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Journal of Social Studies Education Research
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2020:11 (1),213-229
213
The Dynamics of Social Values and Teaching in the Global Era:
The Sekaten Tradition of Surakarta Kingdom
Nuryani Tri Rahayu1, Warto2, Bani Sudardi3 & Mahendra Wijaya4
Abstract
This article discusses the meaning behind the sekaten traditional ceremony, as performed in
Surakarta by Surakarta palace, the government, and the local community. This is important because
the sekaten ceremony is a traditional cultural event that encompasses local wisdom and moral
values that guide the development of a civilized social life, yet it currently tends to be oriented
toward the tourism sector, and its previous meaning is not understood by the local community. This
research applies a descriptive analytical method with a qualitative approach. Data were collected
from informants, namely staff at Surakarta palace, the Surakarta City Government, and Islamic
religious leaders in Surakarta, as well as traders and visitors at the sekaten. The technique involved
in-depth interviews and participatory observation of the places and events involved in the sekaten
traditional procession. Data analysis was then carried out inductively using interactive methods.
The results showed that the meaning behind the sekaten tradition has changed in the era of
globalization from originally symbolizing the Islamic kingdom and royal power as part of Javanese
culture. In the globalization era, the Surakarta palace defines sekaten as part of a cultural heritage
that encompasses local wisdom, while the government defines it as a cultural asset and an element
of the tourism industry. Finally, local people associate sekaten with syncretism, entertainment, and
tourist destinations.
Keywords: meaning, local culture, tourism industry, syncretism
Introduction
There are currently about 5,000 to 6,000 cultures around the world. Of these, most of them belong
to indigenous peoples, accounting for around 80-90% of global cultural diversity (Pröschel, 2012).
This situation is reflected in Indonesia, which is an archipelago country with a rich cultural
diversity. Each of its34 provinces has its own distinct cultural identity and pattern of human
activity, as well asa symbolic structure that assigns importance to human behavior (Abdel-hadi,
2012). In a large culture, there are often subcultures that are marked by social groups through
1Doctor Candidate, Universitas Sebelas Maret Surakarta & Universitas Veteran Bangun Nusantara, Sukoharjo,
Indonesia; nuryanitrirahayu@student.uns.ac.id
2Prof. Dr. Universitas Sebelas Maret Surakarta Indonesia, warto2013@staff.uns.ac.id
3Prof. Dr. Universitas Sebelas Maret, Surakarta, Indonesia, banisudardi_fssr@staff.uns.ac.id
4Prof. Dr. Universitas Sebelas Maret, Surakarta, Indonesia, mahendrawijaya@staff.uns.ac.id
mailto:nuryanitrirahayu@student.uns.ac.id
mailto:warto2013@staff.uns.ac.id
Journal of Social Studies Education Research 2020: 11(1), 213-229
shared practices and interests (Hare & Baker, 2017). There are three key concepts regarding
subculture, namely capital, style, and authenticity.
Many studies have concluded that large cultures and subcultures in various parts of the world
experience change from time to time due to the globalization process, not least in Indonesia.
Globalization typically refers to the process through which different societies and economies
become more closely integrated (Iriani & Noruzi, 2011). At present, society cannot avoid
globalization, which underlies development and brings social change through a blurring of the
cultural and geographical boundaries between countries and even between continents (Riaz & Arif,
2017). Globalization is often seen differently, and pro-globalization groups see it as providing
many new opportunities for people to develop and compete better, because production becomes
more efficient. Anti-globalization groups, meanwhile, argue that increasingly intense global
competition pressures cause certain groups of people to lose control of resources and become
unable to exercise their economic power in various situations (Iriani & Noruzi, 2011).
Globalization has managed to eliminate the cultural boundaries between countries (Ritzer, 2014)
and encouraged investors to take advantage of opportunities to benefit financially, including
through cultural channels. As a result, forms of tradition and local wisdom that were previously
highly valued in culture are systemically and structurally adapted to a more profane culture
directed at meeting the need for pleasure. This phenomenon occurs in parallel to
commercialization, where traditional arts and culture are treated as commodities for tourism in
order to serve the economic needs of the community (Conradie, 2012).
