean is very important to achieve a peaceful, stable, and prosperous asean community. prosperous. asean's response so far is considered very weak, especially since individual member countries show different attitudes. deputy prime minister of thailand, prawit wongsuwan said the coup was an internal matter of myanmar. philippine foreign minister, teodoro locsin jr. considers the incident in myanmar as a possible measure to protect the country's democracy. cambodia's leader hun sen also called it an internal affair and declined to comment on it. meanwhile, indonesia, malaysia and singapore expressed concern over the situation in myanmar and asked all parties to dialogue. a more assertive and open attitude was shown by several countries from outside the region. the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 246 united states, britain, australia and the european union condemned the coup and its military detention, as well as its declaration of a state of emergency. the joe biden administration is even considering imposing sanctions on myanmar. new zealand cut ties with the military junta government, suspended aid and banned the travel of myanmar's military leaders. this is the most decisive action by a state entity for the myanmar coup. not all countries can afford to be tough, for example, china, india, and japan. asean has adhered to the principle of non-intervention since the regional organization was formed and has been tested on several occasions. the 1998 reform in indonesia can be an example of how this principle is held by asean. no asean member country tried to intervene when indonesia's domestic politics was turbulent. the principle of non-intervention is considered as one of the important factors that help the organization of this region to survive and stabilize. it is undeniable, in recent years, this principle on a minimal scale has begun to soften. asean's historical record shows that the principle of non-intervention has been excluded in several conditions, including the issue of myanmar. in 2007, asean had reached one vote to postpone myanmar's turn to chair asean, as a consequence of its military actions during the saffron revolution when tens of thousands of buddhist priests took to the streets and protested against the junta. when typhoon nargis hit myanmar in 2008, asean also acted out of the ordinary. when the death toll reached 134,000 people and the junta refused foreign aid, asean responded to international outrage at the myanmar military government's poor handling of the disaster. asean convinced the junta to be willing to cooperate with the international community and asean took on the role of channelling foreign aid. asean has also been heavily criticized for its weak role in responding to the rohingya crisis. with the principle of non-intervention, asean cannot do much about every development in myanmar. however, it is evident that, in recent years, asean has begun to dare to express its position on the rohingya issue. this can be seen from the statements of the asean chairmen and the joint declarations produced by several asean summits asean's long effort to embrace myanmar's military junta is also an important note. asean accepted myanmar's membership in 1997 by prioritizing "constructive engagement" efforts so that the junta would be more open to the aspirations of the people and compromise with suu kyi. political reforms during pm thein sein's reign, the release of aung san suu kyi, and the opening of the way for the nld to return to its role in myanmar politics cannot be separated from asean's efforts since myanmar joined as a member. myanmar's readiness for the presence of election observers from asean in the 2012 elections also needs to be noted journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 247 what about the context of the current political crisis in myanmar, which has caused a large number of casualties, and it is even feared that it could disrupt regional stability. what kind of interventions can asean, as an association of southeast asian nations, be able to do, which should also pay attention to efforts to achieve regional peace and stability. indeed, asean cannot intervene directly to restore myanmar's situation, but it does not become a barrier for asean to contribute to finding the best solution to the crisis that occurred in myanmar. asean must be able to enter by promoting other principles contained in the asean charter into myanmar's political life, such as democracy, respect for human rights, and good governance. returning to the current situation of myanmar, it seems that the desire to reform the myanmar military is not easy if it is associated with the recent attitude of the military junta which has not shown the will to reconcile. on the other hand, the military junta is getting tougher and will sue aung san suu kyi and her group in court, because they are considered to have cheated in the november 2020 election. difficult to engage in dialogue with pro-democracy civil society. the military coup and political life in myanmar that do not provide room for respect for human rights and democracy seem to show that this is an internal problem for myanmar that does not need to be interfered with by other countries. meanwhile, asean's intervention is also limited in nature, and asean currently considers that the crisis in myanmar has not had a significant impact on regional stability. however, if you pay attention to asean's wishes, especially through the pillars of its political and security community, then the development of democratic life and the protection of human rights in myanmar must continue to be voiced by asean, and even encourage them to be present in myanmar. when asean intervention is not effective, then an alternative solution to deal with the myanmar crisis could be to involve the wider international community, alternative solutions from the united nations the solution to the political crisis in myanmar is not impossible to involve the wider international community, including the united nations, because the issue of the military coup and the violence experienced by the myanmar people has indeed captured international attention. the violence of the security forces in responding to mass pro-democracy actions in myanmar, in the current era of information disclosure, cannot be hidden from the spotlight of the international media. it is not surprising then that several countries, such as the united states, european union countries, australia, new zealand, and canada strongly condemn the violence by the myanmar security forces against the peaceful pro-democracy and anti-coup demonstrations in myanmar. likewise, the united nations deeply regrets the situation in myanmar, which is far from democratic values and respect for human rights. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 248 the united nations, in its capacity as an international organization, and with the international provisions it has, can intervene constructively to take a role in overcoming the political crisis in myanmar. the first alternative solution that can be done is to invite the tatmadaw (myanmar military) to hand over power to the civilian government. through the involvement of international parties, including asean, reconciliation needs to be encouraged through negotiations between the military and civilian government leaders regarding the role and place of the military in a democratic myanmar state. the second alternative solution that can be done is to form a temporary government with a leader not from the military or civilians (not from the tatmadaw or aung san suu kyi's party/nld). this formation is provided if the tatmadaw agrees because it refuses to return power to civilians. in addition, this government is only tasked with bringing the general situation back into stability and holding re-elections that are fair and honest so that whatever the results, they must be mutually acceptable. with this re-election, the international community will certainly be able to participate in overseeing the electoral process. the third solution that can be provided is to do what the tatmadaw wants, namely re-election within one year after the invalid declaration of the november 2020 election results if the situation is out of control and endangers humanity, through its authority, the united nations may take a firm stance against the myanmar military junta regime because it is considered unable to run the government properly. strict sanctions can be made by giving punishments (through the international criminal court/icc) to elements of the military junta who are considered to have committed gross human rights violations. the united nations, in particular the security council, can be the pinnacle of hope to get a statement as well as stronger action in overcoming the political crisis in myanmar. reported from kompas.com, that the asean summit will be held on saturday, april 24, 2021, in jakarta, indonesia. several national and international mass media stated that the myanmar military commander min aung hlaing would attend to fulfil the invitation. despite the controversial figure of hlaing and not being recognized as a representative of the country, indonesia as the host must treat all guests equally. it is precisely the presence of myanmar that must be utilized by indonesia and asean member countries. his presence is an opportunity to resolve the political and security crisis in myanmar. member countries need to remind asean's goals and urge myanmar to carry out democracy as it should. domestic issues in myanmar have become regional issues, especially those related to refugees and human rights. southeast asia is currently in the international spotlight. regional conflicts need to be anticipated lest they pose a threat to peace in other countries, including indonesia. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 249 indonesia's diplomatic capability needs to be demonstrated by consistently supporting myanmar's reconciliation not only for the national interest but also for the region. indonesia has supported myanmar in gaining the trust of neighbouring countries and the international community. this effort was recognized by myanmar through the words of president u thein sein during a special dinner with the indonesian delegation. "we appreciate the indonesian people who have supported the transformation and continuation of the democratization process in myanmar, a role that is not small," he said. hosting the asean meeting does not mean just preparing logistics. moreover, indonesia needs to take a central role by building communication and acting for myanmar and regional stability. constructive ideas are needed to create an orderly and peaceful area. at the meeting, asean leaders agreed on several points of consensus regarding the crisis in myanmar, including: first, the violence must be stopped immediately by the military in myanmar. second, the leaders agreed to hold a constructive dialogue to find a peaceful solution among all interested parties in myanmar . third, the leaders agreed to send a special envoy to the chair of asean who will facilitate the mediation and dialogue process with the assistance of the secretary-general of asean. fourth, asean will provide humanitarian assistance to the people of myanmar through the aha centre. fifth, special envoys and delegates will visit myanmar to meet with all relevant parties associated press, regional stability and international pressure. jokowi also demanded the myanmar military to immediately end the killings and release political prisoners in his country. asean also told myanmar's senior general min aung hlaing during the two-hour talks in jakarta that dialogue between the warring parties in myanmar should begin immediately, with the help of asean envoys. there was no rejection of the demands on the part of general min aung hlaing not even making an official public statement. method this study used a qualitative method. the method can be used to understand and explain how myanmar's conflict resolution is from an asean perspective. in this study, we also use data collection techniques in the form of literature studies by collecting various data from books, articles, journals. the data analysis method used in this research is the data interpretation process. so after the data is collected, the researcher needs to sort, categorize and interpret it so that it is by the research objectives. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 250 results and discussion myanmar democracy a. myanmar's democratic prospects myanmar has been ruled by an authoritarian military regime ranging from general ne win to general than shwe who carries out policies by carrying out democratic values and replacing them with an authoritarian and centralized order. because of the domination of the military regime, every democratic movement that appears will certainly be met with resistance. the opposition movement in the perspective of the military regime as a weakening of the power system. in the book the third wave: democratization in the late twentient, samuel p. huntington (1991) counts from 1974-1990 as the third wave of world democracy. the movimento das forcas armadas movement in portugal succeeded in carrying out a coup by young officers to overthrow the dictator marcello caetano so that this event became the beginning of a period of democratic movements around the world. even though myanmar is controlled by a military regime, it does not rule out the possibility of a democratic movement in this country. the faster the democratic action in this country, the harder the regime will oppose the movement's actions, for example, the military's rejection of the 1990 election results which placed aung san suu kyi with her nld party as the winner at that time. military coups are not new because they have happened from the previous military government any since 1962. at the beginning of independence in 1948, myanmar was still running a democratic system of government by implementing a parliamentary system under the civilian government of u nu. myanmar's democracy began to collapse in 1962 due to the coup of prime minister u nu. during his reign (1962-1988) ne win only recognized one political party, namely the burmese socialist program party (bspp), which he had formed himself. the bspp or better known as the lenzin party can be said to be a single party implemented to support the socialist program with the majority of members coming from the military group. since its establishment in 1962 and legalized in 1964, the membership of this party has been dominated by the military. in 1972 the military became the main pillar of the party (taylor, 1980: 40). furthermore, the action of destroying democracy by the military regime occurred back in 1990. general saw maung thwarted aung san suu kyi's victory as the winner of the election. until now, the military is still very strong in controlling the political, social and economic life of the myanmar people. b. myanmar policy choices according to huntington, when the military staged a coup against a civilian government then the military government had to choose between retaining power or returning it to civilian politicians; and between expanding the political journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 251 participation of community groups or limiting it (huntington, 1968: 233-237), thus, the leadership of the military regime is faced with 4 choices: 1. maintain power and limit participation; 2. maintain power and expand participation; 3. restore power and limit participation; and 4. restore power and expand participation. in the case of myanmar, it is not difficult to see which policies are being adopted by the military regime. by looking at the policies implemented by the military regime led by general ne win (1962-1988) and the military regime led by general saw maung after 1988, we can see that the regime chose the policy of maintaining power and limiting participation. during ne win's time, for example, immediately after he carried out a coup against the civilian government led by prime minister u nu in 1962, he established an authoritarian government and ruled in a dictatorial style (steinberg, 1982: 33-35). the people were not allowed to choose their leaders, because political decisions had to go through the military leadership in rangoon. the burmese socialist program party (bspp), led by general ne win, became the only official party that was established. when myanmar under the general leadership of saw maung took power on 18 september 1988 (sulistiyanto, 1993: 78), the authoritarian character of its predecessor was inherited by this government. this coup in 1988 cannot be interpreted as a change of power in myanmar. this is just one eye on the former military administration's change in government. the army is the "newî, bspp to law and restoration of state order. tip (sborc). the power of decline is left. in the hands of the military. as its predecessor, the military government. general sierra maung also directed the country in an authoritarian manner. great evidence this shows this, for example, the rejection of the slorc results from the election results.27 may 1990. as you know in this election, the nld party learned to take 392 out of 485 seats in the national parliament. this result went beyond the military's predictions. previously slorc was convinced that the party. the government, the united national party (nup), will win the election. this is where the authoritarian military nature emerges. some people protest against it. military repressive measures. in late 1991, slorc started. launched an intensive campaign to crush opposition forces in urban areas and between ethnic minorities. sorrc's practical actions further diminished the civilian position in the political scene in myanmar. launched an intensive campaign to crush opposition forces in urban areas and between ethnic minorities. sorrc's practical actions further diminished the civilian position in the political scene in myanmar. launched an intensive campaign to crush opposition forces in urban areas and between ethnic minorities. sorrc's practical actions further diminished the civilian position in the political scene in myanmar. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 252 until recently, under the rule of general shwe, although slorc was replaced with the state peace development council. (spdc), this institution is still functioning. the previous institution was to control myanmar's popular socio-political life. according to sundhaussen, determining what decision to use can only depend on the inclination or will of the leadership. sundhaussen then developed a slip of theorem that the success of a military intervention depends on appropriate internal and external factors, which include not only military entry into politics, but also policy forces. for example, choosing from the available options depends on the appropriate internal factors and military factors, including not only the military's entry into politics, but also the policy army, and then choosing among the available options depends on internal factors and military factors. external. sundhaussen then created an analysis tool by grouping these internal and external variables for reasons and prerequisites. there are three basic reasons for the military to withdraw from government responsibilities, namely: military external factors, namely the existence of opposition to the continuity of its power. factors external to the state, economically, militarily and logistically depend on the donor country. military internal factors, if the leadership believes that a democratic order that still incorporates the principle of civilian supremacy over the military is fundamentally needed. sundhaussen then listed three prerequisites for military withdrawal. first, which is an absolute prerequisite, are all groupings in the military that are capable of carrying out political action by agreeing to hand overpower. if such a consensus is not reached, certain military factions may seize power from regime leaders intent on fleeing politics or may intervene again after a brief period of civilian rule. second, the interests of the military regime's leadership as important must be guaranteed. understandably, they are very reluctant to give up power if this means exposing themselves to the wrath of their political opponents. therefore, procedures must be designed to protect the physical safety of the leadership of the military regime. then the alternate civilian regime must, at least for some time, avoid drastic cuts in defence budgets if this could lead to deterioration of service conditions or reduce the size of the armed forces. civilian groups must take into account what the military considers the national interest. military regimes will not give up voluntary power if they believe that the ideological foundations of the nation will be raped by their civilian replacement. third, is the availability of what military leaders see as viable political alternat ives. the military regime must be convinced that the existence of the elites not only provides security for their personal and group interests but also must be able to create a stable government so that they will be willing to surrender. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 253 the leadership of the military regime, in deciding one of the four options as mentioned by huntington above, will depend on a constellation of reasons and preconditions. that is, reasons and prerequisites become important in policy choices; although not all of them have the same order of preference. some variables may not apply, while other variables may dominate the consideration (sundhaussen, 1995: 63). this military dominance in the burmese government is constant and permanent, possibly quite rare in third world countries. although in third world countries i often maintain military dominance that is not fixed or has its ups and downs, it is still moving even if it is not radical. the burmese army is very difficult to change by civilian politicians. even a civilian politician, such as aung san suu kyi, who proclaims democracy, is an external prisoner in the country while trying to reduce the influence of the military regime. civil power is not moving in the country. you can also see from the nu era, which was defeated by ne win. then, in the civilmilitary competition, the military always wins. this is very unique experienced by a country because civil society does not affect articulating their desires and interests. all this is caused by several sectors of life that exist, the government is always regulated and dominated by the government. civilians inevitably have to obey the rules set by the government or military regime. the military government (cpdc) also seeks to limit the movement of civil society through various sectors such as education, culture, communication, etc. in the field of communication technology, for example, in 2001, there were only 11 telephone lines for 2000 residents, while the cost of wireless telephones was very expensive, rarely had. it can be seen that being a civil society in burma is less prosperous. despite the demonstrations or demonstrations of civil society against the government, the military government was faced with violence. such was the case in 1989, where student activists and the democratic party for new companies (dpns) who led the democratic campaign were later arrested and imprisoned. so is aung san suu kyi, who has been under house arrest since 1989. until now, the military power in burma is of course still very strong, even if it is doubtful whether the military group is favoured by the people. in the mind of the military government, it is important that they can continue to exist in government and that does not provide opportunities for civilians in government, on the pretext of the experience of civilian governments in previous years which failed to solve the problem. so people are sometimes forced to enter the military scene to gain strategic positions in various sectors of life. of course, the number of military personnel increases every year. according to available data, the number of military personnel in 1998 was about 450,000 people so that it was 2 times larger than in 1988. so the number burmese army is the number ranked second in southeast asia after vietnam. in 2001 the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 254 number of soldiers or military personnel increased to around 550,000 consisting of 470,667 male personnel and 479,691 female personnel12. the number of military personnel that continues to increase may also be due to the government's budget in the military sector which is quite good at around the us $ 39 or about 2.1% of gnp. with a military budget, it is possible that military life can be more enjoyable than civilian life so that every year there is an increase in numbers. military strength in this regime (sdpc) can also be seen from the main characters who play a role there. these figures are general seniors than shwe as chair of the sdpc, commander-in-chief of the tatmadaw, head of state, prime minister and minister of defence. with various positions and overlaps, it is likely to cause decision-making to be far from democratic or even unilateral. this is because the interests of one position affect other positions. so the role or task is running less than optimal. looking at the burmese military strength, in reality, both inside and outside the regime, it is difficult to shake it. with the increasing number of military personnel each year, the forces outside the regime are getting stronger. with the presence of figures in a strong regime, the military government also lasted a long time. the regime's strict policies also made the military power stronger. this can be observed from the example of the national convention of january 9, 1993, which describes military control of the executive and legislative councils by placing 25% of tatmadaw officials in parliament—110 of the 440 seats in the lower house (pyithu hluttaw) and 56 of the 224 seats in the upper house. . if the important seats continue to be controlled by the military, automatically military power will be maintained. check the strength of the burmese army in fact both inside and outside the scheme is indeed difficult to shake. with more and more militaries every year, forces from outside the regime became stronger. having figures in a strong regime also triggers a sustainable military government. the strict diet policy also led to a stronger military power. this can be observed from the example of the national convention of 9 january 1993, which illustrates the military control of the executive and legislative councils, including by including 25% of tatmadaw officials in parliament 110 seats 440 seats in the lower house (pyithu hluttaw) and 56 of 224 places in the bedrooms. above, if the large seat is controlled by the army, the military power is automatically maintained. it's just that it gets stronger or weaker according to the parameters to use. as part of the role of a strong and low-level civilian-military, to reduce the influence of troops in all sectors of life, civil society must be more persistent. for example, by entering the military scene but always having civilian ideas and trying to fight for civil rights. this is quite effective because if you occupy a military seat, it will experience the strengths and weaknesses of the army so that the parties can work journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 255 to reduce the influence of government forces. but it is not easy, because if he does not see the professional regime or opposes the plans, the position will not last long and we can be immediately removed from ezim or even sanctions. conclusion the coup of 1 february 2021 reflected the military's unpreparedness to hand over the government completely to civilians. despite the military abuse of power, so far this coup seems more lenient than ever before. the junta is also more open to the outside world. this is an opportunity that asean must take advantage of to play a more active role. this active role requires asean's courage to be more flexible with the principle of non-intervention. the indonesian government, with parliamentary support, can take on the role of driving other asean member states towards a common ground. signs of democratic life in this country are sinking further with the strong will of the military to maintain and strengthen its power in the country. therefore, it takes a big role from the international community to give spirit to every democratic movement that occurs. simultaneous pressure must be continued on the ruling regime to develop democratic values and abandon the authoritarian character which has proven increasingly unpopular in this era of globalization. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 256 references yasma, dodi (-) “prospek demokrasi di myanmar “ jurnal universitas paramadina. huntington, samuel p. (1968). political order in changing societies. new haven: yale university press. huntington, samuel p. (1991). the third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century. oklahoma: university of oklahoma press. roza, rizki(2021) : kudeta militer di myanmar: ujian bagi asean vol.xiii, no4/ii/puslit/febuari/2021 https://berkas.dpr.go.id/puslit/files/info_singkat/info%20singkat-xiii4-ii-p3di-februari-2021-244.pdf hidriyah, siti (2021) : krisis politik myanmar dan intervensi asean vol.xiii, no.6/ii/puslit/maret/2021 : http://berkas.dpr.go.id/puslit/files/info_singkat/info%20singkat-xiii-6ii-p3di-maret-2021-229.pdf dewi, ita mutiara. pengalaman militer burma : sebuah analisis historis – politis : http://staffnew.uny.ac.id/upload/132306803/penelitian/burmaistoria.pdf https://berkas.dpr.go.id/puslit/files/info_singkat/info%20singkat-xiii-4-ii-p3di-februari-2021-244.pdf https://berkas.dpr.go.id/puslit/files/info_singkat/info%20singkat-xiii-4-ii-p3di-februari-2021-244.pdf http://berkas.dpr.go.id/puslit/files/info_singkat/info%20singkat-xiii-6-ii-p3di-maret-2021-229.pdf http://berkas.dpr.go.id/puslit/files/info_singkat/info%20singkat-xiii-6-ii-p3di-maret-2021-229.pdf http://staffnew.uny.ac.id/upload/132306803/penelitian/burma-istoria.pdf http://staffnew.uny.ac.id/upload/132306803/penelitian/burma-istoria.pdf journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 90 china’s influence on australia's position in the south pacific in the security sector and developing sector. case study: solomon islands 2013-2017 suci nur ramadhani, mohammad noer international relations depatment, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas nasional sucinurramadhani96@gmail.com, mohammad.noer@civitas.unas.ac.id* abstract: after the economic growth, the government system, and security in the solomon islands have started to improve. china is here to increase its influence in the region. china's presence in the solomon islands puts australia's position at risk. the research entitled "china's influence on australia's position in the south pacific region in the security and development sector. (case study: the solomon islands 2013-2017)”, has a problem formulation because the influence exerted by china on the solomon islands can pose a threat to australia. this study aimed to determine the influence exerted by china on the solomon islands, thus posing a threat to australia's position in the region, especially in the security and security sector. this research uses the library research method or literature study. researchers use library research as their research by collecting library data, reading, taking notes, and reprocessing research materials. the theory used to answer the problem is the theory of foreign policy and international security. based on the results of the analysis, the author can find out that the presence of china in the solomon islands has had a major influence on australia in the region. if china succeeds in exerting influence in the solomon islands, it will pose a huge threat to australia's position on a security. keywords: china, australia, solomon islands, foreign policy, security, development. submission : des, 17st 2021 revision : jan 19th 2022 publication : feb 28th 2022 introduction the south pacific region of oceania is an area where most of its territory is water. countries that join the south pacific region are fiji, solomon islands, nauru, papua new guinea, samoa, tonga, tuvalu, and vanuatu. from some of these countries, the author will explain the solomon islands. when viewed from a geographical location, the solomon islands is close to australia. bilateral relations between australia and mailto:sucinurramadhani96@gmail.com mailto:mohammad.noer@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 91 the south pacific are quite good. australia has considerable influence in the south pacific region. the economy and government system of the south pacific region is still relatively weak, so they need other countries with strong economic and defense systems to help their countries rise and resolve conflicts. australia assists the solomon islands through the regional assistance mission to solomon island (ramsi). ramsi is an organization formed by australia to maintain the security system in the solomon islands. ramsi was formed by eighteen pacific island countries that are members of the pacific island forum (pif) consisting of australia, kiribati, new caledonia, papua new guinea, tuvalu, cook islands, marshall islands, new zealand, samoa, vanuatu, fiji, micronesia, niue, solomon islands, french polynesia, nauru, palau, and tonga. the conflict that occurred in the solomon islands from 1998-to 2003 caused damage to infrastructure, the economic system, the government system did not work well, and corruption occurred which resulted in the country experiencing failure or becoming a failed state. weak law enforcement officers in the solomon islands resulted in the population experiencing acts of violence. ramsi participates with the canberra police by reinstating non-intervention policies. the main mission of ramsi went well. the security chaos in the solomon islands due to the protracted conflict was quickly dealt with. ramsi has succeeded in developing police capacity in the solomon islands and has succeeded in making the public believe in it even though its efforts have experienced difficulties. ramsi has three pillars, the first is law and justice. second, governance and economic growth. and third, is the government machine. factors that cause conflict include seeking political gain by instilling hatred between ethnic groups. and from 2009 to 2013, ramsi again strengthened its cooperation with the solomon islands regarding ramsi capacity development efforts. from 2016 to 2017, australia again strengthened its role in the solomon islands region by providing financial assistance of $164.1 million. the assistance was led by the department of foreign affairs and trade (dfat). dfat is tasked with strengthening the development of the australian program in the solomon islands. australia's goal to help the solomon islands is due to its global importance. australia joined in creating regional security in the south pacific region because australia considers that threats always come to the south pacific region. according to australia, having a strong national security defense is the main key to protecting its country from foreign attacks or terrorism. one of australia's security assistants is in helping to resolve the conflict in the solomon islands through the assistance of ramsi. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 92 its rapid economic growth in the south pacific region has made china, known as one of the most powerful countries in the world, want to dominate the region. china is expanding its power in the south pacific region by providing foreign aid, trade assistance, infrastructure development, military, and natural resource development. the arrival of china in the solomon islands was welcomed by the local government. but not for australia, the emergence of china in the solomon islands makes australia's position threatened. china's presence in the south pacific region has several objectives, namely, china wants to expand its security in the solomon islands so that no other country dares to enter the region without its permission. given that china is the second-largest donor country after australia. after successfully exerting influence in the asia and africa region, china has again expanded its power in the pacific region by assisting countries whose economy and security are weak but have abundant natural resources so that they can provide aid funds to these countries and expand their power. the reason the author took the title above is that the author is interested in the problems that occur in the solomon islands. the author argues that there are still many students out there who do not know that there are still many poor countries that lack economic and security resources in the south pacific region, especially in the solomon islands. weak sources of security, law, economy and government system in solomon islands make countries that have power want to control the country. in addition to some of the reasons above, the author is also interested in the dominance of china and australia in the region. considering that both countries have strength in the advanced economic and security fields. method the author uses a qualitative research approach as the scientific method. the qualitative approach emphasizes its goals based on an interpretive approach and tries to understand a person's actions, values, beliefs, and decisions. john w. cresswell argues that qualitative research is an approach to finding a phenomenon to understand the meaning of several individuals or groups originating from social or humanitarian problems. according to norman k denzin and yvonna s. lincoln, qualitative research does not only cover research questions. qualitative research techniques are focused on group discussions or focus group discussions, observation, documentary analysis, and case studies. the author uses the library research method as his research method because the main focus of this research refers to thoughts and historical events that have journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 93 occurred. the research framework or research design study of literature is used to obtain research information, deepen a study of theory and methodology. data collection is done by studying, selecting, and collecting data through trusted sources. these trusted sources include journals, articles, ebooks, and other internet sites related to what the author is discussing. result and discussion in this study, the author uses several theories and concepts. the author uses the theory of foreign policy and international security. k.j holsti argues that a country issues a policy to achieve personal and state interests. in general, the foreign policy of a country is carried out so that it can influence the policies of other countries, maintain the national security system, and gain benefits for the country. the purpose of foreign policy is to provide government decisions and actions regarding external affairs, especially regarding problems with foreign countries. foreign policy has an important role for a sovereign country to join and the interests of its country can be achieved. the relationship between foreign policy and domestic policy is very close. howard lenter argues that foreign policy has three main component concepts, namely having goals to be achieved, having resources, and implementing foreign policy. and the second is international security. according to buzan and hansen, security and political goals are interrelated. security theory focuses not only on conventional issues such as defense and alliances, but also deals with issues of trade, democracy, gender equality, and transnational cooperation. the main vision of security theory is to equalize the degree of humanity. the main focus of security theory in maintaining world peace and human security has used international security theory. meanwhile, barry buzan argues that through his book entitled people, countries, and fear, they can challenge the nature of security that has been agreed upon. discussion solomon islands foreign policy and security system. the solomon islands is a country located in the south pacific region. the solomon islands system of government is unitary parliamentary (unicameral) where legislative power is vested in the national parliament. the head of government of the solomon islands is the prime minister. solomon islands has abundant natural resources (sda). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 94 the lack of law enforcement officers in the solomon islands makes the country often experience conflict. a threat can come from anywhere, especially in a country that is weak in security and the rule of law such as the solomon islands. solomon islands needs a strategic place and must have a national security strategy (nss) to protect the nation and ensure the security of its citizens. the purpose of the nss is to ensure that the interests of a nation are realized properly. the nss promises to provide guarantees and make efforts to prevent the entry of foreign parties who make the environment dangerous and the emergence of various kinds of challenges both internally and externally. the national security of a country refers to the system of security, peace, and order of a nation to safeguard and protect the islands, oceans, airspace, people, government, institutions, powers, and constitution. there are five pillars of national interest, including the first regarding sovereignty, namely protecting territory, society, institutions, and the constitution. the second is a government with guaranteed stability and integrity of government and political system. third, namely the economy by maintaining economic prosperity and the country's economic resources. fourth, people and society where the state must protect its citizens, the culture of society, and the development of the state. and the fifth is the environment by preserving the environment and protecting it. the ease of mobility and the sophistication of a country's technology makes a country that is weak in economy and security easy to influence because the opportunity for him to enter is very easy. to protect the solomon islands, it is necessary to establish cooperation both bilaterally and regionally. the ministry of foreign affairs & external trade (mfaet) has a top priority for developing a comprehensive foreign policy in the solomon islands (corporate plan 2014-2017). foreign policy has the aim of increasing the solomon islands' presence in the international world by building diplomatic relations with un member countries that share the same values and interests. solomon islands’ foreign policy objectives include promoting a country's democracy by respecting human rights and contributing to effective global governance for the creation of international security. collaborate effectively with the united nations to achieve the millennium development goals (mdgs) to achieve the millennium development goals and to continue the goals of the sustainable development goals (sdgs) or the sustainable development of the solomon islands after 2015. increase engagement and strengthen partnerships with international organizations and aid countries. enhance and strengthen cooperation with the european union (eu). exploring greater opportunities through good relations with south pacific journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 95 members to build regional cooperation. increase bilateral cooperation and border issues. building bilateral technical cooperation. australia and solomon islands bilateral relations and their interests. bilateral relations between australia and the solomon islands are well established. australia is one of the largest donor countries in the pacific region and particularly in the solomon islands. australia wants to help poor countries in the pacific region by promoting social and economic development with countries that engage in bilateral and regional cooperation. for australia, having a strong defense and security system can prevent a threat from coming. in the opinion of john howard: “international law could no longer cope with the changed circumstances confronting the world, where the most likely threat to any nation's sovereignty was non-state terrorism and weak states that cannot impose order over their societies could be vulnerable to terrorist manipulation ” (abc radio, 2003 in kabutulaka, 2005: 289). this means the state will be said to have failed if the government lacks control over the people and their territory. failure and a power vacuum in a country make it easier for foreign parties to enter and carry out organized crimes such as war and terror, especially in countries like the solomon islands. the intervention policy carried out by australia in the solomon islands has received approval from members of the pacific islands forum (pif) because the conflict can also pose a security threat to australia. the policy issued by howard gave australia a new role as a peacekeeper in the pacific region. restoring stability in the solomon islands is critical to maintaining the security of all member states in the region. to strengthen its country's security sector and its influence in the pacific region, australia needs a stable region and strong nations to survive. australia's interests in the solomon islands are of two kinds. the first is in the security sector. australia wants to show that its country is a regional power with large military power. the second is in the economic sector. australia's form of assistance is by sending hundreds of its legal apparatus. ramsi's priority in the second mission is to restore the rule of law in the solomon islands which has been bad due to the conflict, restore the economic and government system, carry out reforms for lawbreakers with prison sentences, and make a follow-up trial agenda related to the conflict that occurred in the solomon islands. from 2009-to 2013 ramsi had a mission to strengthen its cooperation with the royal solomon islands police force (rsipf) and wanted to build a modern, effective, and independent police force to be trusted again by the community. from 2013-to 2017, ramsi has had a mission to ensure the creation of security and justice for the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 96 people of the solomon islands where the law will be carried out fairly regardless of status or position. australia's interest in the solomon islands is because australia does not want any country other than him to control its territory. for australia having a strong security system is the key to resolving the conflict. australia is ahead of the rest of the pacific region. by providing this assistance australia has the right to determine the security of the solomon islands country. china's bilateral relations and the solomon islands and its foreign interests. the bilateral relationship between china and the solomon islands is quite strong. the solomon islands is a country with abundant natural resources a small economic system and weak laws that make china interested in wanting to exert influence on the islands. in may 2013, solomon islands prime minister gordon lilo stressed that china's rise cannot be ignored, but must be taken into account in trade and foreign relations with the solomon islands. in december 2014, manasseh sogavare as the new prime minister also signaled a possible shift in bilateral relations with china. china is one of the developed countries that has a strong economic system in asia. china's arrival in the pacific islands was marked by the second largest investment and economic assistance after australia. according to a 2017 world bank report, the solomon islands exported $554.8 million worth of commodities, or two-thirds of its total exports, to china with wood products as its main commodity accounting for 87%. china expands its influence by implementing cultural policies where china uses its power by directing action. china implements a one-china policy or a one-china policy. the one-china policy is based on diplomatic relations between china and the united states. currently, china is the largest donor country with the largest trading partner in the asian region. this policy benefits china. the influence of china's presence in solomon islands threats to australia. the arrival of china in the south pacific region puts australia's position in jeopardy considering that china is a country with the second-largest economy and security power after america. china assists but also he has his country's great national interests. the provision of large amounts of aid funds and the presence of chinese investment in the south pacific region, one of which is in the solomon islands, has made australia and china mutually strengthen their influence in the pacific region countries. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 97 to prevent china's influence in pacific region countries. australia is strengthening its foreign aid to countries in the pacific region by providing aid of $4 billion per year. because these threats can potentially threaten the stability of the country, as well as espionage activities that can be carried out to ensure a better level of security. in addition, the potential threat posed by china is based on the fact that china's military power is far greater than australia's. china, which is the country with the largest population in the world, makes china have a large military force. this indicates how much potential china has. especially in winning conflicts and wars. based on research data from the gfpglobal listing (global fire power), regarding china's industry and military capabilities, china is the country with the 3rd largest military power based on the pwrindx rating of 0.00673 (0.000 being perfect). meanwhile, australia is in the 19th position of the country with the largest military strength in the world based on the pwrindx rating of 0.3277 (0.000 being perfect). china's military power is also a potential threat to australia as seen by the allocation of funds given by china to its military which continues to increase from 179.88 million usd in 2013 and in 2017 it increased by 227.82 million usd. meanwhile, the allocation of funds used by australia for its military was around 24.82 million usd and increased to 27.69 million usd. analysis the conflict that occurred in the solomon islands from 1998-to 2003 was not ordinary. the conflict led to infrastructure damage, acts of harassment, corruption, and coups. due to the ongoing conflict, in 2003 australia agreed to assist the solomon islands in resolving the conflict using the intervention. for australia, having a strong defense and security system can prevent a threat from coming. giving, maintaining, protecting the security of society is the duty of the state. people get their rights freely, are protected from harm, get prosperity, and peace is the meaning of security. the state is obliged to protect the national security of its country to avoid conflict. the main key to preventing conflict is to have a strong military and security forces in 2003, australia changed its mind and changed its policies according to john howard. theoretically, k.j. holsti argues that foreign policy is an action made to solve a problem in a country. three kinds of policies according to k.j. holsti, namely the first is the value used to make a policy that is carried out based on the main goals of a country. the second is the time when achieving a policy goal must be taken into account. and the third is the demand for goals for countries that issue a policy. based on the results of the above explanation, australia changed its foreign policy because the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 98 solomon islands was experiencing a prolonged conflict where the condition of the country was almost a failed state. solomon islands’ insecurity will have dire consequences for the rest of the south pacific region. given that the area has a variety of natural resources and tourism resources are so abundant. as stated buzan and hansen in their theory, they argue that five security sectors need to be considered in international security, namely: first, in the military sector in the solomon islands case, the arrival of china can pose a threat to australia, especially that china's military power exceeds australia's military strength. second, in the political sector, the emergence of china as a candidate for assisting in the solomon islands has had an impact on the country's political sector. this signifies a change in the political currents of the solomon islands, which previously cooperated with taiwan. third, in the environmental sector. fourth, in the economic sector where china is an important country for the solomon islands because both are bilateral partners in the economic sector. and finally, in the social sector. the defense and security system of a country must ensure the security of a nation-state. new problems reemerged when china carried out bilateral cooperation relations with the south pacific region. china expands its influence by implementing cultural policies where china uses its power by directing actions. china provides so much economic assistance because it wants to strengthen the trading system and increase infrastructure development as australia did. china also provides military assistance and wants to expand its investment in natural resources. to support its action, china implemented the one china (one china) policy. with china's presence in the solomon islands, australia's position is threatened. in this case, china's potential threat can be seen from its position and strength. the potential threat posed by china is based on the fact that china's military power is much larger than australia's. this indicates how much potential china has in winning conflicts and wars. china's military power is also a potential threat to australia, seen by the allocation of funds provided by china. china's aid to solomon islands military forces continues to increase. since 2013 china has assisted 179.88 million usd. meanwhile, in 2017, it increased by 227.82 million usd. while the allocation of funds used by australia for solomon islands military forces is only around 24.82 million usd. then now it has increased to 27.69 million usd. australia is strengthening its foreign aid to countries in the pacific region by providing aid of $4 billion per year. this prevention was carried out by australia journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 99 because it was to protect and support the creation of security, stability, prosperity, and resilience in the pacific region. conclusion giving, maintaining, protecting the security of society is the duty of the state. people get their rights freely, are protected from harm, get prosperity, and peace is the meaning of security. the main key to preventing conflict is to have a strong military and security forces. in 2003, australia established the regional assistance mission to solomon islands (ramsi) as a form of assistance to assist the solomon islands in resolving the conflict. ramsi was formed with the approval of the pacific island forum (pif) using the principles of the biketawa declaration. ramsi’s mission went well. ramsi succeeded in restoring the system of government, law, security, and economy in the solomon islands. in pitfals' book entitled "rethinking ethical foreign policy," it is explained that the actions of a country are based on moral considerations and the national interest of the country. the foreign policy of a country has an important influence on a sovereign country so that the interests of its country can be achieved because the relationship between foreign policy and domestic policy is very close and makes a country defend itself in international politics. the improving economic and security system in the country, makes china want to invest there. china overthrew the taiwanese government to gain recognition from countries in the pacific region. the rapid economic growth in the solomon islands has made china interested in cooperating. china is one of the developed countries that has a strong economic system in asia. china's arrival in the pacific islands was marked by the second largest investment and economic assistance after australia. china is a very important trading partner for the solomon islands. according to a 2017 world bank report, the solomon islands exported $554.8 million worth of commodities, or two-thirds of its total exports, to china with wood products as its main commodity accounting for 87 percent. china's influence in the pacific region can form an espionage threat that can be done in china influence is successful. to maintain its position in the pacific region, australia is strengthening its foreign aid to countries in the pacific region by providing aid of $4 billion per year. this can be seen as a firm stance taken by australia to maintain the stability of its territory from potential bad threats that have the potential to threaten the stability of the country, as well as espionage activities that can be carried out to ensure a better level of security. