152 JPAIR Multidisciplinary Research Linguistic Study on Surigaonon and Kamayo Children’s Songs TERESA MAY A. MUNDIZ http://orcid.org/0000-0002-0614-5193 teresamaym@gmail.com Bislig City Division Bislig City, Philippines Originality: 99% • Grammar Check: 100% • Plagiarism: 1% ABSTRACT This paper looks into the linguistic characteristics of the Surigaonon and the Kamayo languages of the Surigao Provinces through the children’s songs. It aims to identify and explain the morphological and phonological features that bring about the intelligibility of the two languages. Oftentimes confused as the waya-waya or the jaun-jaun language, Surigaonon finds its speech community among the Surigao del Norte inhabitants as well as a few numbers in the municipalities of Surigao del Sur. Kamayo, on the other hand, is common among the Surigao del Sur inhabitants. Using convenience sampling, this qualitative study interviewed ten participants and recorded children’s songs common for both languages. It found out that Surigaonon and Kamayo have to compete for forms and phonological differences. Both languages’ morphological constructions differ with the use of some inflectional affixes and grammatical markers. The morphophonemic alterations between the different versions of the songs reflect the same kind of changes unique to the Cebuano Visayan language. As a result, Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo are in themselves variants of the Cebuano Visayan since speakers from the languages can understand each other without really having to speak the kind of language each speaker is acquainted Vol. 36 · March 2019 https://doi.org/10.7719/jpair.v36i1.687 Print ISSN 2012-3981 Online ISSN 2244-0445 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. http://orcid.org https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0614-5193 mailto:teresamaym@gmail.com https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 153 International Peer Reviewed Journal with: Kamayo language is intelligible with that of Surigaonon; while the latter is intelligible to the Cebuano language. Keywords — Linguistic analysis, intelligibility, Kamayo-Surigaonon, Bislig City, Philippines INTRODUCTION This study describes and analyzes the intelligibility of Kamayo and Surigaonon languages with children’s songs. Since language use entails context and structure, stating “facts, things, persons, or events” viewed to be one of the primary purposes for human communication (Strawson, 1950). Similarly, Morris (2006) considered language as human “artefact” to articulate his thoughts, ideas, and activities. Through language, communication was possible (Medina, 2010). Yet, this success in communication achieved only if both speakers and hearers can translate their thoughts through “some sensible external signs, whereby those invisible ideas […] might be made known to others” (Locke, 1975 as cited in Morris, 2006). For instance, as Smith and Nelson (2006) aptly problematized, how do people or speakers of different nationalities make themselves understood even with the use of English? As the case may be for a tourist and a host, English becomes handy, then, if both can communicate at a level appropriate to understand. Even so, intelligibility is categorized into 1) intelligibility, or understanding of “word/ utterance recognition”; 2) comprehensibility, or understanding of “word/ utterance meaning”; and 3) interpretability, or understanding “meaning behind word/ utterance” (Smith & Nelson, 2006). This problem on intelligibility is common in other western languages that the European Commission put in efforts for more researches to examine linguistic factors influencing intelligibility (Golubovic & Gooskens, 2015; Riionheimo, & Härmävaara, 2017). Mutual intelligibility, then, is viewed when languages within a linguistic family exhibit a certain quality or characteristics of similarities (Gooskens & Swarte, 2017). The extent of this similarity may allow mutual intelligibility to occur that speakers of two languages could understand a ‘genetically related language’ like language A to B, and vice versa. Furthermore, intelligibility allows for meaningful exchange and communication between speakers while using their respective native languages (Riionheimo, & Härmävaara, 2017). As such, cognates may then be present for intelligible 154 JPAIR Multidisciplinary Research languages. Cognates, as defined, are words having a common origin, albeit having dissimilar forms (Golubovic & Gooskens, 2015); Wolff (1972) called this as competing forms—the same etymology, and usually with the same meaning— typically common in sound