Today, the religious rituals and other traditions of Indonesia are also being exploited by business
owners to make profits under the pretext of culture-based tourism (Günlü, Pırnar & Yağcı, 2009;
Maccarrone-eaglen, 2009). Some religious rituals now require an entrance ticket, or they have
religious attributes that require visitors to pay something. In addition, the surrounding community
is also engaged in economic activities, such as catering, parking, and other paid services. The
commercialization of the traditions and culture of local people by commercially repackaging them
for the international community can bring in foreign spending, help drive the economy, and
improve people’s welfare materially, but it can also diminish local identity and values. A
community’s self-esteem is therefore eroded by transforming its culture into something profane
and changing the profound into something trivial (Lyons, Sarah & Christian Wells, 2014).
Rahayu, et al.
Globalization clearly impacts culture through the increasingly vague cultural boundaries between
countries and the strong influence of foreign culture on the local culture. There is also a
strengthening of modern cultural forms throughout the world as the more traditional local cultures
are abandoned. A society cannot avoid this exposure to foreign culture, which consequently
manifests in its food, clothing, and entertainment(Shepherd, 2002). The influence of foreign
cultures on traditional arts and cultures also causes young people (i.e., millennials) to be less
interested in social values and traditional culture. The younger generation therefore does not
understand the values contained in local wisdom, and they consider traditional culture to be old-
fashioned, impractical, and a barrier to progress. This behavior can be seen in the people of
Surakarta, which was historically the center of government for the Mataram Kingdom with its
Islamic nuances.
Before Indonesia’s independence in 1945, the Surakarta palace was the seat of government for the
Mataram Kingdom. It has hosted the traditional sekaten ceremony every year since the 15thcentury.
This tradition is a major attraction for tourists visiting Surakarta, and it remains attractive to many
local and foreign researchers due to its uniqueness. The sekaten ceremony was originally intended
as a medium for disseminating Islamic ideology. However, along with the shifting social dynamics
in Surakarta, the sekaten experienced a shift in its orientation, function, and meaning.
Purpose of the Study
This paper seeks to examine the dynamics of the social values and teachings behind the sekaten
social tradition from the perspectives of history, the palace, the government, and society in the
globalized era. More specifically, this research aims to answer the following research questions:
1. How are the social values and teaching of the sekaten tradition in Surakarta viewed from a
historical perspective?
2. How do the Surakarta palace, the Surakarta city government, and the community interpret the
sekaten as a social tradition?
Literature Review
The sekaten tradition as a social practice is an object of cultural study. It has earned an enduring
interest in the form of studies of habits, spatial positions, and social practices (Mahbub & Shoily,
Journal of Social Studies Education Research 2020: 11(1), 213-229
2016). Structural theory is one of the earliest theories in cultural studies. It views the “structure”
as rules and resources that are recursively implied within social reproduction. These are
characteristics of institutionalized social systems that have structural properties in the sense that
relationships are established overtime and space. This “structure” can be abstractly conceptualized
through two aspects: normative elements and codes of significance (Hilmi, 2012).
Through his structural theory, Gidden places people in a very significant position as an “agency”
that can reproduce actions and have the ability, as well as an understanding of, the intent and
purpose of these actions. Through various structuration principles, he details three major groups
of structures: (1) signification structure, which involves symbolic schemata, meaning, mentioning,
and discourse; (2) the structure of domination, such as the means of control over people (politics)
and goods (economics); and (3) the structure of justification or legitimacy, such as the normative
regulatory scheme that is embodied in the legal system (Hilmi, 2012).
In the process of cultural production and reproduction, the role of agents is highly influenced by
the structure, especially the marking structure, for the symbol system, the interpretation of
meaning, and the formation of discourse. Here, cultural differences in values and epistemological
framework concur with cultural differences that are reflected in artifacts and public
demonstrations. One dimension of cultural difference concerns the varying psychological distance
between people and nature (Medin & Bang, 2014).
Cultural production and reproduction often occur as part of industrial activities. In America, the
cultural heritage industry is often described as “cultural sharing,” where supporters of indigenous
culture are involved in the process of transforming their cultural identity into products for
consumption by foreign tourists. There are two different views of the culture industry, though. On
the one hand, the cultural heritage industry can be seen as a strong catalyst for reproducing local
culture, but on the other hand, it can be regarded as endangering cultural aspects that are currently
protected from commodification (Bunten, 2008; Strunc, 2019).