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 100 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(2003). library research methods. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 1 australian foreign aid motivation for tuvalu in efforts to cope with climate change 2015 2020 farah diba hallatu, irma indrayani international relations department, faculty of social and political science, universitas nasional, jakarta indonesia farahhallatu@gmail.com abstract; tuvalu is a country located in the pacific region which only has an area of about 26 square kilometers with an average height of only 1.83 meters which makes this country very vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, especially sea level rise. tuvalu is quite dependent on foreign aid from donor countries. australia is one of the most disaster-responsive countries and continues to assist tuvalu in its efforts to deal with the impacts of climate change. in trying to understand australia's background in providing assistance, the approach used is a qualitative method through literature study. the theories used to answer this phenomenon are the theory of foreign aid, the theory of soft power, and green political theory. based on the data analysis, it was concluded that australia has a low commitment to climate change and has not taken the right steps to achieve climate targets, so that the foreign assistance provided by australia is one of australia's soft power strategies to maintain its dominance and influence in the pacific region. australia can form a defense and security mapping to protect its national interests. although the countries in the pacific region are relatively small and of little significance, australia is taking advantage of the situation by making living fences as far as possible. keywords: foreign aid, australia, tuvalu, climate change, soft power, pacific region submission : nov, 09th 2021 revision : des 08th 2021 publication : feb 28th 2022 introduction tuvalu is an island nation in the pacific ocean which was formerly known as the ellice islands. tuvalu is a country with its maritime beauty. however, this country seems to be sinking slowly. rising sea levels pose a major threat to the country. tuvalu is living proof of the effects of climate change and global warming (tyas, 2020). tuvalu is a country in the west-central pacific ocean. this country has nine mailto:farahhallatu@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 2 small coral islands that are scattered and stretch from northwest to southeast with a distance of about 676 km. the country does not have rivers and rainwater catchments, so wells are the only places that provide fresh water. the native people of tuvalu are polynesians, their language is tuvaluan, while english is taught in schools and widely spoken there. one-third of the population of tuvalu live in funafuti, the capital city of tuvalu, where the center of government and commerce is located. tuvalu is very dependent on foreign aid. they import most of the food, fuel and manufactured goods. the country's trading partners include fiji, australia, new zealand and japan (macdonald, n.d). tuvalu's geographical location and poor land conditions are limitations to its economy. fishery resources are the livelihood of the people in tuvalu. although the tuvaluan fishery has a very high and varied productivity level, it still depends on seasonal conditions. another important asset of tuvalu is the tuvalu trust fund (ttf) which was established in 1987 primarily by foreign donors to contribute to tuvalu's long-term financial sustainability by providing additional sources of income. tuvalu is a country with free foreign debt, this indicates tuvalu is a country that is able to avoid living beyond its means. tuvalu relies heavily on foreign aid. tuvalu received a variety of assistance. government development spending in tuvalu is largely a reflection of foreign aid from other countries (tisdell, 2000). tuvaluans have weak access to finance. the limited number of savers, and the unavailability of atm (automated teller machine) and credit card services as well as a weak credit culture encourage financial institutions to adopt a conservative approach in their lending business (adb, 2019). the australian agency for international development cooperation, also known as australian aid, is a foreign aid program financed by the australian government through the federal government for programs to reduce poverty in developing countries. the australian aid program is an inter-governmental (g to g) program. australia's aid program aims to support australia's national interest in reducing poverty and achieving sustainable development. at the 2019 pacific islands forum, australia pledged to spend $500 million over five years (2020-2025) to strengthen climate change and disaster resilience in the pacific region. australia is committed to working in partnership with the government of tuvalu to meet the needs and aspirations of its people in order to build resilience to the adverse impacts of climate change as well as disasters. australia is working with the government of tuvalu to ensure that social infrastructure is critical to withstand increasingly strong winds and can serve as a shelter in times of disaster. tuvaluan soil supports only a small number of plants. as climate change impacts intensify, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 3 tuvalu will need external support to implement priority adaptation actions such as protecting coastal zones and maintaining water supplies. australia helps build the capacity of the government of tuvalu to access and effectively leverage global climate change finance. australia is helping tuvalu prepare for a more hazard-prone future by supporting the integration of climate change and resilience building into the country's policy and planning agenda, including the national constitution. australia has provided approximately $3.2 million in bilateral climate change and disaster resilience assistance to tuvalu since 2016. this support is built into many programmes, including in the infrastructure, education and government sectors (department of foreign affairs and trade australian government, n.d). foreign aid is considered a key weapon in expanding alliances with other countries. foreign aid in the realist view is a country's policy to pursue power and supremacy. foreign aid is defined as any kind of assistance provided by a donor country or international donor agency (white, 1974). foreign aid is not only in the form of materials or funds but can be in the form of services. in a broad sense k.j. holsti in his book "international politics: framework of analysis" says that foreign aid is a transfer of money or technology or consultation in the form of technical advice to recipient countries from aid donor countries or donor countries (holsti, 1972). research on australian foreign aid motivation for tuvalu in efforts to cope with climate change is relevant to using qualitative research methods, descriptive qualitative with the aim of describing a phenomenon in order to test or prove a theory because it fulfills the characteristic elements of qualitative research in terms of disclosing more in-depth data through literature studies. from the phenomena described above, the foreign aid provided by australia to tuvalu is indeed in the field of climate change, but the relationship between the two countries cannot be seen only on the surface. in international politics, the relationship between two countries must be analyzed in depth what the motivation behind it. why care about climate change that is happening, because all humans live on the same planet, namely earth. if one country feels the real impact of climate change, sooner or later other countries will also feel it. based on the data analysis, it was concluded that australia has a low commitment to climate change and has not taken the right steps to achieve climate targets, so that the foreign assistance provided by australia is one of australia's soft power strategies to maintain its dominance and influence in the pacific region. australia can form a defense and security mapping to protect its national interests. although the countries in the pacific region are relatively small and of little significance, australia is taking advantage of the situation by making living fences as far as possible. based on the phenomena described above, the writer poses the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 4 following research questions: “why does australia provide foreign aid to tuvalu to address climate change?” literature review to improve the data in this paper, several previous studies that are relevant to the research conducted are used: a. the first research used was from yusuf rifaldy, entitled “melihat latar belakang australia dalam memberikan bantuan luar negeri ke kawasan pasifik”. the results of this study explain the importance of providing foreign aid to encourage the achievement of the donor country's national interest in addition to the humanitarian aspect. based on the geographical location of australia, it is close to the pacific region so that through foreign assistance australia can maintain its national interests which are supported by stability and security in the region, especially in the pacific region. through australia's foreign aid provided to countries in the pacific region and other countries, the aim is to spread its influence, both regionally and internationally. so that the foreign aid provided by australia, known as australian aid can be an asset to spread their influence and build their soft power internationally. the similarity of the above research with this research lies in the discussion of the objectives behind australia in providing foreign aid, especially to the pacific region. while the difference between this research and this research is in the object of research where the research above discusses australian foreign aid to the pacific region (more than one country) while this study only focuses on australian foreign aid to tuvalu (one of the countries in the pacific region). b. the second research used is from peter brown, entitled “australian influence in the south pacific”. the results of this study explain the south pacific which is seen by australia as part of australia's natural sphere of influence. australia is considered to have longstanding strategic interests in the south pacific and has sought to influence pacific island nations through various emphases that have changed over time such as australian intervention and bilateral relations through aid and trade. the south pacific is seen as continuing to play an important role in australia's security policy, with a stable environment likely to be seen as important to australia's broader strategic interests. in support of this objective, the australian government's policy for the pacific region emphasizes the aspects of security, economic development and aid provision, etc. the similarity of the above research with this research is to find out and understand what motivates australia in issuing its foreign policy, especially for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 5 countries in the pacific region, either through bilateral relations, trade and aid provision or through intervention. as for the difference, the research above discusses the influence of australia which is carried out through various foreign policies, while this research only focuses on the influence of australia through foreign aid provided to tuvalu, one of the countries in the pacific region. c. the third research used is from charles hawksley, entitled “australia's aid diplomacy and the pacific islands: change and continuity in middle power foreign policy”. the results of this study explain australia's diplomatic relations with countries in the pacific region and other countries. in the pacific region australia is effectively a major force influencing events through foreign aid. australia is the largest and richest state in the pacific region so it can be said as a regional 'hegemon'. australia's foreign aid in various forms is a cornerstone of australia's engagement with the pacific islands. australia has the view that it has a special responsibility for the pacific region. the australian government makes strategies and policies to survive in the pacific region. the australian government has adopted a multi-pronged strategy to contain australia's declining influence through greater and more diplomatic efforts to provide assistance to address climate change, rising sea levels, as well as institutional development and poverty alleviation in the pacific island nation. the similarity of the above research with this research lies in the discussion of foreign aid provided by australia to countries in the pacific region for development, poverty alleviation, and overcoming climate and sea level changes that occur in almost all pacific island countries. meanwhile, the difference between this research and this research lies in the object of research where this research only focuses on australian foreign aid to overcome climate change in tuvalu. foreign aid theory according to hans morgenthau in his book entitled "a political theory of foreign aid" that foreign aid has become something of a controversy because on the one hand foreign aid is seen as the fulfillment of obligations that must be carried out by rich countries to poor countries. but on the other hand, foreign aid is considered as an instrument of a country's policy to the recipient country through foreign aid. foreign aid is the provision of money, goods, or services from a donor country to a recipient country (morgenthau, 1962). foreign aid is one of the real innovations introduced in modern times like today into the practice of foreign policy. according to carol lancaster in her work entitled "foreign aid: diplomacy, development, domestic politics", foreign aid is the provision of resources from one journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 6 government to another (or to international organizations or non-governmental organizations) that is large and sustainable from time to time. period with the important objective of helping to improve the human condition in aid recipient countries. foreign aid is not only given to promote growth and poverty alleviation in donor recipient countries, but there are various purposes behind the assistance provided. scholars of international relations who view relations between states through a realist perspective assume that states operate in an anarchic environment. power, security, and survival are the main things, so basically foreign aid is a diplomatic tool as a way to increase the security of donor countries such as reducing the temptation of communism and terrorism. george liska, a professor of international relations, argues that foreign aid is a tool to increase national strength and security, and articulates the view that foreign aid today will remain an instrument of political power. several qualitative scientific studies explain the motivations of interest in foreign aid programs in each country. most studies agree with the realist prediction that bilateral aid donors have been driven by donor country interests (lancaster, 2007). foreign aid theory which is used to find out australia's policy in providing foreign aid to tuvalu. soft power theory according to joseph nye, there are two types of power. hard power is the ability of others to act in a way that goes against their preferences and initial strategies, this ability is used to coerce through threats as well as inducements (“sticks” and “carrots”). while soft power is the ability to make other people do something with the desired result, this ability is achieved not by coercion but by interest. soft power does not always serve a good purpose, such as propaganda. the concept of soft power is very close to the liberal tradition, but there is no contradiction between realism and soft power. to fight hard power, soft power emphasizes the aspect of cooperation, not using military force but through the power of ideas. countries that have adequate economic resources tend to put pressure on and change the behavior of other countries that are economically weaker. a country's economic resources can produce soft power as well as hard power because these resources can be used to attract or coerce. nye emphasized that institutions can increase the soft power of a country because they tend to promote the values, ideas, policies of a country, both with fellow member countries of the organization and with other countries outside the organization. problems such as global warming, outer space, and cyberspace are journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 7 more likely to be solved by means of soft power, while the use of military force is considered inefficient or insufficient. soft power is not a zero-sum game where one country's gain is another's loss, because soft power can benefit everyone (gomichon, 2013). as stated by nye, countries that are more attractive in international relations are countries that can frame issues through culture and ideas that are closer to prevailing international norms and have credibility in other countries that are supported by values. and their policies (melissen, 2005). soft power theory is used to see australia's motivation in providing foreign aid. green political theory green political theory briefly explains the basic principles of ecocentrism and also growth restrictions. an ecocentric view is a view that focuses on nature. green theory sees the global structure and capitalism as one of the common threads for environmental problems that have occurred so far because a country tends to prioritize the interests of its country's development and ignores the environment. green political theory is an alternative perspective in international relations that criticizes traditional perspectives in dealing with specific issues such as environmental issues. the cosmopolitan issues raised by alternative perspectives such as green political theory are something that violates sovereignty that traditionalist views have never addressed and paid attention to. the essence of this theory is that humans have a moral obligation to nature. this obligation does not originate from human obligations to others, but originates and is based on the consideration that life is something of value, both for human life and for the life of other species. in terms of growth, green politics has the view that there are certain limits for humans in carrying out development and growth. green political theory focuses on creating justice. justice is meant by paying attention to the environmental crisis that is happening unequally in the world. by exposing areas that do not have sufficient resource requirements to meet their needs and is expected to be able to make people aware that there is still an imbalance of resources for other communities (burchill and linklater, 1996). green political theory is used to understand australia's role in overcoming climate change in the pacific region, especially tuvalu. methods this research uses a qualitative research approach with a literature study method. qualitative research approach is a process of research and understanding that examines social phenomena. in this method, a phenomenon or object of research is journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 8 examined in a complex manner, both through details of words, details of reports and views of respondents by researchers. this research uses descriptive qualitative with the aim of describing a phenomenon in order to test or prove a theory. (harrison, 2009). literature study can be defined as a series of activities related to the methods of collecting library data, reading, taking notes, and processing research materials. this method can be done by answering questions in the problem formulation using a theory that is considered suitable for analyzing the issue being raised. the issues raised are analyzed using the theory that has been selected, and then elaborated so that the final answer and the congruent hypothesis are found (zed, 2003). results and discussion australian policy on climate change only a small part of the international community knows about the country of tuvalu, including where they come from. the people of tuvalu are ethnically polynesian and communicate using the polynesian language as a way of identifying their culture. although oral tradition and archaeological evidence point to their different origins, it appears that the people of tuvalu shared a culture and lifestyle with the polynesians. october 1, 1978 is tuvalu's independenceday. the british referred to tuvalu as the elise islands during world war ii and made it a major air base during the war against japan. upon achieving independence in 1978, the islands were renamed tuvalu. contemporary tuvalu consists of nine small islands and atolls namely nanumea, niutao, nanumaga, nui, vaitupu, nukufetau, funafuti, nukulaelae and niulakita which are historically uninhabited. it is not uncommon for tuvalu to experience the effects of el nino and la nina caused by changes in seawater temperatures located at the equator and the central pacific. the country of tuvalu is astronomically located between latitudes 5o – 10o south latitude and longitudes 176o – 180o, to the west of the international date line. tuvalu only has an area of about 26 sq km and ranks the country as the fourth smallest country in the world after the vatican, monaco and nauru. tuvalu is a volcanic country with one of its largest atolls named funafuti and also as the capital city of tuvalu. funafuti has many small islands that lie around the central lagoon with a distance of 25.1 km from north to south, and 18.4 km from east to west and makes funafuti its largest city (murphy, 2017). tuvalu has an average elevation of only 1.83 meters which makes the country highly vulnerable to rising sea levels as well as to intensive tropical storms exacerbated by climate change. according to the pacific climate change science program study, since 1993 sea level around tuvalu has increased by about 5 millimeters per year. under the high journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 9 emission scenario the increase is predicted to be 7 to 18 centimeters by 2030. it is possible that large parts of the country will sink and become uninhabitable. the people of tuvalu were forced to be relocated. disasters related to the impact of climate change are considered a major threat to the lives of people in tuvalu. these disasters include hurricanes, droughts, and floods (undp, 2017). aid can be defined as money or support provided by either individuals or governments to help poor countries through long-term programs with the aim of ending poverty or sudden humanitarian disasters. aid provided by australia has contributed to helping thousands of communities to access clean water, have a place to live, get food, medical care and also sustainable livelihoods. this assistance is provided not only to those in need but is also provided with the aim of strengthening australia's identity as a compassionate nation by reflecting the sense of justice and compassion that are at the core of the country's collective well-being. australians believe they are part of a global family and a shared humanity and so they need to act in solidarity with the international community they already consider to be their own brothers and sisters (caritas australia, n.d). australian foreign minister julie bishop said that the integration of ausaid with dfat would strengthen economic diplomacy as central to australia's engagement on the international scene. australia provided humanitarian assistance to tuvalu after the country was hit by tropical cyclone pam in march 2015. the cyclone caused serious damage to homes, health centers and other important buildings. australia, new zealand and the red cross provide medical assistance and water supplies and deploy australian humanitarian experts to support logistics, water and sanitation needs (department of foreign affairs and trade australian government, 2015). australia's support to tuvalu is a fulfillment of its international commitments and to access international climate finance by helping build capacity in the country's climate change and disaster coordination unit of $0.73 million from 2016 to 2020. australia's support is intended to help ensure the unit can effectively meet its objectives. and supports tuvalu's climate policy goals. australia also provided more than $4.7 million in climate change support to tuvalu from 2015 2016 to 2017 2018 in a bilateral program between australia and tuvalu. the australian aid investment plan (2016 2021) is committed to supporting the government of tuvalu in strengthening its action on climate change impacts and to improving disaster risk preparedness, including in education and governance. australia undertook a $4.1 million classroom development project in funafuti during 2015 – 2017. the project aims to build school facilities that can withstand category 5 hurricanes as well as provide shelter in an emergency. in addition, technical assistance was also provided to the prime minister's office to support tuvalu in fulfilling its commitments. australia also supports capacities and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 10 mechanisms to make it easier for tuvalu to access global climate finance through the green climate fund. australia has also responded to tuvalu's request for assistance in the constitutional review to integrate climate change into the national constitution for $0.5 million during 2016 – 2019. australia provided tuvalu with many benefits on its regional climate change program totaling more than $50 million from 2015 2016 until 2017 – 2018 (department of foreign affairs and trade australian government, n.d).in the theory of foreign aid put forward by hans morgenthau, foreign aid is something that is controversial because on the one hand, foreign aid is seen as fulfilling obligations that rich countries have to do to poor countries as well as the aid provided by australia to tuvalu. on the other hand, the foreign aid provided is considered an instrument of a country's policy to the recipient country. because foreign aid has been centered and cannot be separated from the international political interests of donor countries, such as in aspects of defense, political influence, and others. australia's foreign aid is also the result of policies determined through its domestic domestic political process. at a meeting of representatives of the pacific region countries in tuvalu in 2019, australia was urged to stop clearing new land for coal mining in order to reduce emissions and the impact of climate change. foreign aid from australia that is given to countries in the pacific region is considered not a concrete solution to overcome the impacts of climate change because australia still wants to maintain its coal mining industry which produces high emissions and is very environmentally unfriendly. however, the australian government has made it clear that the country will not shut down coal mining because the australian economy depends on the industry (anthoni, 2019). it is the attitude of australia that considers its coal industry important as the green political theory. because in this theory the global structure and capitalism are one of the common threads for the environmental problems that have occurred so far, because australia is considered to tend to prioritize the interests of its country's economic development rather than fulfilling the emission reduction commitments that have been determined. discussion australia’s motivation in providing foreign aid to tavalu australia's commitment to climate change, which is rated low by member countries of the pacific islands forum, leaves questions about australia's motivation in providing assistance to tuvalu in dealing with the impacts of climate change. australia is committed to reducing emissions, while australia maintains its coal industry. the australian government's attitude is seen as a strategy to maintain its influence in the pacific region as well as an effort to prevent china's influence from journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 11 providing foreign aid as a way to get closer to countries in the pacific region (nursalikah, 2019). according to the australian government, they have witnessed china's growing power in the pacific region which they have seen as their country's backyard, for more than a decade. by offering billions of dollars in aid in the form of long-term loans and grants, australia aims to gain influence among its neighbors and also strengthen australia's position (bbc news, 2018). australia has a longstanding strategic interest in the pacific region and has sought to influence pacific island nations, with emphasis changing over time. australia was able to exert influence on pacific island nations to adopt a more 'moderate' approach, one example being the 'south pacific nuclear free zone' under the rarotonga treaty in 1985. between the end of the cold war and the events of 9/11, neither there is a perceived threat from the region, or even through the region. here australia plays its soft power to get other countries to do things with the desired results through persuasion and attraction, not by coercion, conflict or competition. soft power that is run by australia emphasizes aspects of cooperation such as the provision of foreign aid provided, not using military force. problems such as climate change and global warming are more likely to be solved by means of soft power. because in international relations, countries that can frame issues through culture and ideas that are closer to applicable international norms and have credibility in other countries that are supported by their values and policies are attractive countries in the eyes of the international community. currently australia's focus on the region is to strengthen themes that support democracy, 'good governance' and enable sustainable economic development. in addition, australia's new focus is to address the risk of countries in the pacific region being weaker or failing to govern their territories, so australia is concerned that the country could create a power vacuum in which terrorist organizations or organized crime could step in, and pose a security threat to the australia's doorstep (brown, 2012). responses to climate change will be an important influence on international policy as well as the australian economy. australia has the resources and renewable products, capabilities and services in low emission technologies to benefit from the global economic transition to a low emission growth model. at the same time, the indo-pacific's demand for coal, high-quality lng and uranium exports is relatively high. australia predicts that the challenges posed by climate change will continue to increase over the next 10 years and countries need to include climate change on the list of long-term planning and investments, including its implications for national and regional security. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 12 changes in environmental conditions that are increasingly real, such as rising temperatures and sea levels as well as weather phenomena that are increasingly frequent and severe and lead to natural disasters. this will eventually lead to economic, environmental, security risks and in australia itself these risks extend to beaches, agriculture, water resources and fisheries. climate change is sometimes seen as a barrier to economic development, encouraging additional movements of people that if left unchecked will add to global pressures on food and water supplies. australia has a strong desire to make an effective global transition to a lowemissions economy while still supporting growth and affordable energy. in addition to the low-emissions economic transition that has been announced by australia, pacific region countries continue to demand australia to ban coal mining activities and also urge australia to stop opening new coal mining areas in order to reduce emissions. however, in reality australia still gave approval to adani, an indian company, to start coal mining after years of delays in getting approval from environmental aspects. the australian government gave the green light after the state government also approved the mining project located in the galilee basin, queensland. the 28 thousand hectare mine is estimated to be able to be used for 60 years and this mine is also estimated to contribute more than 450 trillion rupiah to the australian economy and make it the largest coal mine in australia (bbc news, 2019). australia is one of the countries with the largest coal resources in the world. according to australia's clean energy regulator, australia as a developed country in the pacific region is declared the largest contributor to climate pollution with a total of 322 million tons of carbon dioxide contributed in 2015 with an increase of 3.2% from the previous year. the australian conservation foundation report also states that australia is one of the biggest contributors to climate pollution because it has increased its emissions in recent periods. the australian government is targeting to reach 5% below the 2000 level in emitting gas which has become a climate change policy and australia has promised the un to reduce gas emissions by 5% to 25% by 2020. the number of emissions reported by regulators is 60% emissions have been generated by australia from companies that produce more than a certain amount of emissions or more than a certain amount of energy, and these figures do not include calculations from the agricultural sector, residential property or private vehicles. in addition, a report from the wilderness society reveals that there will be a greater increase in carbon dioxide emissions over the next three years due to land clearing in queensland. according to data released by the australian government in 2018, australia has not taken the right steps to achieve the 2030 climate target set by paris. in contrast, australia's emission production has continued to increase in the last four years. the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 13 department of environment and energy said its latest carbon emission projections predict that australia will reduce its carbon emissions by only 7% well below its target by 2030. environment minister melissa price insists the government will continue to strive to meet paris commitments (dalzell, 2018). although australia can build a good image in the region through the foreign assistance they provide, australia can enhance this good image by participating in fulfilling climate change commitments to reduce emissions that have been targeted not only through the provision of assistance in the form of money, advice or programs that given to tuvalu to deal with the impacts of climate change. if there is no technical solution that australia can provide to solve the problem of climate change other than providing assistance. in the view of green political theory, human behavior is what is needed in creating these technical solutions to provide opportunities for political innovation or even transformative change in global politics, in this case the main thing is australia's policy regarding its coal mining. conclusion australia is one of the most disaster-responsive countries and continues to assist tuvalu in its efforts to deal with the impacts of climate change. australian aid is an australian aid program integrated into the department of foreign affairs and trade (dfat). the foreign assistance provided by australia to tuvalu is quite varied, such as funding for bilateral aid programs to build resilience to disasters and climate change, and increasing country capacity to respond to disaster events, and australia is helping tuvalu to access international climate finance through the green climate fund, australia also has responded to tuvalu's request for assistance in a constitutional review to integrate climate change into the national constitution. the foreign assistance provided by australia to tuvalu is not only to overcome the impact of climate change that is felt by tuvalu, but there is another purpose in providing this assistance, namely to strengthen australia's identity in the pacific region. the foreign assistance provided by australia to tuvalu is not a concrete solution to mitigate the impacts of climate change if in fact australia still wants to maintain its coal mining industry which produces high emissions and can exacerbate climate change. because one of the threats of climate change is caused by the burning of fossil fuels, one of which is coal. australia itself is one of the countries that has the largest coal resources in the world. the australian government insists that its country will not shut down coal mining because the australian economy depends on the industry. australia also considers the coal industry important to create local jobs and to meet energy needs. australia has not taken the right steps to achieve the 2030 climate targets set by the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 14 paris agreement and on the other hand, australia's emission production has continued to increase in the last four years. australia has a low commitment to climate change so that the assistance provided by australia to tuvalu in efforts to deal with climate change is considered a strategy to maintain australia's dominance and influence in the pacific region as one of the preventive measures taken to counter the influence of china which is starting to approach countries in the pacific. pacific region by providing foreign aid. australia has witnessed the growth of china's power in the pacific region which they have considered as their country's backyard so that the assistance provided by australia has the aim of strengthening its country's relations with countries in the pacific region, especially tuvalu and also making the pacific a "front and center" in policy. overseas australia. australia also intends to continue to gain influence among its neighbors as well as to strengthen its position in the region. australia has a focus on the pacific region to strengthen values that underpin democracy, good governance, sustainable economic development. in addition, australia is focused on addressing the risk that countries in the pacific region could create a power vacuum in which terrorist organizations or organized crime can step in, and place security threats at australia's doorstep. by becoming dominant in the pacific region, australia can form a defense and security mapping to protect its national interests. although the countries in the pacific region are relatively small and of little significance, australia is taking advantage of the situation by making living fences as far as possible. in the theory of foreign aid put forward by hans morgenthau, foreign aid is something that is controversial because on the one hand, foreign aid is seen as fulfilling obligations that rich countries have to do to poor countries as well as the aid provided by australia to tuvalu. on the other hand, the foreign aid provided is considered as an instrument of a country's policy to the recipient country. because foreign aid has been centered and cannot be separated from the international political interests of donor countries, such as in aspects of defense, political influence, and others. australia's foreign aid is also the result of policies determined through its domestic political process. australia plays its soft power to get other countries to do things with the desired results through persuasion and attraction, not by coercion, conflict or competition. soft power that is run by australia emphasizes aspects of cooperation such as providing foreign aid, not using military force. problems such as climate change and global warming are more likely to be solved by means of soft power. because in international relations, countries that can frame issues through culture and ideas that are closer to applicable international norms and have credibility in other journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 15 countries that are supported by their values and policies are attractive countries in the eyes of the international community. likewise with australia's foreign aid provided to countries in the pacific region to deal with climate change, especially to tuvalu. where the assistance is inseparable from one of australia's forms of soft power to build a positive image as a rich country in the region. so that the assistance provided can also add to australia's image as a country that is responsible for what is being experienced by its neighbors in the pacific region. regarding australia's low commitment to climate change, green political theory has a critique of the state, where this theory assumes that the state is part of the dynamics of modern society that causes environmental crises such as the impact of climate change being experienced today. climate change is the dominant environmental problem at this time, caused by human dependence on fossil fuels, where australia is one of the largest coal-fired fossil fuel producers in the world and australia does not want to stop its coal mining. references adb. 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(2003). metode penelitian kepustakaan. jakkarta: yayasan obor indonesia. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 257 comparison of the political dynasty in banten province with the political dynasty in central maluku district rahmat sufajar, aberar guridno universitas nasional (unas), jakarta aberar.guridno@civitas.unas.ac.id, rahmat.sufajar@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract; the article of this study tries to explain political dynasties by making a comparison between political dynasties in banten province and political dynasties in central maluku district. the political dynasties in these two regions have similarities in the basic framework of kinship relations, but the political dynasties in central maluku also show the dominance of the hatuhaha group in a strategic position in the social life of the people in central maluku and maluku. this study also produces findings that local officials who carry out political dynasties focus on the economic and political interests of their groups and cause corruption in the management of power. in collecting data using library research method. the result showed that political dynasties also show the weakness of political parties in the recruitment of regional leaders so that democracy at the local level is trapped by the interests of groups from the political dynasty. keywords: democracy, local election, political dynasty, political party submission : feb, 11th 2020 revision : june 18th 2021 publication : august 28th 2021 introduction indonesia's political changes after the end of the new order for 32 years (19671998) were marked by, among other things, constitutional reforms governing the indonesian state administration system. through four amendments to the constitution in 1999-2002, two important political instruments became policy, namely democratic elections and the policy of regional autonomy or decentralization. one of the fundamental steps in decentralization policy is the implementation of general elections local to elect regional heads (pilkada). the holding of national elections and local elections (pilkada) is one indicator of the success of democracy in a transition country such as indonesia(thahir et al., 2020). zubakhrum tjenreng calls indonesia's success in holding the national election (since 1999) and pilkada (since 2005) as the consolidation of electoral democracy, due to extraordinary elections taking place at the district/city, provincial and national levels. direct pilkada is thus a political process which is not only a political mailto:aberar.guridno@civitas.unas.ac.id mailto:rahmat.sufajar@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 258 mechanism to fill democratic positions (through the pilkada), but also as the implementation of regional autonomy or real political decentralization (thahir et al., 2020). pilkada in its development experience complex problems with the development of kinship politics and/or political dynasties during the current electoral democracy. the prohibition against dynastic politics was explicitly regulated in law (uu) n. 8 of 2015 concerning pilkada in article 7 letter r, which states: “r. have no conflict of interest with the incumbent”. in the elucidation of article 7 letter r of law n. 8 of 2015 states: "what is meant by "no conflict of interest" is among others: not having blood relations, marital ties and/or lineage 1 (one) level straight up, down, sideways with the incumbent, namely father, mother, in-laws, uncles, aunts, brothers, sisters, in-laws, children, daughters-in-law, unless they have passed a gap of 1 (one) term of office.” but unfortunately, the legal umbrella regarding the prohibition of political dynasties in the election was annulled by the constitutional court (mk). in its decision no. 33/puu-xiii/2015, the constitutional court stated that article 7 letter r along with the elucidation of article 7 letter r of the regional head election law regarding the requirements for regional head candidates does not have a conflict of interest with the incumbent, contradicts the 1945 constitution of the republic of indonesia (uud nri 1945) and has no binding legal force. the constitutional court is of the opinion that the prohibition as regulated in article 7 letter r of the regional election law is contrary to the 1945 constitution of the republic of indonesia because it violates the constitutional rights of citizens to obtain equal rights in law and government as well as the freedom of everyone from discriminatory actions. thus, the constitutional court's decision shows that the constitutional court has declared the practice of political dynasties as a legitimate practice in accordance with the constitution of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia (nkri). with the growth of kinship politics, the playing field will also be more unequal because kinship politics can already accumulate influence, wealth, control over certain areas, and economic control will be more likely to win political contestations, compared to other candidates whose resources are still limited and only rely on the power of hope(harjanto, 2011). the danger of kinship politics is that the banten political dynasty is a prime example of a political dynasty designed by its relatives to enter politics. the political dynasty of banten has been firmly established along with the age of banten province so that the network of power has spread strongly in the government (djati, 2015). if in banten shows political dynasties occur in the context of family politics. however, political dynasties also occur in the context of family or clan politics, as journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 259 happened in central maluku regency which shows a different phenomenon in the context of family or clan politics, or generally referred to as a political dynasty. in central maluku regency, the occurrence of the tuasikal clan control in the political structure of central maluku regency, has shown the formation of a political dynasty. the political dynasties that occurred in the post-new order era showed that local elections tended to be individualistic in nature, so the role of political parties became increasingly limited, and the individual strength of the candidates became one of the determinants of victory in the struggle for political positions. kinship politics has become an attractive option for political parties to win political positions currently in office. the multi-party system forces political parties to be pragmatic with the emphasis on winning alone, and pay less attention to the effectiveness of power in the medium and long term, so that the abnormality and absurdity of political support is often taken by major political parties to ensure victory in the pilkada, even though political dynasties are considered the enemy of democracy. based on the arguments above, the research question is what is the basis for the occurrence of political dynasties in the province of banten and in the district of central maluku? what was the impact of the occurrence of political dynasties in banten and central maluku? and, what solutions can be sought to break the chain of this political dynasty? writing in this study in obtaining answers to research questions was designed with a qualitative approach. qualitative research is intended to focus on the object or phenomenon raised in this study, namely political dynasties. method this study seeks to present detailed data and analysis of certain objects in a fairly deep and comprehensive manner(emzir & pd, 2012). qualitative research according to moleong (moleong, 2007) is research that intends to understand the phenomenon of what is experienced by research subjects such as behavior, perception, motivation, action, and others, holistically, and by way of description in forms of words and language, in a special context that is natural and by utilizing various natural methods. in collecting data using library research method. this library study refers to nazir is a data collection technique by conducting a review study of books, literatures, notes, and reports that have to do with the problem to be solved. this technique is used to obtain the basics and opinions in writing which is done by studying various literatures related to the problem under study(nazir, 2013) in carrying out the literature study procedure that the information collected from library sources is relevant to this research, then in the process of data management, the source will journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 260 be researched and analyzed and carried out an assessment to seek to produce research novelty in writing this research. result and discussion political dynasty concept the concept of a political dynasty is a political phenomenon of the emergence of candidates from the environment of the head of government in power. besides being known for the word (sentence) of political dynasties, other words (sentences) are also known, namely dynastic politics. dynastic politics which in simple language is defined as a regime of political power or political actors that is run for generations or carried out by one of the family or close relatives. this regime was formed because of the very high concern among family members on politics and usually the political orientation of the dynasty is power and wealth (sakinah, 2015). literally, political dynasties can be understood as a political strategy to maintain power by passing on the power that has been held to other people who are still relatives(effendi, 2017, 2018). in addition, dynastic politics can also be interpreted as the practice of power in which family members are given and/or get certain positions in the power structure. so, power is only divided into family/relatives and distributed among families/relatives only(fossati et al., 2020; muhtadi, 2018, 2019b, 2019a). political dynasties are considered as primitive power reproduction systems because they rely on the blood and descendants of only a few people. meanwhile, dynastic politics is the process of directing the regeneration of power for the interests of certain groups (eg elite families) with the aim of gaining or maintaining power. thus, political dynasties and political dynasties are considered enemies of democracy because the main requirements of democracy through elections, such as political equality, effective and competitive participation, are not fulfilled. politics of kinship and/or political dynasties occurs when political recruitment is based on considerations of kinship and not based on aspects of candidate qualifications. so kinship politics is political recruitment that results in family members occupying political/government positions that are not based on their abilities or not through the procedures outlined, but rather based on considerations of kinship relations (such as because of descent or marital ties). to distinguish political family members who obtain political positions as a manifestation of kinship politics and not kinship politics, it is done by analyzing two aspects, namely procedures in political recruitment and candidate journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 261 quality(firmadi & purwaningsih, 2016; purwaningsih & rubiyati, 2019; purwaningsih & widodo, 2020). political dynasty for the case of indonesia in the post-new order decentralization era, that local government is controlled by a handful of people (oligarchs) or local strong people. by utilizing patronage networks, exercising control and control over resources, the use of politics and violence dominates regional politics. this understanding is explained by migdal's thesis on local strongman(migdal, 2020) and sidel(sidel, 2004) on local bossism, as well as the shadow state of barabara white which explains the "piracy" of democracy by local elites(harriss-white, 2008). the perspective of political dynasties as a form of local strongman and local bossim cartel which explains the influence of an elite who individually builds patrimonialistic relations in society and the state. in this case, political dynasties are a collective form of elite patronage in a collective form that is based on family relations, ethnicity, and other blood relations which essentially gives rise to monarchy in democracy at the local level (jati, 2015). some political observers describe the phenomenon of political dynasties by calling it a political oligarchy. so they are sometimes relatively easy to reach power or fight for power. the dynastic politics is actually contrary to the notion of democracy which puts the interests of the community first, because in dynastic politics the basis and the goal are personal interests. why that can happen, because democracy itself cannot be separated from oligarchy, as explained by michels in political parties. although he focuses primarily on the oligarchic character of political parties, and thinks that the legacy of autocracy is the basis of modern democratic oligarchy, he explains that this character can exist as an inherent character of modern democracies: democracy, while the substance of democracy is infused with aristocratic elements (schmitt, 2021). these oligarchs and local bossism then built political dynasties at the local level. based on the research of wasisto raharjo jati(djati, 2015), there are at least five typologies of political dynasties formed in indonesia, namely populism dyansties, octupussy dyansties, tribalism dyansties, family-based/gono-gini power, and feudalism dynasties. all of these political dynasties have the same generalization, namely that they were formed based on figuration and patrimonialism, aji mumpung, and elitism. the rise of a political dynasty the phenomenon of political dynasties in the realm of local politics came in line with the implementation of the first pilkada in indonesia in 2005 and the implementation of regional autonomy in 2001. along with the passage of the two processes as a form of democratization at the local level, various elites emerged in the regions to co-opt the two processes(djati, 2015). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 262 the dynasty referred to in this study is similar to the meaning of dynasty in the traditional political sense. the ruler tries to put his family, relatives, and relatives in strategic positions with the aim of building a political empire in the government (syauket & wijanarko, 2021). the presence of political dynasties in banten cannot be separated from the possession of power in banten, when a form of elite control that has existed for a long time and is widespread, for example with several families monopolizing political power. political dynasties in banten are of the type of octupussy dynasties, because of the synergy between rulers and businessmen in forming dynasties. in banten, decentralization has given birth to local strongmen with roots in the regions. this local strongman was haji chasan shohib who had succeeded in establishing a centralized and programmed political dynasty. haji chasan shohib is an octopus head who is a local strongman. haji chasan shobib is an elder champion, a businessman from building construction, chairman of the indonesian chamber of commerce and industry (kadin), traditional chairman of banten and a loyalist to the golkar party, he is the main actor in the formation of banten province and the director of the political dynasty in banten province. starting with the reality after the establishment of banten province, he placed his daughter, ratu atut chosiyah as deputy governor, paired with a senior politician from the united development party (ppp), djoko munandar as governor(syauket & wijanarko, 2021). in the development of ratu atut's power management when he was in power, his family's informal network finally entered the ranks of government formally, including: andika hazrumy (son) became deputy governor of banten (20172022), ratu tatu chasanah (sister) served as regent of serang 2014-2020 and reelected in the 2020 pilkada (2020-2024 period), ratu ria maryana is also the halfsister of ratu atut, now she serves as deputy chair of the serang city dprd. in addition, ria also serves as chairman of the dpd golkar serang city. then airin rahmi diany, airin currently serves as mayor of south tangerang city for the 2016-2021 period, after being replaced by pilar saga ichsan (the son of ratu tatu) who was elected in the 2020 regional head election (2020-2024 period). table 1.1 political dynasty governor ratu atut chosiyah name position andika hazrumy (first son) member of dpd 2009-2014, continued as vice governor of banten 2017-2022 andiara aprilia hikmat member of the dpd for the banten electoral district 2019-2024 journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 263 ade rossi chaerunnisa (andika harzrumy’s wife) member of the house of representatives for the 2019-2024 period, previously the chair of the banten dprd for the 2016-2019 perio tanto warsono (andiara aprilia hikmat’s husband) vice regent of pandeglang elected in the 2020 regional head election, 2020-2024 period tubagus khaerul zaman (atut's step brother) member of the house of representatives for the 2019-2024 period ratu ria maryana (atut's step sister) deputy chairperson of the serang city dprd for the 2019-2024 period ratu tatu chasanah (atut’s sister) serang regent elected in the 2020 regional head election, 2020-2024 period pilar saga ichsan (ratu atut's nephew, daughter of ratu tatu chasanah) deputy mayor of south tangerang elected in the 2020 regional head election, 2020-2024 period airin rachmi diany (atut's sisterin-law) mayor of south tangerang for two terms (2011-2016, and 2016-2021) aden abdul khalig (atut's brotherin-law) member of the banten regional house of representatives for the period 2009-2014 ratna komalasari (stepmother) member of the regional people's representative council of serang city 2009-2014 heryani (atut’s stepmother) vice regent of pandeglang for the period 2011-2016 hikmat tomet (husband) member of the house of representatives of the republic of indonesia 2009-2014 (source: processed from various sources) the design of the power of the political dynasty, which has been solid, was attempted to be perfected in banten through an effort to win the regent of lebak amir hamzah in the constitutional court. however, in the end, they uncovered a bribery case involving the chief justice of the constitutional court akil mochtar and a network from the dynasty in banten in 2013, it turned out that this case only temporarily "undermine" the political authority of the dynasty(fossati et al., 2020) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 264 the case of the banten dynasty shows that it is not only preserving but also trying to expand regional coverage, so that efforts are made to create new posts on its own initiative, such as the election of airin in the area resulting from the division of tangerang, namely the south tangerang area. nor was the case of bribery exposed to win the regent of lebak amir hamzah in the constitutional court. in the end, candidate selection almost always depends on a small clique of local leaders and aides suggesting capable names to the main political party. in many cases, the electoral districts that he managed to control were considered as family property, such as the unanimous re-election of ratu tatu chasanah (atut's sister) as chair of the banten province golkar party dpd for the 2020-2025 period and ratu ria maryana being elected by acclamation to lead the golkar party. serang city for the 2020-2025 period. finally, the victories of political dynasties remained victorious in the 2015 to 2020 simultaneous pilkada, such as ratu tatu being re-elected as regent in serang city, as well as in south tangerang city, the throne left by airin rachmi diany was continued by pilar saga ichsan as deputy mayor south tangerang city, even the expansion of the ratu atut political dynasty, namely in pandeglang regency with the election of tanto warsono arban as deputy regent for up to two terms. this process shows that small cliques through their political dynasties want to carry out inheritance politics in the areas they have managed to control by putting their finger on the golkar party. political parties eventually weakened their bargaining position with the ratu atut dynasty, because their chances of victory were clear compared to other cadres. this is suspected from ratu tatu's behavior and statement that his family will always follow the policies of the golkar party. “as the chairperson of the banten golkar dpd, i was also assigned by the dpp to win all regional elections held in banten” (efriza, 2016). meanwhile, the political dynasty in central maluku regency shows a different phenomenon in the context of family or clan politics, or generally referred to as a political dynasty. political power in the maluku province, not just the central maluku district, is dominated by individuals who incidentally come from the same region, namely saparua, haruku, nusa laut, and banda islands. these groups are commonly referred to as the hatuhaha group, which refers to the political and bureaucratic elites who generally come from the four regions. the hatuhaha group dominates various strategic positions in the social life of the maluku people. the emergence of the tuasikal dynasty also cannot be separated from the domination of hatuhaha, which is based on naomi sakinah's opinion (naomi sakinah, 2015: 4) that it meets the criteria as a dynasty. the hatuhaha political network played a major role in assisting tuasikal in building a dynasty, from this interpretation, political dynasties in central maluku tended to lead to dynastic tribalism, which is a dynastic pattern based on ethnicity, clan, or kinship. tribalism journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 265 of this dynasty for the author is more suitable to explain the relationship between the domination of the hatuhaha and the tuasikal political dynasty, but it is not entirely relevant to explain the pattern of political dynasties in central maluku. however, the relationship between the two cannot be categorized as an ethnicbased relationship, because if it is based on ethnicity, the number of tribes in maluku does not only consist of one tribe but thousands of clans, then it is impossible for all people in maluku to be a circle of tuasikal political dynasties. the hatuhaha relationship with tuasikal also cannot be interpreted as a clanbased relationship, because in reality tuasikal is one clan out of hundreds of clans that are in the hatuhaha group. family relations tend to be more appropriate to explain the dynasty built by tuasikal, because the transfer of power is still within the scope of lineage. abdullah tuasikal is part of the hatuhaha group from the island of haruku. abdullah tuasikal served as regent of central maluku from 2002 to 2012. after two successful periods of occupying the seat of power in central maluku, abdullah tuasikal was not allowed under the election law to run for a third time in the regional head election in central maluku. however, to ensure that political power remains dominated by his family, abdullah tuasikal nominated his older brother as a candidate for regent of central maluku in the 2012 pilkada, namely tuasikal abua, finally his brother was elected for two periods 2012-2017 and 2017-2022. in addition, while still serving as regent of central maluku, abdullah tuasikal succeeded in making his wife (miranti dewaningsih) a member of the dpr from the maluku region for two terms. in addition, after no longer serving as regent, abdullah tuasikal with the support of abua tuasikal, carried his son, amrullah amri tuasikal as a candidate for members of the dpr and managed to win in the legislative elections for the 2014-2019 period and was re-elected in the 2019-2024 legislative elections. . however, amrullah amri tuasikal finally made an inter-time substitution (paw) with taslim azis, due to his indiscipline and poor performance. even today, abdullah tuasikal serves as a member of the dpr for the maluku electoral district for the 2019-2024 period and miranti dewaningsih is elected as a dpd member from the maluku electoral district for the 2019-2024 period. the tuasikal political dynasty in central maluku can be considered a lineage with the core being abdullah tuasikal who became regent and was succeeded by himself from his family. in addition, the success of his wife and children in occupying parliamentary seats in the dpr, explains the tuasikal political dynasty as a dynastic tribalism. however, regarding the political dynasty in central maluku, it has close relations with the hatuhaha dynasty. the tuasikal political dynasty emerged inseparable from the domination and role of the hatuhaha group in central maluku, as well as the hatuhaha group ensuring its continued dominance in central maluku with the ruling regent of its group. this relationship shows that journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 266 there is a close relationship between the hatuhaha group and the tuasikal dynasty in central maluku. thus, if we study that the tuasikal political dynasty in central maluku regency is a dynasty based on the core lineage, namely the transfer of power from brother to brother. however, the political circle of the tuasikal dynasty, the majority is filled by the hatuhaha group. this group also played an important role for abdullah tuasikal to build his dynastic network. however, the hatuhaha group had no direct blood relationship with tuasikal. this group also does not have the same clan because it consists of hundreds of clans. the tuasikal political dynasty network is also different from the network of political dynasties in other regions. like the queen atut's network of political dynasties in banten that emerged because of the personal power of champions haji chasan shobib. at first glance, the political dynastic circle in banten has similarities with the political network in central maluku, but the existence of historical blood relations (in the form of the hatuhaha group) in the tuasikal political network makes the political networks in these two regions very different. because the strength of the network of champions in banten participated in building and maintaining the position of the ratu atut dynasty, it was due to the existence of this informal institution only within the social structure of banten society, but it did not have primary or secondary blood ties to the core circle of the ratu atut dynasty. in contrast to the hatuhaha group, which emerged because of a process of transformation of cultural capital and has historical blood relations with the tuasikal clan. thus, the author can state that the tuasikal political dynasty in central maluku regency can be said to be a new typology, dynastic tribalism based on blood relations (kinship) from the tuasikal political dynasty typology. the phenomenon of political dynasties above shows that the opportunity for pilkada is the beginning of the process of providing a stock of qualified leaders to go to the national political arena, but instead shows that it does not work from the weak role and function of political parties in carrying out recruitment functions, such as the emergence of kinship politics or political dynasties. . kinship politics increasingly shows that political parties have failed in their role in the leadership channel process in the regions. political parties prioritize the aspect of election victory, thus ignoring the regeneration process, finally political parties play politics that are full of pragmatism, namely nepotism becomes so prominent. of course, the presence of political kinship opportunities cannot be separated from the attitude of political parties that are no longer concerned with leadership regeneration, instead allowing political dynasties to occur in the regions. strong political dynasties, clans, or dynasties in certain areas, which then they close their territory, so that the constituencies are considered as family property. thus, it will be very difficult to expect an expansion of access to power as well as a healthy and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 267 substantial democratic process. this phenomenon has actually been around since 1984, robert michels has warned, stating that in the appointment of candidates for elections, we also find a symptom of a serious oligarchy, namely nepotism, this is what is happening from the ongoing politics of kinship in the regions. want to realize inheritance politics by controlling the electoral district based on the political dynasty (paraphrasa, robert michels, 1984: 118-119). the impact of political dynasties the impact of political dynasties the main motive of the existence of an oligarchy is to maintain its wealth and property. the organizers of political dynasties will of course prioritize their economic and political interests rather than the interests of the community. they act in abusing power and betraying the people, the people's interests are replaced by persistent efforts for the glory and interests of their family or dynasty (amalia syauket, 2013). after tubagus haji chasan sochib died in 2011, tubagus chaeri wardana (wawan) held a central position to consolidate political and economic power in banten. wawan is the husband of the two-term mayor of south tangerang, airin rachmi diany. wawan who plays a central role in the leadership dynasty of ratu atut in banten. the influence of chasan sochib was continued by wawan so that the obedience and loyalty of chasan sochib's followers also changed to wawan, who was his son, coupled with clarity on the fees for projects carried out by the government in banten (amalia syauket, 2013). wawan is a non-state actor who mostly acts more powerful than the formal rulers in banten itself. wawan is considered a project broker by using his position as chairman of the kadin in banten to replace his father. wawan is the project broker who determines who gets what, who does certain jobs, and who becomes what in government. wawan was revealed to be very closely related to cases of bribery, money laundering, and political dynasties in banten showing that they are intertwined with corrupt practices so that state-captured corruption is carried out by weakening the function of the banten regional government (amalia syauket, 2013). the political dynasty in the octupussy category is shown that the head of the octopus is analogous to the local strongman from haji chasan shochib being handed down to wawan with eight octopus arms who ensnare the apbn, apbd, assets, natural resources and the lives of the people of banten, which are carried out in order to maintain the wealth and property of the family and relatives of the ratu clan. banten. as a result, the province is included as a corrupt province with the occurrence of a monopoly of power in the field of government (amalia syauket, 2013). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 268 the scope of government in banten province cannot be separated from being gripped by the monopoly of the banten governor's family, from the executive level at the provincial and district and city levels in banten, as well as at the legislative level at the central to regional levels such as the dpr, dpd, and dprd, as well as has been monopolized by the family of the governor of banten, ratu atut choshiyah. the impact felt by the community as a result of bad behavior carried out by the atut political dynasty in banten was that banten province was recorded in the 15th position as the most corrupt province, banten province in the dropout rate was still high, the number of poor people in banten was also high at 5, 51 percent of the total population reached 649,190 people, and the unemployment rate in the area is still relatively high and even exceeds the national average (amalia syauket, 2013). whereas in the case in central maluku, when abdullah tuasikal occupied the seat of regent of central maluku, namely since 2002. since that year, the tuasikal clan's efforts to control economic sectors have also begun, with the aim of pursuing individual interests, clans, or to ensure the continuity of the dynasty. their politics. there are many cases of abuse of power by tuasikal during their control of central maluku politics. one of the most striking is the case of the 2012 integrated city mandiri (ktm) realization and social assistance mega project, which allegedly resulted in a budget mark-up of 8 billion rupiah (izalrumadan.blogspot.co.id). other cases such as the inflated number of regional civil servants (pnsd) in 2011 which aimed to ensure political support to ensure the continuity of tuasikal's power in the 2012 election. the acceptance of this pnsd is outside the needs of the local south maluku bureaucracy, resulting in an extraordinary budget burden on the regional budget. . as a result of inflating the pnsd, regional finance becomes ineffective and inefficient, the impact is that the allocation of funds for development is much reduced. however, from a political point of view, this made abua tuasikal who is abdullah tuasikal's older brother, elected to be the regent of south maluku in 2012. some sources state that there was a consensus that abdullah tuasikal made with the pnsd to win abua tuasikal in the 2012 pilkada. the rent-seeking that has been carried out by tuasikal in central maluku regency since 2002 is not only for the sake of perpetuating power. many sectors of the economy are controlled by the tuasikal, such as families, as well as individuals who belong to the tuasikal political dynasty. a clear example of tuasikal's control of the economic sector is abdullah tuasikal's ownership of the management of ora beach tourist attractions since 2007. another case is abdullah tuasikal was named the richest regent in indonesia in 2008 (forum.kompas.com), this is very contradictory to tuasikal's net worth in 2002 amounted to only hundreds of millions. another thing that shows tuasikal's rent-seeking is his control over the shares of several companies in maluku (siwalimanews.com). this shows that journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 269 abdullah tuasikal uses his political power to control the economic sector for personal gain and strangely enough, although there have been many reports of abuse of this authority, tuasikal, in this case abdullah and abua tuasikal have not been legally processed. the two cases above also show that the incumbent is very interested in maintaining the status quo by remaining in power. there is an effort so that a territory can be closed, so that the electoral district is considered as belonging to the family, clan, then the foundation of a political dynasty can be built and remains solid. this is done by building a circulation of genealogical core relationships, namely kinship relations and outside genealogical lines that have an interest in perpetuating that power. on the other hand, parties have an interest in winning and/or supporting the incumbent because they have high electability. this reality has been highlighted since 1984, robert michels stated in the appointment of candidates for elections, we also found a symptom of a serious oligarchy, namely nepotism, that is what is happening from the ongoing politics of kinship in the regions, the broad impact is wanting to realize inheritance politics. based on the political dynasty, (robert michels, 2015: 118-119). the impact of the phenomenon of political dynasties is that political parties fail to carry out regeneration on the one hand, and on the other hand there has been a leadership crisis in the regions. instead of being part of a social institution to prepare candidates for leadership, political parties seem to only be used for pragmatic purposes by their elites. political parties should be ashamed of the pilkada which emphasizes recruitment based on kinship alone. but apparently that shame can easily be removed, because there are pragmatic interests earlier. the pragmatism of political parties is a choice made by the parties in this reformation era, the choice of shortcuts by not wanting to carry another candidate is based on the political party's fear of losing. as a form of pragmatism, the parties then participate in building coalitions by jointly carrying out candidates from political dynasties who are certain to win. even though this should not be necessary because political parties have a long enough time to select candidate pairs before the registration deadline expires, but this seems to tend to be ignored by political parties. on the other hand, political parties choose shortcuts, namely carrying candidates who have high electability as regional head candidates even though the candidate is from a political dynasty background. the existence of political dynasties is also inseparable from the fact that in order to become a candidate for regional head, they have to incur large costs, even this cost also includes a "dowry" from the bearers. in other words, pilkada is only reserved for those who have big financial support. this, among other things, causes people who have credibility and capacity as candidates for regional heads to not have the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 270 opportunity to participate in the contestation, so that the direct election democratic system actually increases the "need" for strong people and strong figures who can be sold to voters. while strong people and strong figures do not go through a natural selection process (bid) from below, but are mostly produced by the nature of patronage with an elitist nature. what should be highlighted is the development of patronage and political oligarchy with the presence of political dynasties. the reality of the fact is that th e funds needed to maintain networks and develop political parties are very large. while political parties are not able to build independent financial resources, the presence of investors and other strong people is very much needed (andi harianto sinulingga, 2015: 149-150). moreover, considering the nature of constituent support in indonesia to date, it is still very unstable, because although most of the constituents are party members, the character of their membership hangs upwards. this means that internally within the party, members do not play an important role in determining party policies or the direction of party policies is determined from above (warsito ellwein and hari subagyo, 2011: xvii). this is what caused after the reformation, many parties stumbled by political patronage and political oligarchy. of course, it is related to the source of power in political parties that the decision-making positions are occupied, for example the general chairman, the two advisory councils, the chairman of the syuro council, the chairman at the provincial and district/city levels of the party-level management hierarchy, while this condition has also been controlled by them in political dynasty. this is the reality of unavoidable elitist decision-making (habibi, 2018: 225). the solution to breaking the political dynasty the political dynasties that occurred in these two regions (research), namely banten and central maluku, showed more of a cross-chamber form with branches of power. from the explanation described above, the author draws the common thread that dynastic politics/political dynasties as a political and economic strategy, to maintain power by passing on the power that has been held to other people who are still relatives with the aim of working themselves and/or family and perpetuate his power. of course, dynastic politics needs to be limited due to the following considerations (fitra hermansyah and agus suyatmoko adi, 2017: 688): first, that dynastic politics that occurs in the regions will only strengthen negative politics. if important positions in the executive and legislative institutions are controlled by one family, the checks and balances mechanism will not be effective. as a result, it is prone to abuse of power for self and family interests. second, dynastic politics leads to the formation of absolute power. if the position of regional head, for journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 271 example, is held by a close family that lasts a long time continuously, for example after 10 years in office, then his wife is replaced for another ten years, then by his son and so on, it will form absolute power that is prone to corruption. third, political dynasties have had an impact on the economic decline in society, as well as the occurrence of corrupt behavior, this is due to efforts to enrich families or clans economically and maintain their political power, so that these regional heads no longer focus on developing their regions. fourth, dynastic politics in indonesian society, whose political education is still relatively lacking and the legal system and law enforcement are weak, will cause the political contestation process to be unfair. families who advance in political contestations, such as pilkada, will easily take advantage of government facilities and networks to win the battle. fifth, dynastic politics tend to be able to close the opportunity for other citizens outside their families to become public officials. of course, if this happens, it will reduce the quality of democracy itself. for this reason, it is necessary to arrange so that the position of the head of the top government is not held continuously by one nuclear family in succession; and sixth, the limitation of dynastic politics is directed at increasing the degree of quality of democracy by expanding opportunities for citizens to participate in public positions and reducing abuse of office in election contestations and regional head elections. in structuring the implementation of elections at the local level so that political dynasties do not happen again, the following efforts can be made: first, the next political step is the need for structuring the nomination mechanism by political parties to be more emphasized. political parties must be more open in their candidacy, but not just a mere formality. competitions involving all cadres will reduce the practice of trading candidates by a handful of political party elites (titi anggraini, 2011: 17). in order for this effort to be successful, political parties as one of the pillars of democracy need to improve the mechanism for nominating candidates who will contest in the pilkada. for example, first, political parties can carry out internal conventions in political parties, not just taking into account electability based solely on surveys that hit the public. second, parties must also carry out a decentralized policy in making decisions at the internal level regarding who the candidate is promoted and the pair of candidates promoted, so that it is not based solely on elite votes but from various hierarchical aspirations at the internal level of each region, as well as those decisions. is a vote based on the aspirations of the constituents of a political party, not just a legitimacy based on a party decree. because, if the party is not democratic, then what happens is a mere elitist decision that tends to strengthen oligarchic politics. the third method, in the process of selecting candidates for regional heads, for example, political parties make open journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 272 political recruitment involving a team of experts so that qualified candidates will be recruited (toto sugiarto and agus muhammad, 2018: 205). second, by providing political education to the public, it can be done by political parties and civil society so that people are not permissive every time the pilkada is held not to choose candidates who have kinship ties who have ambitions to strengthen and enrich their families, relatives and clans only, by providing political education to the community. the way the public is given political education so that they are not easily tempted by the lure of money, basic necessities, and clothes. third, the need for regulatory changes to prevent dynastic politics and the practice of single candidacy in the pilkada, such as rearranging the requirements for nominating regional heads. this effort is carried out so that there are many alternative candidates in the community and this effort is also a tactical step so that there is no expensive political cost to obtain political support from political parties, by, for example, reducing the percentage of the nomination requirements carried by political parties or individual candidates. , and set a maximum limit on the terms of its main support from the path of political parties. conclusion political dynasties have certainly harmed democracy. the political process is no longer based on efforts to rotate power and open political recruitment. pilkada is no longer a means of regeneration and promotion of cadre recruitment, but has been replaced with decisions that tend to be elitist in nature. the strengthening of dynastic politics also cannot be separated from the indifference of political parties in developing democracy and strengthening the institutions of political parties themselves. because, basically the tradition of perpetuating power is part of the instincts of every individual which is then institutionalized in groups such as dynasties based on family, clan or clan, but in the end the control, expansion and perpetuation of power can be caused by the opening of the existence of power in groups of people who can control resources. . the emergence of local strongmen is intertwined with the interests of the rulers and the opening of opportunities from the weaknesses of political party institutions so that they can be controlled by the interests of these groups. political dynasties are increasingly gripping also caused by the existence of highcost politics with the presence of "political dowries" in obtaining political support in carrying out candidate pairs. when politics is controlled by a system that is elitist in nature, coupled with the reality of the existence of the political dowry, while the kinship politics of the political dynasty have been able to accumulate influence, wealth, control over certain territories, as well as economic control, it will be more likely to win political contestations, thus causing some candidates journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 273 who have good leadership qualities tend to choose not to run as regional heads and/or deputy regional heads in the pilkada. the presence of kinship politics or political dynasties in the elections should be taken as a serious warning that there has been a decline in democracy in the regions. this political dynasty shows a picture of the failure of political parties to produce cadres to become candidates for regional leaders. of 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(2020). revitalizing the role of regional governments in empowering traditional market traders in dki jakarta. palarch’s journal of archaeology of egypt/egyptology, 17(9), 146–154. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 328 politics and power, a critical perspective on legitimacy derwin tambunan school of political science and international studies, the university of queensland st lucia qld 4072, australia d.tambunan@uq.net.au abstract : we know from research into politics and power that these two variables are widely discussed as interrelated concepts. however, what remains poorly understood is that politics is not only interrelated with the concept of power, politics itself is about how power is exercised legitimately. this research aims to ascertain whether politics can be reduced to power and, if so, how can we define power. a literature study was deployed in order to answer these questions. the findings showed that politics could be reduced to power. however, power should be seen from the perspective of a legitimate capacity to act. this approach is compelling since it assures political legitimacy, the central issue in western political discussion. political legitimacy is obtained if the sovereign exercises power legitimately, and consequently, it creates people to trust the ruler's authority. people's trust is imperative to politics. a sovereign government can be legitimate if people trust her and believe in the sovereign's authority. social contract theory is one of the most profound concepts in western political thought and aligns well with the concept of power as a legitimate capacity to act. a social contract is a covenant by the people and the sovereign in which the people forfeit their powers and rights, recognise the sovereigns to employ power over them. social contract constructs a government system and the political legitimacy of the sovereign government. keywords: legitimacy, politics, power submission : aug 7th 2021 revision : sept 18th 2021 publication : nov 28th 2021 introduction politics, in essence, is the subject regarding government and how a consented authority is exercised. on the other hand, politics can also be defined as processes in which government meets a society's needs (heywood 2013). politics includes a policy of a government, its structure and its impacts on society. hence, politics is concerning polity, a system of a social institution focused on the machinery of a government. politics are exercised, executed, and practised in government institutions, political parties, legislative bodies, cabinets, etc. an institution such as families, education, community groups, business, non-government institutions cannot be regarded as political organisations; journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 329 instead, they can be considered non-political or outside politics. these institutions do not require the legitimacy principles as leftwich (2004), and rawls (2007) asserted. besides, only when politics is restricted to enterprises such as government and political parties, this notion contains the legitimacy principles, which is the essence of politics since legitimacy secures government to exercise its right uprightly and then grants political obligations (gilley 2006). a failure of a government or a state to act legitimately engenders illegitimate government (easton, cited in heywood 2013). therefore, to be more specific, politics is concerning governing and the essence of governing is something related to power (van der brug and heemskerk 2017). there would be no government without power. hence, politics concerns how power is exercised by a sovereign government (von haldenwang 2017). this paper argues that, in essence, politics can be equated as power. power is the nucleus of politics (van der brug and heemskerk 2017) and is shared and exercised throughout the sovereign government (eijk 2018). however, be cautious; politics can be reduced to power if power is viewed as a legitimate capacity to act (hindess 1996). defining politics outside of this definition would not be said as a proper definition of politics since power necessitates a legitimate capacity to act, and only by viewing such definition, the discussion of politics can be interpreted adequately (hindess 1996; korsgaard 1997). the decision of president trump on the ban of immigrants will be discussed to illustrate the concept of power as a legitimate capacity to act, and cameron's act to issue the referendum of brexit will be studied as a simple capacity to act. literature review the features of power power is the heart of political science, or it can also be designated power as the blood of political science. so, politics without power is nonsense (van der brug and heemskerk 2017). power can work either tangible or intangible; even most political scientists believe that power will work optimally in conditions that cannot be seen tangibly. in this section, the concept of power from various perspectives will be examined. hindess (1996) conceptualises power as a simple capacity and as a legal capacity. power is a simple capacity to act identical to electrical dynamism and work quantitatively for the diverse end. however, power can also be viewed as domination (gerschewski 2013; kailitz 2013). in democratic governance, power should be adjusted under the public life's complexity (gilley 2009; hindess 1996). according to marx's analysis(1818–1883), politics holds that the state arises because of power. according to him, before the state existed, there was an ancient communist society. all means of production belong to the whole society. the existence of private property rights divides society into two opposing classes: the class of people who own journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 330 the means of production and those who do not. the first class does not feel safe with the advantages it has in the economic field. they need a forced organisation called the state to maintain the pattern of production that has given them a privileged position and to perpetuate ownership of the means of production (heywood 2004). while max weber (1864-1920) defines power as making other people accept and do what they do not want to do. power has three meanings: ability, authority, and influence. robert a. dahl (1974: 407) suggests that power includes a broad category of human relations, for example, relationships that contain influence, authority, persuasion, encouragement, violence, pressure, and political power. then in his work entitled "modern political analysis", he stated that power is a kind of influence accompanied by encouragement in the form of sanctions for those who violate it. the two meanings of this term are inconsistent because of the first statement of power in general. after all, it includes all types of human relations accompanied by influence and sanctions. dahl does not question this because the term "politics" includes the terms "control", "power", "authority", and "influence", which have meanings that are difficult to understand. steven lukes (1941) describes the "three faces of power" theory, presented in power: a radical view. this theory formulates power in three ways: decision-making power, nondecision-making, and ideological power. decision-making power is the most common of the three dimensions. this "face" analysis focuses on policy preferences translated through political action (lukes 2005). non-decision-making power is a decision that sets the agenda in a debate and makes specific issues unacceptable for discussion in "legitimate" public forums. adding this face provides a two-dimensional view of power that allows for analysis of current and potential problems, broadening the research focus on conflicts that can be observed both overt and covert (lukes 2005). ideological power allows a person to influence people's desires and thoughts, even making them want things against their interests (for example, causing women to support patriarchal societies). lukes offers this third dimension as an "overarching critique" of the behavioural focus of the first two dimensions, complementing and correcting the shortcomings of the previous view, which allows for analysis of latent and observable conflicts. lukes claims that a full critique of power must include the subjective and "real" interests of those excluded from the political process (lukes 2005). power, according to foucault, is not understood in the context of ownership by an institutional group as a mechanism that ensures citizens' submission to the state. power is not domination as power over others in a relationship that dominates or the powerful with the powerless. power is not like the sovereignty of a state or legal institution that presupposes external domination or control over individuals or groups. power must be understood as a form of power relation that is immanent in the space in which power journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 331 operates. power must be perceived as something that perpetuates these power relations, forms a chain or system of those relations, or even isolates them from the rest of a power relation. therefore, power is a strategy in which power relations are the effect (foucault 1982). the issue of power is not a question of ownership in who controls whom or is powerful while others are powerless. the power is scattered, omnipresent, immanent in every social relationship. this is not because power can consolidate things under conditions of invisibility, but because power is always produced in every moment and every relation. power is everywhere, not because it embraces everything but because it comes from everywhere (foucault 1980). politics and power: a critical perspective on legitimacy in the introduction, it has been mentioned that the main argument of this study is that politics, in essence, can be reduced to power, and this section will try to substantiate this claim. politics chiefly and formally work in a government context. politics is concerning policies established by the legitimate authority of a government (chambers and carver 2008). politics relate to how a government works and employs its power over the governed (heywood 2013). hence, following this notion, power is the capabi lity of an actor to employ resources to control the behaviour of others in the context of government, state or public administration (eijk 2018). however, politics denote an actor's capability to control other behaviour and how the actor functions uprightly. likewise, politics is a system in which the circulation of power and authority is built (eriksen 2015); therefore, exercising power is the very heart of politics (van der brug & heemskerk 2017). various perspectives on the definition of politics have been proposed, such as schmitt (cited in eijk 2018) emphasises that politics concerns friends and foes. while laver (cited in eijk 2018) defines politics as a complex combination of cooperation and conflict, cooperation leads to genuine love, and conflict creates war. however, these two perspectives are too narrow in political analysis and political theory. politics entails legitimacy to act of the sovereign government (coicaud 2002). legitimacy secures the right to govern, and the consent of the people grant the sovereign government to govern following the rule of law. by combining the notion of the right to govern and people's consent, politics can work appropriately within the society (carnaghan 2010; fraser 1974). politics, in its very nature, involves how power is obtained and exercised. following this definition, power is gained when people consent to the sovereign—the sovereign use its power to change or shape the behaviour of the citizens. government leaders, politicians, judges, state officials, police and military officers can legitimately exercise their power to manage public life (eijk 2018; galston 2001). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 332 so, why does power argued as the very essence of politics? before answering this question, we should consider various perspectives on power. power is a simple capacity to act (hindess 1996). another definition is that power can be viewed from a relational perspective, a successful in making b do something he/she would not otherwise do. in this definition, a employs power over b intentionally. hence, power is seen as the capacity of an actor to impose or change the choices or behaviour of the other either wholly or partly (van der brug & heemskerk 2017). power can also be conceptualised as a result obtained in and through social relations (barnett and duval 2005). under this definition, power comprises two aspects, the type of social relations and the specificity of social relations and further create the fourfold taxonomy of power. firstly, compulsory power is viewed from the recipient's perspective. an actor is admitted to shaping or imposing others' circumstances or behaviour. secondly, institutional power is an actor can impose or change others' behaviour through the rules assigned in a specific institution. hence in this definition, power is seen from the view that an actor can control others' behaviour indirectly. thirdly, structural power, power changes or shapes the fate and existence condition of an actor. fourthly, productive power is understood from the perspective that the constitution arrives from social subjects with various social capacities within a discursive manner and knowledge system to create social capacities and identities and gain meaning (barnett & duval 2005). this paper claims that discussing power from the perspective of a simple capacity to act or approach this concept from the view of the taxonomy of power does not meet the proper discussion of political concept and is rarely accepted in western political analysis. here are some arguments why these approaches are not fit for proper political analysis. none of these approaches secures political legitimacy (see also gerschewski 2013; gilley 2006; 2009). as discussed in the introduction, political legitimacy is essential to politics and abandoning legitimacy would fail to obtain political authority. consequently, the sovereign cannot distribute orders uprightly, and citizens would not be compelled to obey the sovereign and the rule of law. consequently, chaos within a society would emerge (dworkin 1986; holbig and gilley 2010). besides, these approaches do not concern the consent of the people. people's consent has been the main discussion in political analysis and political theory (marshall and jaggers 2013; mazepus et al. 2016; kluegel and mason 2004; raz 1995). for instance, david cameron, a former prime minister of the united kingdom, announced a referendum to leave the affiliation of the uk with the european union (eu). in this case, mr cameron employed his power as the sovereign government. however, the britons cast their votes, and the result showed that the uk left the eu (van der brug & heemskerk 2017). by applying the perspective of power as a simple capacity to act, it can be seen that cameron was capable of proclaiming the referendum; however, this approach failed to explain why the britons cast their votes journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 333 to oppose the expectation of cameron. instead, this theory is only able to explain why cameron has the power to proclaim the referendum. in political analysis, the consent of the people and a legitimate capacity to act are imperative to understand how the sovereign and the governed relate one each other (berdufi and dushi 2015). in the case of the uk's referendum, the britons also have a legitimate capacity to overthrow the sovereign government. hence, viewing the power as a simple capacity to act has failed to explain the very essence of politics. so, it is very reasonable to argue that to understand politics properly; one should see it from the light of a legitimate capacity to act. this perspective is the most compelling argument and has been entrenched in western political analysis (hindess 1996; rigby and fehér 1982; rothschild 1977; sandby-thomas 2014; scharpf 1988; 2003). power exercised legitimately by the sovereign government would engender legitimate government (dean 2011). furthermore, the power exercised with the consent of the people to whom the power is applied can also be said as a legitimate government. people willingly grant their consent to the sovereign to impose power over them to create government legitimacy. in this perspective, persons or agents of the government can stipulate laws or commands that are hoped to be obliged by the people. a government is considered a legitimate government and a concentrated locus of political power only if they exercise their power uprightly, and by then, they are also capable of assigning laws or commands that require obligation from the people (dean 2011; sandby-thomas 2014). this perspective generates valuable political life; the sovereign exercises legitimate power, and the people are compelled to oblige to the commands and laws assigned by the sovereign and hence the harmonious political life can be achieved and maintained. politics is how the sovereigns exercise their power uprightly. to govern uprightly is the very essence of politics (coicaud 2002). to govern uprightly means that the sovereign exercise its power legitimately (hindess 1996; rigby and fehér 1982; rothschild 1977; sandby-thomas 2014; scharpf 1988; 2003). in political analysis, justifying power is the fundamental aspect in discussing legitimacy (hindess 1996). if power is viewed from the perspective of legitimate capacity to act and politics is seen as how to govern uprightly, then these two elements generate people's political obligation, which is also essential to political analysis (bensman 1979; coicaud 2002; rigby and fehér 1982). legitimacy and consent are the two fundamental aspects of creating the political authority of a government. the legitimacy of political authority relies on whether the transfer of power is executed rightly or violates the principles of legitimacy (locke, cited in rawls 2007). the basis of the proper transfer of power is the people's consent. similarly, locke (1823) argued that people should not be demanded to subordinate political authority if their consent is not considered. however, people's consent is not journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 334 sufficient for the legitimacy of political authority because the political authority that obviates natural law would create illegitimate government (dalton et al., 2007; evers 1977; simmons 2001). hence, to be a legitimate sovereign, a government should consider the force of the natural law. if the political authority fails to protect the consent of the people or neglects the boundaries of the natural law, then it indeed ends the legitimacy of its political authority, and consequently, there would be no obligation of the governed to obey the rules or commands (barker 1985; di palma 1991; hobbes 1651; 2010; pitkin 1964; riley 1976). moreover, if political authority exercises power legitimately, people will trust their authority. people's trust is a precondition to politics. a sovereign government can be said to be a legitimate government if people trust her and believe in the sovereign's authority (weber 1964). further, weber emphasised that legitimacy is fundamental to social science and trust in a particular social order creates social orderliness (weber 1964). trust in the sovereign is also considered more enduring than the pursuance of selfinterest, which is also essential in maintaining social orderliness (danny 2013). political legitimacy is achieved if the sovereign uses its political power properly (green 1988). political legitimacy necessitates the rightfulness to govern by political regimes conferred by the people to the political regimes established in the common good or collective advantage (gilley, cited in mazepus 2017). political legitimacy is also viewed from the social contract theory. the social contract is the basis of political legitimacy; people consent to a contract or an agreement that asserts a sovereign who can assure the protection of people and the people confer their rights to the sovereign (hobbes 1651; hobbes, cited in korsgaard 1997; hoffmann 2011; paz-fuch 2011). if there is no sovereign, the people may create one in a covenant manner (hobbes 1651). furthermore, political legitimacy can be established if the sovereign or the ruler protects the rights of the people (korsgaard 1997; riley 1976; rogers 2003). social contract theory is one of the most profound concepts in western politics (curley 1994; rousseau 1762). social contract emphasises that a free will of the people justifies political legitimacy (hobbes, cited in curley 1994). people are responsible for using their free will either to confer the right to the sovereign government or to renounce it through voluntary behaviour. for hobbes, free will is a moral decision to generate responsibilities. apart from free will, social contract theory also explains how the power is gained, exercised, retained and renounced in a sovereign (berdufi and dushi 2015; makarkin and oppenheimer 2011; sokolowski 2011). a social contract is a covenant by the people to overlook their powers and rights, recognise the sovereigns to employ their power over the people without any barricades. hence in hobbes's analysis, the sovereign is an absolute power; a regime and the governed are established based on the people's free will to forfeit their rights and confer them to the sovereign (curley 1994; machan journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 335 1983). hobbes' perspective on power aligns well with the concept of power as a legitimate capacity to act and has been the central issue in political theory (nyamaka 2011). further, social contract theory has also been considered the most fundamental concept to impacting and changing modern society. it shapes the political configuration and has become the foundation for establishing society or community (berdufi and dushi 2015; stanila 1998; weber 2011). besides, it also constructs a government system and the political legitimacy of the sovereign government (stanila 1998). a sovereign government constitutes a social contract over the people who have agreed to establish a community (locke, cited in berdufi & dushi 2015). a sovereign government is legitimate and upright if the people approve it, trust it. hence, the sovereign obtains its power if only people confer the right and power to the sovereign government (hoffmann 2011; hobbes 1651; paz-fuch 2011). in other words, it is the people who have the power, and the sovereign assumes the power because the people voluntarily give it to the sovereign. in this case, people forfeit and limit their power and rights and subjugate the sovereign to have a more substantial guarantee of their rights. whenever the sovereign neglects to exercise its power and responsibilities, the people can question the sovereign and replace it with a new sovereign ruler that they believe would assure and secure the rights of the people (berdufi and dushi 2015; hobbes 1651). there is a difference between hobbes and locke in viewing power; for hobbes, the sovereign is absolute power, while the sovereign is not absolute for locke. locke emphasises that the power can be revoked from the sovereign. so, the concept of locke on power and sovereign government aligns well with the concept of power as a legitimate capacity to act. for locke, the sovereign's power is obtained through the people who confer the power and rights to the ruler. hence the power can be withdrawn from the sovereigns if they rule arbitrarily or fail to assure the rights of the people (hoffmann 2011; paz-fuch 2011). both locke perspectives and the concept of capacity to act are emphasising the legitimate capacity to act. in this case, when the sovereign exercise its power arbitrarily, the people have also a legitimate capacity to impeach the ruler (berdufi and dushi 2015). this notion is also illustrated in the case of cameron, who had been overthrown by the britons' vote to leave the uk (brexit). here we also discuss an example of power as the legitimate capacity to act in the case of president donald trump had signed an executive decree to ban immigrants. his decision to issue this policy has been considered one of the most significant impacts on american foreign policy and national security. to impose his presidential decree, trump recruited the anti-immigrant staff (shipoli 2018), and he understands that his policy could hurt many americans who do not support the immigrant ban and potentially impact the economy of america. however, the american constitution and american people give the office for trump and enable him to issue a presidential decree and make him legitimately journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 336 hire even the most anti-immigrant staff to help him apply the anti-immigrant policy. by using the concept of power as a legitimate capacity to act, president trump's action or the decision, in this case, can be assumed as a legitimate political authority. trump exercised his power over the american people since that power is given to him by the constitution and the american people to protect and secure a peaceful nation over the american people. however, if trump behaves violently and arbitrarily, the american people can impeach him via the constitutional mechanism. trump claimed that his antiimmigration policy was to protect america from the invasion of immigrants (shipoli 2018). hence, this particular case adequately illustrates that politics is how power is exercised legitimately. political scientists can provide a compelling and adequate political analysis if power is viewed as a legitimate capacity to act (danny 2013; franck 2006). if sovereign governments use their power legitimately to correct and judge the citizens' behaviour, people will obey them allegiantly. people oblige or subdue to the commands and the laws if they see that the sovereign create fair laws and institutions. people's obedience and behavioural change are essential to political analysis, and these could be achieved if the sovereigns exercise their power legitimately (franck 2006; hoffmann 2011). conclusion politics is concerning polity, how a sovereign government exercise its power. politics necessitates legitimacy to create political authority. to govern uprightly is the very essence of politics and means that the sovereign exercise its power legitimately. this paper concludes that power is the very essence of politics. in other words, politics can be reduced to power. however, power should be seen from the perspective of a legitimate capacity to act. this approach is compelling since it secures political legitimacy, the central issue in western political thought. political legitimacy is achieved if the sovereign exercises power legitimately, and consequently, it creates people to trust the ruler's authority. people's trust is a precondition to politics. a sovereign government can be a legitimate government if people trust her and believe in the sovereign's authority. political legitimacy is also viewed from the social contract theory. the social contract is the basis of political legitimacy; people consent to a contract or an agreement that asserts a sovereign who can protect people and confer their rights to the sovereign. in other words, it is the people who have the power, and the sovereign assumes the power because the people voluntarily give it to the sovereign. in this case, people forfeit and limit their power and rights and subjugate the sovereign to have a more substantial guarantee of their rights. whenever the sovereign neglects to exercise its power and responsibilities, the people can question the sovereign and replace it with a new sovereign ruler that they believe would assure and secure the rights of the people. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 4, nov, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 337 references alagappa, m (1995 ). political legitimacy in southeast asia: the quest for moral authority. stanford, ca: stanford university press. barker, ed (1985( social contract. oxford: oxford university press. barnett, m and duvall, r (2005) ‘power in international politics’, international organization vol. 59, no. 1, pp. 39-57. bërdufi, n and dushi, d (2015) 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(ed.), the theory of social and economic organization, free press, new york, usa. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 42 implementation of the english premier league's involvement in campaigning the anti-racism movement: a case study of the "black lives matter" campaign in the 2019/2020 season novrel esa yubel, reuspatyono department of international relations, faculty of social and political sciences of universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia e-mail: esanovrel5@gmail.com, reuspatyono@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract: the issue of racism is still common, especially in the black race. black people are often subjected to discriminatory treatment, such as violence to slurs. the death of george floyd in 2020 adds to the dark history of racism, and this has further strengthened the campaign against the importance of anti-racism to black citizens through the slogan "black lives matter". the spread of this slogan has made this campaign spread to transnational society, including the administrators and athletes in the english premier league (epl). this research focuses on discussing the role of the epl in the anti-racism movement through the black lives matter campaign, where the research question is: "how is the implementation of the involvement of the english premier league in campaigning for the anti-racism movement through the "black lives matter" campaign in the 2019/2020 season?". the purpose of this study is to explain the role of the epl in the anti-racism movement through the “black lives matter” campaign, as well as the implementation of its campaign. this study uses a literature study data collection technique, with secondary data sources from books or reports, and analyzed using descriptive qualitative methods. this research is based on the theory of the british school as well as the concept of transnational advocacy networks (tans), both of which are used as analytical instruments. based on the analysis, it is found that the role of epl in supporting the “black lives matter” campaign is very explicit. this can be seen in the support from the league management (ceo), to the coaches and players. the epl campaigns in three forms, namely: changing the name on the uniform with the words “black lives matter”, installing a slogan logo on the uniform, as well as kneeling on one leg while holding hands up before the match starts. therefore, it can be concluded that the epl's role in campaigning for the “black lives matter” issue is manifested through real actions that refer directly to the slogan campaign. keywords: anti-racism movement, “black lives matter” campaign, english premier league, english school theory, transnational advocacy network concept mailto:esanovrel5@gmail.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 43 submission : des, 11st 2021 revision : jan 18th 2022 publication : feb 28th 2022 introduction the issue of racial discrimination or what is commonly referred to as racism is one of the social phenomena in the world which until now has not been completely prevented, eradicated, or abolished in any country in the world, be it developing or developed countries. racism is one of the important issues that always gets the attention of many parties around the world, both by local countries and people in every country as well as transnational communities. this is because the impact of racism itself can ignite the anger of someone who is the object of the racism. according to the author, racism is a violation of the commitments that have been set together in the universal declaration of human rights in 1948. in today's contemporary era, the issue of racism has often become an issue that is fought for by many groups, especially in transnational communities. therefore, it is very important to see how the transnational community plays an active role in advocacy efforts on the issue of racism. as we know that along with the development of globalization and today's technology, information about certain issues is increasingly spreading from one region to another in the world. this creates a transnational community movement that is mutually sustainable to fight for an issue that is considered important by the entire community itself. another reason why the author took the english premier league's "black lives matter" campaign as a case study is because the campaign opened the author's mind and attention that the campaign against anti-racism could be carried out to the realm of sportsmen, where the campaign was carried out by football athletes and football league administrators themselves. long before this campaign entered the realm of sport, the “black lives matter” campaign had already been echoed by a non-governmental organization or non-governmental organization (ngo) called “black lives matter global network foundation. inc." in 2013. the existence of this ngo also triggered the development and expansion of the antiracism campaign with the slogan black lives matter, thus driving the english premier league in its campaign. this ngo originally emerged because of the spirit of solidarity among black people in the united states due to the death of a black citizen in the united states, trayvon martin, where the killer of trayvon martin was released just like that and in the end caused a reaction from black people who felt that this was the case. this is a form of discrimination and racism. the implementation of the campaign by the english premier league shows that the athletes, coaches, and administrators in it feel that this issue should be raised as a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 44 humanitarian action, so the campaign is carried out by the english premier league as a transnational community. therefore, what will be the focus of this research is how black lives matter is a campaign in the form of a slogan. in another sense, the black lives matter campaign is the main thing that will be investigated by the author, where the main subject of the campaign is the english premier league. therefore, this research itself will also focus on how the black lives matter campaign itself, especially on its own implementation. athletes and league administrators can be included in the transnational community because referring to what was written by umar suryadi bakry, when an individual's human rights are violated, then the international community should have a duty to take part in fighting for the guarantee of adequate protection for someone human rights (umar suryadi bakry, 2017: 288). in this case, football athletes and administrators of the english premier league, have the right and obligation to defend victims of racism, which in this case is the case regarding george floyd. the subject or unit of analysis of this research is the transnational community, where the more specific transnational actors are football managers and players in the english premier league. the actions they (the players) take on the field, such as kneeling on one leg before the match, then changing the name on their costumes with the words "black lives matter" and so on) which are their advocacy actions that at least affect the awareness of the transnational community as a whole. the general public about the importance of the struggle against the issue of racism. moreover, coupled with the audience or audience of english football which is quite high so that the campaign according to the author was seen by millions of pairs of eyes. from the root of the problem itself, the issue of racism against black citizens in the united states is one big example of this issue, especially the issue of the death of george floyd which has increased the "black lives matter" campaign around the world. the rise of this slogan was started again by the existence of a "viral" video, in which in the video a black man is seen being pinned on the neck by a police officer in minneapolis, minnesota, united states. the black man was named george floyd, and the police officer who was pinned on george's head was named derek chauvin. reporting from kompas.com, in the viral video, there was a sound "i can't breathe" spoken by george floyd because his head was being crushed by a police officer named chauvin. george floyd also died at the scene, on may 25, 2020. long story short, through this case the "black lives matter" campaign has expanded throughout the world, which in turn mobilized non-state actors (namely transnational communities) in fighting for the anti-racism movement. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 45 because of this incident, the issue of “black lives matter” has become increasingly resonant throughout the world, and this has caused reactions from various elements of global society, including the english football league called the english premier league (epl). football athletes and administrators in the english premier league, who incidentally come from various countries, then feel a sense of solidarity together as a transnational community in responding to the racism incident, where this is shown by carrying out a campaign action to raise the issue of anti-racism against black people. the black. in short, after the george floyd case shocked the world, the english premier league carried out the "black lives matter" campaign in various forms, one of which was by changing the name on the back of the team's uniform with the words "black lives matter". this is an action carried out by football leagues (athletes and administrators) as non-state actors in international issues, which according to the author is interesting to be discussed further and in depth, where in the english premier league itself there are many black players who playing, for example like pierre-emerick aubameyang, raheem sterling, and many more. through the evidence of the issue that the author attaches above, it is very clear that the issue of racism still occurs today, where the phenomenon of racism in recent years has caused injuries to death. therefore, this issue requires special and serious attention from various parties, both from the government in a country and civil society itself. therefore, the research question in the author's research is: "how is the implementation of the involvement of the english premier league in campaigning for the anti-racism movement through the "black lives matter" campaign in the 2019/2020 season?". literature review theory and concept in this section, it will be explained what theory will be used in order to produce later analysis based on the problem formulation and research questions that have been mentioned previously. in addition to the theoretical basis, this section will also discuss what research methods are used in order to produce a complete article, in accordance with established procedures and rules. therefore, the explanation will start with the theory, then later on the research method. the theory that will be used in this research is the theory of english school. according to a book entitled "international relations theory" written by stephen mcglinkey, the english school theory itself is based on three main concepts, namely the international society, international system, and the world society (stephen mcglinkey dkk: 28-29). the book also explains further that the international system in english school theory will be formed if there are two or more countries that already have significant contacts journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 46 between them. then related to the international community, english school theory emphasizes a group of countries that consider themselves to be included in a set of rules that exist in their relationship. then regarding the world community, it is explained that the english school theory assumes that the world community consists of a collection of humans or individuals as a whole who are incorporated into one association. so in another sense, humans or individuals become the most important unit in world society. according to the author, the world society in the english school theory in the book is relevant to the author's research, where the individual actors in the author's research are athletes and administrators in the english premier league. the above argument is also supported by what is written in the book "study and theory of international relations: mainstream, alternatives, and reflectivists" by bob sugeng hadiwinata, the english school theory itself is a theory in ir science that does not only focus on state actors, but also non-state. this is evidenced in how this book explains that there are three pillars of society in english school theory, the first is the inter-state society which consists of international organizations and regionalism, then the transnational society which includes coalitions of civil society and non-governmental organizations (ngos), and the last is interhuman society such as identity groups (bob sugeng, 2017:143). according to the author, the pillars of transnational society and the pillars of human-to-human society are the pillars of the english school that are relevant to the author's research, where in the pillar of transnational society the author's research also explains about an ngo called the black lives matter global network foundation. inc., and the pillars of human-tohuman society are explained through the english premier league, which is a transnational actor who also campaigns for the issue of anti-racism. moreover, as explained by umar suryadi bakry, that in english school theory the term "solidarist international society" is known. in this solidarist international society it is explained that every individual has the right to fundamental rights, including human rights, peace, and individual security, where if the individual's fundamental rights are violated in a country, members of the international community/ transnationals have a kind of obligation to take part in condemning these violations (umar suryadi bakry, 2017: 133). thus, the author feels that the english school theory is a relevant theory to be used in this research. in the analysis process, this theory is used by the author to dissect how the initiative of the english premier league as a non-state actor in helping the struggle against the anti-racism campaign against black citizens was triggered by the death of george floyd. this theory is specifically used in analyzing how the transnational community represented by the english premier league is evidence of the solidarity shown by the transnational community in responding to a case of injustice against human journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 47 rights. therefore, this theory serves to be a tool in analyzing. besides that, according to the author, this theory also has a correlation with the concept of transnational advocacy networks (tans). the concept of transnational advocacy networks (tans) or the transnational advocacy network that the author use in my research is one of the concepts in ir, where the main subject and object of this concept are non-state (non-state) actors, especially transnational communities or what can also be referred to as the "global civil society". the reason why the author chooses this concept to support the previously mentioned theory is because in the concept of transnational advocacy networks (tans) it is discussed in detail how an advocacy network formed by nonstate actors in many countries can then be used as a means of struggle to advocate for an issues that are basically domestic in nature, but in the end can be echoed in the international sphere in order to gather the strength of the movement. this is sharpened by the boomerang pattern, which is one of the focuses of the tans concept in discussing cross-country advocacy networks, where the main actors are non-state actors. according to a book entitled “activists beyond borders: advocacy networks in international politics” written by margaret e. keck and kathryn sikkink, this boomerang pattern explains how the mechanism of the formation of a transnational advocacy network, where in this boomerang pattern there is a series of processes in the form of reciprocal cycles that occur in it. for more details on how this pattern forms, see the image below. picture 1: boomerang pattern of tans concept according to the description described in this book based on the boomerang pattern, civil society in a country will react to an incident or event that significantly violates the rights of individuals and domestic groups in that country, where when the violation when that happens, the government as an actor who is supposed to protect, sometimes even closes itself off and blocks the path of advocacy between journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 48 itself and the community network. because of this, this advocacy network then tries to build an advocacy network out across national borders, which is what is called a transnational advocacy network. this boomerang pattern, according to the author, will be suitable and relevant for further reviewing the author's research, where it all begins with violations of human rights in the us against black citizens. method in this study, the author uses a qualitative research approach. the qualitative research approach itself is a research methodology that is very well known or popular among social science studies, especially international relations studies. according to what is described in the book “qualitative research methodology” written by prof. dr. lexy j. moleong, ma. citing the explanation of bogdan and taylor (1975:5) regarding qualitative research methods, the author can conclude that the research method using a qualitative approach is research that uses data in the form of descriptions or writings, where the data is obtained from the object of research that is the focus of the research regarding the research process (j. moleong, 2019:4). in the book, it is also explained by quoting the opinion of kirk and miller (1986:9), that according to them qualitative research methods are research methods that emphasize the observations of the researcher himself, so that the quality of qualitative research carried out by the researcher depends on fundamental to the foresight of researchers in observing the object of research. so indirectly, kirk and miller try to explain that qualitative research methods are very dependent on the quality of the researcher himself. in this research, the writer uses literature study as a data collection technique. literature study itself is a method that is often used by researchers when they use a research approach in the form of a qualitative method. literature study is a way of collecting data which is done by looking for sources such as books, journals, scientific articles, scientific magazines, and so on in the form of writing, where the data sources are used to examine the research conducted. so in another sense, literature study is a data collection technique that requires the researcher to read directly the library sources used to examine the research being studied. the author believes that the literature study technique is very appropriate for the author to use later, considering the data to be searched is in the form of text in books, journals, etc. because the literature study technique uses secondary data sources, it is necessary to discuss what secondary data sources are. secondary data sources are also referred to as additional data sources that act as support for primary data sources. according to what was written by prof. dr. lexy j. moleong, ma. in his book, secondary data sources can be in the form of writings consisting of for example books, tabloids or scientific magazines, journals, archives, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 49 to official documents and personal documents. in addition, documents such as theses, journals, and dissertations are also included in this resource. as written by john w. creswell in his book writing about this written secondary data source, which in his book he calls it "qualitative documents" or qualitative documents. creswell explained that qualitative documents are like public documents in the form of newspapers, papers, office reports, or also private documents such as diaries, letters, or electronic mail or e-mail (john cresswell, 2016:255). therefore, the authors can conclude that qualitative data sources are sources that are dominated by data in the form of writing which has a description in it in the form of writing or text. result and discussion in this section, the author will explain the various data that the author has obtained based on the direction of the study of this paper. so in other words, this results section will explain the various findings that the author got in order to analyze the case study that the author adopted, and the theory that the author used as the style of analysis in this study. here's the discussion. historical discrimination against black people black people are one of the world's citizens who often experience discrimination in their daily lives. from a historical perspective, discrimination against black people has been around for a long time. the discussion on this matter can be started since colonialism era in south africa, which later developed into what is known as “apartheid”. in addition, this can also be seen in a law that is quite well known, namely a law called the law of jim crow. this explanation of the historical side of colonialism and jim crow laws is considered important by the author because the racism that is still happening today is rooted in these histories. south africa became one of the countries that at that time became the main destination of these countries. colonialism that emerged in south africa led to separation and segregation which in the end created a systematic discrimination, namely racial discrimination between white people who incidentally were immigrants, and black people who were indigenous people of south africa. if we look back, it can be said that colonialism in south africa began with the arrival of the dutch colonial government to the cape region in 1652, where the initial construction was a fort in table bay (mavis, 2015:204). apartheid is a slogan which was later used as a system of racial separation between whites and blacks. this system itself was initiated by the national party or national party which has been in power in south africa since 1948, where one of the figures in it named hendrik frensch verwoerd from the netherlands became the initiator journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 50 of this apartheid system. verwoerd was the prime minister (pm) of south africa from 1958 to 1966. the apartheid system was implemented by the national party in various laws and regulations. some of the main points of the principle or thought of the apartheid system such as south africa's population is divided into four groups, namely whites, coloreds, indians or indians, and african natives or africans (thompson, 2001:190). the existence of slavery in south africa has a correlation with what happened in the us, long before the jim crow laws. the existence of the slave trade to be employed in fact reached the united states, where slavery of black people also occurred in the united states. jim crow laws is a law that separates white and black people in the united states, especially in the southern united states, where this law has lasted quite a long time, starting from the civil war until around 1968. this law explicitly makes a blockade of freedom for black citizens who are african-americans, where this blockade is explicitly seen through various signs on various public facilities that read "white only" which means that these facilities are only for white citizens (ulfauziyyah: 1011). according to sources that the author reads, these “white only” signs are often installed in vehicle parking lots, public transportation, hotels, and restaurants. although there are several places that are made not only for white residents but also for black residents, white residents will still be prioritized, so black residents are required to wait until white residents have finished using the facilities. therefore, it is clear that during the jim crow law era, black people were placed in a second class position, where all supremacy was held by white citizens. the enactment of the jim crow law indicates that there is a history of skin color discrimination that is deeply imprinted in the history of the united states, where black citizens have long been subjected to racist discrimination. because of this historical factor, according to the author, it is not surprising that a solidarity of the same values was formed for all black citizens in the united states today, where they want their people not to be discriminated against again in the current contemporary era, so that they get the same rights. the same as people in general. this is evidence that racism that occurs based on differences in skin color is an issue that then forms black solidarity, where in this contemporary era it is also not uncommon for significant differences to arise from skin color. cases of racism in football the case of racism in football also became the basis for the football league and its athletes and administrators to become agents of change in advocating this issue. this is supported by the number of black players who become soccer athletes. therefore, it is not surprising that then the english premier league also has empathy for what happened to george floyd in the us. however, specific cases of journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 51 racism in football also occur in other countries, one of which is italy. italy is a very developed country with its football, where the main football league in italy is called serie a. with regard to the case of racism itself, the serie a league has recorded a case of racism against black citizens which is very concerning. mario balotelli, an italian black football athlete who in 2019 played in serie a with a club called brescia, received racist treatment from the audience in the stadium. as the writer reported from theguardian.com, in short, during the serie a match between hellas verona and brescia on november 3, 2019, balotelli, who was playing at the time, suddenly received an insulting call from the audience who were supporters of hellas verona, where the call it leads to "monkey chants" or monkey insults (theguardian.com). this angered balotelli, who in the end kicked the ball into the crowd and wanted to leave the pitch because of the racist incident. this caught the attention of serie a itself and the world community. another case that has also been recorded by the world of football is a case that occurred in england, more precisely in the english premier league in the 2011-2012 season. this racist case happened to a black french athlete named patrice evra, where at that time evra himself played for the club manchester united f.c. this racist act was carried out by luis suárez, a uruguayan football athlete, who at that time played for liverpool f.c. as the author reports from goal.com, a brief chronology of this incident is that at that time (in 2011) when liverpool played against manchester united, suarez said a racist word in spanish which reads "porque tu eres negro", which in english means "because you are a negro", which in this case, negro means "black" (goal.com). this of course made evra feel that he had been harassed with racist words like that, where evra himself understood what suarez was saying when the incident happened. this case became big, and in the end suarez got punished for his actions. still reported from the same website, it was found by the author that suarez was banned from playing for eight matches, and a fine to be paid was £40,000. according to the author, this is a very commensurate sanction or punishment for the actions taken by suarez, considering the words he said to evra were very discriminatory. because of this, it is not surprising that english football insists on being able to campaign on the issue of anti-racism because of the record of such dark cases that have occurred in domestic football. not only that, the many cases in the world of football show that all parties have not actively and massively supported what has been initiated by fifa so far in fighting racism, both from the audience and from the athletes themselves. therefore, what the english premier league has done through its campaign (which will be explained in the next section), is a step to contribute to the vision and mission of the fifa program in the fight against racism. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 52 english premier league and its development the english premier league is the highest level of football league in england. the english premier league itself is directly under the supervision of the official body that regulates football in the european region, namely uefa (union of european football associations). so in another sense, namely that the english premier league is a football league in england which is officially implemented and recognized by uefa itself as the body of european football, as well as fifa. therefore, the english premier league is one of the most competitive leagues in european football. reporting from the english premier league's official website, that this league has its head office domiciled in the city of london, where within this body there are as many as 191 staff working in it (premierleague.com). these staff work in accordance with the divisions of work that have been assigned, such as coach development, youth development, security, broadcasting, commercial, marketing, and several other sections that also work within the english premier league. added to this is the fact that black people (who are a minority), dominate the percentage of the workforce, which is 16.2%. nevertheless, the english premier league remains committed to being able to provide equality and equality between clubs in all aspects and aspects. due to the advancement of the english premier league as a football league, it is not surprising that the number of spectators or the masses watching this league is increasing over time. the amount of mass that the writer means here is the mass/audience who come directly to the stadium, as well as those who watch on television and several other media. if we look at the data regarding the development of the number of viewers watching the english premier league in the 2018-2019 season, which is also connected to the 2019-2020 season, this number tends to decrease slightly although it remains consistent in the range of tens of millions of viewers. according to a source, in the 2018-2019 season, the english premier league reached 14.62 million viewers (statista.com). still from this data, this figure then decreased slightly in the 2019-2020 season, where the figure achieved was 11.33 million viewers. this is due to the covid-19 pandemic which then hit all countries in the world, where activities such as football competitions were also forced to stop. the increasing number of fans and audiences of the english premier league can also be seen in the amount of revenue based on broadcasting received by clubs in this league, especially in the 2019/2020 season. according to what the author reports from statista.com, the amount of revenue earned by the english premier league in the 2019/2020 season based on its broadcast is quite large. for its own equal share payments, each club in that season received a payment of 31.8 million pounds, of which the highest merit payment was paid to liverpool f.c. with 35.5 million pounds as the champions of the season who played very well, and the lowest merit journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 53 payment was paid to norwich city at 1.8 million pounds (statista.com). in addition, for the payment of the facility fees itself, it still touches the number above 30 million pounds, which is obtained by liverpool f.c. of 31 million pounds, followed by the highest overseas tv income of 71.3 million pounds obtained by liverpool f.c. for the commercial revenue itself, each club gets an equal share, which is 5 million pounds per club. looking at the data that the author described above, a statement can be drawn that with the large amount of revenue that the english premier league gets from broadcasting (both domestic and international), it shows that the interest and enthusiasm of the audience to watch matches in this league is very large and high, where this is evident in the amount of revenue from the broadcasting. this will certainly have a very good impact on the effectiveness of the delivery of campaign messages to be conveyed by the english premier league, which in this case is the “black lives matter” campaign. with the growing and increasing audience watching this league, the message of the humanitarian campaign launched by the league will be very easy to be absorbed, captured, and spread by the audience. this is what, according to the tans concept, will produce an advocacy network that crosses national borders, which in the end this campaign will expand globally. however, according to the author himself, the consistent number of fans who watched all matches in the english premier league, both those who watched live at the stadium and those who watched remotely such as television or online, showed that the english premier league had a very large mass even though it was not gathered in the same place (country) which in this case is about racism against black people. implementation of “black lives matter” campaign the english premier league is one of the leagues in europe that is very vocal in campaigning for humanitarian issues, which in this case is in the context of the black lives matter campaign. the english premier league is a league that is very explicit in campaigning for the issue of anti-racism against black people. this campaign was carried out after the death of george floyd in the us. therefore, it is not surprising that then the english premier league also campaigned on this black lives matter issue. in terms of periodicity of time, this campaign begins when the 2019-2020 competition season which was delayed or stopped due to the previous pandemic resumes. it all started with the death case that befell george floyd, where the way he died was not appropriate for a human being as well as an ordinary person. this has received very deep attention and empathy from the english premier league itself, where on its own official website it is stated that all players from the 20 competing clubs, expressed their support for fighting the issue of racism against black people through this black lives matter campaign. it was stated by the twenty journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 54 players that they as players, are together in one goal to eliminate all forms of hate crime, which this is to be realized through a global society that is inclusive, respectful, and always opens up equal opportunities for all regardless of people. from race and other aspects. the first support made by the english premier league was to replace the name on the back of their uniform with the words "black lives matter". this can be seen in figure 2 below, where one of manchester united's black players, marcus rashford, wears a shirt that reads "black lives matter". the act of changing the name on the back of the jersey has a very significant purpose in order to support the implementation of the campaign. by changing the name on the back of the jersey, it is intended that when players who are playing in the english premier league are highlighted by broadcast cameras through their backs, the words "black lives matter" will be clearly seen by millions of pairs of eyes watching the match. picture 2: black lives matter kit (source: eurosport) after going through the name change on the uniform, the black lives matter campaign on the club uniform continued with the installation of a slogan logo on the right side of the uniform that reads “black lives matter”. this can be seen in figure 3 below, where a logo that reads “black lives matter” is clearly affixed on the uniform of a black player at watford club, troy deeney. the installation of the slogan "black lives matter" according to the author himself shows that the commitment, which is not only in the short term but also long term, is implemented by the english premier league through this role. this also shows that the action of installing the logo is intended so that although the words "black lives matter" are no longer displayed on the back of the jersey, it is hoped that placing the logo on the right of the jersey is also expected to maintain the message of the anti-racism campaign being carried out, as long as they will during the match, the logo will be highlighted by the broadcaster's camera, so that millions of pairs of eyes watching the match can catch the message of the campaign action embedded through the logo. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 55 picture 3: black lives matter logo on uniform (source: thetimes.co.uk) in addition to the use of the black lives matter slogan in writing through the name on the uniform and also the slogan logo, campaign actions against anti-racism are also campaigned by the english premier league in the tangible form of action. this is proven and expressed through the third act, namely through the action of kneeling on one leg, as we can see on the picture 4 below where in the picture you can see an arsenal player (pierre-emerick aubameyang), a manchester city player (kevin de bruyne), and a field referee. this action was carried out by all parties in the stadium, be it the players, the field judge (referee), to the coach, shortly before the match was about to start. as previously mentioned, this kneeling on one leg is carried out at the start of the match, where the cue for this action is to blow the whistle once by the match referee at the beginning and end of the action. this action is one of the roles played by the english premier league in campaigning for anti-racism issues through “black lives matter”. through this action, the english premier league hopes that when millions of spectators or audiences are waiting for the match at the beginning of the match, they can first see this kneeling action which aims to convey the message of anti-racism directly by the action. picture 4: kneeling action before the game (source: dailymail.co.uk) then in the next competitive season in 2020-2021, the english premier league remains committed to continuing its campaign by changing its slogan to "no room for racism". as reported by espn.com, at the time of the 2020-2021 competition season, a meeting was held by all the team captains from the 20 competing teams, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 56 where the discussion being discussed was the continuation of the black lives matter campaign. after being negotiated at the meeting, it was agreed by all team captains that in the 2020-2021 competition season, all players and field judges will wear uniforms with the words "no room for racism" on their right-hand uniforms (espn.com). the agreement to continue this campaign cannot be separated from the direct support given by the ceo of the english premier league. richard masters stated that all parties in the league have a long-term commitment to overcome discrimination, which is based on the concern of all players in cases of racism that still often occur, so the slogan "no room for racism" is proof that there is no there is absolute tolerance for acts of racism, both in everyday life and especially within this league itself. picture 5: “no room for racism” campaign (source: premierleague.com) discussion according to the author's own point of view, the case that befell george floyd is a form of discrimination against black citizens in the us. this is due to the inhumane handling of the police officer named derek chauvin. if you use reason, then the police should not bend their knees to george floyd's neck, considering that more humane procedures should be prioritized by a security enforcer like the police. it is not surprising that the george floyd case has raised the awareness of the us domestic community (especially among black citizens) to fight against such acts of racism that have been spreading for a long time. not only domestic society, but transnational society also experienced an increase in their awareness of how important it is to uphold justice for black people in the us. this awareness of the same value which, when viewed from the theory of the english school, the english premier league wants to achieve later in the implementation of their anti-racism campaign. it also aims to create a wider global network of advocacy communities, as described by the tans concept, especially in the boomerang pattern. when viewed from the perspective of the british school of thought itself about the action of changing name, according to the author, the act of changing the name on journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 57 the back of the jersey proves that when a group feels that it is part of a solider transnational society (in this case also a solidarist international society), they will feel that an obligation to carry a collectively recognized significant value will arise. the english premier league as part of the transnational society has shown its role in solidarity on an important human rights issue by means of one way of campaigning the slogan “black lives matter” directly on the back of their jersey. that way, the willingness of the players not to include their names but replace them with slogans also shows the commitment that is firmly held by all players and other parties who in fact are members of blacks and whites. next if we talk about the action of installing the slogan logo on the right of the jersey, if viewed from the point of view of the british school of thought theory, it can be taken an analysis that the continuation of the "black lives matter" campaign from which initially included a slogan written on the back of the jersey which later became a separate logo on the right side of the jersey shows that as a solider party in transnational society itself, the english premier league is further sharpening its commitment to its role in this anti-racism campaign, where the continuation of the campaign with the installation of the logo shows that the sense of solidarity will continue to be carried by the english premier league in this campaign, and in the end the message and campaign will continue to be conveyed. to the audience of the league itself. if it is also seen from the concept of transnational advocacy networks (tans), then the act of installing a slogan logo (including changing the name on the jersey) shows that this league wants to create a wider advocacy network, which is not only in england and among athletes, but also all over the world. elements of society in the world. the action taken by this league is one proof of the committed role of the english premier league in supporting the anti-racism campaign with the slogan "black lives matter". then if we talk about the action of kneeling the leg, it can be concluded that the implementation or actual implementation of support for anti-racism by the english premier league shows their efforts to spread anti-racism values through the slogan of black lives matter. this is due to the massive audience or masses who watch the english premier league every match, so the momentum to campaign on crucial issues like this is utilized by the management and clubs in the league. the value of anti-racism through black lives matter was very vocally echoed by the players and administrators, where in terms of support alone has flowed from the ceo, coach, to players. the solidarity of all parties in the english premier league shows that antiracism values for black people are considered important collectively to be fought for. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 58 then, when viewed from the perspective of the concept of transnational advocacy networks (tans), the writer can draw an analysis that the actions carried out by the english premier league are the roles that the league itself is trying to realize. in other words, these actions show that the english premier league wants to convey the message of the “black lives matter” campaign not only individually through social media or other media, but wants to convey it collectively on the field where they compete. according to the author, this is an attempt by the league to be able to send campaign messages not only in england, but also to all transnational communities around the world. last, if talk about the continuation of the campaign, viewed from the point of view of the british school of thought theory, the author can conclude that the struggle against the anti-racism values embedded in the black lives matter slogan is a commitment that is implemented in the long term. in other words, the english premier league's belief in the value of anti-racism through black lives matter is believed by the league to be able to influence a better social order, which in this context is about racism that often afflicts black people. with a prolonged solidarity like this in the english premier league, these values will continue to live on through campaigns that are explicitly shown, which in the end with the rapid progress in the number of audiences, the value of anti-racism through the campaign slogan will be accepted. by various audiences from various countries, and in the end these values affect the existing system. meanwhile, if you look from the perspective of the concept of transnational advocacy networks (tans), it can be drawn an analysis that the purpose of continuing the anti-racism campaign with a new slogan shows that the english premier league wants this campaign to continue and be highlighted continuously by the public. camera broadcasting the match. with the number of audiences expected to continue to grow, the campaign message to be conveyed will certainly easily spread from various audiences in various countries. this will form an advocacy network that penetrates across national borders, which is what the english premier league itself hopes for through its campaign. in addition, the continuation of the campaign with a new slogan also shows that the english premier league is one part of the transnational community that supports the resistance to the campaign blockade that is often carried out by the us government against the black lives matter ngo itself. conclusion through various explanations, descriptions, and analyzes that have been done by the author, the author would like to conclude several things so that all the gist contained in this journal can be easily understood. the author hopes that through journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 59 this conclusion, the essence of everything in this journal can be easily extracted. some of these conclusions are: a. the issue of racism has become an issue that has never been fully resolved, where the racism that often happens to black people, like what happened to george floyd in 2020. black people are the race that gets racism the most, not only in life. daily life, but also in certain fields such as sports. b. awareness of the importance of anti-racism values is a value that black people (especially in the united states) strive for, especially as championed by the ngo black lives matter, both from their side as an ngo and from the side of the value of the slogan they are fighting for. this is in line with the concept of transnational advocacy networks (tans) which explains that blocking the voice of an issue by a state will make non-state actors such as ngos echo the values and collective awareness that they are fighting for, so as to create values that are considered important across countries. collective awareness of the importance of the black lives matter slogan campaign is disseminated to transnational (transnational) communities, to many people in the world, including to all sports players in the english premier league. c. the black lives matter campaign carried out by the english premier league is implemented through explicit manifestations such as changing names on players' uniforms with the words “black lives matter”, installing logos bearing slogans on players' uniforms, to kneeling on one leg and holding hands up before the match. d. this is in line with what is in the essence of british school theory, namely that anti-racism values were initially propagated from ngos in the us, then spread to sports players (ceos, coaches, administrators, and players) in the english premier league, which in the end the recognition was shown through the actual realization of the campaign, starting from the initial black 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https://www.theguardian.com/football/2020/jan/10/verona-fan-receivesfive-year stadium-ban-for-inciting-racism-of-mario-balotelli thompson, leonard (2001). a histroy of south africa: third edition. london: yale university press. w., creswell john (2016). research design: pendekatan metode kualitatif, kuantitatif, dan campuran (edisi keempat). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. https://www.theguardian.com/football/2020/jan/10/verona-fan-receives-five-year%09stadium-ban-for-inciting-racism-of-mario-balotelli https://www.theguardian.com/football/2020/jan/10/verona-fan-receives-five-year%09stadium-ban-for-inciting-racism-of-mario-balotelli journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 205 africanizing rebel insurgency in a post-colonial state and ramifications for african regional integration: insight(s) from the democratic republic of congo (drc) daniel n. mlambo tshwane university of technology, pretoria, south africa mlambo1@ymail.com abstract; this article aims to ponder the effects of political instability and, rebel insurgency, in particular, have on africa’s regional integration frameworks by drawing insights from the democratic republic of congo (drc). the upsurge of militias has been a norm in some african countries such as the central african republic, somalia and sudan. this article utilized a qualitative method. when one adopts this type of method, s/he anticipates gathering a robust viewpoint pertaining to human behaviour and the rationale behind it. data retrieved was drawn from secondary sources such as books, chapters in books, journal articles, credible online sources and policy briefs that monitor african conflict (especially the drc). similarly, the political instability that continues to take centre stage in the drc because of many and diverse rebel groups fighting for the country’s prestigious resources has produced a web of both internal and external instability, further crippling the country’s economy, neighbouring countries and africa’s regional integration blueprints. keywords: africa, conflict, democratic republic of congo (drc), regional integration, rebels submission : may, 11th 2020 revision : june 18th 2021 publication : august 28th 2021 introduction the purpose of this article is to understand the severe ramifications continuous conflict driven by rebel groups has on africa’s growth agenda with an emphasis on the democratic republic of congo (drc). scholarly research on african states and conflict, in particular, is extensive, literature presents a plethora of historical interpretations, current analyses, alternative proposals, and varying recommendations (see mlambo, mpanza and mlambo, 2019). it is on the premise of this that this article draws from an afrocentric perspective and drc in precisely on the destabilization caused by conflict while drawing a nuanced appraisal on the effects this has on africa’s quest for regional integration and much needed economic growth. varin (2017) is of the view that despite decades since the end of colonial rule, africa has continued to be referred to as the dark continent largely driven by the fact that the continent continues to be associated with on-going violence and human rights violations stimulated by non-state actors and dictatorship rule. the extensiveness of civil wars, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 206 rebellions, coup d etat, child soldiers, terrorism and war crimes has attracted numerous (both afrocentric and eurocentric) scholarly attention in the last few decades intending to understand the politics of this violence. for decades and particularly since gaining independence from their respective colonizers, most african states have continued to be embroiled in extensive political conflicts, which has at times affected regional neibouring states. this has been in most cases (albeit not entirely) stemmed from political disagreements and the quest to control much-needed resources. this has also given rise to militia groups who have for many years severely disrupted the political dispensation of some countries. adetoba et al (2014) submit that these conflicts are driven by poor economic order, weaken states and in some cases the fragmentation and proliferation of splinter groups based on ethnic and religious ideologies. the significance of state collapse in contemporary international relations (ir) could be addressed to the struggle by states for dominance, hegemony, relevance and survival. a state can be viewed as what adetoba et al (2014) call a body politic or society of men united for stimulating their mutual safety and advantage by their combined strength. indeed, a state interacts and forestalls the actualization of its existence within four constituent elements (1) population (2) territory (3) government and (4) sovereignty. a skim reading of literature draws no relevant nexus on rebels and regional integration predominantly from an afrocentric standpoint and the drc in particular. literature review from colonialism to democracy and a need for african unity towards regional integration: a succinct analysis of literature while it is not the intention of this article to draw a nuanced historical overview of colonialism in africa, however, for more than five decades, colonialism on the continent has been subject to immense scholarly debate(s). while the history of interaction between the african population and those from outside the continent is old, for the majority of africans, colonial domination by european powers was both a relatively recent event and short phenomenon (zahorik and piknerova, 2017). when one talks of colonialism in africa, this is a phenomenon that transpired between 1800 to the 1960s and came about because of the changes in the mode of production in europe (the emergence of the industrial revolution) which steered in a new process of production. according to bellucci (2010), african colonialism, whether formalized or not, was a tactic employed by european countries to transfer revenue from domestic societies to owners of industrial enterprises in the metropolis. it was driven by laws and juridical procedures that were forcefully imposed on the african population and were mainly driven in three mechanisms. 1. forced cultivation: obliging the african population to nurture crops determined by metropolis for export. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 207 2. forced labour: forcing the population to work on infrastructure projects (ports, roads and so forth) normally for very low wages. 3. payment of taxes: forcing the population to pay taxes in the currency of the colonizer. in essence, the african population was tied down to a system of manipulation that hampered them from improving their living conditions. colonial powers had shaped the map of africa like no other historical event. new borders were formed and many states in terms of size, population, resources and ethnic composition came into being. it is in this vein that ocheni and kwankwo (2012) aver that colonialism in africa had severe consequences regarding the underdevelopment of african territories in diverse and many ways. it distorted african patterns of economic development such as the production of goods, markets, trade, transport, provision of social amenities and patterns of urbanization. importantly, and as in most africa countries, colonial rule introduced ethnic discrimination, exclusion and militarism. post the 1960s, a period where most african states began to be freed from the european hegemony, the notion of democracy and regional integration were viewed as fundamental in most policy-makers and african heads of states. schultz (2019) assets that the concept of democracy is very old and dates back to plato and the ancient greeks who regarded it as a rule by the masses. bystrom (2016) joins several scholars to argue that in the modern era, democracy is often labelled in a form of popular government where the popular rules, either directly or indirectly, through the representations based upon the principle of majority rule. however, more than five decades after the end of colonialism, democracy in some corners of the continent is still a conundrum. african states still rate very poorly when it comes to respecting human rights, corruption and election integrity. as witnessed in other regions, the process of democratization in africa has been turbulent. cilliers (2016) draws attention to the fact that election-related violence has often led to political instability in many african countries such as the drc, lesotho and zimbabwe to mention a few. such is drawn from the fact that elections (and predominantly from an afrocentric perspective) do not necessarily translate to democracy. thus, regular, free and fair elections do not translate to individual freedoms, female empowerment, political equality an independent civil society, a free press all of which are essential mechanisms of liberal democracy. the continent is home to some of the longest-serving heads of states in the world who have often signalled their intent to overstay their duration in power. such tendencies undeniably undermine good governance and transparency in a continent that requires massive transformation to spearhead economic growth. so one may ask, what about the continents regional integration prospects. pan africanism, the struggle for independence is where we may unearth africa’s quest for regional integration. continental states realized that they were lacking in their political, economic and social structures, thus, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 208 regional integration was observed as a worthwhile objective for their revival and development. in soko’s (2007) assessment, historically, regional integration has constituted a fundamental part of development policies in africa driven by the need to overcome the continents structural problems encompassing of political fragmentation, minor intra-regional markets and low per capita incomes. mutharika (1972), believes that regional integration as a terminology means to bring portions of an item into a complete whole. from an economic perspective, it outlines the organization of economic undertaking within a state with the notion of fostering the development and growth of a country or region. the 1960s, an era of post-independence in africa called for integration partly due to the enormity of socio-economic and political challenges none of which newly independent states could address on their own (see owusu, 2015). moreover, regional integration was been viewed as a necessity for building african unity, consolidating regional political structures and producing regional blocs for enhanced use in international political forums and negotiations with the counties globally. mutunga (2017) points out that we may trace regional integration in africa to the united nations (un’s) authorized economic commission for africa (eca) whose mission is to enhance economic and social development of member states. however, an obstacle here was most african states have small populations, minor domestic markets, poor economic resources management, weak population structures, widespread conflict and are confronted with political instability. despite these pitfalls, i am of the argument that african states have embraced regional integration as a means of participating in the global arena. in africa, there is a long history of regional integration initiatives; however, the 1960s to the 1980s witnessed an escalation of the continents regional integration process such that there is no country in africa that does not belong to at least one regional grouping. thus, over the last four decades, the institutional framework for africa’s integration process has gone through several phases in reply to changing realities. the formation of the african union (au) in the early 2000s constitutes the latest phase in the development of regional cooperation and integration in africa. as adetula (2014) recalls, over the last five decades, the continent has experimented with over 200 regional intergovernmental organizations, a large percentage of them claiming to promote regional integration (mlambo, 2020). similarly, regional integration and in the developing world in, particular, should at least fulfil eight essential roles (van langenhove and de lombaerde, 2007). 1. stimulating trade 2. forming an environment that is conducive for private sector investments 3. enhancing infrastructural programmes to support economic growth and regional integration 4. execution of robust public sector institutions and good governance. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 209 5. the development of a comprehensive civil society 6. stimulating peace and security in the region 7. the building of environment programmes at the regional level and 8. strengthening of regions collaboration with other regions globally. drawing from adetula’s aforesaid arguments, one might argue that while these are critical drivers for development, achieving some in africa has been a daunting task for policymakers, heads of states and regional economic communities (recs). some states limit both the work and voices of civil society, fail to attract much-needed investments, do not adhere to good governance protocols and are prone by security threats. achieving desired afrocentric regional blueprints cannot take place in this regard. the importance of regional integration is drawn from the fact that it assists in stimulating necessary economic growth such as telecommunications, water resources, information and communication technology (ict) and transport networks that many african states with low levels of development and limited resources are unable to construct on their own (mlambo, 2017). it is worth noting that while regional integration offers various and many benefits for member states, such are not always guaranteed as they also depend on the degree and extent of commitments from involved member states. drawing from this argument, i infer that the core fundamentals of regional integration arrangements are to bring regional and/or bordering states into what i call a coalition and create an association or community where they work jointly in trying to realize a set of objectives such as economic growth blueprints and partnerships in diverse areas that ought to enhance their growth projections. method brynard, hanekom and brynard (2015) point out that research methodology has to do with the planning, organizing and execution of research to obey the demands of truth, objectivity and validity. in knowledge production, there are some fundamental theoretical and rational expectations that establish efficient research in a particular study. from a wider standpoint, research methods have to do with how data is retrieved for any discipline. however, when one undertakes research, no methodology that is considered sacrosanct especially in the domain of social sciences. drawing from the above, there are two main methods one can employ, either qualitative or quantitative. the former relates to the research describing kinds of characteristics of people or events while the latter focuses on measurements and amounts. however, in between the two is the mixed method that combines the two. in essence, having a research methodology is vital in any research as it grants the reader an understanding as to how data was retrieved (thomas, 2003). this article utilized a qualitative method. when one adopts this type of method, s/he anticipates gathering a robust viewpoint pertaining to human behaviour and the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 210 rationale behind it. data retrieved was drawn from secondary sources such as books, chapters in books, journal articles, credible online sources and policy briefs that monitor african conflict (especially the drc). the dependence on secondary sources enabled the researcher to have a vigorous and wider explanation on the topic under investigation. result and discussion continental conflict: a united africa deterred post the colonial era, persistent insecurity in africa and some of the ineffectiveness of peacebuilding mediations to prevent conflicts necessitate that we revisit approaches to managing constant conflict in africa. according to khadiagala (2018), africa and her fiftyfour states possess actors who have long sought to surmount the deficiencies of weak states by building collective norms and institutions for security, prosperity and unity. mlambo (2020) maintains that in the early 1960s, after the emergence of the oau, coupled with the transition of some african states from colonialism to independence, the continent has continued to be prone to an array of political instability. in a similar vein, ibeanu (2015) contends that the demise of the cold war and the transitions from military and authoritarian rule to the civil-democratic government in many african states in the 1980s and 90s gave impetus that the continuous instability dilemma was finally ending. in most states around the continent, transition procedures were established, elections took place and new governments came into power. nevertheless, over the last three decades, there seems to be a throwback to political instability, this may attest the underlying hypothesis that liberal democracy would provide a vigorous framework for resolving african conflicts has not materialized. belloschunemann and moyer (2018) advocate the view that from an afrocentric perspective and sub-saharan africa (ssa) in particular faces multiple structural pressures that upsurge the risk of instability and intense conflict in the region. while the magnitude of this varies from region to region, some states like the mineralrich drc and others are driven by religious beliefs such as boko haram in nigeria have caused havoc to innocent civilians (see mpe, shai and ogunnubi, 2020). mateos (2010) identifies some common aspects that may be drawn into the analysis of conflict in africa. firstly, they often take place internally (within internationally recognized borders). secondly, that is localized (often such conflict does not affect the whole country) and thirdly, conflict is driven by actors who have different ideas and are often grouped in what he views as three components: 1. primary actors: these are directly engaged in conflict and made up of governments, armed groups or guerrilla, militias, paramilitary forces, warlords, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 211 organized crime gangs, police forces, mercenaries, violent fundamentalist groups, regional armed groups, regional troops and so forth. 2. secondary actors: these are made up of those who although not directly participating in the conflict of confrontation thereof, but are often interested in its continuation. they comprise of criminal networks, regional governments, businessman, local and regional traders, international governments, private security companies, businesses with interests in natural resources, arms industries etc. 3. tertiary actors: is made up of those who try to intervene with or without the mandate to do so with the aim of managing the situation. this encompasses of the diaspora, civil society organizations, local and international mass media, regional and international governments, regional and international organizations, diplomatic organizations, international humanitarian organizations and multilateral organizations such as the un. as i contend, in the drc, all of the above actors are at play predominantly the primary and secondary actors. this stems from the fact that rebel infected regions in the drc have become business premises where the money is made, resources are controlled and sold, criminal networks are at play and there are profits to be made. in essence, state failure has continued to be the driving force of many conflicts in africa. accordingly, the continent provides many examples of ineffective, dysfunctional or non-existent states that are unable to function thus bringing with it security threats to their population and neighbouring countries. this brings with it the notion of not being able to deliver democracy and endorsing economic development. incessant instability in the drc: identifying the driving motives the drc, the most populous francophone country in the world is located in the centre of the continent and shares boundaries with congo (brazzaville), the car on the west, sudan on the north, uganda, rwanda, burundi and tanzania on the east and angola and zambia in the south. joseph (2016) holds the position that anyone who follows africa’s political landscape post the colonial era would attest that the drc is one state that over the past five decades witnessed an array of internal instability. some authors (see hedlund, 2020; salehyan, 2009; eichstaedt, 2011 and autesserre, 2010) have pointed to the fact that this has been driven by the many rebel groups, the need for natural resources and tribalism among other driving factors. one must bring to the fore that for more than five decades that belgium ruled the drc, the congolese population were treated harshly, exploited and neglected. hence, when independence came, the congolese (like many other african states) were poorly prepared for it as they lacked needed infrastructure on which to build an independent state. it came as no surprise that the post-colonial political journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 212 elites proved incapable of managing a newly independent state and which eventually brought with it anarchy, political, military, ethnic and racial tensions. prunier (2010) notes that, since the mid-1990s, there has been considerable instability in the great lakes region (glr) partly driven by the fundamental shift in the domestic politics of core states and the weakening of western engagements in the region. the unresolved post-colonial issues of nation and state-building, weak regional institutions for integration, resources, environmental vulnerability and problem-solving (monyae, 2014) also prompted this. lalbahadur (2017) stipulates that we may draw the historical context of the drc to its neighbouring countries. the involvement of burundi, rwanda, and uganda in the previous congo wars as a consequence of shared histories and populations, porous borders, access to minerals and further highlighted by the rwandan and ugandan government support for insurgents. because of its rich resources, diverse rebel groups have been formed in the drc particularly in the eastern part of the country which has made the country ungovernable. hendricks (2015) notes that within a week of independence from belgium, the province of katanga threatened to secede plunging the country into civil war. power struggles begin between prime minister patrice lumumba and president joseph kasa-vubu that ultimately led to the assassination of lumumba in 1961. according to melvern (2020), what further triggered much instability in the drc was the rwandan genocide in 1994 which brought with it profound impact on the stability of the country. many rwandese of hutu origin fled to the eastern parts of the drc and many joined armed rebels such as the democratic forces for the liberation of rwanda (fdlr) who in turn supported other rebel groups such as the rally for congolese democracy (rcd-goma) and the movement for the liberation of the congo (mlc). hence, what started in rwanda had a spillover effect and came to the drc. this made the eastern part of the country to be infested with rebels both local and foreign. in the drc, different militia groups and armies are keen to exercise their authority and power over the main mining sites, where the money is to be made and where territories are controlled by different warlords. in this vein, those who control particular mines make every effort to retain their position and those wanting to seize it utilize military force to do so. this brings a win-win situation further fueling violence because of the need to control specific territories. it also makes arms to be in high demand and the money made in controlling and selling these precious resources has enabled groups in the eastern drc to obtain heavy weaponry such as cannons, long-range mortars, ak-47s, ammunition and so forth. however, westing (1986) is of the view that whether natural resources carry the potential for conflict depends on the extent of the following. (1) the military and industries rely on the natural resources in the short and medium terms (2) the natural resources crosses political and ideological divides during its supply and routing and (3) there is contestation for the territory in which the resources are found. drawing from journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 213 westing’s arguments, i am of the view that (especially in the eastern parts of the drc) resources do fuel conflict as it has, since independence, become a source of revenue and survival for many and driven by ethnic rivalries. the on-going conflict situation in the drc presents a tragedy with many twists and turns that is undoubtedly testing the resolve of both continental and international actors. even when it seems there is light at the end of the tunnel, the problem soon resurrects and these events affect both the glr and the southern african development community1 (sadc). this instability had severely contributed to the inability of former president joseph kabila’s government to function properly and stamp its authority. to jacquemot (2010), there have been successive peace accords and un resolutions in the drc to improve the security and humanitarian assistance mainly to: 1. decrease the cases of abuse and violence 2. limit the number of displaced persons 3. increase in the access of humanitarian aid and human right services for vulnerable individuals 4. protection of women and children and 5. reducing impunity and bringing to justice those responsible for violence and human rights violations. apart from the above points, peace is still an elusive thing in the drc driven by the degree of mistrust to an extent that whichever leader emerges, whether through the gun or falsified ballot, often faces the same challenge (namangale, 2015). solving the instability of the drc is not a simple matter as previous interventions have demonstrated. while over the years there are many treaties (see table 1) that have been signed with the notion of halting instability in the drc and which have brought relative peace, the situation continues to remain volatile. table 1: some of the peace agreement in the drc since 1999. agreement place involved parties lusaka ceasefire agreement lusaka, zambia, 10 july 1999 angola, the drc, namibia, rwanda, uganda, zimbabwe and the mlc sun city agreement sun city, south africa, 19 april 2002 the drc, mlc, civil society, unarmed political opposition groups pretoria accord pretoria, south africa, 30 july 2002 government of the drc and rwanda luanda agreement, luanda, angola, 6 september 2002 government of the drc, the rcd, mlc, political journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 214 opposition, civil society, rcd-movement for liberation, rcd-national, the mai mai the final act sun city, 2 april 2003 the drc government and over twenty armed groups. peace agreement between the government, the cndp and other armed groups. goma, the drc, 23 january 2008 the drc government, and over twenty armed groups peace, security and cooperation for the drc and the region. addis ababa, ethiopia, 24 february 2013 angola, burundi, car, republic of congo, the drc, rwanda, south africa, south sudan, uganda, tanzania and zambia. source: muraya and ahere (2014). to draw a nuanced appraisal and understand the nature of the conflict, one should understand its aspects and in the drc these include but not limited to (1) state bureaucracy (2) national boundaries which are a legacy of colonialism (3) marginalization and disenfranchisement of communities (4) ethnic consciousness and identities and (5) corruption. the multiple facets of the constant drc conflict: rebels and domestic instability as alluded earlier, after more than six decades since gaining its independence, armed rebels have become a central feature of political settlements in the drc. over the years, these groups have gained substantial influence on the power and practice of the political, military and economic elites who are seen as the core actors in these settlements. thus, they have become a pivotal figure in the drc’s political landscape and have gone to exercise substantial influence on the governance practices of local authorities such as administrators, members of the security services and state-recognized customary chiefs. even when such rebels disappear because of being forced out of specific locations, they are often succeeded by others (see verweijen, 2017). one may draw conflict dynamics in the drc from a multilayered approach and rebel formation is spearheaded by such variegated factors as inter and intra community conflicts around political, economic and military influence, power disputes, the general nature of the state, governance and the political economy of the drc and regional power politics (baaz and verweijen, 2013). in the past few years, most of the instability in the drc has been driven by non-state actors predominantly the forces democratiques de liberation du rwanda (fdlr) and the now-defunct march 23 movement (m23). other prominent ones include the alliance des patriotes pour un congo libre et souverain journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 215 (apcls), the allied democratic forces (adf), the mai mai and the lord resistance army. neethling (2014) submits that scholars and particularly post the 9/11 period have vested ample time in locating the general nexus between terrorist networks, militias and rebel groups and what has been unearthed here is that these have been very active in so-called failed states. a large focus of scholarly literature has focused on the international dimensions of terrorism together with its manifestations. nevertheless, he argues that sub-regional terror has been a prominent feature in postcolonial africa. this is drawn from larger amorphous groups that attract a lot of individuals at a local level within a religious context like somalia’s al shabab or nigeria’s boko haram to rebels who (see table 2) terrorize civilians like the many armed groups in the drc. table 2: number of events targeting civilians by country 2011-2021 (drc). year causalities targeting civilians 2011 356 2012 393 2013 296 2014 381 2015 267 2016 286 2017 313 2018 771 2019 975 2020 1261 20212 14 source: armed conflict location and event data project (2021). the above figures point a blurred picture that in ten years (2011-2021), there have always been innocent civilians killed in a war that not only they gain nothing from, but have nothing to do with. in the drc, rebels act as terrorist organizations who frequently employ the use of terror in their action and insurgencies like executing individuals and raping women and young girls. what makes the attacks of these rebels complex is that most of them are directed at individuals that are not directly linked to the rebel’s real target. thus, instead of focusing on a government or ideology, they focus on the intimidation of a particular community just to get the attention of the government. it is in this vein that vlassenroot (2008) is of the view that during what he calls the congo wars (1996-2003), journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 216 the country was challenged by a new type of actors encompassing of armed groups, rebel movements, ethnic militias, economic and military entrepreneurs. some but not all were there just to claim a monopoly of violence (as still the case today) and own shares in the distribution of resources. on the other hand, some were of the plan to forge local and trans-border alliances to increase their local control and to consolidate political and social power. as discussed in a previous article titled armed soldiers and the increasing use of child soldiers in the central african republic, drc and south sudan: implications for regional security, most of these rebels especially those affiliated with the mayi-mayi fighters are young and often children. even if these young children have joined these rebels voluntarily, what must be understood is that the choice to enrol is often taken in the context of very limited opportunities for them. mkandawire (2002) submits that in africa, three types of post-colonial rebel movements have conquered the armed conflict scene. first is the secessionist/regionalist movements or those seeking superior autonomy for a specific (often ethnically specific) area. second, are those that have become rural-based following defeat in urban confrontations and thirdly are externally supported movements returning from exile and passing through the countryside on their way to the urban areas. one may assume that in countries of high natural resource dependence as the drc, the greed theory comes to the fore, here, and abundance of natural resources intensifies the threat of severe conflict as a phenomenon also known as the resource curse. these resources present what laudati (2013) calls a prize of territorial control thereby inspiring both motive and opportunity for greed-driven conflict for rebels. from an african context, this theory has been used extensively to highlight the role resources play in driving conflict. repercussions for african regional integration in any country globally, intrastate and interstate conflict can bring with it dire consequences. from a regional perspective, it can halt regional activities such as trade, the flow of resources, human capital development, the destruction of physical assets and spearheading an array of spillover effects. such leads to slow economic growth for any country particularly the less developed as the case in africa. the spillover effects can severely affect neighbouring countries and from a drc viewpoint, this may be sadc member countries and those of the glr. similarly, spillovers at times include refugees, small arms and weapons, increase in crime, terrorist activities, illegal arms trade, money laundering and piracy among other things. this is eminent in africa because countries share cultural, political and historical backgrounds. the one of refugees is still very much critical, especially in ssa. conflicts in states such as sudan, uganda, rwanda, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 217 mozambique, zimbabwe and lesotho has produced a web of refugees in most africa states particularly those deemed to be peaceful (mutunga, 2017). in the emergence of conflict, resources meant to bolster service delivery and infrastructural development are diverted to defence activates. in better-developed countries such as south africa houses many refugees, this can also lead to violence such as xenophobia where the local populace will be of the notion that refugees are here to take their jobs (see mlambo, 2019). inspired by the impaired economic situation and lower investments in state fiscal capacity, one may expect a state in conflict and turmoil not to be able to respect its commitments towards the countries in its recs. as it has shown in the drc, conflict-prone nations limit their chances of accruing foreign direct investments (fdi) and may find it a challenge to import and export goods. indeed, conflict in the continent has had a massive effect on the continents fight against poverty, ultimately dampening africa prospects for long-term structural stability and sustainable development while also causing the death of thousands of civilians not directly involved in such conflicts. in the drc, identifying any long-term solutions to the current problems looks very bleak. from a focus point of view, the drc’s policy outline should be incorporated into a longterm blueprint that possesses an inclusive and clearly defined sustainable objective that should be based on in-depth and accurate analysis of long-term economic and political interests (stevens, hoebeke and vlassenroot, 2008). the need for both financial and natural resources would be pivotal in this regard especially resources from the drc itself as these are the ones who know the situation better than external interventions. while over the years in the drc conflicts have been resolved through reconciliation efforts and conflict resolution mechanisms, armed rebels may destabilize these initiatives and reignite conflict dynamics. they may still undermine the implementation of agreed settlements. undeniably, with so many peace accords that have been agreed to in the drc over the years, these have often been undermined in the end. to enhance peace, maintain collective security and advance progress in africa and ssa in particular, what should be brought forwards are mechanisms of formulating and applying reforms with the intent of making political governance socially relevant. some of these may include the following: 1. the consolidation of real peace, physical and social security of people 2. implementation of robust social, political and legal institutions which can sustain peace, economic growth and development 3. the promotion and protection of gender equality, civil and human rights 4. the formation of integrated and coherent regional programmes and priorities 5. the circulation of natural resources justifiably and 6. protecting the environment journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 218 drawing from the above, regional integration will not be feasible unless national policies and politics effectively work and produce the results that can alleviate poverty. while good governance is always on the lips of african heads of states, african states have to promote and protect the principles and values of good governance. ideally, leaders of recs should also invest in robust institution building and capacity development, as without a good institutional framework and capacity, these cannot accomplish their role effectively and consistently regarding conflict management. the roots of the conflict are already known in the drc; hence, steps of identifying these should already be in place. additionally, to avert conditions that entice violence conflict, capable societies must be created and these must be driven by three components of security, well-being and justice for all citizens. i argue that all continental and international actors involved in minimizing the drc conflict need to do away with short-term methodologies. all actors should be aware that it has been decades since drc has been conflict-prone and short-term solutions are and have been not applicable. the drc situation requires long-term resolutions consisting of robust transformation policies, peacebuilding mechanisms, governance structures, collective bargaining power between other states and recs. this is particularly true for the eastern part of the country as if the drc can be rebel free, i cannot see why transformation reforms cannot be successful in the near future. alexander et al (2003) make a very useful point when they attest that policymakers have to realize that effective conflict prevention cannot be viewed only in terms of internal law and order or military measures. robust analyses are also pivotal and indeed needed to draw a nuanced appraisal on the conflicts root causes and dynamics that may be numerous and complex. as the dynamics of conflict gain prominence, the role of states both as a source of conflict and as a primary agent of its prevention and resolution has become more blurry. in contemporary african politics, more non-state actors have risen to a vital role predominantly where states are weak or seem dysfunctional. this is notwithstanding that in some african states civil society is not welcomed, are threatened, jailed or even killed(alexander et al. 2003). the role of civil society particularly in politically stable democratic and press free states like south africa have done magnificently in terms of being the middleman, holding government into account and promoting democracy (mlambo, zubane and mlambo, 2019). while i argue this might be more challenging in a country like the drc, civil society from states such as botswana and south africa can play a very active role in the instability in the drc. the situation in the drc must not just be observed from a humanitarian point of view. holistically, it must be viewed as a failed transformation from colonialism to independence and it is time for african solutions to fix african problems using their mechanism and methodologies. bringing in continental powers: what role for the african union? journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 219 in africa, no other continental organization has the peace matrix high on its agenda like the au. since its transformation from the oau to the au, the organization was born out of a more stringent need for african peace and security. the need to establish the au was taken at an extraordinary oau summit in sirte, libya in september 1999 and was finalized at a summit meeting of african leaders in durban, south africa on july 2002. some of the core elements of the organization were to focus on the promotion of peace, security and stability through it peace and security council (psc) and promoting integration (moolakkattu, 2010). the functions of the psc include the promotion of peace, security and stability in africa, anticipation and prevention of conflicts, promotion and implementation of peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction activities. kahombo (2018) notes that the establishment of the psc was a result of the reform of the oau security system which proved to be weak and inefficient. likewise, just like regional integration, no single african state can address the plethora of conflicts, proliferation of child soldiers, refugee flow, human trafficking, terrorism, drug trade, money laundering, illicit arms and underdevelopment in isolation. minor and particularly failed states possess limited national diplomatic capacity and would find it a challenge operating by themselves and for their voices to be heard. even global institutions such as the un have increasingly recognized the role of regional organizations in spearheading tasks such as preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding. organizations such as the au are not only closer to african conflict, but in most cases can better anticipate them and enjoy more validity than international actors while possessing knowledge on specific states. nevertheless, i argue that one may presume that irrespective of some noticeable gaps in the au in terms of anticipating conflict as in the case in mozambique (delgado province driven by the extremist group ahlu sannah wajama), where innocent civilians are being killed. the organization remains a vital continental role player where other continental mechanism are lacking or need improvement. some of the setbacks encountered by the au include being restricted by its principles of national sovereignty (non-interference) and subsidiarity. as an important organization, if it is to overcome these problems, african states should agree to limit some of their restrictions (see woldemichael, 2021). a noteworthy protocol that can be adopted by the au moving forward can be to push all african states (whether politically stable or not) to pursue peace, consolidate democracy and abide by constitutionalism as it cannot always count on external actors such as the united states of america (usa), un, european union (eu) for assistance. the on-going conflict in not only the drc but also somalia, south sudan, libya and car will remain the agenda of the au’s psc together with the emergence of terror in mozambique. interestingly, the drc will chair the au in 2021 and must contend with not only its issues journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 220 but also those of the continent. whether president felix tshisekedi will be able to consolidate his power in the drc and externally successfully remains to be seen. conclusion the article aimed to ponder the effect of african conflict on regional integration by drawing insights from the drc. the article rightfully shows that instability has dire consequences for not only development and economic growth of the drc but importantly the continent at large. the drc like any other continental country is severely hindered by internal conflict a phenomenon that is closely linked to the failure to implement constant development and to consolidate accountability and effective governance that has created a web of armed organizations. continuous conflict in africa and especially the drc clearly outlines that the continent is failing to grapple with this catastrophe. a clear blueprint project encompassing but not limited to cooperation, resource allocation, robust monitoring and evaluation, ensuring that civil society is brought in to develop effective solutions can be a starting point of departure. this is notwithstanding that, some of these protocols are there, however, they are just lacking a clear direction with limited tangible results. i also argue that porous borders, weak security and maintenance of them is another contributing factor and this is relevant to the drc and its neighbours. these heighten the risk of cross border movements of rebels both internally and externally and further contribute to the trafficking of weapons. thus, the need to focus more resources on border security. it is therefore imperative that we robustly analyze the dynamics of the situation in the drc as by doing so policymakers and heads of states will be better able to come up with initiatives that may be effective in not only diminishing conflicts but also dealing with the issues that drive them. for regional integration to be successful 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(2017). colonialism on the margins of africa. london, routledge. https://issafrica.org/iss-today/the-reality-of-the-aus-response-to-crises journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 275 democracy under threat: the politics of corruption and party financing system in indonesia derwin tambunan school of political science and international studies, the university of queensland st lucia qld 4072, australia d.tambunan@uq.net.au abstract ; after soeharto's authoritarian regime had ended in 1998, indonesia has successfully been transformed into one of the world's largest democratic nations. however, indonesia still faces enormous challenges to eradicating corruption; corruption is still ubiquitous and entrenched in governments and political parties. this study argues that the primary reasons for this apparent paradox are the politics of corruption and the dysfunction of the party finance system underpinning the illicit campaign financing system. this research also claims that the deficiency of the party finance system is not accidental; it is intentionally designed and perpetuated by the elites who prefer the illicit finance system since this system allows them to penetrate the state's assets, creating privileged business opportunities and reserving political advantages. the elites minority overpower political parties and establish politics-business networks to perpetuate their status quo and dominance in politics and economy. the dysfunction of the party financing system has also caused parties to remarkably relied on financial support from conglomerates; this situation engenders politics and 'black' business empires networks and oligarchisation. further, business and political parties maintain their access to the state's resources by becoming part of electoral democracy, assuming political office or lobbying societal organisations, and taking control over economic actions and election campaigns that undermine indonesia's democracy system. to substantiate the arguments in this study, the researcher uses the literature study and secondary data sources to support the arguments. keywords ; democracy, party financing system, political corruption, political party submission : feb, 11th 2021 revision : june 18th 2021 publication : august 28th 2021 introduction after soeharto's authoritarian regime had ended in 1998, indonesia has successfully been transformed into one of the world's largest democratic nations. indonesia has established political transformation; local governments have been granted more power and autonomy, the judiciary has been secured greater journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 276 independence, and corruption eradication commission (komisi pemberantasan korupsi or kpk) emerged to prevent and charge corruption (transparency international 2013: 2). however, indonesia still faces enormous challenges to eradicating corruption; corruption is ubiquitous and pervasive in all government levels, political parties, and the judiciary (berenschot 2018: 1172). according to dick and mulholland (2016: 46), political corruption is the root cause of any form of corruption and has engendered domino effects in the indonesian political and government system. mietzner (2014: 71) suggests that costly election campaigns have induced pervasive political corruption. for example, for a regent, gubernatorial and presidential election, a candidate needs to spend idr. 5-28 billion, idr. 60-78 billion and idr. 1-2 trillion respectively (media indonesia 2020). however, factually the cost of an election could require ten to twenty times than the reported (dick and mulholland 2016: 46). therefore, to meet the elections' sumptuous cost, incumbents or candidates should channel fundraising, and the common source is business people or the oligarchs, who have immense capital power. some of these oligarchs are also willing to pay for the candidate's election campaigns, and in return, if the candidate wins the political competition, these oligarchs will be given privileged access to state resources, business licenses, and business contracts (aspinall and berenschot 2019: 3; dick and mulholland 2016: 47). for instance, in 2004, the cost of election campaigns for the presidential election for susilo bambang yudhoyono and jusuf kalla was funded by aburizal bakrie, a business tycoon bakrie had granted privileged access to leverage his business chains (dick and mulholland 2016: 47). similarly in 2014, joko widodo-jusuf kalla’s presidential ticket was backed by surya paloh (kompas 2014; merdeka 2015). this central argument of this study is that the dysfunction of the party finance system is not accidental; it is intentionally designed and perpetuated by the elites (party's leaders and oligarchs) who prefer the illicit finance system, which allows them to penetrate the state's assets and resources, privileged access for business opportunities and reserves political and financial benefits. in a practical sense, the party finance system does not work right since it neither secures sufficient state subvention nor supports legal donations to political parties. as a result, political parties channel illegal fundraising from oligarchs to meet the parties' regular operation and the cost of election campaigns (mietzner 2015: 587; mietzner 2007: 239). this study is organised as follows. firstly, we will discuss a meagre and manipulated donation; further, we examine how oligarchs and illicit electoral fundraising fill the gap of meagre donation. then, we will discuss the impacts of the dysfunction of the finance party system on entrenched political corruption and oligarchisation. in addition, we will see how business-politics journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 277 networks are employed to fund political campaigns. east and central kalimantan cases are discussed to illustrate the political corruption, business and political networks and the finance for election campaigns. lastly, this study will examine the impacts of political corruption on democracy and the electoral process. insufficient and manipulated donations since 2004, the expenses for election have risen significantly to pay political consultants and media advertising to draw electors attention. mietzner (2013: 112) claims that both media advertising and political consultants have been a trend in election campaigns, as indicated in the party official report to the electoral commission (kpu). indonesian democratic party of struggle (partai demokrasi indonesia perjuangan or pdip) reported that the campaign expenditure rose from idr. sixty-nine billion in 1999 to idr. three hundred seventy-six billion in 2009 (mietzner 2013: 113), while in 2014, pdpi reported the total annual expenditure was idr 720 billion, and that expenditure excludes local and regional elections (komisi pemilihan umum 2014). according to government regulations number 5/2009, three sources of political parties finance; legal donations, membership fees and state subvention. these three channels are an institutional framework for how political parties obtain funds to run their party (mietzner 2015: 599). legal donations are received from both companies and individuals; however, this source is manipulated and consistently lacks transparency. membership fees are acquired from the party’s regular due includes fees obtained from the member of parties who take office in executive and legislative and donations from wealthy functionaries in the party (mietzner 2015: 601; winters 2011: 143-144). state subvention is the most transparent fund source in political parties; the state grants this fund to support the regular parties’ operations, nonetheless this subvention cannot be used to finance election campaigns. in 2009 under the government regulations number 5/2009, political parties received state subsidies idr. 108 for each valid vote. these three sources of parties’ finance are far from sufficient (see table 1 and table 2). since this institutional framework of parties finance system does not work, winter (2011: 143-144) says that this parties’ finance system is dysfunctional; therefore, parties seek illegal fundraising that obtained off the books to shield from scrutinization of a state agency and the public includes media (djani 2013; winters 2013: 12; winters 2011: 143-144). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 278 table 1. the estimation of the expenses of annual political parties (barid and mulyanto 2018: 278) no. the position of party expenses 1 head quarter idr. 50 billion 2 province (34 provinces) idr. 68 billion 3 region (514 municipalities and regencies) idr. 257 billion total 375 billion table 2. the estimation of the annual income of political parties (junaedi 2011) no sources amount 1 membership fees unkown 2 parties’ member donations idr. 0.6 billion 3 non-parties’ member donations unknown 4 corporate donations unknown 5 state subventions idr. 0.6 billion total idr. 1.2 billion we can see how enormous the discrepancies between parties’ income and expenditure are. to secure the sufficiency of the finances of the party, it establishes politics-business networks with oligarchs. these oligarchs are also happy to support these parties; however, most of these capitalists do not grant their donation directly to the parties; instead, they give it to the candidates (i.e. candidates nominated for legislatures, gubernatorial, presidential elections) to secure that they will receive their kickbacks in the future (mietzner 2015: 595). direct donation to the hand of individual politicians will create a mutual dependency between them. once these politicians win an election, they would pay the oligarchs with many forms of kickbacks such as special business licenses, tailor a business and state asset networks (i.e. arrange a tender to win the oligarchs). so that is why since 2004, the party-based regime had ended and has been replaced with a candidate-centred pattern (mietzner 2015: 601). for instance, in 2004, the incumbent president megawati was funded by a wealthy person, djoko s. chandra, through his 17 companies to disguise the origin of the donations (transparency international indonesia 2008: 25). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 279 oligarchs and illicit electoral fundraising parties' dependency on the aids of oligarchs to fund the operation of parties, particularly on election campaigns, has engendered systemic political corruption (mas'oed and savirani 2011: 64; mietzner 2007: 249). moreover, parties also auction off nominations to non-parties candidates to add some income to the party. dependency on oligarch aids and the auction off nomination have become two sides of a coin. non-parties candidates who bid the highest price would be the official candidate to compete in regional, local or national elections, and if they won the political contestation, they would for sure return their former 'investment' that has been paid to the political party. if the fund to pay political party comes from oligarchs' support, they would arrange a business contract or make a particular policy benefiting the oligarchs as a recompense (firdaus 2014; reuters 2015: 1). sjafrina (2019: 44) argues that these political transactions have created endemic corruption. for instance, from 2010 to 2018, 253 governors, mayors, and regents, 503 local legislatures were charged for criminal action, corruption. it is believed that most of these cases were related to electoral fundraising or the politicians who won an election, and when they took office, they try to return the big money they spent in the election sjafrina (2019: 44-45). some oligarchs do not satisfy as supporters of politicians, so they assume political office to penetrate politics and state assets more broadly. in this situation, they obtain double roles as political actor-bureaucratic capitalists and businesspeople (robinson 1986: 56). these oligarchs create networks and become predators and private oligarchs (hadiz 2010: 58; robison and hadiz 2004: 221). so, the dysfunctional party's finance system has induced extravagant election campaigns and further created an interpenetration of politics and business. in these circumstances, a contestant with political bargaining but insufficient capital power, networking with a business tycoon can be a solution. in contrast, when business tycoons have capital power but lack political power, approaching individuals with political bargaining would strengthen their business networks (winters 2013: 23-25). in indonesia, many oligarchs built networks with the functional groups party (partai golongan karya, golkar) to win local and national elections, and in return, these politicians protected their business empire (aspinall and berenschot 2019: 19). however, some oligarchs transform themselves to be part of electoral democracy, lobby societal organisations or assume political office to maintain their domination in politics and economics (lewis and hendrawan 2018: 178; mas'oed and savirani 2011: 71). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 280 the impacts of the dysfunction of the political finance system: systematic political corruption party finance system that relies heavily on oligarchs' donation has grown the patronage system and a new corruption scheme and oligarchisation represented in five modes (ford and pepinsky 2014; mietzner 2015: 601). firstly, oligarchisation has become perpetuated and dominated politics and democracy in indonesia. secondly, the treasury of parties have plundered legislators; as a result, they abuse their power to make money illicitly. thirdly, political parties use ministers as a cash-cows to fulfil the party's finance. fourthly, the party branches in the regions sold-off nominations for regent, head of district and governor to the candidates outside the party. lastly, parties use the state's assets to hand out patronage for their followers and electors to obtain the support of the people in elections (mietzner 2015: 601). in 2004, the direct election started, and since then, the oligarchs overpower political parties. these few minority oligarchs are powerful elites with tremendous capital resources (mietzner 2014: 58). they offered a solution for a dysfunctional political party's finance system. in 2014, ten parties participated in the general election, and none of these parties had an oligarchic party leader. however, in 2014, the number of party chairpersons increased by five times. jusuf kalla was the first chairperson of the political party in all of the history of indonesian democracy, and since then, the new trend has emerged, oligarchs can establish a new party or can 'buy' a current party to become the chairperson (mietzner 2015: 602). there is a situation where the oligarchisation is taken in the form of gradual oligarchisation, namely, leadership in the hand of the seniors in the party. in this way, the party's oligarchs manipulate the institution of politics into assuring prerogative to business they possessed. these people also perpetuate the dysfunctional party finance system to defend their status quo, and by doing this, they make parties consistently dependent on their donations (mietzner 2015: 602). the infertile party finance system urges parties to seek another way out to obtain funds by managing their representatives who take office as a source of money to the party, and they justify the membership dues of their representatives up to 40% of the income of the legislators. according to law, politicians are not allowed to receive a donation from individuals; consequently, these politicians cannot compensate for their spending related to the party. so to make additional income, politicians establish a business. in 2009, wajah dpr dan dpd (2010) reported that 54% of the national parliament members (dpr) run business. in these circumstances, business and politics have intertwined; politicians involve in the scalping of the budget, and legislators chase fees from many agencies. since 2004, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 281 legislatures have made an enormous amount of money with illicit business-politics networks. they authorise state projects ranging from the distribution of al-qur'an books to constructing complexes and arenas of the sports. so this is why, from 2004 to 2013, more than 75 of the national parliament members were charged by kpk for the allegation of budget scalping or the charges of bribery operations (mietzner 2015: 602). parties also use the executive as a channel for electoral fundraising; they expect ministers to arrange some policies in which parties can obtain a large amount of money from business under the minister's control. for example, in 2013, the former leader of partai keadilan sejahtera (pks) or prosperous justice party, luthfi hasan, asked the minister for agriculture to increase the beef import quota in exchange for idr. forty billion of kickbacks to be paid by a company. kpk charged the case, and he was sentenced to 18 years in prison. this modus operandi has been practised by pks in the previous years, plundering the ministers to fund pks and this operation also has common in other political parties (tempo 2013a). in 2014, partai demokrat (pd) or democratic party also practised ministerial corruption. the minister of sport and youth was prosecuted with severe corruption allegations and sentenced to four years in prison for a corruption case of hambalang construction, a sports arena complex. malaranggeng reportedly employed the money for the campaigning of chairmanship of partai demokrat in may 2010; this political contestation required candidates for party chairperson to pay essential services such as accommodation, travel and meals for their supporters (mietzner 2015: 603). the treasuries of the party have also been complex networks to obtain funds from business people. for example, mohammad nazarudin was the treasurer of partai demokrat in 2010. he made extensive networks with many companies by assigning many contracts with companies in relatively short periods to channel partai demokrat to capital resources. according to the indonesian financial transaction reports and analysis center (ppatk), nazaruddin was involved in assigning state contracts with more than 154 companies, and some of these companies are nazaruddin family business empires (kontan 2011). as a party treasurer and legislator, he lobbied state institutions to make business-politics networks, and with an extensive connection, nazaruddin successfully assigns many state contracts with his business empire. in addition, he also bribed bureaucrats to win state projects, or if this method were not possible, he would have to help other companies win a tender, and as kickbacks, he will receive some fees. so during his position as a party treasurer, nazarudin made millions of dollars, and he said that some of the money was given to the party elites in partai demokrat, such as anas urbaningrum and other party's functionaries regularly journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 282 (mietzner 2015: 604). urbaningrum used the money in the chairmanship of partai demokrat to compete with malaranggeng in 2010. this case indicates that parties did lucrative business through their treasurer, so business and politics are interpenetrated to obtain capital resources (kompas 2011; kontan 2011). the insufficiency of regular donations to a political party has also driven the party to sell off the nomination to the candidates of the non-party members. according to mietzner (2015: 604), 60% of the nomination for local executives was sold off to non-party candidates in 2013. there are two main reasons to sell off nomination: firstly, parties are incapable of funding election campaigns for the cadres of the party and secondly, by selling the nomination to non-party cadres, the party receives money from the non-party candidates to fund the party's regular operation. the money paid by non-party candidates is called 'mahar politik', and this fee is essential to add cash injections to the party. the amount of 'mahar politik' depended on factors such as the size of nominating party and the significance of the territory; however, this amount could typically be dozen of a billion rupiah. this 'mahar politik' essentially is a political transaction and engendered domino effects on politics, democracy and governance. on one side, 'mahar politik' engenders the perpetuation of oligarchs aids; this has happened since once the candidate wins the political contestation, they would return the money they paid for 'mahar politik'. they could do this by scalping state budgets, creating networks with businesspeople, and further, these wealthy people arrange contracts and the executives manipulate tendering process, grating business licenses and other illicit operations that involve state assets (mietzner 2015: 604). for example, in 2012, ilham sirajuddin paid 'mahar politik' to pks, amounting to idr. eight billion in the gubernatorial race of south sulawesi (tribun news 2013). a former minister for administrative and bureaucratic reform of the republic of indonesia or kementerian pendayagunaan aparatur negara dan reformasi birokrasi (pan-rb) claims many local executives spent a vast amount of money to pay 'mahar politik' and the cost for election campaigns. after winning the competition, they sell bureaucratic positions to the civil servants, and these civil servants do a similar operation. so, this is one of the arguments why the circle of corruption is never-ending and even more entrenched in indonesia political parties, bureaucrats and government (mietzner 2013: 112). plundering the budget of the state is also a typical operation to raise funds for a political party. for example, in 2009, to prepare the presidential race, president yudhoyono decided to order cash handouts for underprivileged families amounting to idr. 20 trillion. this cash was considered an illicit strategy to obtain people's sympathy and support for his second presidential election (mietzner 2009: 28). local executives also use similar operations; they distribute cash (dana journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 283 hibah) to draw people's support for a gubernatorial election. for instance, in east java province, the cash handouts to underprivileged families surged from idr. five hundred eighty-six billion to approximately idr. 5 trillion under a program called social assistance (bantuan sosial, bansos) (koran tempo 2013b). so, even though kpk has charged a considerable amount of corruption cases, the vast majority of the corruption cases are still unable to prosecute. the mastermind of corruption is still intact and untouchable. illicit political parties finance system rewards political corruption and outweighs the risk of being charged (mietzer 2015: 603). if politician corruptors are prosecuted, they may hire elite lawyers to defend their actions, protect their felonious wealth, and only receive light sentences. since the establishment of kpk, the average sentence is approximately 2.5 years (koran tempo 2014). figure 1. a framework of politics of corruption and party financing system in indonesia journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 284 business-politics networks to fund political campaigns a. the case of mining business in east kalimantan since the cost for election campaigns is sumptuous, politicians overpower the mining business as a cash cow to fund election campaigns nationally and locally (coalruption 2020: 3). since 2000, the mining business has become the primary source of parties to obtain funds. in less than a decade, local and central governments had issued more than 10000 mining licenses, and most were issued in the periods of elections (ansori, cited in macdonald 2017). more than half of these companies were not adequately operated and evaded their environmental and tax payable liabilities. many of these licenses were owned by political actors (e.g. luhut panjaitan, abu rizal bakrie, jufuf kalla), their families or connections. in many cases, the real identity of the owners of these mining companies was hidden from media and public scrutiny (coalruption 2020: 3). some mining licenses were also granted as kickbacks for political support. the exchanges of power to issue mining licenses and capital have rampant occurred in the mining business. these companies are also allowed to operate illicitly, escaping from their tax liabilities (macdonald 2017). so, since 2000, corruption has deeply entrenched in the mining business; parties' members in executive channelling money to the party by granting the business licenses. hence, politics and mining businesses are merged to secure the mutual dependency between politicians who need capital support to win elections and the political power of executives to back the business tycoon (coalruption 2020: 7). east kalimantan province is wealthy with minerals and coal; the political contestation in this province has been consistently related with the mining industry to obtain funds for election campaigns. syaukani hasan rais was elected as kutai kartanegara's regent in 2001-2005, and during his government in his first term, he issued hundreds of mining licenses, and many of them are considered his preparation in political contestation in his second term in 2005 (evaquarta 2008). under his leadership, he relaxed the mining tax intentionally, and he received gifts from the mining companies. eventually, in 2007 he was sentenced to six years in prison, and it was estimated he incurred the state cost of idr. 113 billion (detiknews 2009). in 2010, the daughter of syaukani, rita widyasari, won the election as a new regent of kutai kartanegara, and she inherited the patronage web of his father. widyasari managed the web to work very hard to win her first term elections (iskandar 2010), and indeed, widyasari succeeds in the election. since then, the web she inherited from his father transformed into a shadowy structure behind her leadership as kartanegara's regent and was recognised as 'tim 11' or team 11. this 'tim 11' worked cohesively and exclusively to influence widyasari to make journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 285 policies, including mining policies such as mining licenses, procurements of goods, tenders, budget allocation, kartanegara regency, and appointment development of local government (tranggana 2017). the 'tim 11' worked to bridge widyasari and businesspeople, from the embezzlement of public funds to brokerage, gratification and bribery, and mining permits to mining supervision (nadlir 2017). in september 2017, kpk charged widyasari for accepting gratification from mining companies related to licences and business operations issues. she was allegedly receiving a total amount of idr. 110.720.440.000 (jong 2017; jakarta post 2017). diah (2017: 54) argues that corruption cases in east kalimantan have always been related to the fundraising of election campaigns. the mining business has become a lucrative strategy to fund election campaigns because in east kalimantan, the reserve of coal was an overflow, and according to law number 22/1999, local executives are allowed to grant mining licenses. the control of mining operations is also on the power of the local executive, hence strengthening the power of the networks of politics and mining business. in her two periods as kutai kertanegara's regent, widyasari had issued 254 mining licenses. macdonald (2017) claims that widyasari followed her father's path; she copied his father's strategy to overpower politics. she used her power to grant mining licenses and mining industries operations to obtain massive money to finance her second term election in 2015 and her gubernatorial election in 2018. however, before she won the gubernatorial election, kpk arrested her and sentenced her to ten years for her rapaciousness to overpower politics by merging the networks between mining industries and politics (ghofar 2017; jong 2017). b. the case of palm oil plantations in central kalimantan akil mochtar, a former chief justice of the indonesian constitutional court, was arrested in october 2013 because he accepted bribery from the head district of gunung mas, central kalimantan province, hambit binti. binti bribed mochtar to quash the case of electoral fraud that his competitor against him challenged. binti asked cornelis nalau to deliver sgd. 300,000 to mochtar. nalau is a businessman; he helped binti win his second term as the head of the district of gunung mas by providing funds to pay binti's electoral campaigns in 2013 (aspinall and berenschot 2019: 208). before the election, nalau arranged extensive land in 2012 for his palm oil companies in the region of gunung mas, pt berkala maju bersama and pt. jaya jadi utama. binti also helped nalau to enlarge his palm oil business by granting licenses to those two companies. once nalau's companies' business licenses have been granted, the companies' prices were skyrocketing, and in a few months, nalai sold them to a malaysian company, cb industrial product holding (aspinall and journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 286 berenschot 2019: 209). nalau donated the profits he obtained from his oil companies as a kickback to help binti win his second term as the head of gunung mas district and paid his election campaigns and fees for vote-buying. binti's competitor challenged the election result and was brought before the constitutional court, where mochtar was the chief justice. again, nalau helped binti defend the lection's result by paying mochtar with money (firdaus 2014). in this case, the connection between nalau and binti was a business-politics network. business licenses were granted in exchange for capital support to win political contestation. this case is also adequately illustrating how capital power and political power perpetuate their mutual dependencies. binti and nalau believe that binti's political power and nalau's capital power can work together to overpower politics and business, so essentially business and politics are interpenetrated, and the line of political funding and 'black' business empires have blurred to secure the elites' status quo. the case of binti enlightens our understanding of the indonesian democratic system that has been manipulated and controlled by oligarchs. this situation emerged since the election campaigns are costly and business-politics networks are the easiest and the most lucrative way to finance the extravagant election campaigns. in central kalimantan, business people know that land and natural resources can be exploited by approaching politicians (gecko project 2017). however, politics-business networks engender systemic corruption and caused poor law enforcement and maladministration in grating licenses and supervision of business operations. in kalimantan, only 83 out of 300 palm oil companies have all required licenses to operate palm oil businesses (amirullah 2015; aspinall and berenschot 2019: 209). burgess et al. (2012: 2) suggest that the number of landuse licenses for plantations surged by 42% in the period of elections. in 2009, only 20% of the total plantation companies obtained licenses from local or central government. this data shows us that majority of plantation businesses do not have even a single license to operate their business, and these companies are owned by politicians, their families, their networks or the companies that donated funds to pay election campaigns (afrizal 2013; colchester and chao 2013; gellert and andiko 2015, 651). likewise, mining business and political networks, granting licenses for palm oil plantation companies, are also attributed to election campaigns fundraising. in central kalimantan's gubernatorial election, a candidate should pay 'mahar politik' around idr. 29 billion, and for a district head election, political parties require the candidate to pay idr. 7.3 billion. this money does not cover election campaigns, fees for the success team and vote-buying. so the candidates should provide an amount of money of at least idr. 36 billion (aspinall and berenschot 2019: 210). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 287 expensive political contestations and meagre state subventions to political parties are the main reason why politicians seek illegal fundraising to finance electoral campaigns (mietzner 2015: 592; mietzner 2008:232). democracy under threat: political corruption and electoral process political corruption dominates the electoral process and created patronage democracy (chandra 2004). patronage can be defined that politicians provide goods and favours in exchange for electoral support (aspinall and berenschot 2019: 3). at all electoral cycle stages, the exchange of material benefits has been pervasive and caused that democracy in indonesia is for sale (aspinall and rohman 2017: 41; hadiz 2004: 621). the sale of the state power started before the election process; it starts when political parties sell nominations for non-party would-be candidates. these would-be candidates pay political parties with the sum of money 'mahar politik', and the highest bidder of 'mahar politik' would be the candidate. after the candidate has been nominated, political parties and candidates negotiate about the future benefits. at the same time, this auctioneering of support would also present in the candidate's stage of the campaign organisation's establishment. candidates build their campaign organisation by attracting campaign workers with particular transactions. the transactions include monetary incentives and future benefits such as special access to state projects and a nomination for executive bureaucratic positions (aspinall and berenschot 2019: 3; aspinall and sukmajati, 2016: 13). further, the people in this campaign organisation will play as a success team or 'tim sukses'. in turn, this success team approach the leader of communities by offering infrastructure contribution or granting them under the table payments. in the near days or hours of elections, a success team or campaigner from a candidate's campaign organisation takes their auction to the households and the streets, and this is called 'serangan fajar' or dawn attack. on this occasion, they distribute a massive amount of money to the voters in an envelope. in these circumstances, the voters could receive many envelopes from different success teams. in terms of vote-buying, muhtadi (2018: 9) claims that according to a survey in 2014, 25-33% (47-62 million) of voters received gifts or payments. after the elections, once the candidates win the race, it is time to pay back. the campaign workers expect to be rewarded by giving them contracts, jobs, state projects, and other benefits. moreover, the winning candidates will repay the vast amount they spent in paying 'mahar politik' and success team (aspinall and berenschot 2019: 3; aspinall et al. 2017: 2018; aspinall et al. 2015). the winning candidates will set their strategies journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 288 to obtain funds by involving various forms of corruption; auctions executive bureaucratic positions, budget scalping, mark-up state projects, and bribing legislatures to pass the local government budget (apbd). hence, indonesia's democracy is to be auctioned off (aspinall and berenschot 2019: 5). within patronage democracy where state officials-patronage networks control state, therefore, in every state life's sphere, from the police (baker 2013: 131) to management of the natural resources (warren and visser 2016: 281), from the judiciary (butt and lindsey 2011: 192) to the conflict of lands which ubiquitous across indonesia (lucas and warren 2013: 76), it is self-evident that state officials functioned merely as a shadow state (hidayat 2007: ). selection and promotion of bureaucratic executives rely heavily on political and personal connections instead of professional capacity (blunt, turner, and lindroth 2012: 72; kristiansen and ramli 2006: 214). so it is apparent that in the indonesian government, the state operates in which state officials illegality become the centre of how government runs its duties and functions (aspinall and van klinken 2011, 22-23; van klinken 2009; schulte and van klinken 2007; simandjuntak 2010: 43; 2012: 102). conclusion the cost for election campaigns is enormously expensive, and the party financing system cannot help parties fund their regular operations or finance election campaigns. so, parties need to look for a solution for the inadequate parties' finance. moreover, since candidate-centred has replaced party-based regimes, candidates also need to finance themselves in election campaigns. oligarchs offer solutions; however, they create dangerous systemic effects; these oligarchs penetrate state resources, create illicit parties fundraising systems, budget scalping, a trade-off public offices, and politics and business empires become the primary source of political financing system in indonesia. these circumstances are not accidentally nor the side effects of a well-designed but poorly implemented system. instead, the elites intentionally designed this system to justify continuous illicit fundraising and lack of prosecution. politicians and oligarchs benefit from this shadowy world of illicit party finance systems since the system blurs the line between personal enrichments (and 'black' business empires) and political funding. many functionaries of parties fund their political activities and luxurious lifestyle from an illicit fundraising system. therefore, interpenetration between personal and political arrangements has established a robust incentive structure to preserve the status quo and attenuate institutionalised regimes based on potent public financing. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 2, no. 3, august, 2021 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 289 references afrizal (2013) ‘oil palm plantations, customary rights, and local protests: a west sumatran case study’, in anton lucas and carol warren eds. land for the people: the state and agrarian conflict in indonesia athens: ohio university press. amirullah (2015) ‘ekspansi industri sawit di kalteng tak terkendali’, accessed 2 may 2021. available at https://nasional.tempo.co/read/638155/ekspansiindustri-sawit-di-kalteng-tak-terkendali aspinall, edward and berenschot, ward (2019) democracy for sale: elections, clientelism, and the state in indonesia new york: cornell university press. aspinall, edward (2014) ‘when brokers betray: social networks and electoral politics in indonesia’, critical asian studies 46(4): 545-570. aspinall, edward, and rohman noor (2017) ‘village head elections in java: money politics and brokerage in the remaking of indonesia’s rural elite’, journal of southeast asian studies 48(1): 31-52. aspinall, edward, noor rohman, ahmad zainul hamdi, rubaidi, and zusiana elly triantini (2017) ‘vote buying in indonesia: candidate strategies, market logic and effectiveness’, journal of east asian studies 17(1): 1-27. aspinall, edward, davidson michael, hicken allen and weiss meredith (2015) ‘inducement or entry ticket? broker networks and vote buying in indonesia’, paper presented at the annual meeting of the american political science association, september 3-6, san francisco. aspinall, edward and sukmajati, m. 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2022 corruption eradication policy in china during xi jinping era firdaus syam, ummi fatia post graduate, universitas nasional, jakarta, indonesia email: firdaussyam@yahoo.com abstract; the anti-corruption campaign launched by xi jinping since the beginning of his tenure as president of china has experienced pros and cons according to some experts in the fields of politics, economics, and law, ranging from a decline in shortterm local economic growth, a decline in domestic investment, a camouflage for power struggles, and recovery. public confidence in the chinese communist party. under xi jinping's leadership, the anti-corruption campaign has expanded in scope, from central officials, regional officials, the military, to retirees who previously held certain positions in the chinese communist party. with the descriptive analysis method and elite and power theory, this study focuses on efforts to eradicate corruption in china during the xi jinping era, whose implementation is much different from that of previous chinese leaders. keywords: corruption eradication, china, xi jinping submission : des, 17st 2021 revision : jan 19th 2022 publication : feb 28th 2022 introduction at the 19th chinese communist party congress in october 2017, xi jinping made a speech and said that he should “ensure and improve living standards through sustainable development of gaige kaifang (reform and opening-up) and encourage domestic enterprises to expand overseas. his speech was formalized as “xi jinping thoughts on socialism with chinese characteristics for a new era” into the constitution of the chinese communist party. this view contains the four branches of comprehensive strategy, hereinafter referred to as the four comprehensives. the four comprehensives are: (1) building a prosperous society; (2) deepening reforms; (3) ruling the country according to law; and (4) tightening party discipline. the comprehensive four aim to continue the development of socialism with chinese characteristics. early in his term as president, xi jinping committed to efforts to clean up and strengthen the leadership and building of the ccp (garrick & bennett, 2018). mailto:firdaussyam@yahoo.com journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 73 xi jinping said, “committed to checking ourselves in the mirror, tidying up our clothes, taking a shower, and treating our ailments”. in this fourth branch, there is its campaign, namely “three strictly, tiga ketulusan” which aims to increase party discipline and efforts to get cadres to promote elements of core socialist values. socialist core values reflect normative concepts as defined by the chinese communist party. by building a normative consensus around socialist values, the chinese communist party seeks to strengthen its dominant position, and the law is used to generate this consensus. to discipline the party, xi jinping since the beginning of his term in 2013 paid attention to handling corruption cases and then embodied it at the 19th chinese communist party congress (yuen, 2014). under the direction of the chinese communist party, the anti-corruption campaign emerged not only to remove corrupt officials but also those deemed politically unreliable or damaging to the party. under xi jinping's leadership, the broader anticorruption campaign has included targeting corruption within the military and emphasizing "absolute leadership" over the chinese communist party. as previously noted, the handling of corruption cases in china has existed since the days of mao zedong to hu jintao. however, xi jinping took a big step and tends to be controversial in his attention to handling corruption cases compared to previous leaders. this is what makes the writer interested in analyzing what xi jinping's goals are in dealing with the eradication of corruption in china and why xi jinping has taken big steps and tends to be controversial in his attention to handling corruption cases compared to previous leaders. in addition, xi jinping's steps in dealing with corruption eradication in china are quite different from those of his predecessors such as mao zedong to hu jintao. literature review the group model and the strategic role of political elites in analyzing the government policies of the xi jinping era in eradicating corruption in china, the author uses the theory of political elites and power. the political elite is a reality. there is a small group of people who have power in controlling wealth and political power in society. their position is higher than the common people and the rights they have are greater. they can also control the political system. this group is called the political elite. this political elite theory originated from discussions of american social scientists in the 1950s, including schumpeter, an economist, lasswell, a political scientist, and c. wright mills, a sociologist (varma, 2016). the elite theory asserts that every society is divided into 2 (two) broad categories. the first is a small group of people who have and deserve to be in positions to govern. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 74 the second is a large number of people/masses/publics who are destined to be ruled. mosca (1858 – 1941), a law scholar, politician, and journalist and very dissatisfied with democracy although not a fascist, expressed his opinion that in society there are 2 (two) classes, namely the ruling class and the ruled. the first class is the ruling class, they are small, but very influential, holding all political functions, monopolizing power, and enjoying the benefits of power. while the second class group, namely the ruled class, they are the people/masses/public which is larger in number, governed, and controlled by the first class (varma, 2016). mosca is a bit subtle and doesn't have a cynical view of idealism and humanism like pareto. mosca understands the existence of an instrument of moral cohesion. mosca also argues that people in power are always richer than just brave (hartmann, 2007). it was proven at the beginning of the emergence of the national debt during the english revolution in 1689. those who were richer, namely the owners of capital, gave debt to king william on one of their conditions that the owners of the capital governed the english financial system. the general description of the elite or the characteristics of the elite are homogeneous, united, have cohesion, group awareness, have ways to survive, strive to be in power for life even though they have the principle of not believing one hundred percent in power. in this case, the theory of the political elite is a political theory that views the elite as a political actor and has a core role in every hierarchically structured society. undeniably, elite relations with the masses/public/people are not always harmonious but can be colored by conflict. the trigger for conflict is due to the lack of common goals and interests. people tend to conflict/different opinions. the conflict itself at some point can turn into a consensus. in politics, there is room for conflict as well as consensus, so there is a balance. the concern that arises is how does this political system work? with the emergence of this question, we must give a new, more specific/microfocus with the emergence of key questions such as: who rules? what formally governs? which elite group rules? do all elite groups rule? how does it affect the political system? therefore we must understand the framework of the political system. with this theory of political elites, it is useful for the political system to work. communities that can reach the center of power are the best small groups. every society is ruled by a small group of qualified political actors known as elites. elite is a group of people who are successful and can occupy high positions in society. seen from a geopolitical perspective, the theory of political elites has a concept of interests which explains that every society has an interest. the difference is, is the ruler moral or not? the concept of interest focuses on goals and interests. there are also the same goals but different interests. the emergence of different interests can journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 75 give rise to new groups, and this causes symptoms of fragmentation (split). the elite perspective creates a state of separation, which seems to separate society into groups that are powerful and controlled, which regulate and are governed. the object of politics is also very broad and can be directly seen in the group. the political elite is a small but very influential group. in general, they can hold all political functions, not only that, they can monopolize power and enjoy the benefits of being in office. in political science, there are several models of elite groups that can be known. this elite group model offers different ideas, ideas, and understandings in society. there are 3 (three) group models that can be identified. the three models are elitist, pluralist, and populist models (haryanto, 2017). the first is the elitist model, which is a model that gives the idea that the distribution of power is carried out unequally, giving rise to elite groups and mass/public/people groups. the elitist model gives rise to the stratification of society. in this case, the ruler is limited by the period, there is a process of replacing the ruler that does not only exist within the elite group but outside the elite group. this model was introduced by gaetano mosca in his book entitled "the ruling class". in the book, he argues that in every society there will always be two classes of people, namely the ruling class and the ruled class. he said, “the first class, always fewer in number, performs all political functions, monopolizes power, and enjoys some of the advantages that power brings; while the second, which is more numerous, is directed and controlled by the former through ways that are sometimes more or less legal, sometimes arbitrary and harsh” (haryanto, 2017). next is the pluralist model that puts forward different ideas. power with this pluralist model is not divided unequally, but power is distributed among groups in society. according to the pluralist model, several existing social groups seek to maintain their autonomy from the influence of other groups and the government. examples of these groups include religious organizations, business associations, labor unions, peasant organizations, and so on. this group places itself between citizens and the government to balance the division of power and assist in meeting the needs of its members (haryanto, 2017). then there is the populist model, which sees power based on assumptions, in which each individual in society has the right and must participate in implementing and implementing policies, so that power must be distributed to each individual. the role of political elites in playing their strategic roles can be seen from how important they are in occupying political positions. regarding the distribution of power, the populist model is based on the assumption that every individual has the right and must be involved in the process of making and implementing political policies. therefore, the existing power structure in society must be highly decentralized. citizens mostly have to play the biggest role in decision-making. because, they also journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 76 feel the need to be able to supervise the government and social groups (haryanto, 2017). there are two parts of the political elite, namely the local political elite and the nonlocal (non-political) elite. the local political elite means someone who occupies political positions (power) in the executive and legislative branches, who are elected through general elections and elected in a democratic political process at the local level (varma, 2016). meanwhile, local non-political elites are people who occupy strategic positions and have the influence to govern others in the community. these non-political elites are professional elites, religious elites, social organization elites, youth, and so on. karl marx argues, there are 3 (three) types of political elites, which elites can change through revolution. the first type is the position method, namely those who occupy strategic positions in the political system. this strategic position is certain to be able to make decisions and determine policies to be declared on behalf of the country. this elite can number in the hundreds, as it includes high-ranking government officials, interest groups, and political parties. they are required to make important decisions every day to serve millions of people. the second type, namely the reputation method, is determined based on reputation, the ability to process various issues, then formulate them into political decisions that have an impact on people's lives. the third type, namely the method of influence, this method is related to a group of people who influence various levels of power. in addition, they can control society, so that people will spontaneously obey the political elite. in a sociological and political sense, the elite is the ruling class, a group that holds power both formally and informally within social strata. with that position, they can influence the development of society in a reciprocal relationship. thus, it can also be said that the elite is a product of the people. and, the relationship between elites is always in communication so that the creation and spirit of one generation are continued or translated into a new form by the next generation (anshoriy, 2008). political elites and rulers in china in the context of china, the highest political power is held by the chinese communist party as the face of the chinese government itself. china's political elites are those who occupy positions in the party and government who then have the power and privilege to bring their relatives and colleagues to gain economic and business hegemony in various business fields. this is what later became the practice of oligarchy within the chinese party and government. china, even though it adheres to a socialist-communist notion, is also unavoidable in the category differences in society between the political elite and the ordinary people who are controlled and governed. one of the reasons is because of the gaige kaifang (reform and openness) journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 77 which was launched in the era of deng xiaoping to improve the chinese economy while remaining on the socialist path. it is undeniable that the relationship between the chinese political elite and its people is not always harmonious. even though the prc's communist government system repressed the freedom of speech and opinion of its citizens, the protests did not stop during the gaige kaifang policy in which the chinese communist party began to allow private and foreign investment. leader deng xiaoping hopes the policy will revive the economy and raise living standards. however, this effort has been hurt by corrupt practices, while at the same time raising hopes of greater political openness. the communist party is torn between those pushing for faster change and hardliners who want to maintain tight control of the state. in the mid1980s, student-led protests began. those who joined the ranks of protesters included those who had lived abroad and were exposed to new ideas and a higher standard of living. initially, the government did not take direct action against the protesters. party leaders disagreed on how to respond, some in favor of compromise, but others wanting tougher action. the hardliners eventually won the debate, and in the last two weeks of may, martial law was imposed in beijing. from june 3 to 4, troops began moving toward tiananmen square, opening fire, crushing, and arresting protesters to control the situation in the area. no one knows for sure how many people were killed. in late june 1989, the chinese government said 200 civilians and several dozen members of the security forces had died. other estimates put the dead in the hundreds to thousands. in 2017, a newly released batch of british documents revealed that a diplomatic cable from the then british ambassador to china, sir alan donald, said that 10,000 people had died (bbc news, 2019). china is a one-party state where the chinese communist party has a monopoly on power. however, the party leadership is not a monolithic group. its members do not all share the same ideology, political associations, socioeconomic background, or policy preferences. the two main political factions or coalitions within the current leadership of the chinese communist party are vying for power, influence, and control over policy initiatives. this bifurcation has created something in china's one-party government that is closer to a checks and balances mechanism in the decision-making process. this mechanism, of course, is not an institutionalized system of checks and balances operating between the executive, legislature, and judiciary in a democratic system. but this new structure – sometimes referred to in china as “one party, two coalitions” – does represent a major departure from the model of the “very powerful strongman” that characterized politics in the mao and deng era (li, 2012). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 78 after hu jintao's leadership, the chinese communist party faced a succession crisis. reform programs based on economic liberalization to generate wealth efficiently faced resistance from forces inside and outside the party who both defended wealth redistribution to ensure social justice and state-centered political and economic control. the power struggle that took place in the lead-up to the 18th national congress of the chinese communist party in october 2012 was inevitable and gave rise to new names from the “fifth generation” such as xi jinping and li keqiang. succession is one of the oldest and most fundamental puzzles of chinese political thought and practice. the confucian tradition praises ancient sage kings who bequeathed their sons to appoint morally good people to succeed them and criticizes the practice of maintaining control of power in the family. this principle is enshrined in an imperial examination meritocracy system that co-opts the best minds of each generation into a centralized bureaucracy (golden, 2012). within the chinese communist party, there are at least two factions called the tuanpai faction and the taizidang faction. the tuanpai faction consists of an intraparty group called the “populist coalition”. the tuanpai members generally had humble origins like hu jintao who rose through the ranks slowly. the taizidang faction is known as the “princes” faction led by former president jiang zemin and later led by xi jinping. this faction's members came from prominent and wealthy families thanks to the gaige kaifang deng xiaoping. many figures in taizidang can be attributed to their fathers and grandfathers, who were also revolutionary veterans or high-ranking officials under mao. president xi jinping is a prime example. unlike hu jintao, xi jinping was born into the privilege of being the son of an influential family in the chinese communist party. his father xi zhongxun remains a highly respected figure in the party hierarchy. xi zhongxun fought japan in the 1930s, served as mao's deputy in the 1960s, and was instrumental in the 1980s in opening the shenzhen economic zone (pollock, 2015). the princes had enjoyed privileged access to power and wealth because of their family ties. cadres who rose through the communist youth league had achieved their current status through a screening process based on their performance record (as well as their access to patronage). some leaders combine these two characteristics. the fifth-generation leader candidate, xi jinping, is the taizidang, while the possible number two, li keqiang, is the tuanpai (golden, 2012). method to answer these questions, the writer uses the descriptive analysis method or descriptive research. with this method, the author will explain based on the results of case studies regarding the handling of corruption in the xi jinping era which is different from previous chinese leaders. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 79 descriptive research describes the attitudes and behaviors observed during the investigation. this research approach is in many ways the opposite of experimental research in terms of its advantages and disadvantages. whereas experimental research shows a great deal of control over the setting in which participant behavior is observed, descriptive research takes place in natural, real-life settings. a common descriptive research technique is naturalistic observation, which involves collecting data where people are usually found (vanderstoep & johnston, 2009). descriptive research is useful because it can provide important information about the average member of a group. specifically, by collecting data on a sufficiently large group of people, a researcher can describe the member average, or average performance of a member, of the particular group being studied (marczyk, dematteo, & festinger, 2005). result and discussion prc government policies in combating corruption before the xi jinping era prc rule began in 1954 when the kuomintang (chinese nationalist party) was repulsed by the people's liberation army in capturing china as a whole. the government of china is divided into three, namely the first constitution (19541975), the second and third constitutions (1975-1982), and the fourth constitution (1983-present). the first constitution was led by mao zedong (18931976), liu shaoqi (1898 -1969), and dong biwu (1886-1975). the second and third constitutions were presided over by zhu de (1886-1976), soong ching-ling (18931981), and ye jianying (1897-1986). the fourth constitution was presided over by li xiannian (1909-1991), yang shangkun (1907-1993), jiang zemin (1993-2003), hu jintao (2003-2013), and xi jinping (2013-present). however, since the founding of the prc more than 70 years ago, five important leaders have shaped the fate and destiny of the nation and the ruling chinese communist party: mao zedong, deng xiaoping, jiang zemin, hu jintao, and xi jinping. under their leadership, china has undergone a remarkable transformation from an underdeveloped and insular country into a comprehensive world power (shambaugh, 2021). below is an explanation of the chinese government's policies in eradicating corruption before the xi jinping era: the era of mao zedong, deng xiaoping, jiang zemin, and hu jintao. corruption in china dates back thousands of years as a fact of life in various imperial dynasties. in 1949, the year mao zedong and the communists took power, mao waged a war on free speech, crippling citizens' ability to speak out against the faults of party officials. it instituted a command economy that put trade and property in the hands of the government, and centralized authority, investing more power in the states than ever before. mao and his policies made life in china at that time so journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 80 difficult that people had no choice but to turn to corruption to survive, during the food shortages of the great leap forward and the political hunt for the cultural revolution (klippe, 2014). in dealing with corruption cases during his leadership, mao zedong included anticorruption thinking as part of mao zedong's thought (maoism). mao zedong's thinking is the result of the combination of the universal principles of marxismleninism and chinese revolutionary practice, is the performance of marxismleninism with chinese characteristics and the best ideas of the chinese communist party. anti-corruption thinking is not only an important part of mao zedong thought but also an important thought for guiding the development of the chinese communist party. mao zedong's anti-corruption thinking has had important guiding significance in anti-corruption work to date (shi, 2014). during mao's leadership, the handling of corruption cases was not too strict and only limited to the realm of thought as evidenced by the existence of anti-corruption thoughts in mao zedong's thought. unfortunately, this thought was not implemented into a clear law because at that time mao and the chinese communist party had just succeeded in seizing power from the kuomintang (chinese nationalist party). because it is a new country, the formulation of laws regarding the handling of corruption cases is still unclear. in the era of deng xiaoping and jiang zemin, corruption cases were very prominent along with gaige kaifang in china. around 1980, deng began to open up the chinese economy, paving the way for a hybrid socialist market economy. the economy is particularly vulnerable to corruption during such a transition. deng's purportedly famous adage that "to be rich is noble" dispels moral doubts about making money legally or illegally. the creation of a “dual-track economy” with parallel markets and state-driven activities creates incentives for corrupt interactions among three key players, namely private entrepreneurs, representatives of state-owned enterprises, and local party officials (huang, 2015). in deng's era, the central commission for discipline inspection (ccdi) was formed for the first time at the 3rd plenary session of the 11th central committee in december 1978. the ccdi is the highest internal control institution within the chinese communist party in charge of enforcing internal rules and regulations. and eradicate corruption and irregularities in the party. previously ccdi was named ccc (central control commission) which had existed since 1927 long before mao and then underwent a vacuum and disbandment during the cultural revolution in 1969. however, ccdi experienced a reduction in power at the 13th national congress in 1987 by ending its interference in china's legal system and reducing its scope to a matter of party discipline alone. the number of ccdi inspection groups was reduced to 75 percent. after the demonstration at tiananmen square in 1989, ccdi finally returned to its original format and issued journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 81 the “5 prohibitions”, i.e. party members are not allowed to: (1) run a business, (2) work in an economic entity, (3) trade stocks, (4) receiving gifts, or (5) using public funds for luxurious entertainment (guo, 2014). after the tiananmen incident, jiang zemin rose to power as president of the prc in 1989 and then campaigned for the acceleration of anti-corruption with the 5 ccdi prohibitions until 2002. meanwhile, in the era of hu jintao, the policy of handling corruption cases in china finally experienced a bright spot. hu reformed the ccdi in conjunction with the 16th national congress in 2002. the ccdi jargon of “fighting corruption” was changed to “fighting and preventing corruption”. in addition, the dual leadership system within the ccdi was also abolished where the ccdi leaders in each municipality and province came from different provinces and municipalities to avoid conflicts of interest. during the hu jintao era, ccdi experienced significant progress and changes, thereby improving performance in handling and eradicating corruption (gong, 2008). policies of the prc government in combating corruption in the xi jinping era xi jinping's struggles in campaigning for corruption were echoed during the 18th national congress of the chinese communist party in november 2012 when he served as secretary-general of the party and is touted as the largest organized anticorruption effort in the history of the chinese communist party government. then after taking office as president in 2013, xi jinping vowed to crack down on “tigers and flies”, namely high-ranking officials to local civil servants who commit acts of corruption. from 2012 to 2016, more than 100,000 officials at various levels have been indicted in the corruption campaign. for economic crime, there was an increase of nine percent annually in 2013, and ten percent the following year. what is most impressive, however, is how senior officials from lower levels of government and above are targeted. there was an increase of 46 percent in 2013, with a staggering 126 percent the following year, and 27 percent in 2015. in 2012, 179 senior-level officials were charged. in 2015, it jumped to 747. no one seems immune. even a former member of the politburo's standing committee, zhou yongkang, was charged and imprisoned – the first time since 1949 that someone at this level was treated like that. bo xilai, general xu caihou, and ling jihua, from the politburo, were also arrested (brown, 2018). to discuss the handling of corruption cases in china during the xi jinping era, first, we will discuss the anti-corruption campaign that xi jinping has promoted since the beginning of his term in 2013 and how xi jinping has disciplined the chinese communist party. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 82 a. ccdi reform and party discipline china has the highest internal control agency tasked with enforcing internal rules and regulations as well as fighting corruption and irregularities within the chinese communist party called the central commission for discipline inspection (ccdi). since most officials at all levels of government are also members of the communist party, the commission is in practice the top anti-corruption body in china. previously ccdi experienced ups and downs, especially during the cultural revolution. re-started active under hu jintao in november 2002 and then further strengthened by significant and independent reforms under xi jinping in november 2012 together with ccdi secretary, wang qishan. before the reform, ccdi as part of the party was considered less independent and pure because many ccdi personnel also held government positions such as mayors and heads of departments. after the reforms in xi's time, ccdi personnel began to separate themselves from government elites and prominent figures to free up ccdi resources to focus on the work of enforcing party discipline. it should first be noted that anti-corruption is not something new for party leaders. anti-corruption efforts accelerated in the late 1990s under jiang zemin and also from 2009 onwards under hu jintao. despite the significant increase in party disciplinary investigations, it could be argued that xi jinping is only continuing what hu had started towards the end of his term. however, one distinctly distinguishing feature of xi jinping's campaign is the many senior officials vetted during the anticorruption campaign who have direct or indirect ties to retired party leaders. a key figure was retired head of public security and former politburo standing committee member zhou yongkang, who was later detained. li chuncheng, one of the earliest officials to be detained under xi's campaign, was a protégé of zhou who was an official from sichuan province in the late 1990s (yuen, 2014). in the months that followed, several sichuan leaders with ties to zhou were investigated one after another, including former deputy governor guo yongxian and former chairman of the cppcc provincial committee, li chongxi. the purge of zhou's comrades soon spread from the sichuan clique to other political circles, with the party announcing investigations into the former deputy minister of public security, li dongsheng, and the former chief regulator of state-owned enterprises, jiang jimin. foreign media have reported that more than 300 people with ties to zhou (including relatives and those who work with zhou) have been interrogated or arrested. zhou's long-awaited investigation was finally announced by state authorities on july 29, 2014, the day the politburo set the theme of the forthcoming fourth plenary to be "ruling the country according to law." the announcement violates the unwritten rule that retired members of the politburo standing committee will not be investigated. zhou, who is suspected of a “serious breach of discipline,” is the most journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 83 senior chinese official to be investigated since the infamous gang of four (yuen, 2014). another feature that distinguishes the current anti-corruption movement from previous ones is the ever-expanding scope of the investigation. the campaign so far has involved not only disparate ranks of officials spanning the provincial and central state-party bureaucracies but has also penetrated various sectors of the economy, many of which are heavily dominated by state-owned enterprises, as well as stateparty units that have remained intact from the investigation. previous corruption. nonetheless, the campaign's unprecedented scope, depth and intensity, and target selectivity have led to speculation that the effort is camouflage for a power struggle – a tool for president xi jinping to oust political opponents. the politically ambitious bo xilai, for example, is known as a rival to xi jinping who is said to be competing with him for the top leadership position. as observers have further pointed out, most of the officials removed from office had ties to ruling party leaders (yuen, 2014). corruption is generally considered a crime, regardless of the context. however, the findings in the case of china show that corruption at a significant level contributes positively to the macroeconomy. this makes china's current anti-corruption measures have negative consequences for the performance of the national economy. nonetheless, xi jinping's administration continues to enforce its anti-corruption campaign, which began in 2013 by staking economic progress as the most important source of legitimacy for the chinese communist party. it can be said that china's anti-corruption program in the xi jinping era was a form of rational populist policy. the populism aspect relates to the regime's need to respond to people's demands for a clean government, while the rationality aspect is based on the consideration that the policy fulfills the regime's interests to secure the legitimacy of cleaning up political rivals and prepare a friendly environment for a more liberal chinese economy in the future. given its unprecedented scope and intensity, xi jinping's anti-corruption campaign is expected to rein in corrupt practices by preventing excessive official spending and flagrant abuse of power. on the other hand, by involving several high-ranking officials and extending to various sectors, the campaign has sent a clear signal that xi jinping and his allies have now consolidated political power against rival factions and that any political opposition to xi jinping personally or reforms economy can generally be ruthlessly erased. it must be remembered, however, that the anticorruption movement, despite its promising rhetoric, is about saving the party and restoring public confidence more than fighting corruption. after all, corruption has been intricately intertwined with china's economic development. and according to observers, the anti-corruption movement is only meant as a means to pave the way journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 84 for economic reform. with this in mind, the anti-corruption campaign will only go so far as to pave the way for reform – without relegating too many high-ranking officials to levels that threaten the lifeline of the chinese communist party. that explains why anti-corruption campaigns rely so heavily on centralizing power in party disciplinary mechanisms rather than using the legal system or installing institutional checks and balances because disciplinary strategies allow the scope of campaigns to be carefully written and controlled. in the long run, however, this continued expansion of government power in the absence of institutional checks and balances and the rule of law carries the risk of backlash, as it could give rise to a new set of corruption problems that may be much more difficult to resolve. b. experts opinion xi jinping's anti-corruption campaign since the beginning of his tenure as president of china has experienced pros and cons according to experts in the fields of politics, economics, and law. the author finds 4 things that can be highlighted regarding anticorruption policies in the xi jinping era through the views of several experts. the firing of officials leads to short-term local economic growth decrease every five years after the change of leadership and government officials in china, the import of luxury watches triples and is suspected as a means of bribery to officials (lan & li, 2013). previously, turnover and consumption of luxury goods among chinese government officials were quite high. china's consumption of luxury goods (including purchases of deposits abroad, purchases of deposits, and consumption of the domestic market) accounts for about 1.4% of total aggregate consumption, and the proportion of domestic consumption of luxury goods is even lower. however, after xi jinping's anti-corruption campaign, imports of luxury goods such as high-quality jewelry and watches fell by about 55% but did not have an impact on the consumption of hidden luxury goods imports, such as high-quality liquor and food (qian & wen, 2015). the act of bribery usually involves the purchase of luxury goods, most of the corruption funds are usually spent on some luxury goods; therefore, the surveillance of bribery by the central committee of the chinese communist party will inevitably weaken the consumption of these luxury goods. the promotion of anti-corruption programs and the expansion of the scope of ccdi investigations from the center to the provinces, leading to increased dismissals of officials due to corruption will result in a decline in economic growth, and this illustrates the feasibility of the central government at the economic level in the overall selection of anti-corruption work (wang, 2016). journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 85 disrupting economic growth by affecting domestic investment luyao wang, an economist from china said that corruption has a significant negative effect on increasing investment, while investment is a direct dynamic of economic growth in china. from the data he presented, it is known that the number of dismissed officials has a significant inhibitory effect on investment, and on average, the addition of one dismissed official above the deputy department level results in a 0.2% reduction in the investment figure. since acts of bribery usually involve the purchase of luxury goods, most of the corruption funds are usually spent on a few luxuries; therefore, the surveillance of bribery by the central committee of the chinese communist party will inevitably weaken the consumption of these luxury goods. therefore, we can conclude that anti-corruption will lead to a decline in economic growth in recent years by affecting investment. so it can be said that the anti-corruption campaign made the local investment, consumption, and exportimport decline. power struggle camouflage according to samson yuen, a political scientist from hong kong university, xi jinping's anti-corruption campaign has led to speculation that it is a camouflage for a power struggle and a tool to get rid of his political opponents. the politically ambitious bo xilai, for example, is known as a rival to xi jinping who is said to be competing with him for the top leadership position. as observers have further pointed out, most of the officials removed from office had ties to ruling party leaders. apart from bo xilai, there were also names such as zhou yongkang, zheng qinghong, li peng, he guoqiang, and even cadres from the youth league faction or tuanpai. (yuen, 2014). bo xilai and zhong yongkang (retired head of public security and former members of the politburo standing committee) were charged with “serious disciplinary offenses” and sentenced to life in prison for bribery, embezzlement, and abuse of power. later the case published the name of zheng qinghong, a retired party leader and close ally of jiang zemin, who allegedly played a key role in bringing zhou to the top of the rankings. after zheng qinghong, came the names li peng and he guoqiang, as indicated by their respective investigations into corruption in china's energy and resources sector. on the other hand, the tuanpai faction currently led by hu jintao, the opponent of the taizidang faction, the faction that oversees xi jinping, also did not escape the purge and discipline. ling zhengche, vice chairman of the shanxi provincial committee of the chinese communist party and the brother of ling jihua (a former aide to hu jintao) was charged with corruption, bribery, and bribery and sentenced to 12 years and 6 months in prison. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 86 restoration of public trust a survey conducted by the university of california's china data lab found that support for the government among the chinese public has increased, with the average level of trust in the central government increasing from 8.23% in june 2019 to 8.87%. in may 2020, measured on a scale from 1-10 (guang, roberts, xu, & zhao, 2020). reinforcing this, a 2020 survey from the ash center for democratic governance and innovation, harvard kennedy school, found that chinese citizens' satisfaction with the chinese communist party and the government has increased overall, with the central government receiving a strong approval rate of 93% in 2008. 2016, the end of the survey period. from the broad impact of national policies to the behavior of local city officials, chinese citizens view the government as more capable and effective than previous leaders (cunningham, saich, & turiel, 2020). on the other hand, according to john garrick and yan chang bennett, observers of legal politics in china, xi jinping's anti-corruption movement targets corruption cases within the military and retired senior officials whose influence is still strong and overshadows the party. moreover, the domestic anti-corruption campaign may not yet have international implications, as china is relentlessly pursuing fugitive corruptors who have fled abroad to avoid accusations at home. corruption is closely correlated with legitimacy, and political leaders in china have found that anticorruption campaigns can be used to get rid of their political enemies and control the bureaucracy while increasing their legitimacy in the eyes of the general public. the party's anti-corruption campaign is a tool for the concentration of political power. against the backdrop of china's anti-corruption campaign and the push to tighten party discipline, there is hope that improvements in a judicial capacity, procedural justice, and the legal system across china, in general, can be built (garrick & bennett, 2018). so to say, despite his promising rhetoric, xi jinping's anticorruption campaign and policies are about saving the party and restoring public confidence more than fighting corruption. this is xi jinping's means to pave the way for political and economic reform within the party. conclusion the handling of corruption in the people's republic of china in the xi jinping era since 2013 until now can be said to be much better, firm, and massive compared to previous great chinese leaders such as mao zedong, deng xiaoping, jiang zemin, and hu jintao. policies for handling corruption cases in the era before xi jinping can be said to be still not firm and only revolve around the realm of thoughts, jargon, and small but not comprehensive reforms, especially within the ccdi body. this journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 3, no. 1, feb, 2022 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 87 indecision has resulted in unclear laws and still allows for major corruption cases committed by party members, both from the tuanpai and taizidang factions. when he was sworn in as president of the prc in 2013, xi jinping vowed to crack down on tigers and flies as a metaphor for senior chinese communist party officials (tigers) and government employees (flies). in this era, the death penalty began to be enforced as an anti-corruption drive in china. the death penalty threshold for corruption is at least 100,000 yuan (rp. 214 million). the xi jinping government's policy in combating corruption in china involves two things, namely (1) ccdi reform; and (2) party discipline. in reforming ccdi, xi jinping abolished the dual function of ccdi personnel. the separation of ccdi from government elite groups and prominent figures was carried out to maintain the independence of ccdi. in addition to separating from the elite, ccdi also received an expansion of the scope of the investigation, from cases at the center to the provinces, and also penetrated the economic, business, and military sectors. in disciplining the party, xi jinping instituted the “three strict, three honests” campaign to increase party discipline and efforts for cadres to promote elements of core socialist values. in killing tigers, xi jinping takes action against corruptors in the party regardless of position, whether the person is in office or retired. this anti-corruption campaign has produced surprising findings. from 2012-to 2016, around 100,000 more national and provincial officials were accused of being corrupt. economic crime cases are found to increase 9% to 10% every year until now. in addition, from 2012 until now, many senior officials to retired party members have been indicted and imprisoned for corruption cases. xi jinping's anti-corruption campaign since the beginning of his tenure as president of china has experienced pros and cons according to experts in the fields of politics, economics, and law. the author finds 4 things that can be highlighted regarding anticorruption policies in the xi jinping era from the views of several experts: (1) the dismissal of officials resulted in a short-term decline in local economic growth; 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(2014). disciplining the party: xi jinping’s anti-corruption campaign and its limits. china perspectives no. 2014/3. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 41 narrative and the politics of identity: patterns of the spread and acceptance of radicalism and terrorism in indonesia (case study on the rohis groups and youth organizations in dki jakarta province) firdaus syam1 , fachruddin majeri mangunjaya2 , ajeng rizqi rahmanillah3 1associate professor, school of graduate studies, universitas nasional jakarta 2centre for islamic studies, universitas nasional jakarta 3international relation studies, universitas nasional jakarta firdaus.syam@civitas.unas.ac.id, * fmangunjaya@civitas.unas.ac.id, ajeng.rizqi.rahmanillah@civitas.unas.ac.id abstract : this study aims to examine the narrative map, acceptance and spread patterns, and factors influencing the spread and acceptance of the narrative associated with the phenomenon of radicalism and terrorism in dki jakarta province. it was conducted with a qualitative approach: the data were collected through in-depth interviews with as many as 24 subjects (informants) divided into seven categories, namely, the rohis (islamic organization in secondary schools), the ldk (basic leadership training)), mosque youth, youth organizations, religious leaders, da’i (preacher)/ takmir (mosque board), political activists, and cultural leaders. the finding of the study showed that the radicalism narrative has spread through a variety of patterns and has more importantly spread through interpersonal relationship patterns. however, the spread of the narrative has not been accompanied by an acceptance by the respondents of the narrative’s substance. from 96 radicalism and terrorism narratives posed as questions, a total of 62 responses (64.58%) showed an opposition to these narratives that are present in the midst of the people of jakarta. a total of 20% of the respondents expressed an improvement attitude towards the narratives, and the rest were receptive and accepted them with considerations. this finding proves that jakarta residents not only are relatively free from the influence of radicalism and terrorism narratives but also have an immune system (improvement group) whose numbers among the groups of respondents to the narratives are balanced. keywords: youth, organization, radicalism, terrorism, jakarta mailto:firdaus.syam@civitas.unas.ac.id mailto:fmangunjaya2@civitas.unas.ac.id mailto:ajeng.rizqi.rahmanillah@civitas.unas.ac.id journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 42 introduction jakarta, a metropolitan city in the centre of indonesia, serves as the centre of the indonesian government. it is also an important business centre in southeast asia. because of its strategic and complex function, jakarta has become a melting pot for various groups from many regions and countries. jakarta, portrayed graphically, resembles cobwebs amid a haystack. there is a pattern of regularity, which is also evident in the cobwebs. however, jakarta (or the cobwebs) is often biased because it is in a tangled environment. as a metropolitan city and the centre of government, jakarta is inhabited by various tribes, ethnicities, and religions. from the aspect of religion and belief, ethnic (tribal), culture, economics, and other demographic factors, the people of jakarta are a miniature representation of indonesia's diversity (heterogeneous). all religions and beliefs that exist in indonesia are in jakarta. jakarta includes a variety of different interest groups with different perspectives, and islam is the religion of the majority of the population. these differences also underlie their perspective in responding to central government policies and in responding to the existence of non-muslim groups in jakarta. the jakarta area has become very important for research on radicalism and terrorism, as jakarta has unique characteristics when viewed from the perspective of government, business, social and political culture. jakarta is a melting pot of various interest groups. it is the centre of administrative and political activity. jakarta is also a melting pot of all ethnic backgrounds, cultures, and religions. on the other hand, jakarta is also a stage and a strategic objective of radicalism and terrorism behaviours. based on these conditions, the findings of this study on radicalism and terrorism in jakarta will be distinctive and crucial. radicalism and terrorism are social movements understood as movements that are done in an organized manner, of a group of people who refuse or accept new values. according to situmorang (2007: 4), a social movement is a conscious, collective, and organized effort to encourage or reject changes in the social order. this description indicates that the main criterion of a social movement is a movement that aims to bring about a fundamental change in society. antony gidens (in situmorang, 2007: 4) viewed that the social movement is a movement to achieve a common interest through collective action outside the scope of the established institutions. basically, a religious movement is a social movement based on a particular religion (faithbased social movement). as part of social movements, in general, religious movements can be analysed using the theory of social movements. by using the theory of social movements, a religious movement is considered as a social fact, not a collection of religious doctrines alone. it is seen as the movement of thought, as a thing-in-itself, with an emphasis on the issues of the theological thinking or the religious-political thoughts of its founder, its institution profile, and on sometimes merely the doctrines of its movement. moreover, a journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 43 religious social movement must be seen as a dynamic movement, which is responsive to the challenges outside the movement and which builds networks and social change. some social theories, which can be used to understand religious social movements, are, among others, the following: (1) the theory of structural political opportunity (pos), (2) the resource mobilisation theory (rmt), and (3) the framing theory. (situmorang, 2007: 4). in the structural political opportunity (pos) theory, social movements occur because of changes, which are seen as opportunities, in the political structure. pos theory is always associated with resources that are external. actors wanting change use these resources through open political access and through the networks of political institutions and divisions within the political elites, to make changes (tarrow, 1998: 20). to explain the development and the formation of networks of radicalism and terrorism movements in jakarta, we use the theory of resource mobilisation theory (rmt). religious social movement is seen as a rational and organized manifestation of collective action. in other words, a religious social movement will be able to evolve if it is able to optimize its various resources, such as material resources, legitimacy, identity, and institution (tarrow, 1998: 15; sigh, 2001: 102; situmorang (2007). radicalism is often associated with violence, even terrorism. it is not separated from the increasing violence and terrorism committed in the name of religion or by a participant in a particular religion. however, conceptually, according to taher (in azca, 2013: 24), radicalism is not synonymous with terrorism and violence. the term radical that makes up the term radicalism is derived from the latin radix, meaning root. thus, radical thinking is synonymous with thinking up to the roots. in other words, then, why is it associated with thinking that is likely to cause anti-establishment attitudes? radicalism is a concept that is both contextual and positional. in this case, its presence is the antithesis of the orthodox or the mainstream, whether in a social, secular, scientific, or religious aspect. radicalism is more about position and ideology questioning or challenging something (or everything) that is considered an established, accepted, or a common view. radicalism can be understood as a social and political phenomenon born in a state of dislocation or a permanent crisis in society. therefore, it should be seen as a collective political phenomenon and not as a mere individual psychological phenomenon. this research aim to study the areas covered by the narratives of radicalism and terrorism in jakarta, it is important to know the patterns of spread and the acceptance in the region. this is due to the position of jakarta as the centre and capital city of indonesia. therefore, jakarta serves as a barometer for radicalism and terrorism in indonesia. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 44 method this study is included in the category of the qualitative research, that is, a study aimed at generating data in the form of written or spoken words from people being observed (moloeng, 2000, 4). as a case study, this research is aimed at studying in detail particular social units that include an individual, a group, or an institution (zuriah, 2006: 48). the data were collected through interviews, observations, and a study of the documents. the interviews were conducted with leaders of rohis in schools, figures of the ldk (basic leadership training)), mosque youth, youth organizations, religious leaders, da’i/ takmir, political activists, and cultural leaders in jakarta. in this research, a descriptive analysis was used in order to create a systematic, factual, and accurate picture of the facts, nature, and the relationship among the phenomenon investigated. the data obtained was then presented and analysed using a descriptive technique, which included a series of data reduction and data presentation activities, and a conclusion was developed. the analysis of this study not only provides explanations through descriptive sentences but also attempts to give clarity to the res earch object (moloeng, 2000: 36). result and discussion social, political, and religious setting in dki jakarta according to data from the dki jakarta government in 2005, the composition of religious followers in this city was as follows: islam (84.4%), protestants (6.2%), catholics (5.7%), hinduism (1.2%), and buddhism (3.5%). the number of buddhists who follow confucianism was also included. this composition was not very different from the religious composition in 1980, which was as follows: muslims (84.4%), protestants (6.3%), catholics (2.9%), hinduism and buddhism (5.7%), and non-religious followers (0.3%). according to cribb, in 1971, the adherents of confucianism in relative terms were 1.7%. in 1980 and 2005, the census does not record religious affiliations other than the six religions recognized by the government. various places of worship of world religions can be found in jakarta. mosques and mushala, as houses of worship for muslims, are scattered in all corners of jakarta, even in almost every environment. the biggest mosque is the national mosque, i.e., masjid istiqlal, located in gambir. other important mosques are masjid agung (the great mosque) al-azhar in kebayoran baru, masjid at-tin in taman mini, and masjid sunda kelapa in menteng. on the other hand, the christians also have large churches in jakarta, such as, for catholics, the jakarta cathedral church, the church of santa theresia in menteng, and, the church of st. jacobus in kelapa gading. in addition, for protestants, there is the immanuel church, located across from gambir station, the koinonia church in jatinegara, the jakarta zion journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 45 church in jakarta kota, and the toraja christian church in kelapa gading, north jakarta. for hindus who live in jakarta and the surrounding areas, there are places of worship, such as the pura adhitya jaya located in rawamangun, east jakarta, and the pura segara in cilincing, north jakarta. the houses of worship for the buddhists are, among others, vihara dhammacakka jaya in sunter, vihara theravada buddha sasana in kelapa gading, and vihara silaparamitha in cipinang jaya. the places of worship for the confucians in jakarta are the temple of jin yin tek and a synagogue used by the jewish foreign workers. dki jakarta is a melting pot of all social groups fragmented in terms of religion, ethnicity (tribes), culture, economics, and other factors. this fragmentation of jakarta’s people into these different social groups has created a dynamic that frequently has given rise to social radicalism in the fight over economic resources. in addition, political radicalism has also emerged as a way to seize political and economic power. narratives on islam, the state and politics the respondents generally showed a moderate stance against the political system in indonesia. the narratives do not radically criticize or reject the existing system. in general, informants opine that the political system is a tool to achieve the goal of providing benefits to the citizens. this view implies that whatever the system does is not important: its most important function is to provide for the well-being of human beings. however, the informants criticize the existing system for not yet being an ideal one. they consider that the political influence in the management of the country is too large; therefore, the country’s resources and energy are severely drained by political activities. consequently, some crucial issues that would benefit the citizens and the country, i.e., economics, education, health, and others, are subject to neglect. an ldk of university of indonesia (ui) committee member stated the following: "i saw that there were too many parties in indonesia, so that our energy is drained for political activities. as a result, other aspects, such as economic issues, have become less overcome. it is not a problem to follow the existing system, for it is basically a tool to achieve the goal, i.e., the realization of benefit. " in addition, the respondents apparently had moderate attitudes towards the democratic system. most respondents agreed or did not reject the democratic system, and others conditionally agreed with it. the respondents do not reject democracy but evaluate that there are weaknesses in its implementation. democracy in indonesia has not been complemented by the level of maturity and the level of education of the citizens. therefore, the majority of respondents rate the democracy in indonesia as having gone too far. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 46 didi setiadi, the chairman of komite nasional pemuda indonedia (knpi) kepulauan seribu, claims that the political system of indonesia is considerably democratic but that there are weaknesses in its implementation. however, he considered that pancasila was in accordance with islam and supports the concept of negara kesatuan republic indonesia (nkri). he says the following: "the political system in indonesia, i think, is quite democratic. even, it is too democratic to the point that it creates a dilemma for government. for now, i disagree that our society should be given very broad democratic freedom. this is a boomerang for islam. yes, to some extent, there are some that are conformable, and some are not so. pancasila, in islam, is more universal. (is pancasila compatible with islam?) yes. nkri, in my opinion, is “a fixed price” for us to defend, and we should not let anyone mess it up. " a similar voice is echoed by ahmad zaenudin, gerakan pemuda islam (gpi) jakarta brigade commander. he further states as follows: "when it comes to democracy, it does not change that much. if you look at political parties, the system is still a monarchy. thus, the current system does not support it. i would not fix it by radical ways. let us criticize it from the outside through real actions. fundamentally, pancasila and nkri do not contradict islam since the prophet muhammad never talked about the countries and islam is indeed rahmatan lil 'alamiin. mercy for the universe" some respondents felt that as a form of a democratic system implementation, the process of generally and directly electing leaders is not entirely good. in the democratic system, everyone has the right to pick and choose leaders, but a majority of voters may not have a sufficient understanding and the wisdom to determine leaders. as a result, regardless of the individual’s quality, the elected leaders can be anyone and may possibly be elected based on popularity. moreover, this election process may provide the possibility of misuse by certain interest groups. some respondents stated that democracy is not fully in accordance with islam. however, with respect to indonesia's current condition, they do not reject the system. there are two considerations the respondents propose in this regard. first, the system’s implementation should be adapted to specific situations and conditions. second, as long as the system is still considered appropriate or closely in accordance with islamic values, democracy is regarded as an acceptable tool or instrument that aims to establish benefits for people. in other words, democracy as a tool can be anything and does not have to formally carry out the label of islam. more importantly, its goal is achieved through its benefit to humans. the chairman of the cadre teen mosque in northern jakarta stated the following: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 47 "it (democracy) did not exist in the prophet muhammad’s era, but if democracy is defined as deliberation, it means just talking about methods (of democracy as a method in making decisions or choosing a leader). so, it is legitimate (allowed), if beneficial. depending on the conditions (if today the democratic system is possible to be applied, it does not matter, as long as it can be beneficial). implementation of any system is largely determined by its leaders. the disadvantage (of the democratic system implementation) is that all people with different capacities have the same vote (voting with the same power at the time of the election).the ways conducted by the prophet are difficult to apply today, as people’s thoughts are very diverse. " a similar narrative has been received as well from the chairman of the ldk universitas negeri jakarta (unj). he asserts that democracy basically does not come from islamic teachings. however, for indonesia’s current situation and the political system existing today, democracy is not considered a problem. this is because the democratic system is considered to still include positive values that are not contradictory with islamic values, although there are some parts of the implementation that are, he considers, less than ideal. even though it is not fully in accordance with islam, it is considered the closest to the values of islam. the respondents’ narratives on pancasila and the concept of nkri are generally very positive. all responses declare that pancasila and nkri are something good and instruments that benefit the lives of society and the nation. the respondents mostly agree on this view of these two concepts. respondents embrace these attitudes because the respondents claim that the pancasila and the concept of nkri are not inconsistent with islam. a respondent from fpi, for example, says that "pancasila has been well received and is not contrary to islam.” the same response is also delivered by fkub. a representative from fkub utters that "the majority people are no longer concerned with pancasila". a number of respondents specifically questioned pancasila’s implementation. they ponder that as a concept or ideology, pancasila is good but that they are still facing the problem of practising the values of pancasila in their daily lives. this issue was revealed by three groups of respondents, i.e., the majelis ulama indonesia (mui) , bamus betawi and partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) party figures. an mui respondent stated the following: "pancasila is not an issue, yet its practice is questionable.” then, pkb figures expressed, "the very issue of pancasila is that it has not yet been put into practice.” in line with the above narratives, the ldk leader of ui believes that pancasila is not an issue when applied as a basis or system of values in life as long as pancasila is not juxtaposed with the qur'an. pancasila was positioned as an instrument, interpretation, or declaration to strengthen the implementation of noble values. he stated the following: journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 48 “not a problem (with pancasila), as long as pancasila is not aligned with the qur'an. as such, pancasila should be positioned as a formal declaration to strengthen the values, not as the primary basis.” a similar comment was expressed by the leader of the ldk from unj. he viewed that there is no problem with pancasila because pancasila is not in opposition to islamic values, although it is not labelled as part of islam. he claims as follows: “(pancasila) as a value system is fine. this country is the achievement of the struggle of our predecessors, who were mostly muslims. see the previous formulation of pancasila (there were some words written “to implement sharia law for muslims”). (i saw that) it (pancasila) did not contradict islamic values, although it does not use any islamic terminology. if its application is not in accordance with the values of islam, it must be denied.” the respondents’ narratives on nkri are as positive as their narratives on the concept of pancasila are. all respondents from various categories even agree and accept the concept of nkri. they reasoned that nkri is an instrument to strengthen the unity and sovereignty of the country. the respondents of the ldk said the following: “i accept (agree). do not let this country become fragmented! there are souls of nationalities (which bind a unity as citizens). however, these conditions do not erode the concept of harmony of muslims among nations.” (ui). a similar narrative was expressed by another ldk respondent, who stated the following: “no problem (with nkri). it is a good thing to unite people in the country. its implementation must be in conformity with islamic values covering the guarantee in exercising rights to practising religious teachings.” for the activists of the ethnic and cultural based-organizations in jakarta, such as kembang latar, pancasila and the 1945 constitution is “the fixed price” that cannot be negotiable. their proximity to national figures and youth organizations, such as pemuda pancasila, is evidence of this. in fact, in our conversation, an activist of latar kembang stated that his mass organization has an emblem bearing a stallion and surrounded with rice and cotton. rice and cotton are symbols of social justice for all people—this is obviously an influence of pancasila. therefore, when asked about their view of radicalism and terrorism, two activists of kembang latar stated unequivocally that there was no place for both ideologies in their mass organization. while smiling, one of them stated the following: "we do not want to interfere, if not disturbed. our slogan is indeed obvious: a thousand friends are still lacking, an enemy is too many ... once upon a time, one of our people successfully journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 49 managed to capture terrorists in pamulang, and now he has a position that is quite strategic there (police) and this was enough to prove that our attitude is in line with the most ... " similarly, with respect to fbr, although they are frequently reported for their acts of violence, their political attitudes towards race and religion do not point out any understanding of the narratives of radicalism and terrorism. in fbr’s culture and strategy, violence, which can be quite vicious, exists. nonetheless, their culture and strategy seem far from islamism. when found guilty, the individuals’ motives for their violent acts are more prone to be ones other than religion and politics. moreover, the fbr’s current chairman, haji lutfi hakim, is an alumnus of pesantren and graduated from the faculty of da'wa uin syarif hidayatullah, jakarta. some activists from ciputat even testified that lutfi hakim was a campus activist and was active in the student forum ciputat (formaci), a study group that is widely known for its progressive ideas. after the death of el-hajj fudholi muhir, who is his relative, he was inaugurated as the next chairman of fbr. one of the fbr activists in south jakarta said that he was interested in joining fbr because this mass organization would give him the opportunity of mobility that he wanted but still in the realm of ethnicity, nationality and islam. narratives on islamic sharia in the respondents’ narratives, there was a wide diversity of opinion between those who agree and those who disagree, on the need for the enforcement of sharia law in indonesia. some respondents did not actually say that they agreed or not, but they were pessimistic about the possibility of sharia law enforcement. this attitude would appear from respondents, such as those in the front pembela islam (fpi), majelis ulama indonesia (mui), bamus betawi and partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb). the fpi figures stated that for the moment, it was not easy to impose sharia law in indonesia. the same statement was also expressed by mui. pkb’s board has even explicitly declared that it is not necessary to impose sharia law. bamus betawi and fkub have the same view on this issue. they said that the imposition of sharia law will cause divisions. while the figures of pks commented that pancasila has been deemed good and sufficient to serve as a foundational value because it has been widely accepted by society, how these values can be implemented in life remains unclear. the groups that agreed and provided support for the implementation of sharia emerged from the group of rohis respondents in high school, youth organizations and campus da’wah agencies, as well as a number of prominent figures of the mosque youth. two rohis respondents from senior high school said that sharia law has to be applied. all groups of rohis supported having indonesia as an islamic state, while all clusters of okp stated the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 50 opposite. this polarization means many things. biological lability factors may be important variables influencing the different views. other factors are related to experiences and engagements in society and in the country. regardless of the reasons for their views, the rohis groups seem more prone to accept the spread of radicalization or extreme islamism. although most of them agree or encourage the application of sharia law, they have different views on its application. information indicates that the respondents who agree with sharia law do not reflect radical ideas in their views on the way and the mode of its application. respondents from kesatuan aksi mahasiswa muslim indonesia (kammi), for instance, stated that the shariah actually has been widely applied in a number of rules of law, although it has not been formally labelled as shariah. a similar view was also stated by a member of the board of ldk from ui. he felt that the shariah is good and true and that it should be applied. however, he argued that the application of sharia law should not use a formal label, i.e., shari'ah. the important thing, he said, was that the substantial basis of islamic values is implemented in the legal process. regardless of the name of the system and its origin, if the contents are in accordance with islamic values, it is actually the implementation of shariah. therefore, some informants say that shariah implementation does not need a formal channel in the political system in indonesia, such as political parties , elections, or parliament. they place more emphasis on propaganda (da’wah)activities (movement) as a great media mechanism to build up the rule of shari'ah. one of them comments as follows: “i am very confident in the shari'ah because it comes from god. it should be applied. (its application) should not always be labelled as shari'ah, but its substance has to be islamic. (this is considerably realistic) for now. that means that it does not need to say ‘this is the shariah.’ the importance is its substance (containing islamic values). the respondent further stated: “the shariah system is the best. the application of the shari'ah system cannot be done instantly. the substance is more important. the process of implementing the shari'ah system is done through the missionary (da’wah) movement. do not put forward the symbols of islam! the importance is its substance (islamic). the important thing is good content, which includes anything that comes from the west or from christianity, because it is basically islamic.” in line with the views on shariah, in different ways of expression, the majority of respondents also tended to show a less positive attitude towards the establishment of an islamic state. the respondents stated that the application of shariah is the important thing, not the establishment of the islamic state. the majority of the people already received pancasila. the issue with pancasila is how to practice it. according to the respondents, the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 51 issue of establishing the islamic state could break up indonesia, resulting in the disintegration of the country. the respondents stated that they just needed to practice pancasila well. one of the pkb figures explicitly stated that they do not need an islamic state. respondents who viewed that indonesia must turn into an islamic state were only those from the rohis of the senior high schools. respondents representing religious activists on campus (ldk) reflected a more realistic, rational and flexible view of the islamic state. their view is that shari'ah is a system which is regarded as the best and most ideal. nevertheless, in their view, the concept of the islamic state should not always be mentioned with respect to a formal label. in reference to the concept of the islamic state, they emphasize its substance, which means that although the name may not appear as an islamic state, the concept that is implemented and managed by the state should in many respects reflect islamic values. this concept concerns changes in culture, outlook and behaviour. for that reason, it takes time and a long struggle to make it happen. hence, directional changes of these conditions should use the existing rules or tools in order to avoid the resultant collisions and the radicalism that might be counterproductive. a respondent of the ldk from ui stated the following: “there is no need to formally label an islamic state, but the substance should be islamic. the substance exceeds the form. the realization of (these expectations) requires a long struggle and must follow the process, rules or existing tools.” the respondents from the unj also reflected the same narratives on the islamic state. a respondent claimed the following: “indonesia has not yet been able to do that at this time, as our society is not conducive to that. for now, we cannot formally become an islamic state. we are not ready. this has to be continuously defended. there is something more significant, i.e., the application of islamic values (in various aspects of life)” narratives on violence narratives about violent behaviour are quite diverse. however, there is a relatively consistent pattern in the narrative of most of the respondents. most respondents conveyed a critical, realistic and rational narrative with respect to violent behaviour committed by a group of people against another group. not all acts of violence were considered blameworthy and not all acts of violence were justified. the respondents tended to critically analyse every act of violence. behaviour involving the raiding of a church was judged as something that cannot be justified, as it violates an individual’s rights to practice their religion. this attitude was reflected by the majority of respondents and was clearly indicative of the moderate attitude of the majority of the respondents towards religious journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 52 differences. a member of the ldk board of ui, for example, stated that he did not agree with raiding churches because it violates the individuals’ right to practice their religion. he stated the following: "i do not agree with raiding places of worship (church) because it violates their rights". the same statement was also delivered by ldk of unj. he stated the following: "(raiding the church) it is not justified. it may be done by a person or in the name of islam. " the respondents from rohis sma agree with conducting violent raids against places of vice and evil cult but not against the church. adni adzkia of rohis sma 59 and mohamad aci, vice chairman rohis smk negeri 75, stated as follows: "(about the raid on immoral places?) it was good. (if it’s a raid on the church?) no. (cult?) yes. (why) because of conflicts with the shari'ah. (right there is the government?) ... do not understand. "(adni adzkiah) "(on raiding) agree with destruction, as the immoral place is forbidden. (including cult-like ahmadiyah) .. i do not necessarily agree. (church?) i do not agree (once looked uncertain, red). an immoral place was destroyed for destroying the young generation. ... because it was a good move. good, because it's an immoral place; there is nothing good. everything is bad. "(mohamad aci) additionally, the respondents from the okp agreed with conducting raids against immoral places but not against cults and the church. this was disclosed by didi setiadi, chairman knpi thousand islands, who stated as follows: "(raiding a maksit?) agrees, but if related to the church, i do not agree. the time of the prophet is also not allowed. if a cult, yes; fighting since the time of the prophet, too. in indonesia, it should be adjusted in a way so that they can be good. to directly raid the ahmadiyah is good because they do have an understanding that is considered right by them. " basically, respondents did not approve of violent behaviour towards the church. according to some respondents, violence or raiding church buildings usually occurs when the establishment of the church is not in accordance with existing rules, thus giving rise to a reaction from the surrounding community. when these reactions are not quickly and adequately settled by the government, it eventually leads to violence. this view is consistent with the narrative of the governor of the youth mosque in north jakarta. he stated the following: “we should refer to the rules. we see laws. the pendirin church sometimes does not follow the rules, but it is still standing. as a result, the community reacted. sometimes the church is built on the site (environmental) of a muslim community. therefore, you should adjust journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 53 the legislation. if the establishment of the church is done by the rules, it does not matter. they also have the right to worship. similar feelings were expressed by officials of the ldk unj. a respondent stated: “cases of violence (destruction) against the church occur because the existing rules / obligations are violated or because there is a person who intentionally wants to create a chaotic atmosphere. if the (church establishment) has been permitted (by the rules), there should be no violence. we must respect each other. if there are any problems, the path of deliberation should take precedence.” the views of the respondents with respect to violence against immoral places seem different than their views on violence against the church. a small portion of respondents agreed with this type of action without any conditions. this attitude was shown by respondents from among the group of rohis who attended high school. most respondents agreed with this type of action but with a number of conditions. the respondents who have this view say that the phenomenon of violence against immoral places occurs as a result of the half-heartedness and lack of government enforcement of laws that have established order in the society. the respondents considered the raiding of immoral places a reaction of a group of people to the government's inability to deal with the rampant immorality in society. the respondents seemed to take a middle position on conducting raids on immoral places. they did not expressly support such behaviour, but they also did not directly blame the perpetrators for the behaviour. a respondent from the ldk ui revealed the following: “most respondents do not agree with raiding places of worship (church) because it violates the worshippers’ rights. raiding immoral places disrupts public order because the government is unable to take firm action. this is a form of reaction from the public. we cannot directly blame them.” the same narrative is also conveyed by the board mosque youth in north jakarta. he stated the following: “raiding against immoral places is a phenomenon that is almost the same as conducting violence against the cult. it is a form of forbidding the evil committed by a group of people because law enforcement does not function effectively. finally, its the community itself that(takes action to close the immoral place).” respondents from the fpi and the mui have very similar views on violent acts against immoral places. both of these respondents signalled that we cannot blame the people with respect to this case because this is a reaction to law enforcement’s ineffectiveness. fpi leaders said that violence against immoral places occurs because the law is not enforced, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 54 while respondents from the mui states revealed that they do not blame people if they conduct raids against immoral places. the respondents’ narratives about violence against cults were similar to those regarding the phenomenon of violence against immoral places. the respondents were not directly and unequivocally blaming the people who committed the acts of violence against a group of people who they considered had gone astray. in the case of a cult, the respondents felt that there have been acts of harassment that have caused unrest or that have been offensive to the religious community (islam). here is the actual root of the problem. the respondents highlighted the issue of the government not taking strong actions against individuals in these cases, which has led to people having to overcome their own issues. related to this view, the respondents from ldk ui revealed the following: “i see people feel disturbed (by the cult). the government does not (cannot) be trusted to solve this problem. (a cult phenomenon) menimbilkan causes unrest / interference, because of the harassment of things that are considered sacred. a board teenager from the north jakarta mosque stated the following: “in general, raids or acts of violence cannot be justified. we must have orderly law. governments are supposed to curb cases of cult since this is already considered as a desecration of religion. so, i see law enforcement as ineffective in dealing with this issue. so, violence is a form of reaction from the public. communities do this as part of efforts to prevent kemungkaran. furthermore, ldk of unj also said the following: “we should firmly oppose (the cults), such as the ahmadiyah or shia. the problem is that they claim islam but have deviated from islamic principles. so, this (is already categorized) as an abuse of islam. the government should address this issue. if the government effectively addresses this issue, it will not happen (violence against the cult committed by a group of people).” in addition to the narrative as exposed above, some respondents argued that any form of violence should not happen because it would damage the image of islam and therefore the perpetrators must be dealt with. such views emerged from respondents in the fkub, the pks and from pkb party figures. on the other hand, two respondents who agreed with raids on immoral place noted that such actions should be done by the government/state, not by a person or group of people. this attitude was reflected by respondents from the kammi and the gpi. the views of the last group of respondents are consistent with the rule of law related to the raiding phenomenon and to violence. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 55 perhaps one of the most vicious and violent cultures in jakarta is contained in the groups that have felt or perceived that they have experienced discrimination. when all their economic and political mobility is hampered in particular because of the important position occupied by "settlers" in jakarta, then those of certain ethnicities have no place to which they can return. therefore, it is in the case of religion. thus, in jakarta, various events in which there are clashes, often involve cbos’ regionalism. although often covered up with impressive preaching, a number of these events have attracted news media coverage. for example, there have been conflicts of interest between the betawi and the madura in kebayoran lama market, the banten and the flores in tanah abang, and others. even events in the kebayoran lama market reaction have sparked a reaction from a large number of citizens and betawi leaders, which has led to the establishment of the forkabi organizations in jakarta. despite the fact that current conditions tend to be favourable, the infighting among various organizations, such as latar kembang and fbr, is still possible because it has been traumatic for both groups. after peace between the two groups was initiated by the police of jakarta, the two organizations took a defensive stance. as explained earlier, the events did not necessarily eliminate the cultural strategy which asserts that the culture has to "defend itself." the dynamics of the rest of the mass organizations are that they are growing and sometimes growing violently. narrative on terrorism the global terrorism threat has become more decentralised, unpredictable, hard-to-detect and resilient with regenerative capacities. the global jihadist movements, principally the socalled islamic state (is) and al-qaeda, have glocalised to exploit indigenous grievances, recruit aspiring jihadists and fight for local and global causes. overall, both is and al-qaeda have become underground terror networks which will allow them to sustain themselves for longer and perpetrate more violent attacks. with a radical islamist jihadist ideology, multiple wilayat (provinces), sleeper cells, lone -wolves, online radicalisation and skilful exploitation of modern technologies, the terrorism threat remains challenging despite the successful expulsion of is from its heartlands in iraq and syria in 2017. moving forward, in 2018, the terrorist threat will be characterised by attacks mounted by politico-religious, ethnic-political and left/right wing groups. the major risk to the west, the middle east, africa and asia will come from islamist extremist groups with radicalised segments of migrant and diaspora communities perpetrating attacks in north america, europe and australia. notwithstanding the operational and military setbacks is and al-qaeda have suffered over the years, their affiliates in the global south will continue to mount attacks against military, diplomatic, political and economic targets. despite security measures, journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 56 threat groups will seek to hit aviation, maritime and land transportation targets. in addition, selfradicalised and directed attacks will focus on populated locations for largescale impact, with suicide attacks as the preferred tactic. the favoured modus operandi of is-inspired and directed jihadists in the west will be low-end terrorism relying on vehicleramming and stabbing as witnessed throughout 2017. broadly, the world has witnessed the rise of three generations of global terrorist movements. ‘global jihad 1.0’ emerged after al-qaeda attacked the us in september 2001 and captured the imagination of multiple militant groups in asia, africa, middle east and the caucasus. the second generation, ‘global jihad 2.0’, emerged after al-baghdadi declared a ‘caliphate’ and announced the formation of the ‘islamic state’ (is) on 29 june 2014. the third generation, ‘global jihad 3.0’, represents the global expansion of is outside iraq and syria. is now relies on its wilayat as its operational bases in the middle east, africa, caucasus and asia. is and its affiliates control territorial space in varying degrees in countries with active conflict zones, and maintain a presence in cyber space. the group’s strength also lies in affiliated and linked groups, networks, cells and dedicated jihadists who are willing to fight and die for is. there is an almost a similar narrative from all respondents associated with their views on terrorism. generally, respondents view that terrorism is not consistent with islamic teachings. terrorism is a form of misunderstanding islam. it became a counterproductive matter for islam. the respondents provided an ambiguous assessment regarding the perpetrators of terrorism. in addition, there was another narrative pattern that emerged but that was not reflected by all respondents (only on some of the respondents), i.e., a belief that terrorism is a kind of conspiracy coming from outsiders who dislike islam. there are important differences, of course, for the other in the war on terror is not as readily knowable (and therefore not as actionable and controllable) as enemies in wars on crime, since the terrorist other represents a global rather than local threat. however, as we will argue in this paper, the war on terror can be said to have a similar purpose in the political struggle for order. if wars on terrorism are to be successfully represented in those terms, the terrorist must be ideologically represented as knowable, actionable and controllable in a particular form. the construction of ‘terrorism’ as something that the state can do something about is central to the justification for the expansion of its juridical and military reach. terrorism is not in accordance with islamic teachings all respondents have similar views about terrorism. they tend to say that terrorism is not consistent with the teachings of islam. islam is a rahmatan lilalamin religion, that is, a mercy for all creatures. this means that islam provides noble teaching and aims to create a good life in the universe. it is not possible for islam to teach meanness and cause horrible journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 57 damage. the beneficence promoted by islam is not only for human beings but also for all natural living things that exist in the universe. all respondents coming from the rohis group in senior high school and youth organizations, such as kammi, gpi, and knpi, agree that terrorism is not in accordance with the teachings of islam. the same view was also expressed by respondents from the mui and fpi group. when they were asked about the relationship between terrorism and islam, the ldk ui figures stated, "terrorism is not in accordance with the teachings of islam.” furthermore, the board of the north jakarta mosque youth association in an interview said that "islam is a religion rahmatal lilalamin; islam is a peace religion.” this view has been reinforced by a narrative of the other board member of the mosque youth association. he states "... islam is rahmatal lilalamin. it has never been a war in peaceful circumstances. terrorism is not in accordance with islamic teachings. making terrorism is jihad, but actually it's not ". therefore, it is impossible for islam to promote terrorism, an activity that causes damage and or injustice to others. actions of terrorism are basically not consistent with the teachings and behaviour of islam. therefore, even if there are muslims who commit terrorist actions, they are certainly persons who have a misconception of islam. when mosque youth respondents are asked who the perpetrators of terrorism are, they said "they could be muslims, but they have a superficial understanding of islam. this is a deviation from real islam.” such conditions have existed for a long time in every religion. a narrative stating that terrorism is not in line with islamic teachings also has been affirmed by ldk leaders of unj. one respondent stated, "(terrorism) is not in accordance with the teachings of islam. islam does not teach terrorism. islam does not condone terrorism. islam is a doctrine of affection” terrorism cannot be generalized only to islam. actually, terrorism exists in any religion. it has appeared as a model of misconception in the interpretation of religious teachings. according to a number of respondents, terrorism is the result of dissatisfaction with conditions or reality, for example, injustices, poverty, slavery, etc. this was conveyed by a prominent figure of the ldk unj in the following statement: "the behaviour of terrorism arises because there is injustice, rampant immorality and some people who use illegal ways to fight for justice; it is not related to islam. i do not agree that terrorism is related to islam." terrorism: a misconception model in understanding islam the first narrative emerging from respondents about terrorism is that terrorism is not consistent with islamic teachings. islam has a mission of virtue for the universe. if it is acknowledged that a perpetrator of terrorism was a muslim and that he fought in the name of islam, then undoubtedly the perpetrator’s understanding of islam is wrong. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 58 therefore, the terrorists misunderstood the meaning of jihad. this is a summary of the views collected from some respondents. for instance, a respondent from pkb clearly stated that as the terrorists misunderstood their religion, they went the wrong way, and they should be reproached. a young leader of the ldk ui lahiriyah considered that islam does not have a positive impact on terrorism and that if it is proved that a terrorist is a muslim, then it is probable that there is a problem in the person’s understanding of islam. the ui ldk chairman stated the following: “i do not know what he (terrorist) is fighting for. there is no proof that islam affected him. there is a wrong understanding about islam. there are still other ways. the same thing is also spoken by a respondent from an association for mosque youth. he stated the following: terrorism is a form of simplifying religion. they misinterpret the meaning of jihad ...... .. it seems like jihad, but it is not ...... this is a deviation from islam. such conditions have existed for a long time, and they exist in all religions. terrorism is counterproductive for islam the next narrative about terrorism conveyed by the respondents was an outlook that terrorism can create a bad image for muslims. when the perpetrators (terrorists) think that terror is one of the methods that can be used to fight for islam, their view is precisely opposite from the way muslim people think. the respondents think that terrorism does not improve the image of islam. most of the respondents from rohis in the senior high school and all the respondents from the youth organizations (kammi, gpi, knpi) agree that terrorism does not improve the condition of muslims. they assert that there is no correlation between terrorism and improvements in islam. one young leader of sma rohis said that there might be some effects of terrorism that result in the improvement of the conditions of muslims, but he still does not agree with the terrorists’ actions. the view that terrorism does not produce a positive impact on islam was also delivered by a respondent of the mosque youth in northern jakarta. he stated that terrorism could not produce good improvements for muslims and could even worsen the image of islam. in an interview, he said the following: "it (terrorism does not fix the muslims). it will only worsen the image of muslims in the eyes of the world.” the same response was delivered by a young leader of the ldk ui. he said the following: “it is an ideological question (it depends on who answers the question). in my opinion, (terrorism does not improve the condition of muslims).” journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 59 ambiguous attitude in assessing terrorists there are two narrative patterns reflected by the respondents with respect to terrorists, such as amrozi, imam samudra, and noordin m. top. first, from a negative viewpoint, there was disapproval for the lack of investigation with respect to the mareka terrorists. this view emerged from most of the leaders of the rohis in the high school and all respondents of youth organizations, such as the gpi, the kammi and the knpi. the following comment was given by mohamad ali from sma pkp jis: "(regarding the bombers, such as amrozi, nordin m top. do you agree with them?) ... well i agree. (what’s the reason?) ... because they are muslims. (or maybe because the victims are infidels?) not really, because there are muslim victims. (then why do you agree?) ... i do not know .... (the bombers admitted that they desired martyrdom. do you agree with them?) ... no, since their reasons are not based on a fight for islam. (they said they did it on the name of islam?) ... they did not fight for the sake of allah. (so where are they?) ehhh .. (silence, red). (do they only look for sensation/attention?) ..yes, they do." the second view is one of disagreement with the actions of terrorists but of appreciation for certain cases, for example, for the fighting spirit with respect to islamic preaching. however, these respondents still considered that the terrorists misunderstood islam and the jihad concept and had taken a wrong direction. the respondents who took this view could not say what the fate of the terrorists would be when judged in front of god. a respondent from the ldk ui, for example, said that she could not assess how the terrorists’ actions would be viewed by god. let it be the lord's business. in an interview, he said the following: "i do not think about it too much. it’s god's business. i do not take into account god's business". similar views were also expressed by the respondents of the okp. a chairman of the knpi of thousand islands states that he does not agree with terrorism but that he also agrees with certain issues. didi stated the following: "actually, terrorism is an attitude of dissatisfaction with a society that tolerates injustice. in certain matters, it is in accordance with islam, but the implementation is not appropriate .... (an appropriate thing is like developing the community?) yes, it is. in the case of shari'ah enforcement, it would be better if it had been done using hands. it amounted to a situation that was fought at any cost... (is it similar with what amrozi has done?) i don’t think so. in that case, amrozi had the wrong understanding, because what he did cause a lot of people to suffer, even innocent people" journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 60 another respondent coming from the mosque youth gave the same view. he stated the following: "the assessment of amrozi and his friends is very dependent on what point of view is used". i cannot judge (assess) him as an infidel or martyr. it was the authority of god; even though apparently it was wrong, i cannot judge.” unlike the mosque youth, respondents from the rohis in senior high school and all youth organizations openly said that they did not agree with the terrorists and that they object to labelling terrorists as martyrs. this means that they believe terrorists are wrong and that the terrorists are valued negatively before god, the almighty. terrorism is a conspiracy a small portion of respondents believes that terrorism is a conspiracy of certain parties to intervene in indonesia to impose islam. this view appears only in a minority of respondents, i.e., one respondent from ldk and one respondent from the mosque youth. they judge that it is not clear who the real perpetrators of terror are, and they think the terrorists require a large amount of funds and high technology to carry out their large bombing missions, which would not be possible if done by a small group of people. they suspect that there is a strong party who has sponsored terrorism. a figure of ldk unj indicated this allegation. he stated the following: “i see that there are (some) irregularities in the arrests of terrorism. perhaps this is a conspiracy to discredit islam. terrorism is everywhere and in any groups and religions. terrorism cannot be generalized (to muslims). many cases are claimed to be acts of terrorism but are not openly and clearly processed at the court (they were killed in an ambush, so we cannot know who really they are). perhaps this is part of a conspiracy (to give a bad image of islam and or to control the development of islam).” the same view was also delivered by a prominent mosque youth in north jakarta. he said the following: “who is amrozi. he is nothing. it was deliberately created by the americans in order to control indonesia. indonesia is an easy country to control. there are people who provide funds and the amount is very large. the price of bombs is expensive, and an ojek rider may not be able to purchase a bomb. it has been financed by the united states. it is the american effort to control indonesia, as it did to iraq and other countries ". what can be concluded is that, in general, research on this topic has been conducted, and the majority of the respondents’ views are generally moderate. the theme of the journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 61 respondents’ narratives resembles that of the "polarized radical", covering topics such as, who is the enemy of islam, western products, the church, and raids. in analysing sample responses consistent with this radical narrative, we found that the rohis cluster exhibited a relatively strong correspondence. however, note the emphasis on the vulnerable, not on who was born in jakarta. this could mean that the narrative of radicalism is not one of a radical who is a native of jakarta or of radicalism carried out by residents of jakarta just because the conditions giving rise to radicalism began in jakarta. the research shows that, generally, the narrative map of respondents in jakarta with respect to violence and terrorism incline into certain groups. most respondents do not indicate radical responses in their views about the state, sharia law, political system, violence, non-muslim groups (the other), etc. this map shows that the narrative of respondents does not reflect any condition that is worrisome and shows no significant potential for radicalism and terrorism. patterns of narrative deployment theoretically, the narrative deployment of radicalism and terrorism is based on certain patterns. a narrative map, displayed in table 1 (appendix 1), does not occur in the same pattern. in other words, the construction of the narratives is not the same for all the characters and all the clusters. the spread of the radicalism and terrorism narratives are due to several factors with respect to patterns and mechanisms: 1. electronic and printed media, such as tv, radio, movies, newspapers, newsletters, flyers, internet, social media and others; 2. teaching, meeting (khalaqah), and others; 3. demonstration, humanitarian action and others; 4. interpersonal relations through family, friendship, organization; and 5. teaching through schools curriculum, boarding schools, and others. we can see five patterns and means for the deployment of radicalism and terrorism narratives; the easiest and most far-reaching deployment is through tv, radio, internet and social media. the most difficult to control is the narrative deployed through social media because everyone can spread the narrative at any time and from wherever they are located. the deployment of radicalism and terrorism narratives is still done through the old pattern of halaqah, that is, through recitals by sitting in a circle and though liqa’, that is, a meeting to recite. in addition, the massive deployment has been accomplished through the media (tv, newspapers, internet, social media, etc.). the pattern of the spread of the radicalism and terrorism narrative which is the most difficult to control is through social media because everyone is capable of this type of deployment and can become easy targets of social media users around the world, the majority of which are the young generation. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 62 in the context of the mosque, the religious narrative and political identity can be spread through various mediums also. because some groups are closely related to the community and places of a religious nature, most of the distribution pattern is conducted traditionally. here, routine activities, such as friday sermons, weekly or monthly lectures, or other religious events, are important. for example, at masjid baitur rohim, the friday sermon is given by dozens of different preachers. this practice corresponds to the mosque takmir policy that only provides each preacher the opportunity to deliver a sermon once a year (khatib). khatib is more reliable and preferably could afford each preacher the opportunity to give a sermon twice or maybe three times a year. nonetheless, for the mosque, a system in which a sermon is given once a week, as in other areas, is not customary. thus, it is somewhat difficult to determine where and how the pattern of the narrative spreads. however, as explained by mr. sonih, a mosque takmir, there is an evaluation delivered every week by the coordinator for the observance of religious duties. sometimes, the congregation members themselves will contact the mosque committee by phone or sms when there are some less suitable or difficult matters to discuss. periodically, mosque officials gather to discuss different issues, ranging from the condition of the mosque, the income from donations and kencleng (charity box), the content of speech and the style of the preachers and propagators when delivering a lecture at the mosque. kebon jeruk mosque, one of the historic mosques in jakarta, has long been r ecognized as one of the centres reflecting the spread of the islamic missionary jama'ah tabliq movement models. according to ustadz hanif, one of the activists of jama’ah tabliq pondok ranji, the mosque is open to anyone. the communication of teachings and understanding is accomplished by regular meetings in this mosque. there are congregants who come once a week, twice a week, or only at certain times. they come from all over the greater jakarta area (jabodetabek) and include those who come from other regions in indonesia. in addition, any group that has a strong commitment to the jamaah tablig movement will be given an opportunity to gather in small groups and then to do itinerant preaching—a practice called khuruj—with a wellplanned time schedule, travelling around the village, town or outside the city. when i met ustadz hanif, he claimed that he was planning a preaching tour to papua. several years ago, he had been preaching in india, pakistan and bangladesh. the spreading of narratives and teachings among tablig members has been accomplished by calling people to worship in the mosque. the more people there are who move back to the mosque, the more they can spread their narrative. for that reason, jamaah tablig is called a non-political islamic movement. some people are interested in joining the mosque in this way. after joining, they usually meet with other people who are newcomers in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 63 jamaah tablig and begin their journey in preaching. ustadz hanif is very happy with this method of spreading his teaching. moreover, he can meet with some people who he has never known before, in a situation that is very friendly, warm and dignified and in a place of worship. ustadz hanif revealed that this method and pattern of spreading his teaching attracted a number of members of the muslim community to join jamaah tablig and stated one other fact: former military and police officials, artists and well-known musicians, as well as ordinary people, are some of his congregants. bang sonih, who is now serving as chairman of mosque takmir in bintaro, admitted that he repeatedly follows itinerant missionary activities together with jamaah tablig activists who come to his place. therefore, he welcomes the members of the jamaah tablig to stay and to preach in his mosques and territory. at the as-sakinah mosque, located in a residential complex in the border area of jakarta and banten, the pattern of the spread of the islamic narrative has been one of a deployment conducted intensively to children and mothers. the reason for this is because gentlemen usually were busy serving in the office when islamic teaching was occurring. ustadz anwar, who served there, was a young indigenous betawi man staying in the local village. when he was asked from where he received his religious education, he said that he only learned from experience because he diligently attended the teachings of the youth in his village. ustadz anwar is a graduate of a private high school in tangerang city but was active in islamic activities in that region. when asked to name the preachers that regularly delivered sermons, he mentioned several names, and one of them was ustadz abu jibril. according to him, he is a very deeply religious, so he and his friends like to come to ustadz abu jibri’s sermons in south tangerang, although his sermons are not scheduled. when recently, ustadz abu jibril was accused of being involved with extreme islamic groups, he shrugged. he did not know if ustadz was dealing with police and other authoritative institutions because of his religious teachings and understandings. what he knows is that he and his friends liked his speech style and feel satisfied with the religious explanations given by him. at this point, the pattern of narrative deployment is not simple. some are regular and periodic, while some are not fixed. in terms of the method, the deployment of the narrative is done in many ways depending on the giver and the receiver parties. pattern of narrative reception the radicalism and terrorism narrative has not been accepted by the people of jakarta, but it has not been absolutely rejected. the narrative has undergone a process of maximum transformation, but the acceptance of this narrative has not substantively succeeded. based on a pick-test sample in table 2, it can be seen that the pattern of narrative reception can journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 64 occur in the following ways: by accepting the substance of the narrative (thesis) offered by a radical/terrorist group; by opposing the narrative (antithesis) offered by a radical/terrorist group; and by improving the narrative (improver / synthesis) offered by a radical/terrorist group. based on the findings in table 2, a total of 62 of 96 respondents reflected attitudes that refused to embrace the negative narrative in the theme of radicalism and terrorism, which means that 64.58 percent of the respondents would act in a way that would be the antithesis to the narrative. the rest of the responses are divided as follows: attitudes accepting the narrative, 14 respondents (14.58%); accepting attitude for the narrative but with improvements, 5 respondents (5.20%); and taking a neutral position, while improving it, 15 respondents (15.62%). based on the findings data, it can be concluded that the majority of the research respondents reject radicalism and terrorism. even though the percentage of respondents accepting the radicalism and terrorism idea is 14% to 19%, this does not mean that there is a potential threat in jakarta. because radicalism and terrorism activities generally are not conducted by many people, these concepts are not contemplated in the minds of the majority of the public. the terrorists are usually more of a militant, controlling minority. the balance between the percentage of the group who accepted the narrative and the group who would have improved it indicated a balanced view in the society of the activists and negative narratives. this means there is a socio-political tendency to stem the tide of radicalism and terrorism. in other words, the people of jakarta are smart enough to see what is good and bad relating to life and society, despite the use of the label of religion (islam) linked with terrorism as a provocative issue. some sensitive narratives, for example, narratives concerning "the other" and nonmuslims, reflect the refusal of the respondents to accept narratives that are diametrically opposed to their view of islamization. this indicates that there is a religious and social maturity. a somewhat risky issue concerns raids against immoral places and misleading islamic sects and churches. although the church is considered a safe place that should not be raided, immoral places are considered as objects that deserve to be destroyed by force. this can be seen positively as a degree of participation by the religious communities in rejecting the existence of a place that is going to demoralize their moral and social order. therefore, the role and presence of the government in quickly responding to the existence of these immoral places is important. the pattern of the spread and acceptance of narratives is also very closely related to the presented content and material. at a mosque in bintaro, south jakarta, a terrace board member of the mosque said that sometimes there is a friday preacher or speaker with a rather "hard" manner of speaking. hard here certainly does not refer to volume but rather journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 65 refers to the content of the speech. according to the board member, there are some preachers or speakers talking loudly, indiscriminately and uncompromisingly—especially when it is about religious teachings. if something is true, they say that is true; if wrong, they say that is wrong. there is no grey area in religion. during the new order, betawi people often termed such kind of speech as sedep or savory, meaning that it was pleasing, such as in a taste on the tongue. this type of speaker received a great deal of attention from the people since, in the new order era, political openness was taboo and partly because of the particular communication medium, such as recitation. the contents and teaching materials or sermons that are considered to be quite hard are approved by the mosque committee because to be religious, it is important to be assertive, straightforward and not hypocritical. for example, having a certain attitude in issues, such as halal and haram, heaven and hell, is necessary. nevertheless, the terrace board member was not very happy with the content of sermons or lectures that carry a political issue, or, moreover, that criticized other persons or parties personally. for such a preacher or speaker, he said he would make a note to be delivered in a meeting of the mosque board or to be submitted, spoken or written to the person in the section of worship who invited him. in this context, the type of religious ideology plays an important role in terms of to what extent a narrative is accepted or rejected. in addition to showing the pattern of the spread of the radicalism and terrorism narrative, we also expose the reception pattern of the radicalism and terrorism narrative. for more detailed information, a reception pattern of the radicalism and terrorism narrative is shown in table 3 (appendix). the reception pattern of the radicalism and terrorism narrative is similar in all groups and in various clusters, as seen in the responses about the enemy of islam discourse. all groups understand narratives relating to enemies of islam because it has been already stated in the koran that jews and christians will never willingly follow islam unless you follow them (al baqarah (2): 120). this is similar to the situation with respect to democracy issues, as religious leaders saw that indeed democracy is not compatible with islam. the religious leaders felt that narratives relating to democracy had been “exaggerated”. some groups firmly reject democracy. while others may accept democracy, its acceptance is not considered by people as being morally correct. factors of narrative deployment and reception however, if this assumption is accurate, note that some regions or areas in jakarta often become "targeted operation" zones. these areas are the strategic business centre, government, police, and diplomatic offices in jakarta. several bombings tragedies have journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 66 occurred in those places, such as the bombings in the hotel marriott, the australian embassy, and so on. the interesting point is that the targeting devices used in the operation were apparently often prepared in other areas, particularly in the outskirts of jakarta. the book bomb, for example, was prepared by former islamic activists who lived in aceh province (outside of java) for years and had also lived in ciputat. the zone targeted-operation is also spreading, from serpong and tangerang to utan kayu and east jakarta. in recent years, these terrorist groups also have scrutinized the outskirts of jakarta as if they were looking for a new "hideaway". usually, it has been located or adjacent to the muslim community in jakarta and its neighbourhood, which is considered an ordinary neighbourhood, such as bekasi, bogor, tangerang selatan. pamulang and ciputat—which have become terrorist ambush sites several times—are even situated near islamic higher education institutions. in this study, changes in the demographic map made us give special note to the importance of the peripheral areas of jakarta. although no specific factors have yet been found with respect to the strengthening of islamism, especially radicalism and terrorism, in a suburb of jakarta, or in areas bordering jakarta, there may be a social impact or a particular psychological effect on the citizens who are in this region and surrounding areas. radicalism and terrorism narratives have been deployed in the public curriculum. unfortunately, the substance of the narrative is generally rejected because it is counterproductive to the community and not in accordance with islam. how can the narrative spread and be accepted by 14.58% of the respondents' attitude? several factors can be behind this. first, consider the success factors of the narrative’s dispersal. as seen in table 2, there are six patterns for the spread of narration, either in a single or a collaborative way. among the six patterns, the patterns of interpersonal relations are dominant. this indicates that the successful deployment of the narrative occurs because our society is content to socialize and to interact cohesively, both among citizens and within the family relationship. the strong public opposition and the attitude of the need for improvement of the community towards the radicalism narrative indicate that the people of jakarta are not producers or constructors of such negative narratives that have spread to the people. the pattern of interpersonal relationships is the medium used to spread the secondary narrative. therefore, it is important to look at the learning model (curriculum) and the patterns of the social setting as the media used to produce the primary narrative of radicalism and terrorism. second, consider the success factors of the narrative’s reception. the spread of the narrative is also most often caused by the respondents’ attitudes towards accepting it. several important reasons show success factors are due to not understanding islam as a rahmatan lil' alamiin (peaceful) doctrine. the acceptance attitude in this study was reflected primarily in journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 67 the rohis group, which in terms of education, is still on a long learning curve or, in other words, they are still unstable or have an incomplete and unfinished understanding of religion. therefore, their attitude can be understood as a natural matter and a necessary protective action for them. the social setting factors, such as economic conditions, perceived injustices, corruption and despotic leaders, may be factors triggering a successful reception of the narratives.third, consider the factors of the narratives’ rejection. it's interesting that the people of jakarta have "an active antibiotic" when the radicalism and terrorism virus presents and infiltrates the jakarta community. the opposition to the radicalism narrative generally comes from the okp activists who have a counter-narrative based on their organization located in the area in which the narrative has spread. in addition, the internalization of nationalism spirit and awareness factor of the indonesian islam model is considered a strong influence. similar to kammi and gpi. ahmad zainudin stated the following: "(is uncle salafi jihadis similar with gpi?) no, actually i am more open after joining the gpi. i used to say bid’ah (heresy) to people who had a different belief. while after joining the gpi, i became more tolerant in seeing a different paradigm. " the kammi and knpi members have had similar experiences. generally, they are activists who understand public policy. therefore, the regulatory factors that apply to safety and law enforcement could also be a factor that helps them to refuse the narrative. the five factors influencing the deployment and acceptance of the radicalism and terrorism narrative are as follows: 1. the social protests of economic and legal injustice 2. ideological encouragement to make changes 3. the influence of the social environment and social association 4. the effect of the global environment 5. a minimal and incorrect understanding of religion these five factors could be driving factors in the spread and acceptance of radicalism and terrorism narratives. therefore, religious leaders who are respondents of this study emphasize the importance of justice implementation, even justice with respect to the press. fairness in the economic sector becomes a major issue in the deployment and acceptance of radicalism and terrorism. other issues in deployment and acceptance include ideology factors, legitimacy, passion, determination and even the spirit of struggle (jihad) to correct injustice. justice factors are contained in the second and fifth principles of pancasila. the deployment and reception of radicalism and terrorism can be imported from areas in the middle east, which continuously fuel the flames of radicalism and terrorism that are journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 68 responded to by those who misunderstand islam, have a lack of education and who are poor. through the media, they accept and spread the narrative of radicalism and terrorism. conclusion research on the narrative and the identity of politics, which we have conducted in jakarta province, has given us a wide perspective on the pattern of, and what, how and to what extent radicalism and terrorism have spread and been accepted in this region. based on the findings in the field, the research concluded the following: 1. the respondents of jakarta have a diversity of narratives of radicalism and terrorism, but the majority of respondents have negative attitudes towards any violence and terrorism acts. most of the respondents rejected the substance of the narrative offered by radicalism and terrorism narrative creators. 2. this study confirms that respondents of jakarta are not the perpetrators of radicalism and terrorism. there is a diverse pattern in the spread and acceptance of these narratives. in general, it can be said that the people have a more moderate understanding. there are some views that tend to be militant; their views cannot be separated from the context of religious life, which is conservative but not necessarily radical, extreme or even terroristic. 3. even though there are a small proportion of respondents who tend to accept the narrative, there is at least an ambiguous attitude towards the issue of radicalism and terrorism; however, the respondents’ attitudes need to be explained further, accompanied with a strong reason relating to their attitude of reception. this acceptance may be merely a part of individual piety which—according to these respondents— must be showed in their religion. however, in general, they exhibit social piety in order to realize a peaceful social life. 4. note that there is a pattern in the spread of radicalism and terrorism in the history of activism, but there are several factors that do not increase radicalism or terrorism in activism movements. for example, educational and organizational maturity factors existing in the areas in which the activists are located, as well as in the social setting in jakarta, actually result in some of them being opponents of the "attack" narrative. this explains why the radicalism and terrorism narrative is an "imported narrative" in which the actors are by far the people who are culturally "strangers" or—quoting one respondent’s term—"the foreigners" who come from outside jakarta. 5. the electronic-printed media and social media have been used to spread the narrative of radicalism and terrorism in the midst of the jakarta community. however, so far, the people of jakarta have resisted all forms of radicalism and terrorism, which is proof that the perpetrators of radicalism and terrorism in jakarta are not citizens of jakarta. journal of social political sciences jsps vol. 1, no. 1, february, 2020 issn: 2715-7539 (online) 69 however, the news spreading about the injustice in the life of the nation, including in jakarta, the ambiguous treatment by the authorities of suspected terrorists, as well as the amount of radicalism and terrorism imported from the outside (for example, the middle east), can potentially affect and change the mindset and behaviour of people of jakarta from people, who actually tend to support anti-violence, anti-radicalism and anti-terrorism, to people who are permissive with respect to all forms of violence and may even result in them becoming perpetrators of radicalism and terrorism for implementing change. if this is allowed, there will be a rallying point (intersection) consistent with the themes of other radical movements, such as dii / tii, in various parts of indonesia, who have their own political agenda. to end the acts of radicalism and terrorism, the majority of respondents state that it is impossible to resolve the problems of violence with violence. thus, in this perspective, the "violence vis a vis violence" model is considered highly improper. for the majority of the respondents, violence hereditarily propagates revenge and it can actually create the seeds of a new radicalism and terrorism. reference a.m. fatwa. 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