changes. In this study, Surigaonon and Kamayo are two of the languages in the Philippines, which also have intelligibility concerns. While McFarland (1981, as cited in Dumanig & Jubilado, 2015) asserted on the similarity of Surigaonon to Cebuano, albeit the former’s distinctiveness in its characteristics and linguistic attributes, Kamayo is also used by the majority of people in Surigao del Sur, alongside Surigaonon (Bucjan, E., 2017; Bucjan, M., 2017). Intelligibility may be evident between Surigaonon and Kamayo with the influences of the former, through human migration, from the Cebuano Visayan, Leyteño and Boholano languages (Wolff, 1972). Additionally, a work of Endriga (as cited in Bucjan, M., 2017) postulated the intelligibility of Cebuano as spoken in Bohol, Cebu (Wolff, 1972), and Davao provinces, respectively. As more studies have been done on Surigaonon language, a lack of literature and a limited number of studies on its intelligibility with Kamayo, which is another language used in the Surigao provinces (Bucjan, E., 2017; Bucjan, M., 2017), have been the motivation to conduct this study. Consequently, even one of the informants added that Surigaonon language is not the same as Cebuano and Kamayo. Yet, a Surigaonon speaker still understands what the speaker of Cebuano and Kamayo has to say, if not the other way around. This paper, then, identifies Surigaonon language as Surigaonon naturalis, while Bisliganon Kamayo is the variant for Kamayo. In this study, the intelligibility of the two languages—Kamayo and Surigaonon – in their morphological structure, and phonological processes through the select children’s songs have been examined. This study also looks into the implications of the understanding of the Kamayo and Surigaonon languages and their eventual mutual intelligibility with Cebuano as presented in the songs. METHODOLOGY Research Design This is a document analysis of the children’s songs shared by the key informants who were purposefully chosen for the study. The informants are native speakers of the languages, and they were chosen because they can provide in-depth information, and shed light, on the issue explored in the present 155 International Peer Reviewed Journal study (Creswell, 2017; Creswell, 2012; Bucjan, 2017). The availability of the participants was considered primarily. Moreover, the analysis is based on the morphological structure and phonological processes of the Surigaonon naturalis, the Bisliganon Kamayo, and the Cebuano Bisaya languages. Research Site The study was conducted in Bislig City. Participants There were ten (10) participants for this study. They were school administrators and local government employees of Bislig City. The age group of the participants ranged from 40 to 80 years old. All of them are native speakers of Surigaonon, Kamayo, and Cebuano languages. For this study, songs were collected from the participants through a recording, and dictation of the lyrics. The songs included in this study were either native from the Surigaonon or Kamayo languages or translated version. Data Collection A letter of request was sent to the participants, seeking their consent and permission to be part of the study. A schedule was set for the interview at the participants’ convenience. An orientation on the objective of the study was also done. Strict confidentiality of the data gathered was also assured to the participants. Data were gathered through a voice recorder, and dictation of the lyrics to ascertain the correctness of the words. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Songs commonly chosen by parents and adults to teach their young ones are those who try to educate children of the common and frequently used terms like songs identifying body parts, and even songs that animatedly describe people. My Toes, My Knees (Ipalakpak an Alima), and the Haughty Mother (Nanayng Garbosa), and Philemon (Pilemon) were the songs used in this study. The song My Toes, My Knees is an original English song, yet, all three languages—Surigaonon naturalis, Bisliganon Kamayo, and Cebuano Visayan— have kept the same context of the song: to identify in simplest terms the basic human limb parts. 