Cultural reproduction can occur through re-invention in the form of an effort that is consciously
directed to construct a new identity that departs from tradition and functions as a social and
political formation, one that is needed to legitimize the status and authority of a community
(Moersid, 2013). Thus, cultural preservation often only arises as an issue when there are concerns
about a possible “loss” from the relevant culture (Lundup, 2013). Cultural preservation also
Rahayu, et al.
becomes more complicated when it comes to intangible culture heritage (ICH). A total of 82 ICH
conventions focus on “oral traditions and expressions, performing arts, knowledge and practice
about nature and the universe, social practices, rituals and celebratory events, and traditional
expertise” (Blakely, 2015).
In an effort to preserve various forms of traditional culture, it is necessary to maintain the culture
in a form that has “naturally” evolved. This leads to the problem of how to exploit a culture
economically without compromising its authenticity (Pröschel, 2012). On the one hand,
commodification can result in a traditional culture becoming essentially extinct, but on the other
hand, only a culture that accommodates commercialization in the tourism industry will be
acceptable to a changing society. This phenomenon is behind the shift in the orientation and
function of traditions and therefore their meanings.
In communication, a sign points to something other than itself, so the meaning is the relationship
between the object or idea and a sign (Littlejohn, 1999). Indeed, meaning is a complex relationship
between symbols, objects, and people. Thus, we have logical and psychological meanings: Logical
meaning is the relationship between symbols and references, while psychological meaning is the
relationship between symbols and people. Meaning comprises personal individual conceptions and
general conceptions that are shared with others. Langers’ vocabulary includes three additional
terms: signification, denotation, and connotation. Signification is the meaning of a sign, a simple
stimulus that announces the existence of an object. Denotation is the relationship between a sign
and an object. The connotation of symbols, meanwhile, is the direct relationship between symbols
and conceptions.
Methods
Research Design
This study applies a descriptive analytical research design with a qualitative descriptive strategy,
which is suitable for research that generates data in the form of words, whether written or spoken
by people who can be understood (Bogdan & Taylor, 1975). Such research is one of the basic
traditions in social science, and it relates to people in their language, region, and terminology
(Moleong, 2011). A descriptive strategy discusses the recording or grouping of a series of elements
(James & Champion, 2012), and it is supported by the reading meaning technique using the
Journal of Social Studies Education Research 2020: 11(1), 213-229
semiotics of Littlejohn (1999), which in turn comprises three elements: denotative meanings,
connotative meanings, and meanings from the perspective of myths.
Research Participants, Sampling Procedure, and Ethical Considerations
This research was conducted at Surakarta palace in Central Java, Indonesia. The main data
analyzed were qualitative data, namely information sourced from key informants in the form of
actors involved in the sekaten tradition. The main participants therefore included staff working at
Surakarta palace, while supporting informants included the Surakarta city government and Islamic
religious leaders in Surakarta. The sample was purposively selected based on the selection criteria
(Goetz & LeCompte, 1984).
Firstly, this research is a qualitative descriptive study that aims to produce data in the form of
words expressed by people and observable behavior (Bogdan & Taylor, 1975). Secondly, this
research is part of a tradition in social science that is fundamentally dependent on observing people
in their own society, and it relates to these people’s language and terminology (Moleong, 2011).
Thirdly, in qualitative research, a description is the basis for all scientific investigations, so
information includes recording or groupings for a set of elements according to the problem being
investigated (James & Champion, 2012).
Data-Collection Procedures
The data-collection procedure comprised in-depth interviews, participatory observation, and
content analysis. The data-collection instruments used included interview guides, observation
structures, and coding sheets. The level of truth (validity)for the information was determined
through the source triangulation method, where a number of sources are used to check the validity
of data (Moleong, 2011).
Data-Analysis Techniques
The data analysis was carried out inductively using interactive analysis methods, with the
procedures including data reduction, data presentation, conclusion handling, and verification
(Miles, Huberman & Saldana, 2014). In the interactive model, the three activities analysis involved
a process of interactive cycles and interactions, where activities were not something that could be
done together but rather complemented each other (Sutopo, 2002).