156 JPAIR Multidisciplinary Research Table 1. Linguistic Comparison of My Toes, My Knees (Ipalakpak an Alima) English - Original   My toes, My knees, My shoulders, My head (3x) Let’s all clap hands together! Surigaonon naturalis - original   Siki, Tuhod, Abaga, Uyo (3x) Ipalakpak an Alima Bisliganon Kamayo Version- translated   Kanak siki, Tuhod, Abaga, O (3x) Ipakpak kanato Alima Cebuano Bisaya - translated   Tiil, Tuhud, Abaga, Ulu (3x) Ipalakpak ta Atung kamut The table reveals that there is a major similarity among the terms used in the song. Between the Surigaonon naturalis and that of the Bisliganon Kamayo, “siki,” “tuhod,” “abaga” and “alima” are similar, and also, generally used among the speech communities of the two languages. However, the Bisliganon Kamayo has the genitive “kanak” to show possession, which means “my,” hence, “kanak siki, tuhod, abaga, o.” While the English version makes use of the possessive marker “my” all through the songs, Bisliganon Kamayo only used the genitive “kanak” ones. Surigaonon naturalis and Cebuano Bisaya dispensed the use of the marker. “ulu,” “uyo” and “o” are competing for forms of the Cebuano Visayan “ulu.” Oftentimes confused as a language which changes all the /l/ phonemes into /y/; hence the name “waya-waya,” Surigaonon language has the /l/ sound as represented with /i-pa-lak-pak/and /a-li-ma/. Wolff noted (1972) that roots containing /l/ between like vowels, usually, but not all the time, observes: a) /l/ is dropped, and the vowel is usually lengthened; b) /l/ becomes /w/; and c) intervocalic /l/in isolated dialects become /y/. Thus, /ulu/ in the Cebuano Visayan version has its competing forms (Wolff, 1972) with the Surigaonon naturalis / uyo/ and the Bisliganon Kamayo /ó/. In comparison to the English version that ends with a command/imperative: “Let’s all clap hands together,” “Ipalakpak an alima,” “Ipakpak kanato alima,” and “ipalakpak ta atung kamut” showed that all three languages use similar inflectional affix i- to state a command. While the Surigaonon naturalis informants confirmed their usage of the predicate marker “an” which is an equivalent to the Cebuano Visayan “ang,” Bisliganon Kamayo uses the nominative marker “kita” in its competing form “kanato.” On the other hand, the Cebuano Visayan version has used the short form “ta” and the possessive marker “atu” nominative marker “ang” to mean “us” or “we.” 157 International Peer Reviewed Journal The nasal /ŋ/ and /n/ phonemes take the forms of the nominative marker “ang.” Surigaonon naturalis both has /an/ and /aŋ/. Though /ŋ/ and /n/ are nasal sounds and have the tendency to be assimilated, both cannot be assimilated since only those nasal consonant sounds that are adjacent to another consonant can observe the phonological phenomenon. As a result, like “ulu,” “uyo,” and “o,” / an/ and /aŋ/are then considered as competing forms of the nominative marker “ang” /aŋ/. A deletion of sound, in its verb conjugation, is apparent in Bisliganon Kamayo. This phonological process involves the loss of sounds or letters in the middle or interior of a word (Wolff, 1972). This process is commonly called syncope. Thus, /i-pa-lak-pak/ becomes /i-pak-pak/, dropping the middle syllable /la/. A few of the words and terms found in the versions of the song in Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo are also present in the Cebuano context (Wolff, 1972). However, competing forms of some roots may not have the same meaning as that of the other languages. For instance, when Surigaonon naturalis, and Bisliganon Kamayo translate “my toes,” the languages shared the common term “siki” or /si- ki/ in contrast with the Cebuano Visayan /tiil/. However, /ti-il/ is a metonymic term that means “foot” or “feet.” To identify toes in Cebuano Visayan is to use the term “tudlu” or /tud-lu/ which refers to both the fingers and the toes. The English song My Toes, My Knees sets a different context compared to Cebuano Visayan version. By using metonymy—a figure of speech in which an attribute is used to stand to mean for the thing itself; or a representation of something is used to link for the whole parts—to mean not just the whole but also the parts itself as a representation of the whole. Thus, /ti-il/ could also mean /tud-lu/ and consequently could be used in the Cebuano Visayan version of the song. Competing forms, sometimes, do not involve sound change. Like the example with “siki,” though Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo identify it as “toes,” “siki” in Cebuano Visayan—spelled and pronounced the same as that of the former—identifies it otherwise. In addition, similar to “siki,” “alima” is also found within the Cebuano Visayan context. /a-li-ma/ or “alima” is taken from the root “lima” which means the numeral five. Somehow, the Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo languages could look up to this definition relative to their meaning of “alima” as hands. However, the numerical meaning of the root is not maintained as the inflection takes place. Since there is a phonological change between “lima” and “alima,” this process then is called as apophony or an alternation of sounds that indicate grammatical inflection (Wolff, 1972). With 158 JPAIR Multidisciplinary Research the inflection from noun to verb, the prefix a- indicates a difference between the verb “alima” and the adjective “lima.” Nanayng Garbosa three-lined song briefly describes a mother with a red purse in three different yet intelligible languages. Common in the languages is the usage of a subject marker and a verb-forming affix. Table 2. Linguistic Comparison of the Haughty Mother (Nanayng Garbosa) English - Translated   My mother is arrogant Who has an almost red wallet But actually she has no money Surigaonon naturalis – original An akong nanay garbosa Papuya-puya sa iyang pitaka Pag-ando wayay kwarta Bisliganon Kamayo - original Ang kanak inay garbosa Gapaima nang kanaan pitaka Kadi pa sa way/ ampan kwarta Cebuano Bisaya - original   Ang aku mama garbusa Papula-pula sa iyang pitaka Pag-andu walay sapi Competing forms “an” and “ang” open the song in the Surigaonon naturalis, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan versions. The Surigaonon language uses “an” while Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan use “ang.” But contrary to the definite predicate marker as used in the previous song, the song Nanayng Garbosa has used “ang” or “an” as a subject marker modifying the noun “nanay” or mother. Surigaonon naturalis’ “akong” is already the inflected form of the genitive marker “ako” and subject marker “ang” in its short form “ng.” On the other hand, Bisliganon Kamayo uses an altogether different form of the genitive “aku” which is “kanak.” Like “an” and “ang,” “akong,” and “kanak” are competing for forms of the Cebuano Visayan base “aku.” On the other hand, “nanay” and “mama” are in themselves root forms that means “mother” in much the same way as the word “inahan” means. “Inahan” is an inflected form where suffix –an is added to the noun “ina” to form into another noun. The presence of /h/ in /inahan/ refers to the phonological process where a root that ends in a vowel adds a /h/ before a suffix. “Inahan,” then, now refers to a place where sth is found, done, held and located (e.g., humayan, tubaan). “Inahan,” then, also means mother but it is more of “inahan nga buhatan” or main office of a firm with branches. But then again, the frequency of the term “inahan” and its usage in conversation Cebuano Visayan make it a convention in the Cebuano Visayan dialect (Wolff, 1972). Hence, “inahan,” “mama” and “nanay” are all acceptable terms. “Inay” of the Bisliganon Kamayo is considered as the short form of the Cebuano Visayan term “nanay.” Since the song describes 159 International Peer Reviewed Journal the “mother,” it also follows the usage of the affix –sa indicating gender on the adjective used; hence, “garbusa.” The form “garbosa” from Surigaonon naturalis and that of the Bisliganon Kamayo is a competing form of the Cebuano Visayan “garbusa,” still observing the gender of the adjective. Another example of competing forms is “Papuya-puya” and “papula- pula” which are both inflected forms of the adjective “pula,” the color red. The derivational verb-forming affix pa- is added to both the Surigaonon languages versions and that of the Cebuano Visayan. With the addition of the affix is also the change in meaning from the adjective form “pula” or red into a verb—have sth become. Despite the inflection, there is no morphophonemic change from the forms “pula” and “puya.” By doubling up the forms such as “papula-pula,” or “papuya-puya,” the meaning again changes—instead of saying “a red purse” or “pulang pitaka” or “puyang pitaka,” “papuya-puya” would mean “an almost red hue” but not the same redness as that of a deep red hue. Then again, Bisliganon Kamayo uses a different term reflecting on the whole meaning of the song. Instead of using color, the version showed “gapaima” which means “to show off.” A genitive is written before a noun is the inflected word “iyang” or “iya” which is a derivative of the pronoun “siya.” Both Surigaonon naturalis and Cebuano Visayan versions use the inflection “iyang” or “iya.” Bisliganon Kamayo, however, used an altogether different term to mean “iya—” “kanaan.” In addition, the latter also uses the marker “nang” which means “sa”; thus, “nang kanaan” also means the same “sa iya.” The usage of the prefix pag- in the Surigaonon naturalis changes the verb into an infinitive, hence, referring to no specific tense or time. The assimilation of the affix pag-, in turn, creates a glottal stop out of the inflected word. The hyphen (-) before “ando” in the