Rahayu, et al.
Results
Social Values and Teachings for the Sekaten Tradition: A Historical Perspective
Information about the social values and teachings of the sekaten tradition in Surakarta was
collected from the informants, thus revealing changes in meaning forthe sekaten tradition from
when Surakarta palace was still a center of government to the globalized era, when the palace lost
much of its influence on society.
The sekaten is a traditional ceremony that is held every year in the Javanese calendar month
ofMulud (or Rabi' al-awwal in the Islamic Calendar). The sekaten tradition first started in the 15th
century as a means to extend Islam’s influence on Java through a cultural approach. It was
considered an appropriate medium to spread Islamic ideology because at that time, Javanese
society was still very influenced by animism, dynamism, and polytheism, and many people were
still pagans. At that time, many traditions and rituals worshipped spirits, objects, or sacred places
and involved meditation, offerings, superstitions, and myths, and these were highly respected by
the public. This prompted nine Islamic scholars known as the Wali Sanga to find a good approach
to shift people’s beliefs away from polytheism and toward monotheism. One of the guardians of
the Wali Sanga, Sunan Giri, mastered the technique for making gamelan, which is music involving
several traditional Javanese musical instruments. Sunan Giri then made a set of gamelan music to
be played during the sekaten celebration. He argued that the sound of the gamelan would draw
people’s attention and encourage them to investigate it. Once the community found the source of
the music, the symbols of Islam would be conveyed. This theory turned out to be correct, because
every time the gamelan was played in the Surakarta Grand Mosque, many community members
gathered, and after listening to lectures on Islam, many converted to Islam by saying two words of
the sahadah. The word sahadatain later served as the origin of the name “sekaten.”
The sekaten tradition was originally an Islamic religious ceremony, but it also has a Javanese
character. This tradition acts as a medium for teaching Islamic religious values and a noble
character to the community. This persisted until Indonesia became independent of the Dutch and
Japanese colonial powers in 1945. After this, the religious awareness of the community began to
develop through the establishment of formal and informal religious education institutions. The
teaching of Islam was then carried out by many educational institutions, such as madras as and
Journal of Social Studies Education Research 2020: 11(1), 213-229
Islamic boarding schools. The sekaten tradition continued, however, but its function shifted to
celebrating the birth of the Prophet Muhammad.
After Surakarta palace became part of the territory and government of the Unitary State of the
Republic of Indonesia in 1958, the sekaten, which was originally a symbol of local wisdom,
experienced changes in its orientation, function, and symbolic meaning as social changes affected
its supporters. In the globalization era, the religious nuances of the sekaten grew weaker, while the
accompanying night market that starts a month before the peak of the sekaten ceremony became
more dominant, a phenomena that continues today.
Sekaten Tradition: The Palace’s Perspective
A key informant from Surakarta palace, which started the sekaten tradition, conveyed that when
Surakarta palace was still a center of government, the sekaten was intended as a medium for
communication between the king and his people. Surakarta palace therefore positions the sekaten
as a form of cultural communication passing down moral values and local wisdom from one
generation to the next through verbal and nonverbal symbols. For example, in the sekaten tradition,
there is a gunungan-shaped mountain that symbolizes how life’s purpose is to return to the Creator,
the ruler of all life and the universe. This is considered important, because local wisdom is held by
certain social groups and conveyed through community experiences.
At the time when Surakarta palace still had a considerable influence on the community, the sekaten
was used politically by the palace to determine the extent of royal influence on the people, as
reflected in the number of community members who participated in the event. The attendance at
the ceremony was considered indicative of the kingdom’s influence on society. What is more, the
sekaten tradition was also used to assess the degree of obedience to the king, again measured
according to the attendance level but also by the amount of tribute that was presented to the king.
Any absence from the sekaten ceremony could be considered a form of defiance against the king.
For Surakarta palace, the sekaten tradition is a symbol of the Islamic Mataram kingdom, which
distinguishes itself from the previous Mataram Hindu kingdom.
In the globalized era, Surakarta palace sees the sekaten tradition as symbolic of Surakarta’s identity
as an Islamic kingdom. This is represented in the ceremony’s time and place and the content of the
message being delivered, as well as the ordering of the ceremony and the role of the king in it.
Rahayu, et al.
Sekaten ceremonies are held every year in the Mulud month, and the event’ speak coincides with
Maulid, the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad, the bearer of Islamic teachings. The ceremony is
mostly centered on the large square before the palace, where there is also a mosque as a place of
worship for Muslims. At the climax of the event, the king leads the procession and delivers a
message about the teachings of Islam or the history of the Prophet Muhammad. All the messages
conveyed in the series of events relate to Islam.
In addition, Surakarta palace also interprets the sekaten tradition as an endeavor to preserve the
cultural heritage of the palace. The sekaten ceremony is a tradition for the palace, one where
various symbols are used exclusively in the ceremony, because they only exist in the palace and
are not typical in the lives of everyday people. In the sekaten tradition, the king distributes alms to
the people in the form of agricultural produce, and this is symbolic of the Sultan’s role in ruling
for the welfare of his people.
Sekaten Tradition: The Local Government’s Perspective
Information from the Surakarta City Culture and Tourism Office reveals the local government’s
view of the sekaten tradition. When Surakarta palace still had political influence in the community,
the local government was not very involved in policy making or the implementation of the sekaten
tradition. At that time, the government saw the sekaten tradition as being under the authority of
Surakarta palace. However, in the current globalized era, Surakarta City Government interprets
the tradition as an annual cultural event in the Surakarta city area. The local government therefore
provides guidance for the development and preservation of these traditions. The Surakarta City
Government has for the last five years seen the sekaten tradition as a tourist attraction for Surakarta
(Bappeda Kota Surakarta, 2016). For this reason, the Surakarta City Government aims to develop
sekaten as a cultural and religious tourist attraction, as well as a destination for shopping tourism
with an emphasis on the role of the lower classes ins ociety.
The Surakarta City Government has positioned the sekaten as a driving force for people's economic
wellbeing by encouraging the participation of small businesses, home industries, and traditional
craftsmen. Traditional artisan products with philosophical value—such as a clay piggy bank
(celengan), a whip (pecut) made from hemp leaves, and a spinning top made from bamboo
(gangsingan)—are consistently encouraged to enliven each year’s sekaten.
Journal of Social Studies Education Research 2020: 11(1), 213-229
The sekaten is part of the culture of Surakarta palace, which includes features in the form of
gunungan, officers’ clothing, traditional toys, the language used, Islamic values, and symbols of
the harmonious relations between the king and his people (manunggaling kawula lan Gusti), as
well as cultural teachings in the form of good habits and behavioral codes. The sekaten tradition
as a religious tourism event relates to its role in commemorating the birthday of the Prophet
Muhammad, who is a role model for Muslims. The sekaten tradition is also coupled with public
entertainment in the form of a night market that sells a variety of goods and hosts a variety of
stands, including playgrounds for children, music performances, various culinary delights,
communication tools, and traditional crafted goods.
The Sekaten Tradition: The Community’s Perspective
Observation of the sekaten procession at its location revealed that some members of the
community fought over food, vegetables, and fruits from the mountains because they believed that
these objects would bring blessings. Fruits and vegetables taken from the mountains are replanted
on farms in the hope that their fields will produce good crops and be free of infestations or diseases.
The followers of the sekaten tradition believe it will give them the gift of youth, specifically when
visitors chew kinang along to the sound of a gong on the gamelan played at the event. The Gamelan
Kiai Sekati—which comprises two instruments, namely Kiai Guntur Madu and Kiai Guntur Sari—
is only played during the sekaten celebration because it is considered to have the magical power
to give blessings. From the perspective of the Muslim community, this is regarded as a form of
superstition that should be avoided. Community groups with strong Islamic religious beliefs
therefore interpret the sekaten as a blend between culture and religion, which is often referred to
as syncretism.
When the people of Surakarta were still unfamiliar with Islam, the sekaten tradition acted as an
effective medium for teaching its ideology, but nowadays there are many other sources of Islamic
teaching in the community, so this element of its function is greatly reduced. The application of a
cultural approach to spreading Islam through the sekaten tradition is also seen as inappropriate in
the current context, because people are already very open to various cultures through
communication and information technology in social life.