Surigaonon languages signals a sudden release of air, taking the name glottal stop. Surigaonon language and Cebuano Visayan observe the same usage with the prefix: the former “pag-ando” is a competing form of the inflected Cebuano Visayan base “pag-andu,” which means “but actually.” With the affixation, the verb “andu” turns into the adverb “pag-andu” or “pag-ando” which then modifies the adjective “wala” as it also modifies the noun “pitaka.” Another adverb used in the song Nanayng Garbosa is the adverb “wala” which denotes “none” or “nothing.” The Cebuano Visayan version of the song has had an inflection with the assimilation of the particle /-y/ into the pronominal marker /wala/ or /walay/. Surigaonon naturalis, and the Bisliganon Kamayo version of Nanayng Garbosa show the same inflection and assimilation of the particle /-y/: “wayay” (/wayay/), or “way” (/way/). For the Surigaonon version, 160 JPAIR Multidisciplinary Research the change of the intervocalic /l/ to /y/has been predominant in the song. For the Bisliganon Kamayo, “kadi” is a competing form of “diay,” with the particles “pa sa” and the short form of the inflected “walay” as “way.” It also has another term as “ampan” to mean “wala” or nothing. “Sapi” and “kwarta,” as well, are Cebuano root forms that mean “money.” “Kadi pa sa” or “man diay” is the Bisliganon Kamayo way of saying “it turned out” or “but actually” as the song goes Kadi pasa way kwarta or “but actually she has no money.” The usage of a verb forming affix has not brought about much morphophonemic change as shown in the affixes found in the song Nanayng Garbosa. Eventually, intervocalic sounds have changed as reflected in the different versions. Rhoticization of /r/ has also been observed as with “garbosa” where /r/ is a distinct sound of the whole utterance. Intervocalic /l/ in /pula/ has undergone a phonological change in the Surigaonon naturalis. As the base of Cebuano Visayan /pula/ finds its competing form in the Surigaonon language, intervocalic /l/ has changed from /l/ to /y/— “pula” is also “puya.” Table 3. Linguistic Comparison of Philemon (Pilemon) English - Translated   Philemon, Philemon Caught with a fishing line a mudskipper in the sea Then, sold it to the market For a Japanese centavo Just enough to buy coconut wine Surigaonon naturalis – original Si Pilemon, Si Pilemon Namingwit sa kadagatan Nakakuha- nakakuha ug isdang tambasakan Gibaligja-gibaligja sa tyanggeng guba An halin puros puya (2x) Igo ra gipanuba Bisliganon Kamayo – translated Si Pilemon, Si Pilemon Yamingwit sa dagat Yakakamang yakakamang nang isdang tambasakan Ibaligya-Ibaligya sa tiyanging guba Ang halin saman puya (2x) Anda ra gipanuba Cebuano Bisaya - original   Si Pilemon, Si Pilemon Namasol sa kadagatan Nakakuha- nakakuha ug isdang tambasakan Gibaligya-gibaligya sa merkadong guba Ang halin puros kura (2x) Igo ra gipanuba Competing forms are still in existence in the different versions of Pilemon. Affixations are also common among the languages. All the languages— Surigaonon naturalis, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan—make use of the nominative particle “si” written before names or titles of persons. In the song, the nominative “si” introduces the character of the same title, Pilemon. From the previous songs, vowels /e/ and /o/ have not been a common occurrence. But the absence of the vowels does not signify that there is also the absence of 161 International Peer Reviewed Journal sounds. Vowels /e/ and /o/ may take the place of vowels /i/ and /u/ but with no consistency (Wolff, 1972). Passive verb affix na- expressing the past tense is used together with the roots “bingwit” and “pasol” in the Surigaonon naturalis, and Cebuano Visayan versions repectively. When affixation occurs in the verbs “bingwit” (/biŋwit/) and “pasol” (/pasul/), assimilation of the nasal sounds from the grammatical marker /ŋ/ has also occurred. The affix used in the Surigaonon language and Cebuano Visayan versions is the passive verb affix na- with the grammatical marker /ŋ/ attached after the vowel. The Bisliganon Kamayo text uses an equivalent affix ya- with the same short form grammatical marker /ŋ/. The tendency for nasal phonemes like /ŋ/ to be assimilated is common when the same nasal phoneme touches or is adjacent to a consonant (Wolff, 1972). Affix ya- of the Bisliganon Kamayo version is added to the root “bingwit” to express the past tense (Bucjan, 2017). A particle “sa” has also been used in the different versions of Pilemon. The particle “sa” precedes a phrase referring to a place: “sa kadagatan.” Surigaonon naturalis, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan versions all use the particle “sa.” “Kadagatan” in the Surigaonon naturalis, and Cebuano Visayan versions is an inflected form of the root “dagat” and affix forming nouns “ka-an”. The affix now refers to a group of sea water. Yet the meaning of the affix form does not mean the same with that of the root “dagat” which is “sea” into “kadagatan” which is the ocean. Bisliganon Kamayo observes otherwise. Instead of following the other versions of Pilemon, the latter language does not make use of the affix ka-an; what the Bisliganon Kamayo has is simply maintained the root “dagat.” It may not mean the same as an ocean or “kadagatan,” but it is still a viable place to fish. Another verb affix expressing past form is the active verb affix naka-. The affix refers to an action which one had managed to do; as it is added to the verb “kuha,” “nakakuha” in the context of Pilemon would then mean as Pilemon managed to catch fish. Like na- and naka-, Bisliganon Kamayo still uses the competing form yaka- to mean the same as that of the affix naka- which is managed to do (Bucjan, 2017). The root “kamang” in the Bisliganon Kamayo is not the same as crawl of the Cebuano Visayan context. “Kamang” is the Bisliganon Kamayo equivalent of “kuha.” Thus, affix yaka- and the root “kamang” would be “yakakamang” that means Pilemon managed to catch and get some fish. The fish “tambasakan” or mudskipper is further emphasized with the particle “ug” in the Surigaonon naturalis, and Cebuano Visayan versions. “Ug” shows a 162 JPAIR Multidisciplinary Research grammatical relation as it precedes a noun referring to sth specific—“isda”— but referring to it as sth general on any occasions (Cebuano Visayan Dictionary). Bisliganon Kamayo uses a different particle which still means the same as the particle “ug.” “Nang” is common in the Bisliganon Kamayo text of Pilemon instead of “ug.” Indeed, Pilemon is a fisherman; Pilemon fishes for a living; but he fishes no particular species or type of fish, but that still makes him a fisherman nonetheless—Surigaonon or Bisliganon Kamayo versions. The fish which Pilemon caught has been put on sale as conveyed by the passive verb affix expressing the past form gi-. This same affix has been uniformly used in the Surigaonon naturalis, and Cebuano Visayan version. The Bisliganon Kamayo text of Pilemon uses the future form of the passive verb affix gi- which is i-. The root “baligya” common to the Cebuano Visayan and Bisliganon Kamayo versions of the song is a verb that means sell similar to the competing forms “baligja” of Surigaonon naturalis; the affixed forms “gibaligya,” “ibaligya” and “gibaligja” are verbs that mean put, bring, convey sth—put the fish on sale; bring the fish on sale; and convey the fish on sale whether in the past of future forms. According to the informants, the presence of the phoneme “dy” or /j/ has originally been a part of the Leyteño migrants who came in the Surigao islands. This change from /y/ to /dy/ or /j/ is a phonological process that has spread not just in the Bohol-Southern Leyte speech community, but also among the Cebuano Visayan area (Wolff, 1972); as a result, /idya/ or “ija,” / dyaton/ or “jaton,” and even / malipadyon/ or “malipajon” are all acceptable competing forms of “iya,” “tua” and “malipayon,” much like “gibaligja” /gibaligdya/. By adding the short form of the grammatical marker “nga” or “ng” between a noun and adjective construction, the nouns “tyangge,” “tiyangi” and “merkado” are then identified as “guba” with the assimilation of the short form marker “ng.” Surigaonon naturalis’ “tyangge,” and Bisliganon Kamayo’s “tiyangi” are synonyms of Cebuano Visayan “merkado.” Thus when all the versions of the song identify that Pilemon sold his fish in the Surigaonon naturalis’ “tyanggeng” (/ tyaŋgeŋ/), Bisliganon Kamayo’s “tiyanging” (/tiyaŋgiŋ/), and Cebuano Visayan’s “merkadong” (/merkaduŋ/) “guba,” they are really just talking about the same venue—a rundown market. Subject marker “ang” has its competing form “an” in the Surigaonon naturalis version. Both Cebuano Visayan and Bisliganon Kamayo use “ang” to introduce the next line Ang halin puros kura or Ang halin saman puya. “Puros” of the Cebuano Visayan version is similarly written in Surigaonon naturalis. The adjective “puros” could be spelled as “purus” which is a competing 163 International Peer Reviewed Journal form of “pulos” or “pulus” denoting be all sth. An equivalent term is found in the Bisliganon Kamayo text of Pilemon. The latter uses “saman” instead of the common “puros.” “Puros” or “pulos” are competing forms with the change of intervocalic /l/ from /pulos/ into /r/ in /puros/. All the languages—Surigaonon naturalis, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan—observe the same forms, after all they are also equivalent terms of the Cebuano Visayan “pulus” (/pulus/). The vowel /o/ is found common in the Surigaonon naturalis, and Cebuano Visayan versions of the song Pilemon. “Igo” is just a differently spelled form of “igu,” an adjective that means enough. Bisliganon Kamayo version uses “anda” to mean the same as “igo” or “igu.” The usage of the particle “ra” following the first word of the predicate emphasized further the adjective “igo” or “igu” or “anda.” Enough as denoted by the adjective takes on a negative connotation that means only enough and there is nothing else—Igo/anda ra gipanuba signifies that what Pilemon has earned is just enough for the “tuba” and nothing more. He could not buy anything than just the coconut wine since it is all he could afford from what he has fished. “Gipanuba” is an affixed form using the affix gi-. But unlike the previous meaning of the affix gi- as a passive verb affix expressing the past tense, gi- in “gipanuba” is used in verbs containing another affix which is pa-. Affix “gipa-” means have s.o [do] to; “gipanuba” then would mean have Pilemon use the “puya” or “kura” to buy “tuba” or coconut wine. The inconsistency of the vowels /i/, /e/, /u/ and /o/ has brought about phonological processes and changes in the song Pilemon. Along with this, sounds are also assimilated and changes in intervocalic consonants are commonly found in the different versions of Pilemon. The glottal stop after the last syllable of the affixed form “nakakúhà” (/ nakakúháכ/) in the Surigaonon naturalis, and Cebuano Visayan versions are indicated with the hyphen as the same affixed form is repeated. For the Bisliganon Kamayo, an equivalent term is used to mean as “kuha” or get. “Kamang” (/ kamaŋ/), like “kúhà” (/kúháכ/), is repeated but without the hyphen since it does not observe a glottal stop. Assimilation as well as sound deletion has been a common occurrence among the nasal phonemes used in the different versions of the Pilemon in Surigaonon naturalis, Bisliganon Kamayo and Cebuano Visayan versions. The noun “isda” (/isda/) is found to have assimilated with it the short form of the grammatical marker /ŋa/ which is /ŋ/ consequently assimilating the short form after the vowel. 164 JPAIR Multidisciplinary Research CONCLUSIONS The intelligibility of these songs in the different languages—Surigaonon naturalis, Bisliganon Kamayo, and Cebuano Bisaya— allows for meaningful communication, even for non-speakers of the language. Each version of the song, though highlights the distinctive characteristics of the languages, bears in it the subtlety of the lives of the Surigaonon and Kamayo in the Surigao Provinces. Competing forms are characteristics among the languages as reflected in their different versions of the songs. Present geography identifies Surigao del Norte and Surigao del Sur as two separate entities with different political districts and municipalities. However, the languages of both these Surigao provinces have shared a lot in common despite the spelling and some phonological differences. These two languages in the Surigao provinces are aberrant forms of the Cebuano Visayan language—making Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo linguistic varieties of the language. Typical among the Surigaonon languages and Bisliganon Kamayo, are the phonological alterations of intervocalic sounds particularly that of the phoneme /l/. The morphophonemic alterations between the different versions of the songs reflect the same kind of changes unique to the Cebuano Visayan language. This phenomenon was referred to as intelligibility of two languages where one speaker can understand that of the other speaker and vice versa. Hence, if this is so, Surigaonon naturalis and Bisliganon Kamayo are in themselves variants of the Cebuano Visayan language since speakers from the languages can understand each other without really having to speak the kind of language each speaker is acquainted with. Surigaonon and Bisliganon Kamayo are intelligible languages. A Kamayo speaker understands Surigaonon and Cebuano, but not Cebuano to the two languages. TRANSLATIONAL RESEARCH This study can be rendered in different mediums like journals, publications, newsletters, and similar forms of media information dissemination. Accordingly, the result of this study can be translated into programs and policies in the preservation and maintenance of the languages studied. 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