Islamic religious leaders believe that the religious values embedded in the sekaten tradition have
been eroded by economic activities. The sekaten tradition is no longer a sacred, religiously valued
Rahayu, et al.
traditional ceremony but rather a business event serving the interests of many parties, and it is
more about encouraging the community to act hedonistically.
A number of community members involved in the ceremony’s activities expressed that the sekaten
tradition currently has more economic value, with the night market starting almost a full month
before the ceremony’ speak. In the night market, hundreds of booths enable the community to
conduct economic activities in the form of trade, the provision of parking services, the
transportation of goods or people, and culinary tourism activities.
Traders in the area also argued that without the night market, people would have little interest in
attending the sekaten, because most people do not care about listening to religious lectures and
rather focus on recreation through shopping or enjoying culinary delights. Thus, the sekaten is
seen more as being economically valuable because it provides additional incomes for the
community through the related economic activities.
Thechairman of the Rukun Tetangga (the lowest institution in the government structure of
Indonesia) stated that the sekaten tradition also has economic value for the body, because citizens
engaged in economic activities in the sekaten must set aside some of their profits to give to the
Rukun Tetangga treasury. Such economic activities include trading, providing parking services
and transportation services, offering games, and providing recreational services like lighted
bicycles, horse-drawn carriages, and playgrounds for children.
Discussion
The data obtained in this study indicates that there has been a shift in the social values and teaching
behind the sekaten tradition from a historical perspective. The meaning of the sekaten tradition—
according to Surakarta palace, the Surakarta City Government, and the local community—has
changed from a cultured event to something more profane. This is a natural social process where
culture promotes a certain way of life shaped by values, traditions, beliefs, and material objects. It
fundamentally persists for along time in society but also adapts through routine communication
and social interaction (Lull, 1998). One of the factors behind the shift is the influence of the mass
media, especially broadcast television and new media forms that assign greater importance to
modern pop culture than traditional local culture.
From a historical perspective, the shift in orientation and function of the sekaten can be seen. This
causes a biased meaning for certain community groups, which can in turn trigger horizontal social
Journal of Social Studies Education Research 2020: 11(1), 213-229
conflict and resistance in the community. Some social groups with strong Islamic beliefs view a
number of practices in the sekaten as an undesirable form of syncretism. On the other hand,
community groups that support Javanese culture argue that the sekaten is a ritual ceremony that
must still be preserved, especially because it celebrates the birth of the Prophet Muhammad
(Utami, 2011). Another reason concerns the message presented in the sekaten ceremony, which is
packaged in a unique form, so it can provide education and entertainment for the community
(Ni’mah & Soekiman, 2007).
The shift in the social values and teaching embodied in the sekaten tradition began when the
political influence of Surakarta palace started to diminish, specifically when Surakarta became part
of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia in 1958. This gave rise to the opinion that the
palace had lost meaning as a symbol of the Surakarta people. This led to the emergence of various
practices that would have been considered irregular in the past. The increasing level of religious
awareness and education among the local community also affects its interpretation of the sekaten
tradition. The sekaten tradition is now largely understood by the community as an entertainment
event, and its significance as a symbol of identity no longer seems important. The sekaten as a
form of propaganda through a cultural approach is no longer deemed appropriate, and its potential
to attract people is instead exploited by businesses.
The commercialization of the sekaten tradition is just one phenomenon in the commercialization
of Indonesian local culture, and similar processes can be seen in Thailand, India, and many African
countries. This phenomenon cannot be separated from state politics, which are outlined for the
field of tourism in the National Medium-Term Development Plan 2014–2019 (Bappenas, 2014).
This stipulates the preservation and development of cultural assets that support tourism
development, but efforts must also support a creative economy. This means that the Indonesian
government views culture both as a legacy that must be preserved and as an asset to be exploited
through tourism. Departing from this policy, the Surakarta City Government positioned the sekaten
tradition as something to drive the local economy and increase revenue for local people through
tourism. The government policy for the preservation of local culture is distorted, because
traditional arts and local culture are being packaged and marketed for the consumption of tourists,
especially foreign ones, so they cater for market tastes. This reality seems to have become an
inevitable consequence of globalization. Every regional culture that contains its own local wisdom,
natural beauty, and cultural aspects is often exploited in order to increase tourism activity through
Rahayu, et al.
the label of cultural tourism (Conradie, 2012). This situation has played a role in objectifying and
reducing culture to “cultural art”—such as dance, music, costumes, crafts, and architecture (Korff
& Susanne, 2014)—that can then be sold.
The practice of commercializing tradition is a consequence of national policies promoting tourism,
which in turn raises divisions between the authentic and the modern (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). In
addition, the process of commodifying a tradition cannot be separated from the role of the agent
causing the change. Agencies involved in the commercialization process for traditional generally
include the organizers themselves, tourism organizations, and the private sector. This can be seen
in artistic performances where the aesthetic element is highlighted and when the arrangements,
instruments, makeup, and art displays are redefined for mass consumption by a wider audience,
particularly foreign tourists (Yulianto, 2013).
The shifting meaning of the sekaten tradition is part of the cultural tourism process in Surakarta,
backed up by the belief that cultural tourism is an element for developing tourism in various
regions of the world, and thishas a strong influence on policy-makers(Richards, 2005; Bui & Lee,
2015). In this situation, local culture is gradually abandoned in favor of foreign culture, and
preservation involves adjusting the packaging and presentation without removing the essence,
meaning, and original values of the traditional culture (Haris, 2015). Preserving local culture
cannot be separated from the social-construction process, which is an area where several methods
are employed by agents including the government, the markets, and civil society. These are
interconnected and presented together in different patterns of formal and informal regionalisms
(Söderbaum, 2013).
Conclusion and Implication
In the course of its history from the 15thcentury until the present day, there has been a shift in the
sekaten tradition in Surakarta in terms of its meaning and values. The sekaten tradition as a symbol
is open to interpretation according to recent developments. This tradition has endured for centuries
and experienced dynamic meanings over time. When it was first organized, it was a representation
of the Islamic palace and a symbol of royal power to endear popular obedience and represent
Javanese culture.
In the current globalized era, there are shifting meanings for the event, as well as objections from
certain groups toward the tradition. On one hand, the sekaten tradition can be considered to have
Journal of Social Studies Education Research 2020: 11(1), 213-229
been distorted, but on the other hand, the tradition is very popular among the community. Although
the influence of Surakarta palace is no longer dominant, and the Surakarta City Government
implements the sekaten tradition, the event continues to this day.
The meaning behind the sekaten tradition in the current era of globalization has changed, however.
Surakarta palace now interprets the event a s a form of cultural heritage that contains local wisdom
that must be preserved. The local government, meanwhile, sees it as a cultural asset for the tourism
industry, thus driving the local economy and generating revenue. Finally, the local community
interprets sekaten as undesirable syncretism, as entertainment, and as a destination for religious,
culinary, and shopping tourism.
Theoretical and Practical Implications
The findings of this study indicate that in social and cultural structures, specifically in the process
of cultural production and reproduction, people are in a very strong position to act as agents who
understand the purpose and objectives of everything they do. The meaning behind the sekaten
tradition is formed from a number of symbols interpreted by the agents in accordance with their
respective interests. This reinforces the principle of the structuration theory of Giddens (Ritzer,
2014; Lubis, 2016), which asserts three major structure groups: the structure of signification, the
structure of domination, and the structure of justification (Hilmi, 2012).
This study also has practical implications for critically and comprehensively looking at cultural
phenomena in the form of social traditions. It also has implications for narrowing the gaps in how
the sekaten tradition is perceived by those community groups supporting cultural values and those
communities supporting religious values.
Limitations and Directions for Future Research
This study has limitations because its subject is a single tradition in one location, so the obtained
results are limited in terms of generalizability. Future research should therefore look at broader
social traditions in terms of numerous events scattered over various regions, so any similarities
and differences can be observed. In addition, this research is also limited to the use of qualitative
methods, and the results take the form of describing a tradition as a substructure in social structure.
Based on these limitations, the use of quantitative methods is recommended for future research to
study a number of variables that may be interconnected.
Rahayu, et al.
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